Hubbry Logo
Saffron RevolutionSaffron RevolutionMain
Open search
Saffron Revolution
Community hub
Saffron Revolution
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Saffron Revolution
Saffron Revolution
from Wikipedia

Saffron Revolution
Protesters in Yangon with a banner that reads "Non-violence: National Movement" in Burmese, in the background is Shwedagon Pagoda
Date15 August 2007 – 26 September 2008
Location
Caused by
Goals
MethodsCivil resistance, demonstrations, nonviolent resistance
Resulted inUprising suppressed, political reforms and election of a new government
Parties

Oppostion:

SPDC

Supported by:

China (alleged)

The Saffron Revolution (Burmese: ရွှေဝါရောင်တော်လှန်ရေး, romanizedShwaywarraung Tawlhaanrayy; [sw̥èi jàʊɰ̃ tɔ̀ l̥àɰ̃ jéi]) was a series of economic and political protests and demonstrations that took place during August, September, and October 2007 in Myanmar. The protests were triggered by the decision of the national military government to remove subsidies on the sales prices of fuel. The national government is the only supplier of fuels and the removal of the price subsidy immediately caused diesel and petrol prices to increase by 66–100% and the price of compressed natural gas for buses to increase 500% in less than a week.[1][2]

The various protests were led by students, political activists, including women, and Buddhist monks and took the form of a campaign of nonviolent resistance, sometimes also called civil resistance.[3]

In response to the protests, dozens of protesters were arrested or detained. Starting in September 2007 the protests were led by thousands of Buddhist monks, and those protests were allowed to proceed until a renewed government crackdown in late September 2007.[4] Some news reports referred to the protests as the Saffron Revolution.[5][6]

The exact number of casualties from the 2007 protests is not known, but estimates range from 13 to 31 deaths resulting from either the protests or reprisals by the government. Several hundred people were arrested or detained, many (but not all) of whom were released. In the event, Senior General Than Shwe remained in power until he retired in 2011 at age 78.

Terminology

[edit]
Protesting monks gathering at the Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon

The phrase "Saffron Revolution" connects the protests against Myanmar's military dictatorship to the saffron-coloured robes widely associated with Buddhist monks, who were at the forefront of the demonstrations.[7] The robes of Burmese monks are similar to the color of whole saffron. While similar terms for protests had been used elsewhere for the process of gradual or peaceful revolution in other nations (see colour revolution), this seems to be the first time it has been associated with a particular protest as it was unfolding, and the international press seized upon the term in reporting on the Burmese protests.[8] However, the idea that the monkhood is connected to specifically Burmese ideas about revolution has been argued by British academic Gustaaf Houtman, partly in critique of an alternative view held by a political scientist, that Gen. Ne Win's 1962 revolution was the only successful revolution in Burma. Burmese concepts of "revolution", however, have a much longer history and are also employed in many but not all monastic ordinations.

The military government of Burma was called the State Peace and Development Council or the "SPDC" from 1988 to 2011.

History

[edit]

Background

[edit]

Prior to the 2007 summer protests, there had been growing unease in the population regarding the economic situation due to stagnant economic growth and its ranking among the 20 poorest countries in the world according to the United Nations.[9] Many, including the United Nations have blamed the economic problems on the leadership of the military junta and the proportion of national income spent on the armed forces.[9][10] In late 2006, the cost of basic commodities began rising sharply in Burma with rice, eggs, and cooking oil increasing by 30–40%. According to the UN, one in three children is chronically malnourished, government spending on health and education is among the lowest anywhere in the world, and the average income is below $300 a year. Living a privileged, parallel existence, Burma's military forces appear virtually a "state within a state", free from the economic insecurity that afflicts the rest of the country. Many of the high ranking army generals have become immensely rich; as witnessed in the video of the wedding of senior general Than Shwe's daughter, who is shown wearing diamonds worth many millions of dollars.[11][12][13]

According to the BBC, on 22 February 2007, a small group of individuals protested the high consumer prices in the country. While the protest was small and careful not to be seen as directed at the military junta, officials jailed nine of the protesters. It was the first street protest seen in Rangoon for at least a decade.[12] Jeff Kingston, in his article "Burma's Despair" stated that "Despair and fear are immobilizing a people who yearn for a better life and have fruitlessly risked much for a better government." This shows how afraid the Burmese were to take action in 2007. Kingston also stated that "The earlier brutal crackdown of 1988-when at least three thousand protesters were killed and thousands more imprisoned and tortured-has burned a place in the collective memory."[14]

Some of the prominent or symbolic individuals who figured in these events included:[citation needed]

  • Senior General Than Shwe, Commander in Chief of the Myanmar Armed forces
  • Aung San Suu Kyi, Burmese opposition figure and Nobel Peace Prize winner in 1991,
  • Kenji Nagai, Japanese photojournalist who was killed during the protests,
  • Zarganar, Burmese comedian and protester
  • U Gambira, a leader of the Buddhist monks in opposition.

April 2007

[edit]

The military junta detained eight people on Sunday, 22 April 2007, who took part in a rare demonstration in a Yangon suburb amid a growing military crackdown on protesters. A group of about ten protesters carrying placards and chanting slogans staged the protest Sunday morning in Yangon's Thingangyun township, calling for lower prices and improved health, education and better utility services. The protest ended peacefully after about 70 minutes, but plainclothes police took away eight demonstrators as some 100 onlookers watched. The protesters carried placards with slogans such as "Down with consumer prices". Some of those detained were the same protesters who took part in a downtown Yangon protest on 22 February 2007. That protest was one of the first such demonstrations in recent years to challenge the junta's economic mismanagement rather than its legal right to rule. The protesters detained in the February rally had said they were released after signing an acknowledgment of police orders that they should not hold any future public demonstrations without first obtaining official permission.[15]

The military government stated its intention to crack down on these human rights activists, according to a 23 April 2007, report in the country's official press. The announcement, which comprised a full page of the official newspaper, followed calls by human rights advocacy groups, including London-based Amnesty International, for authorities to investigate recent violent attacks on rights activists in the country.

Two members of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters, Maung Maung Lay, 37, and Myint Naing, 40, were hospitalized with head injuries following attacks by more than 50 people while the two were working in Hinthada township, Irrawaddy Division in mid-April. On Sunday, 22 April 2007, eight people were arrested by plainclothes police, members of the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Association, and the Pyithu Swan Arr Shin (a paramilitary group) while demonstrating peacefully in a Yangon suburb. The eight protesters were calling for lower commodity prices, better health care and improved utility services. Htin Kyaw, 44, one of the eight who also took part in an earlier demonstration in late February in downtown Yangon, was beaten by a mob, according to sources at the scene of the protest.[citation needed]

Reports from opposition activists emerged saying that authorities have directed the police and other government proxy groups to deal harshly with any sign of unrest in Yangon. "This proves that there is no rule of law [in Burma]," the 88 Generation Students group said in a statement. [Mon 23 April 2007] "We seriously urge the authorities to prevent violence in the future and to guarantee the safety of every citizen."[16]

August 2007 – Removal of fuel subsidies

[edit]

On 15 August 2007 the government removed subsidies on fuel causing a rapid and unannounced increase in prices.[12] The government, which has a monopoly on fuel sales, raised prices from about $1.40 to $2.80 a gallon, and boosted the price of natural gas by about 500%.[9] This increase in fuel prices led to an increase in food prices. Soon afterwards, protesters took to the streets to protest the current conditions.[12]

While the International Monetary Fund and World Bank had been recommending the lifting of subsidies for some time to allow for a free market to determine fuel prices,[17][18] these organisations did not recommend removing all of the subsidies unannounced.[12] The fuel is sold by Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise, a state-owned fuel company.

August 2007 – Initial demonstrations

[edit]

In response to the increase in fuel prices, citizens protested in demonstrations beginning on 19 August.[9] In response to the protests, the government began arresting and beating demonstrators.[9] The government arrested 13 prominent Burmese dissidents including Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Min Zeya, Ko Jimmy, Pyone Cho, Arnt Bwe Kyaw and Ko Mya Aye.[19] The government newspaper New Light of Myanmar reported that these individual's actions caused civil unrest that "was aimed at undermining peace and security of the State and disrupting the ongoing National Convention."[19] The United States condemned the arrest of these dissidents on 22 August with the State Department's acting spokesman stating "The United States calls for the immediate release of these activists and for an end of the regime's blatant attempt to intimidate and silence those who are engaged in peaceful promotion of democracy and human rights in Burma...We call on the regime to engage in a meaningful dialogue with the leaders of Burma's democracy movement and ethnic minority groups and to make tangible steps toward a transition to civilian democratic rule."[19]

On 21–22 August 2007, participants of the protests on 19 August were detained by local authorities. Their houses were searched without a warrant. These demonstrators could have been charged with up to one year in prison; under the 5/96 Law, that is used to condemn those who disrupt the stability of the state.[1]

September 2007 – Escalation

[edit]

On 5 September 2007, Burmese troops forcibly broke up a peaceful demonstration in Pakokku and injured three monks. It was further reported that one monk was killed. This report however was never confirmed but quoted as a reason for the monks' protests starting on September 18.[20] The next day, younger monks in Pakokku briefly took several government officials hostage in retaliation.[21] They demanded an apology by the deadline of 17 September but the military refused to apologise. This sparked protests involving increasing numbers of monks in conjunction with the withdrawal of religious services for the military. Their role in the protests was significant due to the reverence paid to them by the civilian population and the military. After these events, protests began spreading across Myanmar, including Yangon (also known as Rangoon), Sittwe, Pakokku and Mandalay.[22]

On 22 September around two thousand monks marched through Yangon and ten thousand through Mandalay, with other demonstrations in five townships across Myanmar. Those marching through the capital chanted the "Myitta Thote" (the Buddha's words on loving kindness)[23] marching through a barricade on the street in front of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.[24] Although still under house arrest, Suu Kyi made a brief public appearance at the gate of her residence to accept the blessings of the Buddhist monks.[25] In Mandalay, estimated to have 200 monasteries, monks were said to have told people not to join the protests, which ended peacefully.[23]

As of 22 September 2007, the Buddhist monks were reported to have withdrawn spiritual services from all military personnel in a symbolic move that was seen as very powerful in such a deeply religious country as Burma. The military rulers seemed at a loss as to how to deal with the demonstrations by the monks as using violence against monks would incense and enrage the people of Burma even further, almost certainly prompting massive civil unrest and perhaps violence. However, the longer the junta allowed the protests to continue, the weaker the regime could look.[citation needed] The danger is that eventually the military government will be forced to act rashly and doing so will provoke the citizenry even more. Some international news agencies are referring to the uprising as a 'Saffron Revolution'.[citation needed]

On 23 September, 150 nuns joined the protests in Yangon. On that day, some 15,000 Buddhist monks and laymen marched through the streets of Yangon in the sixth day of escalating peaceful protests against the Burmese military regime.[26] The Alliance of All Burmese Buddhist Monks vowed to continue the protests until the Burmese military junta is deposed.[27]

24 September 2007

[edit]
Monks protesting in Yangon, carrying the Buddhist flag

On 24 September eyewitnesses reported between 30,000 and 100,000 people demonstrating in Yangon, making the event the largest Burmese anti-government protest in twenty years.[22][28] The BBC reported that two locally well-known actors, comedian Zargana and film star Kyaw Thu, went to Yangon's golden Shwedagon Pagoda early on Monday to offer food and water to the monks before they started their march. The marches occurred simultaneously in at least 25 cities across Myanmar, with columns of monks stretching up to 1-kilometre (0.62 mi).[29] At the end of the march approximately 1,000 monks arrived to greet Aung San Suu Kyi's home but were denied access by police. They chanted prayers before peacefully moving off. Later that day, the military junta's Minister for Religion, Brigadier General Thura Myint Maung, warned the Buddhist monks leading the protests not to go beyond their "rules and regulations".[30]

Meanwhile, President George W. Bush introduced unilateral sanctions against the Burmese leaders during his speech to the UN General Assembly and encouraged other countries to follow its lead.[31] The Dalai Lama also gave his blessing to the monks in their bid for greater freedom and democracy.[32]

25 September 2007

[edit]
Protesters at Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon

On 25 September the junta threatened demonstrators with military force and placed army trucks at Shwedagon Pagoda, the assembly point for monks leading the protests. Witnesses said 5,000 monks and laypeople marched into the Shwedagon. Civilians were forming a human shield around the monks; Reuters quotes one eyewitness: "They are marching down the streets, with the monks in the middle and ordinary people either side – they are shielding them, forming a human chain.".[33] Vehicles mounted with loudspeakers toured central Yangon, blaring warnings of military action. "People are not to follow, encourage or take part in these marches. Action will be taken against those who violate this order," the broadcasts said, invoking a law allowing the use of military force to break up illegal protests.[34] Reuters reported that the detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi had been moved to the Insein Prison on Sunday, a day after she appeared in front of her house to greet marching monks.[35]

Effective 26 September Myanmar's junta imposed dusk-till-dawn curfews on the country's two largest cities of Yangon and Mandalay. Additionally, gatherings of more than five people were prohibited. Meanwhile, truckloads of armed soldiers and riot police were sent into Yangon.[36]

Junta crackdown

[edit]

26 September 2007

[edit]

On 26 September, pro-democracy figure Win Naing was arrested at his home in Yangon around 2:30 a.m. after being seen providing food and water to the protesting monks but was released from jail after one night, according to an anonymous friend and Western diplomat. He had been arrested on 8 March for holding a press conference with Burmese demonstrators against the national economic hardships.[37] Prominent Burmese comedian Zargana was also arrested overnight.[38] Troops barricaded Shwedagon Pagoda and attacked a group of 700 protesters with batons and tear gas. The police, beating their shields with batons, chased some of the monks and some 200 supporters, while others tried to remain in place near the eastern gate of the pagoda complex. Troops then sealed off the area around the pagoda, attempting to prevent the monks from making further protests.[39][40] This failed to stop the marches, with up to 5,000 monks progressing through Yangon, some wearing masks in anticipation of tear gas being used.

Later in the day there were reports of at least three Buddhist monks and one woman confirmed killed in the firing by security forces in Yangon when thousands of people led by Buddhist monks continued their protest against the military junta.[41] A doctor in Yangon's general hospital confirmed that three injured monks had been admitted to the hospital after they were beaten up severely by the riot police at Shwedagon pagoda.[42] The Swedish National Radio correspondent in Yangon reported that more than 300 people, many of whom were monks, were detained. He also reported a new sentiment in Yangon: "People come up to me quite spontaneously and voice their opinion in a way they never did before." ... "People feel great admiration for the brave monks".[43] The Burma Campaign UK said its sources had reported the junta ordering large numbers of maroon monastic robes and telling soldiers to shave their heads, possibly to infiltrate the monks.[44]

27 September 2007

[edit]

On 27 September, the junta security forces began raiding monasteries across the country to quell the protests, arresting at least 200 monks in Yangon and 500 more in the northeast. Simultaneously, the army raided four other monasteries in parts of Yangon and arrested several monks. Sources confirmed that the army had raided the six-storied Religious Science Monastery in Chaukhtatgyi Pagoda, Moe Kaung Monastery in Yan Kin township, Maggin Monastery in Thingankyun township, and Thein Phyu monastery in Thein Phyu area and arrested several monks.[45][46][47][48] An anonymous diplomat also said the junta claimed soldiers now had the monks "under control" and "would now turn their attention to civilian protesters".[49]

Up to 50,000 protesters took to the streets in Yangon. Protesters bleeding from beatings by security forces were seen scattering and fleeing in Sule. Security forces were reported to be preparing to use insect spray to crack down on protesters. Eyewitnesses said fire engines and insect spray carrier trucks were seen near Theingyi market in downtown Yangon.[50] The BBC received unconfirmed reports that fire crews were ordered to fill their machines with insecticide.[51]

According to several news media, the armed forces gave the protesters 10 minutes to disperse or face extreme action.[52][53] The radio station Democratic Voice of Burma reported that nine civilians, including Japanese photographer Kenji Nagai, had been shot and killed by the armed forces. Nagai was working for APF Tsushin, a media company based in Tokyo. The Japanese embassy in Myanmar later confirmed Nagai's death.[54][55][56] Amateur video showing Nagai apparently being deliberately shot was aired on Japanese television.[57] Later footage also showed a Burmese soldier taking Nagai's video camera.[58]

Soldiers fired both into the air and directly at students marching toward a high school in Tamwe township in Yangon. Unconfirmed eyewitness reports say 100 people were shot.[59] Up to 300 of the students outside were arrested after a military truck rammed into the crowd.[60]

Some 50,000 protesters are reported to have demonstrated peacefully in Akyab while soldiers were stationed at seven key places, including government buildings, Lawkanada temple, and Akyi Tong Kong temple.[61]

In the evening, the Burmese state television reported that nine people had been killed in a force crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Yangon. It added that eleven demonstrators and 31 soldiers had been injured.[62]

At the end of the day, it was reported that the junta had formed new regiments to crack down on protesters. According to sources close to the military, Senior General Than Shwe took direct command after several commanders refused to use force to crack down on protesters.[63] The newspaper The Guardian published a report of a letter received by Burmese exiles in Thailand,[64] allegedly written by disgruntled military officers, expressing support for the protests and stating, "On behalf of the armed forces, we declare our support for the non-violent action of the Buddhist monks and members of the public and their peaceful expression...".[64][65] The letter also announced the formation of a group called the Public Patriot Army Association. The Guardian was unable to confirm the authenticity of the letter itself before the story was published.[66]

There were unconfirmed reports that Than Shwe's family fled the country. A chartered Air Bagan flight carrying eight passengers landed in Vientiane, Laos, at 6 p.m. (local time). Air Bagan is owned by Than Shwe's ally Tay Za.[67]

The United Nations' special envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, was allowed into the country after the Burmese authorities bowed to international pressure. He was sent to Myanmar after the Security Council convened in New York over the crisis to call for restraint.[68][69]

28 September 2007

[edit]

On 28 September, Yangon was emptier than the previous days, as people were afraid of violent reprisals from the army, though many still took to the streets chanting such phrases as "wrongdoers who kill monks" as well as "the military science given by general Aung San is not supposed to kill the people" (i.e. the military isn't supposed to kill the people). The President of the Philippines Gloria Macapagal Arroyo urged Myanmar to take steps toward democracy. The Philippine President warned Myanmar that the Philippines would stop its financial help to Myanmar if opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi was not released. US envoys called on China to use its influence with Myanmar.

The Myanmar government attempted to dampen public awareness and communications around the protests by cutting Internet access.[70] Troops specifically targeted those caught carrying cameras and beat them.[71] On 28 September, after the killing of Japanese photographer Kenji Nagai by the junta, Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda said he regretted the killing and demanded a full explanation of his death. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations was urged to join the push for a UN mission to Myanmar, while the United Nations Security Council urged restraint from the government.

There were reports that Burmese troops from central Myanmar had started to march towards Yangon. The troops were from the Central Command based in Taungoo and the South East Command. It was not clear if the troops were marching to reinforce or to challenge the troops in Yangon for shooting the Buddhist monks.[72]

Vice Senior-General Maung Aye, Than Shwe's second-in-command and the commander in chief of the army, "reportedly disagreed with the violent approach taken against protesters", and was scheduled to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi, who was reportedly taken to Yemon Military Camp on the outskirts of Yangon.[73] Another report claimed Maung Aye had staged a coup against Than Shwe, that his troops were guarding Aung San Suu Kyi's home, and that diplomatic sources said that Aung San Suu Kyi had been moved to a police academy compound outside Yangon; although no independent confirmation has been made on the report.[74]

Helfen ohne Grenzen (Help without Frontiers) reported that soldiers from the 66th LID (Light Infantry Division) had turned their weapons against other government troops and possibly police in North Okkalappa township in Yangon and were defending the protesters. While soldiers from 33rd LID in Mandalay were also reported to have refused orders to take actions against protesters, other reports state many soldiers remained in their barracks. Later reports stated that soldiers from the 99th LID were being sent in to confront them.[75]

29 September 2007

[edit]

A report warned that the military would attempt to trick UN envoys by asking their followers to carry out a set-up protest – protesting against the genuine demonstrations, with SPDC followers forcing civilians to join in. The same source stated that attendance of one person per family in some parts of the town was being demanded. In view of the Internet blackout, a group of "88-generation activists" urged the United Nations, along with the United States and United Kingdom embassies in Yangon, to open a one-page Web service via Wi-Fi access to the general public just to submit news photos. The blog site confirmed from different sources that soldiers and police were officially ordered not to shoot at the crowd.

It was also reported that the UN envoys would meet Lieutenant Senior General Maung Aye, the second chief of the junta.[76] The BBC reported that several hundred people had gathered in Yangon and that eyewitness reports said demonstrators were surrounded by security forces and pro-military vigilante groups. United Nations Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari arrived in Yangon and was due to fly immediately to Naypyidaw to talk with the junta generals. Eyewitnesses told the BBC that over 1,000 people were demonstrating against the government. There were fresh reports of new violence; the French news agency AFP stated that security forces charged a group of around 100 protesters on the Pansoedan bridge in central Yangon.[77]

Approximately 5,000 people gathered to demonstrate in Mandalay. The military was reported to have put most monasteries under guard to prevent egress. People gathered at 80th, 84th, 35th, and 33rd Streets, before joining together; three military trucks followed them and tried to break up the demonstrators, arresting one student who attempted to cross the road in front of them. The military forced monks from outside Mandalay to return to their native towns, the military keeping the homes of NLD Party leaders under guard. Peaceful demonstrations were reported in Mandalay. The Ngwe Kyar Yan Monastery in South Okkalarpa which was subject to a raid some days earlier was under repair, some suggested, in an effort to eliminate evidence. A dedicated group of anti-riot troops was reported to have been formed within Brigate-77 led by Col. Thein Han under Minister Aung Thaung and General Htay Oo's supervision. Agricultural Minister General Maung Oo and Minister of Information Brig. General Kyaw Hsan was said to be in charge of arresting monks at night.[76]

Only an hour after his scheduled arrival at Yangon, it was reported that Ibrahim Gambari, the UN Secretary-General's special adviser on Myanmar, had arrived in Naypyidaw to talk with the junta leaders.[78] White House National Security Council Spokesman Gordon Johndroe stated "We have concerns that Mr. Gambari was swiftly moved from Rangoon (Yangon) to the new capital in the interior, far from population centres" and urged the junta to allow Gambari wide access to people, religious leaders and Aung San Suu Kyi. When asked if he expected to meet Suu Kyi, Gambari said: "I expect to meet all the people that I need to meet."[79]

An early report indicated that the junta denied Gambari a meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi.[80] In addition, the army, late at night, set up a machine-gun nest outside her house.[81]

An audio message from inside Myanmar said that crying crematorium workers claimed that they were forced by soldiers to burn injured protesters and civilians to death in YaeWay crematorium on the outskirts of Yangon.[82] The Times Online later reported that it was "widely accepted that the cremations began on the night of Friday, 28 September", but the reports of people being burned alive were being "treated with extreme caution by independent observers and have not been verified".[83] In Yangon, soldiers rerouted the Sule bus stop to Thamada Cinema in an effort to keep people away from Sule pagoda. Some bus drivers were not informed of this change, and passengers getting off at the old stop were beaten upon dismounting.[84] In Mandalay, non-monk prisoners were taken to a field and a barber was asked to shave their heads so that they could be dressed as monks and forced to create confusion and mistrust of real monks.[84]

Monks and civilians were reported to have called diplomats to state that troops had arrived at three monasteries but had been prevented from entering by local residents who had massed outside. Making threats of returning in larger numbers, the soldiers then departed.[85]

Mizzima news reported that in Mandalay, the NLD divisional organising committee member Win Mya Mya was arrested by police sub-Inspector Tun Lwin Naung at 11 p.m. last night at her home. "She seemed to know in advance of her imminent arrest. She is prepared and took her clothes with her," her sister Tin Win Yee, told reporters, "I am worried about her. This month is the period of Ramadan and she is being treated for her injury sustained in the Depayin incident".[86]

A Burmese protest march in Chicago

Citizens in Myitkyina and other townships in northern Myanmar were coerced into joining pro-government rallies designed to manufacture a show of support for a national convention, though most of the speeches were simply condemnations from junta leaders of the uprisings. Two people from each household were required to attend. "We were warned that we would be punished if we didn't come to the rally. So we attended it because we were afraid," said one resident.[87]

Ngwe Kyar Yan Monastery in Rangoon, where some 200 monks were detained in the early morning two days earlier, was reported to have been looted by soldiers. Everything of value was said to have been removed, including forty or more Buddha statues and the head of one of the largest Buddhas which contains valuable jewels.[88]

The largest demonstration in the country at Kyaukpadaung, Mandalay Division, numbered about 30,000 and was led by around 1,000 monks. The demonstrators marched peacefully despite heavy presence by security forces and military troops.[88]

Some 10,000 farmers in Wra Ma, 30 miles north of Taungup, southern Rakhine State, were reported to have joined hands to protest against the government. The demonstrators were said to have been angry at the government's action against monks in Yangon. The report stated that the authorities in Taungup sent a platoon of police to the village soon after they received the information about the demonstration.[89]

30 September 2007

[edit]

Contrary to earlier reports, UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari was allowed to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi. The two spoke for ninety minutes at the State guest house in Yangon after Gambari returned from talks with the junta in Naypyidaw.[90] Gambari met with acting Prime Minister Thein Sein, Culture Minister Khin Aung Myint and Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, but was not given an audience with senior general Than Shwe.[91]

The Premier of the People's Republic of China, Wen Jiabao, announced: "China hopes all parties concerned in Myanmar show restraint, resume stability through peaceful means as soon as possible, promote domestic reconciliation and achieve democracy and development". Javier Solana, the European Union's foreign policy chief, urged China to lean harder on Myanmar. Mark Canning, the United Kingdom's ambassador in Myanmar, told the BBC of the deep underlying political and economic reasons for the demonstrations, which he said would not go away easily; "The cork has been put in the bottle, but the pressures are still there."[92]

Colonel Hla Win, a central member of the military junta, was reportedly seeking political asylum in Norway. The colonel was said to be in hiding in the jungle with rebels of the Karen people.[93] The colonel defected after being ordered to raid two monasteries and detain hundreds of monks. According to the colonel, these monks were to be killed and dumped in the jungle.[94]

An eyewitness in Yangon says a monastery on Wei-za-yan-tar Road was raided early in the morning. Monks studying inside were ordered out, and one by one had their heads bashed against the brick wall of the monastery. Their robes were torn off and they were thrown into trucks and driven away. The head monk is confirmed to have died later that day. Only 10 of 200 remained afterwards, hiding inside, and the ground was covered with blood. Many civilians who had gathered to help were held back by the military with bayonets.[95]

The Japanese Deputy Foreign Minister Mitoji Yabunaka, in Myanmar because of the death of Kenji Nagai, arrived in Naypyidaw to speak to government leaders.[96]

1 October 2007

[edit]

The barricades around the Shwedagon Pagoda were removed, witnesses told Reuters, but soldiers were still stationed at the four entrances. Monks said that at least five of their number had been killed during the clashes with security forces. Eyewitnesses said that troops and police were still positioned at many street corners and key locations around Yangon, making it impossible for demonstrators to gather.[97]

Mark Canning, the British ambassador to Myanmar, said that China was pushing hard for Gambari's mission to be as long and as far-reaching as possible.[98]

A "Free Burma" banner in Portland, Oregon.

Thousands of heavily armed soldiers were reported to be patrolling the streets of Yangon, and there were no signs of protests against the junta. The troops were stopping pedestrians and car drivers and searching them for cameras. The internet and mobile phone networks were still largely disrupted.[99]

Around 4,000 monks were said to have been rounded up by the military during the previous week in an attempt to stamp out the protests. They were being held at a disused race course. A BBC report said that sources from a government-sponsored militia stated they would soon be moved away from Yangon, and that the monks have been disrobed and shackled. The Democratic Voice of Burma, the banned opposition broadcaster, published a photograph which they said showed the body of a monk floating near the mouth of the Yangon river.[100]

5,000 protesters were reported to have gathered in the town of Man Aung, Rakhine State, in the morning. They marched while holding two banners displaying their demands; for the release of all political prisoners, a reduction in commodity prices, and national reconciliation.[101]

Three people were arrested at a protest in Sanchaung Township in Yangon a report in The Irrawaddy stated.[102]

2 October 2007

[edit]

Ibrahim Gambari met with Aung San Suu Kyi for a second time, just hours after returning from talks with Than Shwe in Naypyidaw, where he conveyed concerns over the violent crackdown.[103]

A report about imprisoned monks in Myanmar stated they were refusing to touch food given them by the military, and by doing so symbolically maintain their boycott of the regime.[104]

Myanmar prime minister General Soe Win, reportedly died of leukaemia in Rangoon Defense Hospital, Mingladon, Yangon.[105] But other sources claimed the rumours were false.[106]

The United Nations Human Rights Council met and discussed the situation in Myanmar during a special session,[107] and passed a resolution deploring the violent repression of peaceful demonstrations, and urging the release of all those arrested during the demonstrations.[108]

3 October 2007

[edit]

A BBC report stated that Gambari was in Singapore for a meeting with Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, but had not spoken with journalists. He was to prepare a report on his talks with Burma's leaders and brief the UN Security Council later in the week.[109]

Reports from Yangon stated that some 25 monks were arrested by security forces in a raid on a temple overnight. As a result of the military crackdown on anti-government protests, "scores of monks" were said to be trying to leave Yangon, although some bus drivers refused to carry them as passengers, fearing they would not be allowed petrol. Military vehicles fitted with loudspeakers patrolled Rangoon's streets blaring: "We have photographs. We are going to make arrests." Some 80 monks and 149 women thought to be nuns, who had been detained during part of the military's crackdown on protesters, were freed, Reuters reported.[110]

Riot police and soldiers were reported to be scouring Yangon with photographs to identify and arrest participants in last week's protests.[111]

A report about nightly actions against demonstrators quoted one resident who said: "The repression is continuing every night. When there are no more witnesses, they drive through the suburbs at night and kill the people." The report stated that there is hunger and misery, many of the monks who demonstrated last week came from Okalapa Township and after suppressing Yangon centre on 29 September troops turned their attention to that township the following day.[112]

4 October 2007

[edit]

The body of the Japanese journalist, Kenji Nagai, was returned to Japan. An autopsy would be carried out; Japanese officials said that he was not shot accidentally as Burmese authorities have said, but was shot at close range. APF News, who employed Nagai, demanded that the camera he held when he was killed be returned; to that date only his second camera, thought to be a back-up, had been returned. Toru Yamaji, the head of APF News, said: "Our biggest task now is to confirm and report on what's in his camera and what he wanted to tell the people on his last day".[113]

Another report stated that up to 10,000 people, many of them monks who led the protests, had been "rounded up for interrogation in recent days". United States diplomats who visited 15 monasteries found them empty, while others were being barricaded and guarded by soldiers, the report said.[114]

5 October 2007

[edit]
Protesters against the junta crackdown in Myanmar, in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia on 5 October.

The opposition rejected the junta's conditional offer of talks with Aung San Suu Kyi.[115] Shari Villarosa, the United States top diplomat in Myanmar, was invited to talk with the military leaders. The envoy was to 'clearly convey Washington's condemnation of last week's bloody repression' a US spokesperson said. The invitation followed a state television broadcast stating that nearly 2,100 people had been arrested over the last week and some 700 had been freed.[116]

Reuters reported that protesters who applauded the demonstrations could face two to five years in jail, while the leaders could face 20 years. The Democratic Voice of Burma forwarded reports of some 50 students who demonstrated in Mandalay who had been sentenced to five years hard labour.[117]

Some 60 troops from a battalion based in Akyab were reported to have been sent to the town of Man Aung, on Man Aung Island, to deal with demonstrations that continued for three days, ending on 2 October.[118]

After meeting with many of the parties involved Ibrahim Gambari returned to New York and briefed the Security Council about his visit.[119] The ambassador from Myanmar said of his country that had it had "indeed experienced a daunting challenge. However, we have been able to restore stability. The situation has now returned to normalcy. Currently, people all over the country are holding peaceful rallies within the bounds of the law to welcome the successful conclusion of the national convention, which has laid down the fundamental principles for a new constitution, and to demonstrate their aversion to recent provocative demonstrations."[120]

8 October 2007

[edit]

Yangon residents were reported to be "keeping up a low-key resistance", harassing troops by tossing rocks at them. In response, security forces detained some of the rock throwers.[121] The retired General, U Aung Kyi, currently serving as Deputy Minister of Labor, was appointed as an official go-between for talks between Aung San Suu Kyi and the military junta on 8 October 2007.[122][123]

9 October 2007

[edit]

Ye Min Tun, a foreign ministry official for ten years, told the BBC how "appalling" treatment of Buddhist monks during the previous month's protests had forced him to resign from the military regime.[124] Asked whether he thought the pro-democracy movement was now finished, the diplomat said: "I think it's not the end. I think it's just the beginning of the revolution."[125]

South African president Nelson Mandela withdrew an invitation to Gary Player to host a fundraising golf tournament because of the former British Open champion's business links with Burma.[126]

10 October 2007

[edit]

There were reports that a Win Shwe, a member of the National League for Democracy, died during interrogation in the central Myanmar region of Sagaing. He and five colleagues had been arrested on 26 September. White House foreign affairs spokesman Gordon Johndroe said "The United States strongly condemns the atrocities committed by the junta and calls for a full investigation into the death of Win Shwe during his detention in Burma. The junta must stop the brutal treatment of its people and peacefully transition to democracy or face new sanctions from the United States." Witnesses claim that security forces were raiding houses in search of anyone whom they suspected of having been involved in the protests.[127] The body of Win Shwe was not released, Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) said. "His body was not sent to his family and the interrogators indicated that they had cremated it instead." Fears were expressed for others still held in police custody.[128]

Sources claimed that five military generals and more than 400 soldiers of Sikai Division near Mandalay had been jailed for refusing to shoot and beat monks and civilians during the protests. Many civil servants were also staying away from work to show their disapproval of the junta's action.[129] Rolls-Royce also made an official statement that it was ceasing all business dealings with the junta. It said it would cease aircraft engine repair work and terminate a contract involving the lease of an aircraft to a Burmese airline. A spokesman said "At that point, Rolls-Royce will have no further involvement in Burma."[130]

11 October 2007

[edit]

The Security Council met and issued a statement and reaffirmed its "strong and unwavering support for the Secretary-General's good offices mission", especially the work by Ibrahim Gambari.[131] It also "strongly deplored the use of violence against peaceful demonstrations in Myanmar", welcomed the Human Rights Council of 2 October 2007, and emphasised the importance of the "early release of all political prisoners and remaining detainees", as well as urging the junta to prepare for a "genuine dialogue" with democratically elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Although a statement does not have the power of a resolution, it requires the consent of all its members and has been seen as a shift in position of China.[132] Official media in Burma called the UN statement "regrettable," and stated that more than half of those arrested during the protests have since been released.[133]

12 October 2007

[edit]

Military rulers arrested what was thought to be the last four known leaders, part of the "88 Students Generation" activists of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising. Those detained included prominent woman activist Thin Thin Aye (also known as Mie Mie), Aung Htoo and Htay Kywe. Amnesty International issued a statement expressing grave concern for their safety and for others still being held.[134]

Thousands attended a "pro-government" rally in Rangoon organised by the junta, many allegedly under coercion. Burmese dissident groups claimed that the numbers who attended the rally was much smaller than the government's figures. They also claimed that people were bussed to the rallies by the junta. AFP news agency also reported that every factory in the city's industrial zone had each been obliged to send 50 participants to the rally.[135]

13 October 2007

[edit]

Amnesty International issued a revised statement saying that six dissidents had been arrested in Yangon over the weekend. They said: "Continued arrests fly in the face of the promises made this week by the Myanmar authorities to cooperate with the United Nations."[136]

15 October 2007

[edit]

Gambari arrived in Thailand and issued a statement describing the latest arrests in Yangon as "extremely disturbing" [and] "counter to the spirit of mutual engagement" between the UN and Burma. The UN hoped that his meeting with military officials in Burma scheduled in mid November could be brought forward. Meanwhile, United Kingdom PM Gordon Brown urged the EU to propose tougher sanctions on Burma ahead of an EU meeting in Luxembourg at which the banning of imports of gemstones, timber and metals was already proposed for discussion.[137]

The EU announced an agreement for further sanctions against the military junta but some have conceded that its leverage with Burma is limited and sanctions have so far controversially steered clear of its energy sector of which French oil giant Total is a major investor.[138]

16 October 2007

[edit]

Japan has cancelled funding of more than $4.7 m for a human resources centre based in Rangoon University. Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura said that the decision was made in response to the military action in Burma. A White House spokesman said that the US was considering toughening its own existing sanctions. Meanwhile, ASEAN said it will not consider suspending Myanmar as a member, and rejected any proposal for economic sanctions.[139][citation needed] (As of 2004 Myanmar chaired a great number of Asean-sub-summits.[140]) On 16 October 2007 Burma said it had arrested approximately 100 monks in the protests and that only 10 people had died, but widespread opinion held the real figures to be higher.[141]

17 October 2007

[edit]

Three high-profile demonstrators were released by the Burmese government; Zargana, a prominent comedian, along with actor Kyaw Thu, and his wife. In a published statement the junta stated: "Those who led, got involved in and supported the unrest which broke out in September are being interrogated" and "Some are still being called in for questioning and those who should be released will be." Officials claimed that a total of 2,927 people had been detained and nearly 500 were still being held, an increase of almost 800 since the previous official figures released on 8 October. Those released had been asked to sign a "pledge" first.[142][143]

Reports in the Democratic Voice of Burma claimed that the NLD party chairman U Kyaw Khine, and secretary Ko Min Aung, have both been sentenced to seven and a half years imprisonment. U Htun Kyi and U Than Pe, two members of the NLD organising committee in Sandoway township, were sentenced to four and half years, while another party member from Gwa township, U Sein Kyaw, is standing trial. A total of around 280 party members were arrested, including 50 members in Kyaukse township in Mandalay Division, while others are reportedly on the run.[144] Whilst reporting the same news, The Irrawaddy added a report about U Indriya, a monk from Sait-Ta-Thuka monastery, who is said to be one of the leaders of a peaceful demonstration in Sittwe. As a result, he has been sentenced to seven and a half years imprisonment.[145]

18 October 2007

[edit]

Two former schoolteachers, Tin Maung Oo and Ni Ni Mai, appeared in court after they spoke out against a pro-government rally in Paung Tal township, Bago division. On 16 October at about 5 am, a pro-government group were marching past the teachers house, shouting slogans denouncing the monk-led demonstrations and supporting the National Convention. The protestors stopped at seeing a sign hung outside by Maung Oo, which denounced those who tortured and killed monks and civilians. Ni Ni Mai stood in the doorway and asked the protestors if 'they really agreed with the killing of monks and civilians in Rangoon' at which the protestors stopped chanting slogans and some of them dropped their placards. A leader of the government protest is reported to have taken photographs of the couple and their house; later that day the township police chief and two female police officers came to arrest them. The couple are due to appear in court for sentencing on 30 October.[146]

19 October 2007

[edit]

President Bush has announced further sanctions against the Burmese military. He has tightened export controls and frozen more financial assets held by the junta and urged China and India to apply more pressure. In a White House statement he said: "Monks have been beaten and killed. Thousands of pro-democracy protesters have been arrested". "Burma's rulers continue to defy the world's just demand to stop their vicious persecution". "We are confident that the day is coming when freedom's tide will reach the shores of Burma."

A senior British diplomat told the BBC that some 2,500 people are still being held by the military. British officials also received first-hand accounts of grim conditions under which many detainees are still being held. Night raids are said to be continuing with hundreds being arrested.[147]

20 October 2007

[edit]

Burma's military announced the lifting of a curfew in two main cities, Mandalay and Yangon. The statement is being widely seen as a sign that the government is confident that it has now gained control of the recent dissent. However it is unclear whether the recent government ban on assemblies of more than five people had also been lifted.[148]

22 October 2007

[edit]

It has been announced that the United Nations special rapporteur for Human Rights in Burma, Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro, is to be allowed to visit Burma. Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win wrote to the UN stating that Pinheiro could arrive before mid-November. This will be the first visit by Pinheiro in four years; previously the military junta has refused to give their permission. Pinheiro welcomed news of his invitation, telling Reuters news agency that it was "an important sign that the government wants to engage again in constructive dialogue with the UN and the Human Rights Council". The BBC's Laura Trevelyan reports from the UN that the timing of the invitation is significant, a summit of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (Asean) is due to open on 17 November. The regime may believe that the move could reduce further criticism from members of Asean.[149]

24 October 2007

[edit]

Rights groups report that hundreds of ethnic minority tribespeople are fleeing Burma into the border state of Mizoram, India to escape the military regime. They claim that they are being forced to join pro-government rallies, in some cases at gunpoint, and if they refuse they face fines of up to 10,000 kyats ($7), while others have been arrested including Christian pastors. Many of the exodus are from the Christian minority ethnic Chin people who say they have been persecuted by the junta for being Christians and non-ethnic Burmese. Although they were initially welcomed in Mizoram after the 1988 military crackdown they now face threats of a pushback, as the Mizos (who are ethnic cousins of Chins) are now strongly opposing "unrestricted migration from the Chin State" for fear that they may one day be outnumbered by them.[150][151]

Meanwhile, India has been accused of allowing its strategic and business interests to prevail in Burma, and for failing to put pressure on the generals.[152]

26 October 2007

[edit]

Hundreds of riot police and government troops armed with rifles and teargas launchers[153] are said to be back on the streets of Rangoon (Yangon). They have surrounded the Shwedagon and Sule Pagodas, the two main focal points of peaceful demonstrations led by Buddhist monks in September. There are also said to be large coils of barbed wire present, in readiness to block streets. The troop presence coincides with the end of Buddhist Lent, and is thought to be aimed at preventing new protests, though according to Reuters there are no new protest developments. It also comes a day after detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi met with a military officer for talks.[154] State Councilor for China Tang Jiaxuan told Gambari of the UN, who is expected to return to Burma in early November that words were the way forward. "The Myanmar issue, after all, has to be appropriately resolved by its own people and government through their own efforts of dialogue and consultation."[155]

31 October 2007

[edit]

More than 100 Buddhist monks marched through the central town of Pakokku, 370 miles (600 km) northwest of Yangon. This was the first time they have returned to the streets since the crackdown by the junta in September.[156] One monk who was on the march told the Democratic Voice of Burma, a Norway-based radio station run by dissident journalists: "We are continuing our protest from last month as we have not yet achieved any of the demands we asked for. Our demands are for lower commodity prices, national reconciliation and immediate release of [pro-democracy leader] Aung San Suu Kyi and all the political prisoners." Thai-based director of the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma, Aung Nyo Min, said "This is very significant... we are very encouraged to see the monks are taking up action and taking up peaceful demonstrations in Burma."[157]

2 November 2007

[edit]

The Burma government is to expel the United Nations' top diplomat in the country, UN officials have said. The military regime told UN's Burma country chief, Charles Petrie, his mandate was not going to be renewed. It is not clear when he will have to leave. Mr Petrie is known to have voiced concerns over the junta's violent break-up of peaceful demonstrations in September: "The events clearly demonstrated the everyday struggle to meet basic needs and the urgent necessity to address the deteriorating humanitarian situation in the country," Mr Petrie's statement said, 24 October, United Nations Day. The US called the expulsion an outrage and an insult.[158]

7 November 2007

[edit]

Burma's military rulers have given a date for United Nations human rights envoy Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro to begin a five-day visit on 11 and 15 November. Pinheiro, known officially as the UN's special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, has warned: "If they don't give me full co-operation, I'll go to the plane, and I'll go out." Pinheiro had been refused entry since 2003. His visit comes before a meeting of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (Asean).[159]

September 2008

[edit]
A stop symbol

One year after the protests started, small acts of defiance continued. In particular, a 'stop sign' (the palm of a raised hand inside a circle) is being stamped onto banknotes and other places as a reminder of the protests.[160] Several bomb attacks also took place at Yangon throughout the month which the junta blamed was carried out by the NLD.[161]

October 2008

[edit]

On 19 October 2008, a bomb exploded in the Htan Chauk Pin quarter of the Shwepyitha Township of Yangon, near the office of the military junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Association killing one.[162] According to the New Light of Myanmar, the victim was identified as Thet Oo Win, a former Buddhist monk who participated in the Saffron Revolution, was killed while improvising the bomb at his own residence.[163] The junta blamed the National League for Democracy party of planting that bomb, but experts believed at the time that the opposition was not in a position to carry out such acts amidst the tightly controlled security environment.[163]

Casualties

[edit]

The number of casualties is not yet clear.[164] According to ABC, the military crackdown claimed hundreds of lives. The official toll remains at 13 killed.[165] Kenji Nagai, a Japanese photo journalist, is believed to currently be the only foreign casualty of the unrest. However, it is possible that the death toll may be many times greater than officially reported.[166]

Speaking before the UN General Assembly, the UN Human Rights Council's Special Rapporteur Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro said that independent sources reported 30 to 40 monks and 50 to 70 civilians killed as well as 200 beaten.[167]

Democratic Voice of Burma puts the number of deaths at 138, basing their figure on a list compiled by the 88 Student Generation group in Myanmar. The executive director of the DVB, Aye Chan Naing, told the Associated Press that "[t]his 138 figure is quite credible because it is based on names of victims, I also think the figure is accurate because of the pictures coming from inside Burma. The way they were shooting into the crowds with machine guns means dozens of people could have died."[168]

Australia's The Age reports that, after two non-protesters were shot in northwest Yangon, "the army came back, gave the families 20,000 kyat (~$20) each and took away the corpses."[169]

Reports forwarded by Times Online stated that the abbot of Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery in north west Yangon was so severely beaten by soldiers "that he died on the spot"; the soldiers had been lining monks up against a wall and smashing each of their heads against the wall in succession before throwing them into trucks.[83]

The final death toll still remained 31 confirmed by the UN human rights envoy to Burma, Paulo Sergio Pinheiro.[170]

Arrests and releases

[edit]

On 7 October Al Jazeera News reported that at least 1,000 people had been arrested. This figure was provided by Burma's state-run media, the New Light of Myanmar. On 11 October state media reported new figures – that 2,100 people have been arrested and 700 already released.[171] In contrast, foreign sources claim that more than 6,000 people are being held.[172] London-based business news agency Reuters reported about 80 monks and 149 women (believed to be Buddhist nuns) were released by the junta on 3 October 2007.[173]

On 11 November 2008, a court in Insein Prison sentenced 14 88 Generation Students Group members (Arnt Bwe Kyaw, Kyaw Kyaw Htwe aka Marky, Kyaw Min Yu aka Jimmy, Mar Mar Oo,[174] Min Zeya, Nilar Thein,[175] Pannate Tun, Sanda Min aka Shwee,[176] Than Tin aka Kyee Than, Thet Thet Aung,[177] Thin Thin Aye aka Mie Mie, Thet Zaw, Zaw Zaw Min and Zay Ya aka Kalama)[178] arrested during the anti-government protests to 65 years in prison. The government used a variety of laws including the foreign exchange act and the video and electronics act which prohibit Burmese nationals from holding foreign currency or from owning electronic and video equipment without a permit.[179] 26 other activists, including five monks from the Ngwe Kyar Yan monastery in Yangon, were given prison sentences ranging from 6 to 24 years.[180] U Gambira was sentenced to 68 years in prison, at least 12 years of which will be hard labour; other charges against him are still pending.[181]

Internet control

[edit]

The government attempted to block all websites and services that could carry news or information about Myanmar, barring access to web-based email. However protesters were able to access the Internet anyway and as a result the protests received a never before seen level of international news coverage.[182] Bloggers in Yangon succeeded in circumventing the censors, posting pictures and videos on blogs almost as soon as the protests began. Many of these images were picked up by mainstream news organisations, because bloggers had managed to capture images that no one else was able to get. When Aung San Suu Kyi stepped outside her home in Yangon to greet marching monks and supporters on Saturday, the only pictures of the landmark moment were posted on blogs. Mizzima News,[183] an India-based news group run by exiled dissidents, picked up one of the photos of Aung San Suu Kyi and said more than 50,000 people accessed their website that day.[184] Some Burmese internet users are trying to use internet forums to obtain outside information uncontrolled by the government about their situation.[185] On 28 September it was reported that the government had blocked all access to the Internet. The official explanation is that maintenance is being carried out but Sky News reports that all Internet cafés have also been closed.[186][187]

By at least midnight local time on 6 October, internet access had been restored to Yangon. [citation needed] Sources in Burma said on 6 October that the internet seems to be working from 22:00 to 05:00 local time.

International reactions

[edit]

While many countries expressed support for protests and urged the Junta to implement far-reaching reforms, some key countries, such as the People's Republic of China and India, maintained commitment to the notion of noninterference.[188][189]

Sanctions

[edit]

The United States, European Union, and Canada have imposed a number of sanctions on the junta, including a freeze on bank accounts and restrictions on imports of gems and timber.[190]

The United States Department of the Treasury announced sanctions against 14 senior officials of Myanmar.[191] Among those targeted for the sanctions are the junta leader, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, and Deputy Senior Gen. Maung Aye. The action by Treasury will freeze any assets that the individuals targeted have in US banks or other financial institutions under US jurisdiction. The order also prohibits any US citizens from doing business with the designated individuals.[192]

On 27 September the European Union began considering "targeted reinforced sanctions" against the military junta, with current sanctions already including an arms embargo, asset freezes, and visa and trade bans. Their aim was to back sanctions that did not harm the population.[193]

Prime Minister John Howard of Australia, confirmed reports that the Australian Government would deliver targeted financial sanctions against members of the military junta, as well as possibly introducing other measures to further restrict the military leaders.[194][195]

Nobel Peace Prize laureate Desmond Tutu urged to intervene in the ongoing protests in Myanmar. "China, you have leverage – tell those brutal men to stop their brutality," Tutu said at the Goteborg Book Fair in Sweden. Archbishop Emeritus Tutu said that if China did not take a stance against the military rulers in Myanmar he would "join a campaign to boycott the Beijing Olympics" next year.[196] Calls for a boycott of the 2008 Summer Olympics grew around the world, as more people began to say that increased pressure on the Chinese government was the best way to support the Burmese people.[197]

Campaigns

[edit]
Protesters march in London

Activists and campaign organisations worldwide, including Burma Campaign UK and the US Campaign for Burma along with members of the Support the Monks' Protest in Burma Facebook group (later the Burma Global Action Network), called for 6 October to be designated a Global Day of Action for Burma from 12:00 noon.[198] This event was also held in Sydney (Australia), Montreal, Ottawa, Kitchener and Vancouver (Canada); New York, Washington D.C., San Diego (United States); Dublin (Ireland),[199] Hong Kong and Norway in their consecutive days.

Protesters march in Kitchener, Ontario
Cartoon by Carlos Latuff

International Bloggers' Day for Burma, a campaign for bloggers to not post to their blogs, was to be on 4 October. Instead they are being asked to put up a banner, underlined with the words Free Burma!.[200]

A worldwide action by bloggers originating in Italy will set a signpost for peace and support the people of Myanmar through the internet. On 4 October 2007 all bloggers and website owners worldwide were called upon to support the "free Burma" campaign by adding a graphic to their website frontdoors and blog only about Myanmar related topics. An internet action likewise has not been reported so far.[201]

A Facebook users group, "Support the Monks' protest in Burma", was formed immediately following the first network reports of monks marching past Aung San Suu Kyi's house. The group grew to over 380,000 members by 9 October and 440,000 at its peak. Some members of the group, who later formed into an official organisation called Burma Global Action Network joined the call for a Global Day of Action for Burma through public demonstrations on 6 October in cities and towns worldwide. Wired magazine noted the significance of the grassroots effort in an article asking whether Facebook has given birth to 'open-source politics.'[202]

A campaign labelled "Panties for Peace" began on 16 October; focussing on the superstitions of Burma's generals, particularly junta chief Than Shwe, that views contact with any item of women's wear as depriving them of their power, women throughout the world have been sending packages to Burmese embassies containing panties; the campaign has spread to Australia, Europe, Singapore and Thailand. People in Burma also began to hang pictures of Than Shwe around the necks of stray dogs, as it is a very strong insult in Burmese tradition to be associated with a dog, and began to spray anti-junta graffiti in bus and train stations, with slogans such as "killer Than Shwe".[203]

In Australia, James Mathison from Australian Idol has lent his support, hosting a Free Burma rally on 10 November Archived 16 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine in Sydney.

While local protests at French oil giant Total Oil's garages were taking place from October on,[204][205] the first global consumers' boycott of Total Oil (which also owns ELF and FINA) and US-based Chevron (which also owns Texaco, Caltex and Unocal) was called for on 16 November 2007 because the corporations to be able to exploit Yadana natural gas pipeline in southern Burma are paying to the junta an estimated $450million/year and are now lobbying in the US and Europe against government measures to support a democratic transition in Burma. To protect Total's interests, the government has become an obstacle to any serious strengthening of EU measures against Burma. The French government has pushed for the junta to be admitted into international associations, defending Total's investments. The global online initiative hosted by Avaaz.org "to refuse to buy fuel from any Total, Chevron, ELF, FINA, Texaco or Caltex station in our home countries and wherever we travel" was signed by 20,255 people with the aim of delivering 40,000 signatures to the top management of the corporations.

Although Chevron and Total Oil claim that their presence benefits the Burmese population, Aung San Suu Kyi said in Le Monde that "Total has become the main supporter of the Burmese military regime." already in 2005.[206]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Saffron Revolution was a series of largely peaceful protests in (also known as ) from to 2007, sparked by the military government's abrupt removal of fuel subsidies leading to price hikes of up to 500 percent, which intensified widespread economic hardship under decades of authoritarian rule. Led primarily by thousands of Buddhist monks in their distinctive saffron robes—hence the name—the demonstrations expanded to include civilians across major cities like (Rangoon), demanding democratic reforms, national reconciliation, lower commodity prices, and the release of political prisoners such as . The unrest began on August 15, 2007, with small marches by student activists from the '88 Generation group protesting the fuel price increases, drawing 400 to 500 participants in before authorities arrested over 100 individuals. Escalation occurred on when security forces assaulted monks during a demonstration in , prompting the formation of the All Burma Monks' Alliance (ABMA) and a nationwide of to junta members on September 17. Protests peaked on September 24, with an estimated 150,000 participants—including 30,000 to 50,000 monks—marching in alone, alongside actions in at least 25 other locations, as monks symbolically met with detained opposition leaders. The (SPDC) junta, under Senior General , responded with escalating force starting September 25, imposing a , deploying , units, and civilian militias like the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and Swan Arr Shin to disperse crowds using , batons, , and live ammunition. Raids on monasteries resulted in thousands of being beaten, defrocked, or detained, while communication blackouts hindered information flow. Casualties included at least eight confirmed civilian deaths from shootings near monasteries, with eyewitness accounts and independent estimates indicating dozens more killed and hundreds injured, though the junta officially reported only 10 deaths amid restricted access and . Ultimately, the protests were suppressed by late without achieving or policy concessions, as the military's institutional loyalty and control over prevented defections or collapse, despite drawing global condemnation and targeted sanctions from Western nations. Over 2,800 arrests were acknowledged by the state, with many more unaccounted for, marking a defining episode of resistance against entrenched military governance that persisted until broader transitions in 2011.

Background

Economic Pressures and Subsidy Cuts

Prior to the 2007 protests, Myanmar's under military rule suffered from chronic mismanagement, widespread affecting the majority of its 55 million people, and macroeconomic instability exacerbated by sanctions, , and reliance on exports. had averaged around 30 percent annually in the preceding years, eroding and contributing to food insecurity in a nation where employed over 70 percent of the workforce. On August 15, 2007, the (SPDC) junta abruptly eliminated most fuel subsidies without prior announcement or compensatory measures, citing the need to align domestic prices with international oil costs amid global price surges. This policy shift caused immediate and severe price hikes: petrol increased by approximately 67 percent (from 1,500 kyats to 2,500 kyats per gallon), diesel by 100 percent (from 1,500 kyats to 3,000 kyats per gallon), and used for cooking and transport by up to 500 percent. The cuts rippled through the economy, sharply raising transportation and production costs in a heavily dependent on imported despite its gas reserves. Food prices, already strained by prior , surged as trucking and distribution expenses passed to consumers, with staples like becoming unaffordable for low-income households earning under 10,000 kyats monthly. This triggered widespread hardship in urban centers like and , where daily wage laborers and small vendors faced acute vulnerability, setting the stage for public dissent against the junta's opaque economic policies.

Political Repression Under the Junta

The military junta, operating as the since 1997, enforced political control through systematic suppression of dissent following its seizure of power after the 1988 pro-democracy uprising, which resulted in thousands of deaths and arrests. Opposition parties, including the , which secured over 80% of parliamentary seats in the 1990 elections, were denied power, with elected representatives arrested or forced into exile. By early 2007, approximately 1,100 political prisoners were detained, many without trial, enduring torture, forced labor, and inhumane conditions in facilities such as near . Aung San Suu Kyi, NLD leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, exemplified targeted repression, held under house arrest for 15 of the 21 years from 1989 to 2010, including continuous confinement from May 2003 after the Depayin incident. On May 30, 2003, her convoy was ambushed in Depayin Township by progovernment mobs affiliated with the Union Solidarity and Development Association, resulting in at least 70 deaths and hundreds injured or arrested, an event documented as premeditated violence to eliminate opposition figures. Arbitrary arrests extended to activists, students, and ethnic minority leaders, with incommunicado detention and physical abuse routine to extract confessions or silence criticism. Information control was absolute, with the Press Scrutiny and Registration Board requiring prepublication approval for all print media, leading to widespread and prohibition of content deemed critical of the regime or supportive of detained leaders like Suu Kyi. Foreign broadcasts were jammed, restricted, and public gatherings limited to five or fewer without permits, effectively criminalizing political assembly or expression. This framework, rooted in the 1975 State Protection Law and emergency provisions, sustained the junta's monopoly on power, fostering isolation and fear among the populace.

Role of Buddhist Monks in Burmese Society

Buddhist monks, collectively referred to as the , occupy a pivotal position in Burmese society, where Buddhism predominates and is adhered to by roughly 88% of the population as of the early 2000s. As ordained practitioners who renounce worldly possessions and rely on for sustenance, monks embody and spiritual guidance, earning widespread across ethnic groups including the Bamar majority. This respect stems from their role in preserving doctrinal purity, conducting rituals, and serving as intermediaries between the laity and the Buddha's teachings, with temporary common among boys as a that reinforces communal bonds. Socially, the sangha functions as an informal welfare and educational network, particularly in rural areas lacking state infrastructure. Monasteries often double as schools, orphanages, and shelters, where monks provide literacy instruction, ethical training, and disaster relief—evident in their distribution of aid after in 2008, which highlighted their logistical capacity despite prior political restrictions. With an estimated 500,000 monks nationwide by the mid-2000s, comprising a significant demographic segment, they influence daily life through sermons on karma, non-violence, and social harmony, fostering altruism and community cohesion amid economic hardships. This embedded role amplifies their , as laypeople view almsgiving to monks as a merit-making act essential for better rebirths. Historically and politically, the has exerted influence as a counterbalance to secular , rooted in precedents where advised kings and critiqued when it deviated from Buddhist principles of righteous rule. From resisting British colonial secularization in the to mobilizing against Ne Win's socialist policies in the and 1970s, have invoked their duty to protect the sasana (Buddhist dispensation) to justify interventions, positioning themselves as guardians of intertwined with faith. Under military rule post-1988, while the junta promoted itself as Buddhism's defender through pagoda renovations and monastic subsidies, underlying tensions arose from ' condemnations of and repression, underscoring the 's latent capacity to legitimize or delegitimize rulers based on moral adherence rather than doctrinal alone. This dual social-spiritual and oversight function rendered the indispensable to Burmese societal stability, even as internal divisions and state co-optation periodically muted its unified voice.

Initial Protests

August 2007 Demonstrations

On August 15, 2007, Myanmar's military government, the (SPDC), abruptly eliminated fuel subsidies, resulting in price increases of 20 to 500 percent for gasoline, diesel, and , which doubled transportation costs and drove up food and commodity prices nationwide. These economic measures, imposed without warning on a population already facing chronic , prompted immediate public discontent and small-scale demonstrations. The first significant protest occurred on August 19 in (formerly Rangoon), where an estimated 400 to 500 people, led by members of the 88 Generation Students Group including figures like Min Ko Naing, marched through Tamwe Township demanding reversal of the fuel price hikes and broader economic relief. This gathering represented the largest anti-government demonstration in in years, signaling widespread frustration with the junta's policies but remaining limited in scope and participation compared to later events. Similar smaller actions emerged in cities like and , focusing on economic grievances rather than explicit political demands for regime change. In response, SPDC authorities conducted preemptive arrests, detaining at least 13 to 14 key activists in midnight raids on ahead of planned follow-up marches, including leaders of the 88 Generation such as Min Ko Naing. On August 22, hundreds attempted another march in but were violently dispersed by police and pro-junta militias like the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and Swan Arr Shin, who used beatings and arrests to break up the crowd. By August 25, over 100 protesters and organizers had been detained across the country, with further disruptions on August 28 involving around 50 demonstrators led by activist Su Su Nway in . Protest activity in late August began to incorporate Buddhist monks for the first time on a notable scale, with approximately 200 monks joining demonstrations in on to protest the ongoing price increases and economic hardship. These early clerical involvements remained localized and non-confrontational, differing from the more organized monk-led actions that would follow in September. Overall, the August demonstrations were suppressed effectively through arrests and intimidation, preventing widespread escalation at that stage, though they laid groundwork for broader unrest by highlighting the junta's insensitivity to public suffering.

Triggers in Pakokku and Spread to Cities

The protests in on , 2007, marked a pivotal escalation in the monk-led demonstrations against the military junta's economic policies. Several hundred Buddhist monks marched through the city, a center of monastic learning northwest of , carrying placards denouncing the recent fuel price hikes that had inflated commodity costs nationwide. The march, initially peaceful and cheered by thousands of local residents, was violently dispersed by security forces who fired warning shots and beat participants with bamboo sticks. Three monks were severely injured in the assault, with one requiring five stitches for head wounds after being tied to a lamppost and beaten; unconfirmed reports also suggested one monk may have died. In response, monks in formed the All Burma Monks' Alliance (ABMA) and issued a formal on , demanding a public apology from the (SPDC) for the violence, the reversal of price increases, the release of all political prisoners including , and national dialogue with democratic opposition groups. The deadline was set for September 17, after which the monks threatened to enact patta nikkujjana kamma, a traditional Buddhist denying alms and religious services to junta officials and supporters, effectively excommunicating them from merit-making practices central to Burmese spiritual life. The junta's failure to respond by the deadline triggered widespread defiance. On , the ABMA declared the and resumed protests in , where monks led marches undeterred by initial arrests. This defiance rapidly galvanized monastic networks, spreading demonstrations to other cities as monks from surrounding areas joined in solidarity. By , protests had reached and , with monks marching in processions that drew growing civilian support; in , initial gatherings of hundreds of monks from evolved into daily marches that swelled to thousands within days. The momentum built across at least 25 cities by , transforming localized grievances into a coordinated nationwide challenge to the regime's authority.

Escalation Phase

Monk-Led Marches in September 2007

The monk-led marches of September 2007 represented a pivotal escalation in the Saffron Revolution, as Buddhist , revered for their spiritual authority in Burmese society, mobilized en masse against the military junta's rule. Triggered by the September 5 beating of by during a demonstration in , these protests drew on the ' tradition of non-violent . On September 3, initiated peaceful marches in , which grew to approximately 500 participants by . In response to the violence, the All Burma Monks' Alliance (ABMA) issued demands including a formal apology from the by September 17, release of political prisoners, and economic relief measures; the deadline passed unmet, prompting a nationwide alms bowl against military and officials starting September 18, symbolizing rejection of the junta's legitimacy. Marches spread rapidly, with monks in robes leading processions while chanting the , a Buddhist prayer promoting loving-kindness, to maintain non-violent discipline amid growing crowds. By September 19 and 20, monks organized protests across multiple cities including and , with around 400 monks demonstrating in Kyaukpadaung township on September 17 after the ignored deadline. In , despite heavy rain on September 21, approximately 2,000 monks marched from the , issuing statements condemning repression. Participation swelled on September 22, as over 1,000 protesters led by monks approached Aung San Suu Kyi's residence, though access was blocked. The marches peaked mid-month, with up to 20,000 participants on September 23 in , where monks were again denied entry to Suu Kyi's compound, and exceeding 100,000 on September 24—the largest demonstrations in over two decades—centered around and other symbolic sites. Thousands of monks continued daily processions through September 25, defying junta warnings, with processions often numbering in the thousands from major monasteries. These actions underscored the monks' demands for and reform, drawing international attention while remaining largely peaceful until the regime's violent response later in the month.

Expansion to Yangon and Nationwide Participation

Following the violent suppression of demonstrations in Pakokku on September 5, 2007, monk-led protests rapidly expanded to Yangon, Myanmar's largest city and former capital. On September 17, monks across the country, organized under the All Burma Monks Alliance (ABMA), initiated daily marches in response to the junta's failure to meet demands for an apology and compensation. In Yangon, approximately 300 monks marched from the Shwedagon Pagoda to the Sule Pagoda on September 18, with civilians increasingly joining despite initial police presence. By September 19-21, participation in Yangon grew to 150-500 monks per day, accompanied by swelling numbers of laypeople, culminating in 800 monks marching on September 21 amid rainy conditions. The momentum in intensified on September 22, when around 2,000 monks and civilians gathered outside Aung San Suu Kyi's residence, where a delegation of 500 monks was permitted a brief meeting with the detained opposition leader, symbolizing broader solidarity. Protests peaked on September 23-24, drawing crowds of 20,000 on the former date and up to 150,000 on the latter, including an estimated 3,000 to 50,000 monks, as marches traversed key routes like University Avenue and Road. These events in , coupled with symbolic acts such as overturning alms bowls in refusal to accept offerings from military personnel, underscored the protests' moral authority rooted in Buddhist traditions. Simultaneously, the movement achieved nationwide scope, with demonstrations reported in at least 25 cities by September 24, encompassing every state and division. Notable participation included over 15,000 monks and laypeople in on September 23 and 30,000 there the following day, alongside actions in Pegu (1,000 monks on September 18), (growing from 400 monks to 10,000 with civilians), and other locales like Chauk and Kyaukpandaung. Civilian involvement escalated alongside monks, incorporating students, supporters, and ordinary residents, transforming localized grievances into a coordinated challenge to the across urban centers. Some accounts suggest protests touched up to 66 cities, reflecting widespread discontent amid economic hardships and political repression.

Symbolic Acts and Demands

Protesters in the Saffron Revolution, led primarily by Buddhist monks, utilized symbolic acts deeply rooted in Burmese cultural and religious traditions to express dissent against the . A central gesture was the thabeik hsin, or overturning of alms bowls, where monks held their bowls upside down during processions, signifying a refusal to accept alms from government officials and military personnel. This act, a traditional form of moral boycott in , symbolized the regime's unworthiness to receive spiritual merit and rejected its attempts at religious patronage. Monk-led marches featured participants clad in saffron robes filing silently or chanting Buddhist verses, patriotic songs, and slogans such as "Release Daw " and calls for democratic freedoms. These processions, often numbering in the thousands, traversed major cities like and , drawing civilian supporters who joined in disciplined ranks to amplify the nonviolent demonstration. The movement's demands evolved from initial economic grievances to broader political reforms. On September 10, 2007, the All-Burma Monks' Alliance issued an ultimatum requiring the junta to apologize for the mistreatment of monks in by September 17, reduce commodity prices, release political prisoners including , and initiate dialogue with democratic opposition forces. Failure to comply prompted the escalation of protests and the alms boycott, underscoring demands for an end to military rule and restoration of civilian governance.

Crackdown and Suppression

Junta's Initial Responses

The (SPDC), Myanmar's military junta, initially responded to the monk-led protests emerging in early September 2007 with a combination of administrative pressure, warnings, and limited to contain demonstrations before they escalated nationwide. Following the violent suppression of in on September 5, where security forces beat protesting demanding the release of detained activists, the junta ignored an ultimatum from the All Burma Monks' Alliance issued on September 9, which called for apologies, prisoner releases, and dialogue within a week. By , with no concessions made, proceeded with marches in cities like and , prompting local officials to intervene by urging monastic leaders to disband gatherings and prevent participation, often through direct appeals to abbots citing regulations on monk mobility. As protests grew to involve thousands by mid-September, the junta deployed lon htein and plainclothes security to monitor and disperse smaller assemblies, employing tactics such as roadblocks, baton charges, and warning shots rather than widespread lethal force. On September 18 in , soldiers fired at least a dozen shots over the heads of marching monks to halt a demonstration, marking one of the first documented interventions against the saffron-clad protesters. Dozens of opposition figures, including members of the 88 Generation Students Group, were preemptively arrested in the preceding weeks to suppress coordination, with detentions focusing on known activists to keep early rallies fragmented and under 100 participants. By , as marches drew tens of thousands in , the junta escalated verbal threats via state-controlled media, issuing its first public warning that it was "prepared to take action" against "destructive elements" exploiting monks, while emphasizing the military's readiness to maintain order without specifying tactics. These measures, including offers of negotiated settlements to select monastic councils that were largely rebuffed, aimed to fracture leadership and portray protests as externally influenced, but failed to halt the momentum, setting the stage for intensified suppression. documented that such initial restraint reflected the junta's historical deference to the sangha's cultural authority, though it quickly eroded as participation broadened beyond .

Military Interventions and Violence Timeline

The military junta's crackdown on the Saffron Revolution intensified on September 26, 2007, marking the transition from warnings and initial dispersals to direct violence and mass raids, primarily targeting monks and protesters in (Rangoon). Security forces, including , soldiers, and pro-regime militia such as the Swan Arr Shin, employed batons, , , and live ammunition to suppress demonstrations, with overnight raids on monasteries aimed at decapitating monk-led leadership.
  • September 26, 2007: At in , riot police and soldiers attacked monks and civilians with batons, beating many and reportedly killing one monk; hundreds were detained. At , soldiers fired rifles into the air and deployed to disperse crowds, while Swan Arr Shin members beat and arrested numerous protesters. In Thakin Mya Park and nearby areas, soldiers shot directly at demonstrators, wounding at least four, with an additional protester shot on Strand Road. Troops also fired warning shots over crowds in central to scatter gatherings.
  • Night of September 26–27, 2007: Security forces raided monasteries across , including Ngwe Kyar Yan Monastery in South Okkalapa, where clashes resulted in about 100 monks detained and unconfirmed reports of one death from beatings. At Mingalar Rama Pali University Monastery, soldiers arrested 99 monks at 4 a.m., leaving evidence of bloodstains from beatings during the operation.
  • , 2007: Troops returned to Ngwe Kyar Yan Monastery around 10:30 a.m., arresting 12 monks amid confrontations; soldiers fired and live rounds into resisting crowds, killing at least seven people, including two beaten to death and five shot, among them 16-year-old student Zyar Naing. At by midday, soldiers shot into a gathered crowd after issuing dispersal orders, killing Japanese journalist and at least two others, with dozens more beaten and detained. In the afternoon near Tamwe High School 3, a drove into protesters, followed by live fire and , killing at least three, including 16-year-old Maung Thet Paing Soe, and leading to hundreds of arrests transported to detention sites like Kyaik Ka San race course.
  • September 28–29, 2007: streets were saturated with troops and militia, who fired live ammunition and rubber bullets at any assembling groups, effectively quelling protests through sustained intimidation and arrests of bystanders; small gatherings in areas like Shwe Bontha Road and were immediately dispersed with shots fired.
These interventions, involving elements of the Burmese army and police, resulted in immediate suppression of the uprising but at the cost of documented lethal force and widespread detentions, with estimating hundreds killed overall in the crackdown, though verified on-site deaths were in the dozens by late September.

Curfews, Raids, and Monastic Purges

On September 25, 2007, the (SPDC) imposed a dusk-to-dawn in and , Myanmar's two largest cities, in response to escalating protests. This measure banned gatherings of more than five people and aimed to restrict nighttime movement amid fears of further demonstrations. Similar were extended to other urban areas as protests persisted, with enforcement involving military checkpoints and patrols to disperse crowds. Military raids on monasteries began overnight from September 25 to 26, targeting sites that had served as organizing hubs for monk-led marches. Security forces, including riot police and troops, entered facilities such as the Mogaung Monastery in Yangon's Yankin Township, where up to 500 monks were arrested, and the Ngwe Kyar Yan Monastery in South Okkalapa Township, detaining around 150 others. The most violent raid occurred at Ngwe Kyar Yan on the night of September 26-27, involving beatings, , and the forcible removal of monks who resisted. These operations extended to at least two dozen monasteries across by dawn on September 27, with soldiers using batons and rifles to subdue occupants. The raids facilitated broader monastic purges, with hundreds of monks defrocked, interrogated, and dispersed to their home villages to dismantle protest networks. Detainees faced de-robing, , and relocation under military orders, effectively emptying key religious centers of activist clergy; the junta later admitted to arresting over 200 monks in these actions. This purge targeted leaders suspected of coordinating the All Burma Monks' Alliance, resulting in the shutdown of monasteries like Shwegnedaing and Zawana as operational bases for dissent. By early October, many surviving monks had fled or gone into hiding, severely weakening the saffron-robed core of the movement.

Casualties and Arrests

Verified Death Toll and Injuries

The Myanmar military junta officially reported 10 deaths during the crackdown on the September 2007 protests, attributing most to unspecified causes and denying widespread violence against protesters. Independent investigations, however, documented significantly higher figures; , based on over 100 eyewitness interviews, confirmed at least 20 deaths in alone, including shootings at (where Japanese journalist and at least two others were killed on September 27), beatings at (one monk on September 26), and a at Tamwe High School 3 (eight civilians on September 27). A human rights expert report raised the nationwide toll to at least 31 killed, drawing from diplomatic, exile, and limited on-the-ground sources amid communication restrictions. Verification challenges persisted due to the junta's rapid removal of bodies, media blackout, and suppression of information, leading analysts to conclude that the actual death toll likely exceeded documented cases, though unsubstantiated exile estimates of up to 200 remain unconfirmed by primary evidence. Among confirmed fatalities, victims included , civilians, and bystanders, with no verified deaths of security personnel reported in independent accounts. Injuries were widespread but less precisely quantified; the junta acknowledged 14 cases, primarily from September 26-30, while eyewitness reports described dozens of beatings, gunshot wounds, and vehicle rammings in hotspots like and monasteries, with hundreds likely affected given the scale of baton charges and live-fire incidents. noted multiple monks suffering head trauma and unconsciousness from police assaults, but systematic underreporting and lack of medical access prevented comprehensive tallies.

Scale of Detentions and Interrogations

The military junta's crackdown on the Saffron Revolution involved mass detentions targeting protesters, monks, and suspected organizers, with arrests peaking in late and early 2007. Leaked regime documents indicate that 2,314 individuals were arrested within the first week following the violent suppression on September 26-27. By , the junta publicly admitted to detaining 2,927 people since the protests escalated, with approximately 500 still held in custody at that point, many undergoing interrogation. Monastic communities bore the brunt of the raids, which systematically dismantled protest leadership. Security forces targeted over 130 monasteries in Mandalay alone on September 18, de-robing and arresting hundreds of monks in a single operation. Nationwide, estimates from monitoring groups place monk detentions at around 1,400, with additional raids in Yangon and other cities yielding up to 200 arrests per incident in the immediate aftermath of clashes. The junta identified 29 monks as key leaders, detaining 25 of them by early October. Interrogations were conducted en masse in makeshift facilities, often using photographic and video evidence from protests to identify participants. Reports document up to individuals rounded up for questioning in temporary camps, though the majority—potentially thousands—were released after initial screenings, while ringleaders faced prolonged detention. documented ongoing holds for many monks and lay protesters, with interrogations focusing on extracting confessions of foreign instigation or organizational ties. Overall arrest figures from independent tallies exceed 6,000, reflecting the junta's strategy to preempt resurgence through preemptive sweeps beyond urban protest sites.

Post-Arrest Treatment and Releases

Following the on the Saffron Revolution protests, thousands of detainees, including monks and lay protesters, were held in makeshift facilities such as the Government Technical Institute (GTI) in Rangoon, the Kyaik Ka San Race Course, and City Hall before transfers to for further processing. Conditions in these centers were life-threatening and unsanitary, with overcrowding forcing detainees to sleep on concrete floors without blankets or adequate covering, limited access to water and food, and no medical care; at least seven deaths occurred in custody from exposure, beatings, and untreated injuries, including that of detainee Than Aung on October 1, 2007. Interrogations by police and Military Affairs Security personnel involved systematic to extract confessions of organization or foreign ties, including beatings to unconsciousness, hanging detainees upside down, prolonged stress positions such as forced crouching with arms extended for hours, and lasting up to 15 days. Released detainees reported sustaining severe injuries like broken bones and head wounds, with long-term physical and psychological effects from the abuses. Arrested monks faced targeted degradation, including forced de-robing on September 28, 2007, at the GTI, where they were stripped of robes and provided lay clothing if they refused self-de-robing rituals; many were then ordered to return to their native villages, while monasteries like Ngwe Kyar Yan and Maggin were raided, occupied, or closed, effectively purging monastic participation. Releases began conditionally in early October 2007, with approximately 100 detainees freed from the GTI on October 4 and up to 500 more on October 6 after signing pledges not to engage in further protests; the junta claimed a total of 2,836 detentions with only 91 remaining by November 7, though independent estimates indicated higher unaccounted numbers and ongoing "disappearances." Prominent figures like U Gambira, arrested in early November, faced prolonged detention and charges of , with arrests continuing into December despite these releases.

Government Measures and Justifications

Media Blackouts and Internet Restrictions

The imposed stringent controls on domestic media, with state-run outlets like the New Light of Myanmar providing minimal coverage that minimized the protests' scale, such as reporting only one death and three injuries near on September 26, 2007. Local journalists who documented events faced arrests in the aftermath of the crackdown, contributing to a broader suppression of independent reporting. Foreign media access was severely restricted, as the regime denied visas and expelled correspondents before the protests intensified, forcing reliance on smuggled footage from citizens and undercover reporters. On September 27, 2007, Japanese video-journalist was killed by soldiers at point-blank range while filming demonstrations near , highlighting the risks to those attempting to bypass official barriers. In parallel, the junta enacted a nationwide shutdown beginning September 28, 2007, when traffic plummeted to 14% of normal levels, reaching zero by September 30 through the termination of services by state-controlled providers like MPT and BaganNet. This measure, alongside the curtailment of most operations, aimed to block the outflow of images and videos that had earlier embarrassed the regime via clandestine transmissions. Communication lines for key activists, journalists, and the headquarters had been preemptively deactivated as early as September 9, 2007, further isolating opposition networks. The blackout persisted fully until October 4, 2007, followed by phased, time-limited access—such as nightly windows from 22:00 to 04:00—until normal operations resumed around October 13, effectively stifling real-time global awareness during the crackdown's peak. While the junta attributed disruptions to technical issues like cable damage, points to deliberate to sever information flows and hinder protest coordination. The Myanmar military junta, officially the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), portrayed the 2007 protests as orchestrated by "internal and external destructionists" intent on sabotaging national stability and development, according to a September 24, 2007, statement by the Minister of Religious Affairs broadcast on state television. State-controlled media, including the New Light of Myanmar, further alleged that protest organizers sought to incite riots, terrorist acts, and disruptions to the ongoing National Convention on constitutional reform, with claims of U.S.-sponsored training in bomb-making. On September 26, 2007, official reports acknowledged security forces firing on demonstrators near Sule Pagoda in Yangon after alleged stone-throwing by protesters, citing one death and three injuries as defensive measures. The junta also labeled participants, including monks, as foreign agents or terrorists in broader rhetoric to delegitimize the movement. Legally, the SPDC invoked Article 144 of the Penal Code on September 25, 2007, to prohibit gatherings of more than five people and impose a nighttime in major cities, warning of lethal force against violators. The Ministry of Religious Affairs and the state-appointed Maha Nayaka Committee simultaneously banned monks from engaging in "secular political affairs" or joining "illegal" organizations, framing such involvement as a violation of monastic discipline. Arrests targeted protest leaders under charges of undermining state security and peace, beginning with over 100 detentions of '88 Generation Student Group members by , 2007; six labor activists received sentences of 20 to 28 years in prison on , 2007, for organizing related demonstrations. Prominent figures like U Gambira, leader of the All Burma Monks' Alliance, faced treason charges following his November 2007 arrest. By early December 2007, the government reported 2,836 detentions, with 91 individuals still held, many released only after signing no-protest pledges, though independent estimates suggested higher ongoing incarceration rates and procedural irregularities in trials.

Claims of Foreign Instigation

The , officially the (SPDC), repeatedly alleged that the Saffron Revolution was not a spontaneous domestic uprising but a coordinated effort instigated by foreign powers and their internal proxies. On September 9, 2007, state-controlled media accused opposition groups, including the (NLD), of exploiting fuel price hikes to incite riots, while framing the broader movement as manipulated by "destructive elements" influenced from abroad. Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, in briefings to diplomats and reported in state outlets like the New Light of Myanmar, described the protests as the work of a small number of agitators and dissident monks acting under external direction, belittling the scale and dismissing international sympathy as interference. Junta statements specifically targeted Western nations, particularly the and , for purportedly orchestrating the unrest through media propaganda and support for exiles. Officials claimed foreign radio broadcasts by services such as the BBC Burmese, , and incited violence by exaggerating grievances and urging participation, with state media labeling these outlets as tools of "neo-colonialists" aiming to topple the regime. In a November 2007 meeting with UN envoy , Kyaw Hsan criticized Western sanctions and media coverage as exacerbating the situation, asserting that the protests stemmed from foreign-orchestrated plots rather than genuine public discontent. These narratives portrayed the involvement of Buddhist monks as a facade, with the government alleging that ordinary clergy were coerced or deceived by NLD-linked networks funded externally to lend religious legitimacy to a political campaign. Such claims served to delegitimize the protests and justify the junta's , including arrests and monastery raids, by invoking national sovereignty against alleged . However, junta-controlled sources like state newspapers provided no verifiable of direct foreign funding or operational control, relying instead on vague references to "internal and external enemies." Independent observers, including organizations, noted the absence of concrete proof for orchestration, attributing the movement's origins to organic responses to economic hardship following the August 15, 2007, fuel price increases of up to 500%. The rhetoric echoed longstanding SPDC patterns, which often conflated domestic dissent with foreign conspiracy to rally domestic support and deter international scrutiny, though it drew skepticism from analysts due to the regime's history of information suppression.

Analyses and Controversies

Effectiveness and Strategic Shortcomings

The Saffron Revolution demonstrated limited short-term effectiveness in challenging the military junta's authority, as protests escalated to involve an estimated 100,000 participants in by mid-September 2007 but elicited no policy concessions on fuel subsidies or political prisoners, culminating in a violent crackdown that restored regime control without defections from security forces. The movement's moral appeal, centered on monks' participation following the junta's failure to apologize for a confrontation, briefly disrupted urban normalcy but failed to fracture the regime's cohesion, as evidenced by the absence of internal elite splits despite economic grievances like the fuel price hikes of up to 500%. Long-term, it heightened global awareness of junta brutality, contributing to UN Security Council debates and targeted sanctions, yet these yielded no immediate transition, underscoring the limits of absent external enforcement. Key strategic shortcomings stemmed from the opposition's decentralized structure and overreliance on non-violent against a regime insulated by geographic isolation—having relocated its capital to in 2005—and unwavering loyalty from unified armed forces, which deployed troops, imposed a , and raided monasteries to dismantle coordination. Lacking contingency mechanisms, such as sustained parallel institutions or alliances with ethnic armed groups, protesters could not capitalize on initial momentum from economic discontent, allowing the junta to exploit communication blackouts and psychological to erode participation through . Analysts attribute this to flawed assumptions in transitology models, which overestimate mobilization's democratizing potential in contexts of high military spending and geopolitical support from patrons like , ignoring the junta's resilience to boycotts and internal divisions among opposition factions like the and monk networks. The absence of strategies to provoke security force defections—such as targeted incentives or exposure of regime vulnerabilities—further doomed the uprising, as troops used live ammunition and arrests without significant dissent, preventing the "bridge" needed for success.

Religious Dimensions and Internal Divisions

The Saffron Revolution's religious dimensions stemmed from the central role of Buddhist monks, who led protests invoking Buddhist principles of and non-violence. Approximately 500,000 monks exist in , where over 90% of the population practices , granting the substantial influence in societal and political affairs. Protests featured monks chanting parittas (protective Buddhist verses) and employing thabeik hmaung, the symbolic overturning of alms bowls to boycott donations from military personnel and supporters, a traditional sanction rooted in . This framing elevated the movement beyond economic grievances, portraying it as a defense of Buddhist values against , as articulated by the All Burma Monks' (ABMA) in its September 9, 2007, ultimatum demanding political prisoners' release and dialogue. Internal divisions within the weakened the protests' unity. While the ABMA mobilized thousands of for demonstrations starting in mid-September 2007, sparked by the regime's beating of in on , the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee (MaHaNa)—a government-aligned body of senior —opposed involvement, issuing regulations on September 21 prohibiting from secular political activities. MaHaNa's stance reflected regime influence over official monastic structures, contrasting with dissident ' calls for and leading to selective participation; many monasteries abstained or faced internal coercion. These fissures, evident in MaHaNa's post-protest condemnations and the regime's subsequent expansion of its control over the , highlighted not uniform clerical solidarity but a polarized where reformist elements clashed with state-backed .

Critiques of Non-Violent Strategy and Outcomes

Critics of the non-violent strategy in the Saffron Revolution argue that it overlooked the junta's high cohesion and isolation from civilian society, rendering moral appeals and public shaming ineffective against a military accustomed to ruthless suppression. The regime's forces, drawn largely from rural ethnic minorities and insulated by privileges and relocation to , demonstrated no hesitation in using lethal force, as evidenced by the crackdown on September 26, 2007, which killed dozens of protesters including despite their revered status. This isolation undermined the assumption that non-violent discipline would deter violence or provoke internal dissent, as soldiers faced minimal social repercussions for firing on demonstrators. Analyses applying frameworks like Ackerman and Kruegler's 12 principles of strategic non-violent conflict highlight violations including the movement's failure to cultivate defections among and civilian bureaucrats, who remained loyal to the junta due to entrenched networks. Organizers lacked robust contingency structures, such as layered or in non-violent tactics, leaving the campaign vulnerable to targeted arrests of key figures like the All Burma Monks' Alliance leaders in early 2007. Protesters also underprepared for sustained disruption, with marches peaking at tens of thousands in on but dissipating after the initial crackdown without mechanisms for economic leverage or parallel governance. Strategic shortcomings extended to inadequate international mobilization; despite global sympathy, the movement did not secure binding external pressure, such as coordinated sanctions targeting junta elites, allowing the regime to weather the unrest without concessions. Outcomes underscored these flaws: by mid-October 2007, protests had collapsed, over 2,900 individuals were detained, and the junta retained power, perpetuating isolation until partial reforms in 2011. Some observers contend this reflects broader limits of non-violence against unified dictatorships lacking oppositional elites, where symbolic actions invite repression without eroding regime pillars.

International Reactions

Diplomatic Condemnations

The United States issued strong condemnations of the Myanmar junta's crackdown on the Saffron Revolution protesters, with President George W. Bush describing the regime's actions as an "outrage" and calling for the release of detained opposition leaders including Aung San Suu Kyi during a speech at the United Nations General Assembly on September 25, 2007, prior to the peak violence. Following the violent dispersal of demonstrations on September 26-27, the U.S. State Department labeled the suppression of peaceful dissent an "outrage" and urged international pressure to halt further brutality, emphasizing the regime's use of excessive force against monks and civilians. The responded swiftly with diplomatic rebukes and preparatory measures for expanded sanctions, issuing statements from its foreign policy chief condemning the "unacceptable" violence against unarmed protesters and demanding an end to arrests of Buddhist monks on September 26, 2007. EU member states, including the and , coordinated calls for the junta to exercise restraint and engage in dialogue, with the passing a resolution on October 25, 2007, denouncing the as a violation of and urging targeted sanctions against regime officials. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), despite its policy of non-interference, broke from precedent by issuing a joint statement on September 27, 2007, expressing "revulsion" over the deaths of protesters and calling on to exercise utmost restraint, a rare public criticism from the regional bloc chaired by at the time. Secretary-General voiced "deep concern" over the escalating violence and appealed for peaceful resolution on September 26, 2007, while UN Special Envoy was dispatched to in early October to mediate, though the junta dismissed UN criticisms as interference. Other nations including , , and echoed these condemnations, with Australian Prime Minister labeling the crackdown "deplorable" on September 27, 2007, and imposing travel bans on junta officials, while the summit in November 2007 collectively urged to cease repression and free political prisoners. These statements highlighted a broad Western and select Asian diplomatic consensus against the junta's tactics, though responses from and remained muted, prioritizing stability over critiques.

Economic Sanctions and Aid Responses

In response to the Myanmar junta's violent crackdown on the Saffron Revolution protests beginning September 26, 2007, the expanded via 13448 on October 19, 2007, targeting 11 additional senior military officials and their family members with asset freezes and U.S. bans, building on prior measures from the 2003 Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act and the 2008 JAAT Act amendments prompted by the uprising. These actions aimed to isolate the regime financially without broad trade embargoes, though their efficacy was debated due to 's reliance on trade with and nations. The reinforced its sanctions regime on October 15, 2007, by expanding travel bans and asset freezes to over 40 additional officials and entities linked to the junta, including military-owned enterprises, while maintaining an and later extending restrictions in 2008 to prohibit imports of Burmese jade, rubies, , and other precious metals and hardwoods to target regime revenue streams. foreign ministers had warned the junta on September 25, 2007, of intensified measures if violence escalated, reflecting coordinated Western pressure amid reports of over 100 deaths and thousands arrested. Other nations followed suit: imposed new travel bans and asset freezes on key junta figures in 2007, while and tightened export controls on military and dual-use goods. and , however, vetoed or blocked stronger UN Security Council actions, with emphasizing non-interference and continuing economic engagement, including energy investments that offset Western sanctions. On aid, Western governments and the UN maintained humanitarian assistance channels through non-governmental organizations to circumvent junta control, delivering approximately $20 million in emergency aid by late 2007 for displaced protesters and detainees' families, though access was restricted and no new bilateral aid was pledged amid the crackdown. The and UNHCR continued operations, focusing on border refugees rather than direct support, as donors prioritized sanctions to pressure for political reform over increased funding that might bolster the .

Media Coverage and Activism Campaigns

International media coverage of the Saffron Revolution was extensive but constrained by the Myanmar junta's expulsion of foreign journalists and imposition of communication blackouts starting , 2007. Protesters and citizen journalists circumvented these restrictions by capturing images and videos with mobile phones during marches from to , 2007, and smuggling them out via internet cafes, borders, or satellite uplinks for upload to platforms like and personal blogs. This digital dissemination enabled outlets such as the , , and to broadcast vivid footage of thousands of saffron-robed monks leading demonstrations in and other cities, generating widespread global sympathy and highlighting the protests' scale, with estimates of up to 100,000 participants at their peak on , 2007. Activism campaigns abroad leveraged this media visibility to mobilize support. Burmese exile communities and international NGOs organized solidarity demonstrations in Western capitals, including vigils and marches demanding sanctions and democratic reforms, often drawing hundreds of participants waving images of and chanting for the release of political prisoners. Groups like published detailed reports on the junta's , which resulted in at least 31 documented deaths and over 2,900 arrests by October , using eyewitness accounts smuggled alongside protest footage to advocate for targeted economic pressure on the regime. The Democratic Voice of Burma, an exile media outlet based in , played a key role in coordinating and amplifying these efforts by broadcasting uncensored videos and coordinating with global activists.

Long-Term Impacts

Immediate Political Stagnation

Following the violent suppression of the Saffron Revolution protests by late September 2007, the (SPDC) junta under Senior General swiftly reasserted control over Myanmar's political landscape, resulting in no substantive reforms or power-sharing concessions. Curfews were imposed nationwide starting September 25, with troops, , and pro-junta militias flooding urban centers like by September 28-29, effectively quelling demonstrations and restoring order by September 30. The regime rebuffed calls for tripartite dialogue involving opposition leaders, monks, and military figures, ignoring demands from protesters and even UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari's subsequent visit in October. Arrests and detentions intensified as a tool of consolidation, with over 3,000 individuals—including hundreds of monks—apprehended in the 's immediate wake, alongside raids on monasteries such as Ngwe Kyar Yan beginning September 26-27. reported 2,836 detentions by early November, though independent estimates suggested higher figures with many "disappeared," and repression persisted into December without releases of political prisoners or policy shifts toward liberalization. At least 13 deaths were confirmed from shootings and beatings, including civilians at sites like Tamwe High School 3 on , underscoring the junta's willingness to use lethal force to maintain the . This outcome entrenched political stagnation, as the SPDC's internal cohesion—bolstered by loyalty purges and defiance of international pressure—prevented any erosion of military dominance, with no immediate progress on the junta's own "seven-step roadmap" beyond rhetorical commitments to a controlled constitutional process. Opposition networks, including the , remained fragmented and suppressed, while economic grievances fueling the protests—such as fuel price hikes—saw no reversal, perpetuating a cycle of authoritarian entrenchment without avenues for civilian input.

Influence on Subsequent Uprisings

The Saffron Revolution demonstrated the moral authority of Buddhist monks in challenging military rule, a dynamic that informed subsequent resistance efforts in Myanmar, particularly the Spring Revolution protests erupting after the February 1, 2021, coup d'état. Participants in the 2021 uprising referenced the 2007 events as part of an enduring tradition of non-violent defiance, with one female activist explicitly stating that the Saffron Revolution motivated her involvement in the ongoing struggle against the junta. This historical continuity positioned the 2007 protests alongside earlier movements like the 1988 uprising as inspirational precedents for the Spring Revolution's aim to dismantle military dominance. Despite this inspirational role, the Saffron Revolution's legacy also underscored strategic adaptations in later uprisings due to the junta's severe reprisals, which included the arrest, torture, and killing of over 1,000 monks and the designation of protesters as terrorists. In 2021, the largely refrained from , remaining divided and sidelined, in contrast to their leadership in 2007; this stemmed from post-Saffron reforms like the junta's expansion of the state-controlled Council's authority to curb monastic dissent. Such caution highlighted a key lesson: overt clerical involvement invited targeted crackdowns, prompting the Spring Revolution to emphasize youth-led , digital organizing, and broader networks over monastic . The 2007 events further exemplified the risks and limits of non-violent strategies against entrenched , influencing analyses of why the Spring Revolution evolved toward armed resistance in ethnic border regions by mid-2021, as initial street protests faced lethal suppression killing over 1,500 demonstrators by early 2022. While not directly emulated abroad, the Saffron Revolution contributed to global discourse on religious actors in pro-democracy movements, though its primary impact remained domestic in sustaining Myanmar's cycle of periodic uprisings against junta rule.

Legacy in Myanmar's Civil Conflicts

The Saffron Revolution of , despite its suppression, established a for Buddhist monastic in challenging military rule, yet its legacy in Myanmar's ensuing civil conflicts has been marked by strategic toward armed resistance rather than renewed non-violent monk-led uprisings. The protests' failure, which resulted in over 100 deaths and the arrest or defrocking of thousands of monks, prompted the junta to expand controls over the through the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, embedding informants and reviving coercive programs like Saya-Dakar to monitor and co-opt monasteries. This post-2007 institutionalization of monastic oversight contributed to the 's fragmented response to the 2021 coup, where unified public dissent akin to 2007's street marches chanting the did not materialize, partly due to fears of reprisal and the shift to violent civil war dynamics. In the post-coup civil conflicts, involving People's Defense Forces (PDFs), ethnic armed organizations, and the (NUG), monastic involvement has been limited and covert, drawing on underground networks forged during 1988 and 2007 resistances. Approximately 100 monks and nuns have suffered casualties since February 2021, with around 15 serving as chaplains for PDF units, providing spiritual support amid rather than leading mass protests. Some revolutionary monks, such as those aligned with the "King Zero" movement, frame resistance as restoring dhamma against junta corruption, echoing 2007's ethical critiques, but pro-junta factions—bolstered by military-backed Buddhist nationalism—have justified the coup as preserving order, deepening divisions and sidelining collective monastic action. The Revolution's enduring influence lies in underscoring the inefficacy of non-violent strategies against entrenched military power, informing the Spring Revolution's evolution into multi-ethnic armed federalism. Younger activists, recalling 's brutal crackdown alongside 1988's, prioritized forming PDFs and alliances with groups like the by mid-, achieving territorial gains such as the capture of military outposts in and Magway regions by 2023, where monk-led symbolism played minimal role compared to tactical warfare. This shift reflects a causal lesson from : without dismantling the Tatmadaw's coercive apparatus, protests invite escalation without , propelling Myanmar's conflicts toward protracted over symbolic dissent.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.