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Burmese clothing
Burmese clothing
from Wikipedia

Clothing in Myanmar varies depending on the ethnicity, geography, climate and cultural traditions of the people of each region of Myanmar (Burma). The most widely recognized Burmese national costume is the longyi, which is worn by both males and females nationwide. Burmese clothing also features great diversity in terms of textiles, weaves, fibers, colours and materials, including velvet, silk, lace, muslin, and cotton.

History

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Pre-colonial era

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A Burmese man photographed in 1895 wearing a turban and silk taungshay paso.

Pyu city-states era

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At the ancient city of Hanlin, the discovered Pyu sculptures depict Pyu men wearing headwarps and crown-like headdresses, while Pyu women are shown with head ornaments similar to the golden headdresses later seen in the Bagan period.[1] Although images of ear ornaments and Pyu figures are relatively rare on these stone carvings, the wide, drooping earlobes suggest that wearing ear plugs or earrings was likely a common practice.[1] Jewelry and accessories were not as abundant as in the later Bagan period, but large bead necklaces were found adorning the necks of both Pyu men and women.[1] Clear representations of shirts and waist-wrapped skirts are not distinctly visible.[1] The fabric appears so thin that it seems to cling closely to the body.[1]

Sri Ksetra or Thaye Khittaya (Burmese: သရေခေတ္တရာ; lit., "Field of Fortune" or "Field of Glory"), located 8 km (5.0 mi) southeast of Prome (Pyay) at present-day Hmawza village, was the last and southernmost Pyu capital.

Sarong-like skirts are depicted more clearly in the Sri Ksetra's Pyu sculptures.[1] Some images of Pyu women show them wearing extremely thin, form-fitting skirts that highlight their figures, while others display thicker, more structured skirts. For Pyu men, their attire also resembles the baggy trousers seen in the later Bagan period, tied at the waist with a belt, often knotted in a style similar to that of the Bagan people.[1] Additionally, some male figures appear to wear a draped cloth resembling a shirt, though faint and subtle.[1] Pyu men are also shown adorned with bracelets and large ear ornaments.[1] Hairstyles for both men and women appear quite similar, with their hair gathered at the crown and secured by some kind of hairpiece, often styled into prominent topknots or buns.[1]

Bodhisattva
Maitreya the Bodhisattva in Pyu art
Hindi statue
Statue of Vishnu and Lakshmi.

Notably, the hairstyles of Pyu women align with descriptions found in Chinese historical records.[1] These records mention that "after marriage, Pyu women would wrap their hair into a bun on top of their heads, adorned with silver or pearl ornaments."[1] According to Chinese record, the Pyu primarily wore cotton garments. They refrained from wearing silk, as harvesting silk required killing silkworms, which they believed contradicted their value of non-violence.[1] The records also describe Pyu women wearing crown decorated with golden floral patterns and pearl-inlaid designs.[1]

In terms of clothing, Pyu women dressed in vibrantly colored warped skirts, often layering a delicate silk shawl over their shoulders. When venturing outside, they commonly carried hand fans. It is even noted that high-ranking women were often accompanied by four or five attendants carrying fans as part of their entourage.[1]

Pagan era

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An illustration depicting Pagan-era clothing.

During the Pagan dynasty, while cotton was the most commonly used textile material, other imported textiles such as silk, satin, and velvet, were also used in Burmese clothing.[2] Trade with neighboring societies has been dated to the Pyu era, and certainly enriched the material culture, with imported textiles used for ritual and costume.[2] For instance, the Mingalazedi Pagoda, built during the reign of Narathihapate, contains enshrined articles of satin and velvet clothing, which were not locally produced.[2]

In this painting, bodhisattva wearing a short-waisted body shirt and a dhoti-like paso(ပဆိုဝ်)/ kase(ခဆီး).
11th century painting of Bodhisattva in Abeyadana Temple, Pagan. In this painting, he wears a short-waisted body cloth and a dhoti-like paso(ပဆိုဝ်)/ kase(ခဆီး).

Pagan-era kings and princes wore robes called wutlon (ဝတ်လုံ), duyin (ဒုယင်), and thoyin (သိုရင်း) as upper garments, while wearing dhoti-like loinclothes as lower garments.[2] Meanwhile, aristocratic women wore strapless bodices called yinsi (ရင်စီး) over a chemise, before adopting looser jackets and body garments, including longer sari-like garments and baggy trousers, that gained currency in the later Pagan period.[2] Relative social rank was distinguished by the use of gold and silver embroidery patterns; high quality attire and floral designs were worn by the upper class and ruling class.[2]

First Inwa era

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The traditional attire of the Inwa period is more frequently referenced in literary works such as poems and classical writings than in paintings or sculptures.[1][3] According to a Chinese record dated 1396 AD, the people of Inwa (Ava) wore white bell-sleeved long shirts.[1] Their waistcloths were wrapped from the front to the back and tied securely around the waist. It was noted that the paso (sarong) worn by noblemen was about 20 feet long, while those of commoners measured around 10 feet.[1]

Men adorned themselves with patterned cloths wrapped around their heads, with the remaining part of the cloth trailing down the back.[1] They wore one side of their shirt draped over a shoulder, leaving part of their upper body exposed.[1] Women, on the other hand, covered themselves with a white shawl draped over their bodies and used patterned cloths to wrap around their necks, akin to a scarf.[1] These records reflect the clothing styles of the people of Inwa during the reign of King Swa Saw Ke.[1] Based on these accounts, it can be said that men in the Inwa period typically wore white bell-sleeved long shirts, taungshay paso, and head wraps (gaung baung).[1]

According to Shin Maha Ratthathara's Pu-ray-ni-tin Yadu (ပုရေနိသင်ရတု), it is noted that Hsin-Swel-Wun-Syet (ဆင်စွယ်ဝန်းယှက်) textile patterns existed in the waving world at the time. However, these wave-like patterns were not yet referred to as "Acheik (အချိတ်)."[3] Furthermore, in his Taung-te-tount Yadu (တောင့်တဲတွန့်ရတု), Shin Maha Ratthathara described the traditional attire and styles for women of the era, highlighting the preservation of ancient fashion.[3] He mentioned the Myeik Phyu (မြိတ်ဖြူ), Myeik Soh (မြိတ်စို့), and Myeik Lok (မြိတ်လွတ်) hairstyles.[3] Women were adorned in fragrant gold blouses and gold htameins (sarongs), accessorized with intricately crafted golden earrings.[3] Their fingertips were dyed red with henna, their natural long eyelashes enhanced, and their eyebrows meticulously drawn with a brush.[3] Their faces were delicately layered with fragrant traditional makeup (Kato Thaw Maw), creating an appearance so elegant and divine that they were compared to celestial maidens from the six abodes of the heavenly realm.[3] Additionally, the Kyet-Taung-Zi (ကြက်တောင်စည်း) hairstyle — where the hair was gathered at the top of head and secured — was also described.[3]

When portraying the beauty of an Inwa maiden, Shin Maha Ratthathara’s depiction was strikingly tender and graceful, offering a perspective unlike that of others.[3] He captured a particular moment — the twilight hour — when her beauty became even more enchanting.[3] His verses did not merely highlight her golden bun, blouse (eingyi), sarong (htamain), and belt but also subtly hinted at the delicate way her clothing seemed to reveal and conceal her chest, adding a bold yet artistic flair to his poetry.[3]

Konbaung era

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Burmese courtiers and the monarch dressed in royal ceremonial costumes during a Royal Ploughing Ceremony.

Dress was a major cultural aspect of life in pre-colonial Burmese kingdoms. Foreign travelers reported the presence of a loom in every household, enabling every women to weave their family's everyday clothing.[4] Vincenzo Sangermano, an Italian priest who was posted in the Konbaung kingdom at the turn of the 19th century, observed that locals were "splendid and extravagant in their dress."[5] Ear-boring ceremonies for girls was a major rite of passage. Locals adorned themselves with gold and silver, including rings set with precious stones, necklaces, bracelets, and anklets.[5] These accessories accompanied traditional attire, consisting of a sarong-like wrap – paso for men or a htamein for women – both of which were made of cotton or silk.[5] Wooden or leather sandals were worn as footwear.[5] Men and women alike dressed in their finest attire, including ornamented jackets, for visits to pagodas and other important events.[5]

Sumptuary laws called yazagaing dictated material consumption for Burmese subjects in the Konbaung kingdom, everything from the style of one's house to clothing appropriate for one's social standing, from regulations concerning funerary ceremonies and the coffin to be used to usage of various speech forms based on rank and social status.[6][7][8] In particular, sumptuary laws in the royal capital were exceedingly strict and the most elaborate in character.[9] Sumptuary regulations governing dress and ornamentation were carefully observed as a means of reinforcing social hierarchy.

An Attawoon, or Minister of the Interior, and his Wife (left). A Seredogee, or Secretary of State (right). In their dress of ceremony.
An Attawoon, or Minister of the Interior, and his Wife (left). A Seredogee, or Secretary of State (right). In their dress of ceremony. (1795 CE)
royal dress
Konbaung royal dress (1889 CE)

Designs with the peacock insignia were strictly reserved for the royal family and long-tailed hip-length htaingmathein jackets and surcoats were reserved for officials.[10] Fabrics with metallic threads, sequins and embroidery were limited to royals, high-ranking officials, and tributary princes (sawbwa).[4] Velvet sandals were only permitted to be worn by members of the royal family and ministers’ wives.[6] Adornment with jewels and precious stones was similarly regulated. Usage of hinthapada (ဟင်္သပဒါး), a vermilion dye made from cinnabar, was also regulated.[6]

Colonial era

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Portrait of a Burmese family dressed in traditional attire at the turn of the 20th century.
A Mandalay woman dressed in a trailing htamein commonly worn in until the early 20th century.

The dawn of colonial rule led to the demise of sumptuary laws. Unlike in neighboring French Indochina, the Burmese monarchy was completely dismantled, creating an immediate vacuum for state sponsorship of material culture, institutions, and traditions.[11] The colonial era ushered in a wave of non-aristocratic nouveau riche Burmese who sought to adopt the styles and costumes of the aristocrats of pre-colonial times.[4]

During the British colonial era, clothing gained new meaning in Burmese life, as an expression of anti-colonial sentiment.[12] Burmese nationalists associated traditional clothing, in particular Yaw longyi (ယောလုံချည်), a type of longyi from the Yaw region, and pinni taikpon (ပင်နီတိုက်ပုံအင်္ကျီ), a fawn-coloured collarless jacket, with anti-colonialism and nationalist sentiment; Burmese who wore this characteristic outfit were arrested by British police.[12][13] The wearing of "traditional" clothing was now seen as a mode of passive anti-colonial resistance among the Burmese.[13][12] Inspired by Gandhi's Swadeshi movement, Burmese nationalists also waged campaigns boycotting imported goods, including clothing, to promote the consumption of locally produced garments.[12]

Clothing styles also evolved during the colonial era; the voluminous taungshay paso and htamein with its train, were abandoned in favor of a simpler longyi that was more convenient to wear.[4] The female sarong (htamein) became shorter, no longer extending to the feet, but to the ankles, and the length of the sarong's topband decreased to reveal more waistline.[14] This period also saw the introduction of a sheer muslin blouse for women, revealing a corset-like lace bodice called za bawli (ဇာဘော်လီ). British rule also influenced hair fashion and clothing. Western accessories such as belts and leather shoes were commonly worn with "traditional" attire.[15] Cropped short hair, called bo ke (ဗိုလ်ကေ) replaced long hair as the norm among Burmese men.[14] Similarly, women began wearing hairstyles like amauk (အမောက်), consisting of crested bangs curled at the top, with the traditional hair bun (ဆံထုံး).[14] The practice of traditional Burmese tattooing similarly declined in popularity.

Modern era

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A saung (harp) musician dressed in a traditional blouse and acheik htamein.

The onset of independence reinforced the central role of clothing in Burmese national identity. While other Southeast Asian nations sought to "modernize" preferred clothing choices for their citizens (e.g., Siam with the cultural mandates, or Indonesia, with encouraging trousers over sarong for men), successive Burmese governments have encouraged the continued use of longyi by both men and women as daily wear.[4] In a 1951 speech at the all-Burma Indian Cultural Conference, Burmese prime minister U Nu identified dress as one of the main distinctive markers of a nation, noting that national costume "carries with it that distinctive mark of culture of the rice or national which is its very backbone."[12][4] The Burmese Way to Socialism continued to reinforced the practice of wearing traditional attire in favor of Western clothing.[11]

National costumes

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Longyi

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A Burmese woman dressed in a pre-colonial htamein.

The national costume of Myanmar is the longyi (လုံချည်, Burmese pronunciation: [lòʊɴd͡ʑì]), an ankle-length wraparound skirt worn by both males and females. The longyi in its modern form was popularized during the British colonial period, replacing the traditional paso worn by men and htamein worn by women in pre-colonial times.

The pre-colonial htamein features a broad train called yethina (ရေသီနား) and is only seen in modern times as wedding attire or a dance costume. Similarly, the pre-colonial paso is only commonly worn during stage performances, including dances and anyeint performances as well as wedding or high social events.

19th century, late of Konbaung dynasty's htamain or byant htamain with acheik pattern
19th century, late of Konbaung dynasty's htamain or byant htamain with acheik pattern

Acheik textiles

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Members of Myanmar's State Peace and Development Council dressed in acheik longyi

The indigenous Burmese textile pattern, called acheik (အချိတ်; [ʔət͡ɕʰeɪʔ]) or luntaya acheik (လွန်းတစ်ရာအချိတ်), features intricate waves interwoven with bands of horizontal stripes, embellished with arabesque designs. Luntaya (လွန်းတစ်ရာ; [lʊ́ɴtəjà]), which literally means a "hundred shuttles,"refers to the time-consuming, expensive, and complex process of weaving this pattern, which requires using 50 to 200 individual shuttles, each wound with a different color of silk.[16][17] The weaving is labor-intensive, requiring at least two weavers to manipulate the shuttles to achieve the interwoven wave-like patterns.[4]

Acheik is most commonly used as a textile for male paso or female htamein. The color palettes used in acheik incorporate a bold array of contrasting shades in a similar color range to create a shimmering trompe-l'œil effect.[4] Designs for men feature simpler zig-zag, cable and interlocking lappet motifs, while those for women interweave undulating waves with arabesque embellishments such as floral motifs or creepers.[4]

The towns of Amarapura and Wundwin remain major domestic centers of traditional acheik weaving, although in recent years, cheaper factory-produced imitations from China and India have significantly disrupted Myanmar's traditional cottage industry.[18]

Acheik weaving originates in Amarapura, near the Pahtodawgyi pagoda.[19] The name acheik may derive from the name of the quarter in which the weavers lived, Letcheik Row (လက်ချိတ်တန်း); the term itself was previously called waik (ဝိုက်), referring to the woven zig-zag pattern.[19]

Acheik
Different styles of Acheik textile pattern

While some sources claim that the acheik pattern was introduced by Manipuri weavers during the late 1700s, there are no comparable Manipuri textiles that resemble acheik.[4] The wave-like patterns may have in fact been inspired by Neolithic motifs and natural phenomena (i.e., waves, clouds, indigenous flora and fauna).[19] Acheik-type designs are found on pottery dating back to the Pyu city states (400s-900s CE), as well as in temple wall paintings dating back to the Bagan Kingdom era (1000s-1200s CE).[4] Tributary gifts bestowed to the Burmese royal court may also have provided an additional source of inspiration.[19] The textile became popular during the Konbaung dynasty, during which sumptuary laws regulated who could wear acheik clothing.[20] The acheik pattern was exclusively worn by members of the royal court, officials, and their entourages.[19]

Taikpon jacket

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For business and formal occasions, Bamar men wear a Manchu jacket called a taikpon eingyi (တိုက်ပုံအင်္ကျီ, [taɪʔpòʊɴ]) over a mandarin collar shirt. This costume was popularized during the colonial era.

Photograph of Burmese man and girl
Photograph of Burmese man in taikpon jacket and girl in yinbon blouse (1906)

Female eingyi

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Burmese women wear blouses called eingyi (အင်္ကျီ [ʔéɪɴd͡ʑì]). There are two prevalent styles of eingyi: yinzi (ရင်စေ့) buttoned at the front, or yinbon (ရင်ဖုံး), buttoned at the side. For formal and religious occasions, Burmese women typically don a shawl.

yinbon eingyi with DASSK
Aung San Suu Kyi in yinbon-style blouse (2011)
Burmese girl (1907)
A Burmese girl in yinzi-style eingyi blouse (1907)

Htaingmathein jacket

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In this colonial-era photo, a woman is dressed in a yinkhan (bodice), and htaingmathein (jacket).

The most formal rendition of Myanmar's national costume for females includes a buttonless tight-fitting hip-length jacket called htaingmathein (ထိုင်မသိမ်း, [tʰàɪɴməθéɪɴ]), sometimes with flared bottoms and embroidered sequins. Htaingmathein in Burmese literally means "does not gather while sitting," referring to the fact that the tight-fitting jacket does not crumple up when sitting. This jacket was popular among the aristocratic classes during the Konbaung dynasty and modern day upper classes, and is now most commonly worn by females as wedding attire, or as traditional dance costume as well as high social events sometimes. The htaingmathein is worn over a bodice called yinkhan (ရင်ခံ, [jɪ̀ɴkʰàɴ]). Historically, the htaingmathein also had a pair of pendulous appendages on both sides called kalano (ကုလားနို့).

Burmese lady
Burmese lady in 1907 CE.

Sibone

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Sibone (Burmese: စည်းပုံ, Burmese pronunciation: [síbòʊɴ]) is a ceremonial headdress worn by Burmese women. In the pre-colonial era, the sibone was worn exclusively as royal attire by high-ranking females at the Burmese court, including the queens and princesses. The sibone, along with the mahālatā, formed the ceremonial dress for Burmese state functions. In modern-day Myanmar, the sibone is worn by girls during the ear piercing ceremony, and by Burmese dancers.

Burmese Sibone headdress
Burmese princess with Sibone headdress
Burmese girl in Na Thwin ceremony
Young Burmese girl with traditional attire including Sibone

Gaungbaung

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Aung San dons a gaung baung and taikpon (jacket).
Portrait of a Burmese man in Gaung Baung in early 1900s.
Portrait of a Burmese man in Gaung Baung in early 1900s.

The Burmese national costume for men includes a kerchief called gaung baung (ခေါင်းပေါင်း, [ɡáʊɴbáʊɴ]), which is worn for formal functions. During the colonial era, the gaung baung was streamlined as an article of formal attire. The design of the modern Burmese gaung baung emerged in the mid-1900s and is called maung kyetthayay (မောင့်ကျက်သရေ).[21] It is a ready-made gaung baung made of cloth wrapped in a rattan frame and can be worn like a hat is worn.

Formal footwear

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Both genders wear velvet sandals called gadiba phanat (ကတ္တီပါဖိနပ်‌, also called Mandalay phanat) as formal footwear.

Regional costumes

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The various ethnic groups of Myanmar all have distinct clothing and textile traditions. The ethnic costumes across most Burmese ethnic groups generally consist of a sarong-like longyi using various patterns or textiles.

Chin peoples

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The Chin peoples are a heterogenous collection of ethnic groups that generally live in western Myanmar and speak related Kuki-Chin languages. Chin women generally wear ankle-length longyis using various textiles, and front-opening blouses,[22] in addition to accessories like metallic belts. Chin men wear generally shirts and trousers, over which a blanket-like wrap is worn, as traditional attire.[22]

Lushai Chin costume
Lushai Chin attire, National Races Village, Yangon

Kachin peoples

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Women dressed in traditional Jingphaw attire.

The Kachin peoples are a heterogenous collection of ethnic groups that live in northern Myanmar (Kachin State), with each ethnic group possessing their own variation of traditional attire. Generally speaking, Kachin men and women wear longyis featuring geometric or checkered patterns associated with handwoven Kachin textiles.[22] Jingphaw women also adorn themselves with metallic shawls studded with silver coins over their blouses.[22]

Karen peoples

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The Karen peoples are a heterogenous collection of ethnic groups that live in eastern Myanmar (Kayin State and Mon State) and in the Irrawaddy Delta. For traditional attire, Karen men traditionally wear headdresses with tassels hanging loose on the right side of the head, as well as sleeveless tunics over longyis.[23][22] Karen women dress in long tunics and longyis, with headbands that have both ends hanging in the front.[22] Karen longyis have horizontal stripes with a parallel strip in the middle.[22]

karen lady
Karen lady in traditional costume

Kayah people

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A couple dressed in traditional Kayah attire.

The Karenni people (also known as the Kayah) of both genders don headdresses; Kayah women wear red headdresses, while Kayah men wear white headdresses.[22] Kayah women also wear red cloaks over sleeveless blouses and red or black longyis.[22] Karen men wear baggy trousers or longyis, and may accessorize with silver daggers on special occasions.[22]

Mon people

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Girls in Mawlamyaing dressed in traditional Mon attire.

Mon women traditionally wear a shawl called yat toot, which is wrapped diagonally over the chest covering one shoulder with one end dropping behind the back. Archaeological evidence from the Dvaravati era (direct ancestors of the Mon people) portrays ladies wearing what seems to be a similar shawl hanging from their shoulder.[24] Mon men traditionally wear red-checkered longyis, collarless shirts, and traditional jackets similar to Bamar men.[22] Mon women traditionally wear their hair in a bun, wrapped around a comb.[22]

Rakhine people

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The Rakhine (Arakanese) people of both genders traditionally wear longyis. As traditional attire, Rakhine men also wear collarless shirts and taikpon jackets similar to Bamar men, and kerchiefs called gaung baung, with excess cloth draped to the left.[22] Rakhine women wear blouses over a htaingmathein jacket, over which a sheer shawl is diagonally wrapped, passing over one shoulder.[22]

Rakhine women in their traditional costume

Shan people

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The traditional attire of the Shan people varies across locales. Generally speaking, Shan men wear baggy khaki trousers similar to fisherman pants, and a headwrap.[22] Shan women wear longyis with embroidered designs and textiles associated with their hometowns.

Tai Khun (Gone Shan) princess in traditional costume in 20th century
Tai Khun (Gone Shan) princess in traditional costume in 20th century (1907 CE)

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Burmese clothing encompasses the traditional garments of Myanmar's ethnic Bamar majority, centered on the —a cylindrical sheet of cloth approximately two meters long and eighty centimeters wide, wrapped around the waist and knotted or tucked for wear by both sexes. For men, this is termed paso, typically featuring solid colors or simple checks, while women wear the htamein, often sewn into a tube for a more fitted silhouette with patterned designs. These are commonly paired with the eingyi, a fitted collarless or , and for men, headwear such as the gaung baung , using materials like for everyday use or silk for ceremonies, with weaves including the intricate luntaya acheik pattern of interlocking waves historically reserved for royalty under pre-colonial sumptuary laws. Rooted in ancient customs and evolving through regional influences, such attire symbolizes cultural pride and identity, persisting as daily wear despite colonial-era Western alternatives and modern globalization.

Historical Development

Ancient Foundations (Pre-Pagan Era)

The pre-Pagan era of Burmese history, marked by the from approximately the 2nd century BCE to the CE, provides the earliest archaeological insights into regional clothing through terracotta reliefs, stone sculptures, and limited epigraphic references from sites such as Sri Ksetra and Halin. No organic textiles have survived, but iconographic evidence indicates simple, functional attire adapted to tropical climates and agrarian-urban lifestyles, with as the primary material due to local cultivation. Cotton fabrics varied in thickness and featured patterned weaves, suggesting developed techniques for everyday and possibly use, as inferred from impressions in clay molds and palace-site artifacts at Sri Ksetra. Trade networks with facilitated cultural exchanges, including draped garment styles evident in Buddhist carvings depicting lower wraps resembling proto-dhotis or sarongs, reflecting Indian influences via early adoption around the 1st-5th centuries CE. Chinese silk imports occurred via overland and river routes, but remained supplementary to indigenous production. Male attire emphasized practicality: ordinary men wore a single tucked lower garment extending to the knees, leaving the upper body uncovered for physical labor, while depictions in reliefs show no additional layers. Elite males retained the knee-length lower wrap but added patterned fabrics, shoulder shawls, arm bracelets, necklaces, and head ornaments, signaling status through accessories rather than complex layering. Female garments centered on a sarong-like lower wrap, precursor to the htamein, draped around the waist and often form-fitting or thin as portrayed in Pyu sculptures from Sri Ksetra, with upper body coverage minimal or absent in common representations. Belts appear rare or absent for women in early reliefs, though some elite figures display pearl or beaded waist adornments securing skirts. Hairstyles involved knotted arrangements decorated with silver, pearls, or feathers, complemented by earrings, garlands, and gold jewelry, particularly for performers as noted in accounts of Pyu envoys visiting in 801 CE. These elements underscore a continuum from utilitarian wraps to adorned ensembles, laying groundwork for later Bamar textile traditions amid sparse direct evidence.

Medieval Consolidation (Pagan to Konbaung)

During the Pagan Kingdom (1044–1287 CE), Burmese clothing consisted primarily of simple draped garments made from locally woven in colors such as white, red, black, and yellow. Men typically wore a wuttlon (pull-over upper garment) or went bare-chested, paired with a khachî (waist cloth) or early forms of the paso (dhoti-like lower wrap), while women donned a yinsi (strapless ) and pat-htamein (long resembling an Indian ). Royalty and elites incorporated imported with or silver , reflecting Indian influences evident in temple murals like those at Loka-hteik-pan Pagoda and Abeyadana Temple, which depict kings in crested and embroidered robes, and commoners in basic wraps without blouses. In the post-Pagan era (late 13th to mid-18th century), encompassing fragmented kingdoms like Pinya, , and Innwa (Ava), attire evolved toward more structured and covering styles, with the introduction of eingyi (jacket-like upper garments, short- or long-sleeved) and thoyin (wide-sleeved robes) for men, often in velvet or silk for . Women's htamein skirts developed wavy (cheik) patterns, complemented by thindai (sleeveless bodices) or duyin (frock coats), using imported materials like Chinese silk (pui:) and Indian (khâsâ), alongside local dyed in greens and blues. Inscriptions from 1341 CE and murals at Tilokaguru Cave illustrate rank-based differentiation, with kings' paso reaching 16–20 cubits in length and gold-embroidered for ceremonial use, marking a shift from revealing Pagan styles to fully covered ensembles influenced by trade with and . The (1752–1885) saw further consolidation of Burmese clothing into formalized national and court ensembles, emphasizing social hierarchy through sumptuary laws that restricted elaborate textiles to royalty and officials. Men's court attire included fitted velvet in green or plum with gold embroidery and silver-gilt sequins, as worn by ministers under King Thibaw (r. 1878–1885), often comprising a long , sleeveless jacket, and cloud collar to denote rank. Women's royal htamein featured acheik (luntaya acheik) wave patterns, woven with 100–300 bobbins using twisted silk threads dyed in nut soap, limited to queens, high officials, and rewarded elites, while commoners wore simpler cotton variants. This period's textiles, produced in Amarapura and , symbolized status in ceremonies, with acheik motifs evolving from ancient Pyu origins but peaking in royal exclusivity during rule. Overall, from Pagan to Konbaung, Burmese clothing transitioned from basic, Indian-inspired drapes to stratified, import-enriched ensembles, with as the staple evolving alongside and velvet for elites, as evidenced by murals, inscriptions, and surviving artifacts, reflecting , , and centralized authority.

Colonial Transformations (1824–1948)

The British conquests, culminating in the full annexation of by 1886 following the Third Anglo-Burmese in 1885, disrupted traditional sumptuary laws and royal regalia systems that had regulated attire based on rank in the . Burmese court dress, once emblematic of hierarchy with elaborate textiles and accessories, was supplanted by a British honors system incorporating medals, sashes, and European-style ceremonial uniforms for local elites and officials, rendering traditional regalia obsolete curiosities collected by Westerners. Despite these elite-level shifts, core garments like the (paso for men, htamein for women) and eingyi jacket persisted among the general population, particularly in rural areas, maintaining continuity with pre-colonial practices amid urban hybridization. Colonial administration introduced Western elements such as leather shoes, belts, socks, and tailored shirts, often paired with in urban centers like Rangoon, reflecting pragmatic adaptations for bureaucratic roles and modern professions. Male hairstyles evolved from traditional long, knotted locks to short, Western-inspired cuts by the early , with some adopting European mustaches, signaling among the educated class. Resistance to imposed dress codes manifested in pagoda bans on footwear and broader anti-colonial sentiments, where adherence to Burmese attire symbolized cultural preservation against British stratification. From the 1920s, nationalist movements, including the Dobama Asi-ayone (Thakin party), elevated traditional dress as a marker of identity, promoting ensembles of gaungbaung turban, longyi, and white pinni jacket—elements not uniformly prevalent in pre-colonial Upper Burma—to assert Burmese sovereignty. Influenced by Gandhi's 1929 visit, boycotts of imported foreign cloth encouraged hand-woven local textiles, bolstering economic self-reliance and reinforcing longyi production. For women, the 1930s saw the rise of a "modern girl" archetype adopting shorter htamein hems, bobbed hair, and silk fabrics inspired by global media, sparking conservative critiques in popular press for eroding moral and national values, though such fashions remained confined to urban elites. By the lead-up to independence in 1948, colonial transformations had hybridized Burmese clothing without eradicating its foundational forms, with traditional attire regaining prominence as a nationalist amid dyadic tensions between Western modernity and indigenous revival.

Post-Independence Evolution (1948–Present)

Following on , 1948, traditional Burmese attire, particularly the and eingyi, was elevated as symbols of national revival, drawing from pre-colonial styles that had persisted through colonial adaptations. This formalization reinforced amid efforts to unify diverse ethnic groups under a Burman-centric framework, with the —worn as htamein by women and paso by men—becoming ubiquitous in daily and official wear. The 1962 military coup by General introduced policies under the that mandated national dress in public and official contexts to promote and cultural homogeneity, curtailing Western imports and influences through economic isolation. Strict edicts enforced traditional clothing, such as paired with collarless shirts for men and fitted blouses for women, as part of broader Burmanization efforts that limited foreign fabrics and styles until the late 1980s. After the 1988 pro-democracy uprising and subsequent military governance, traditional attire remained standard for civilians, though adopted olive-green uniforms. Political reforms from onward increased exposure to global , introducing synthetic materials and hybrid styles in urban areas, yet and eingyi endured for formal events, parliamentary sessions, and among leaders like , who popularized intricate acheik-patterned htamain. Rural populations and cultural ceremonies continued favoring handwoven cotton and silk variants, reflecting persistent economic and social conservatism despite liberalization.

Core Components of Bamar National Costume

Longyi and Gender Variants

The longyi constitutes the foundational lower garment in Burmese national costume, consisting of a cylindrical sheet of cloth approximately 2 meters long and 80 centimeters wide, wrapped around the waist and extending to the ankles. It is worn daily by both men and women across Myanmar, reflecting practical adaptation to the tropical climate and cultural continuity from pre-colonial times, though its simplified cylindrical form gained prominence during British colonial rule (1824–1948), supplanting more voluminous predecessors. Gender-specific variants distinguish the longyi: for men, it is termed paso (or pahso), tied by folding the top edge downward, twisting the folded portion into a at the front for secure fastening, which facilitates mobility during physical activities. Men's paso typically feature subdued patterns such as checks, stripes, or solid colors in for everyday use or for formal occasions, with the knot allowing reversible wear. In contrast, women wear the htamein (or htamain), secured by folding the fabric at the side and tucking it into a , often incorporating a dark band to prevent inversion and ensure consistent orientation. Women's htamein emphasize decorative elements, displaying vibrant hues, floral motifs, or intricate weaves, paired with the side-tie for a fitted that prioritizes aesthetic presentation over utilitarian adjustability. These variants underscore functional divergences: the front-knot paso supports labor-intensive tasks by enabling quick adjustments or bunching for shorter lengths, while the htamein's fixed styling aligns with social norms of modesty and elegance. Both forms maintain versatility beyond apparel, serving as improvised blankets or carriers, a trait rooted in the garment's lightweight, adaptable design.

Upper Body Garments: Eingyi and Htaingmathein

The eingyi (အင်္ကျီ) serves as the primary upper body garment in traditional Burmese attire for both men and women, functioning as a fitted jacket or paired with the or htamein lower garment. Typically constructed from or fabrics, it features a tailored fit that accentuates the , with variations in length and closure styles. The two main types include the yinzi eingyi, buttoned at the front, and the yinbon eingyi, buttoned at the side for a smoother drape. Htaingmathein (ထိုင်မသိမ်း), a specialized form of the eingyi reserved for formal and ceremonial occasions among women, is characterized by its buttonless, hip-length design that maintains shape without crumpling when seated—hence its name, literally meaning "does not gather while sitting." Often adorned with embroidered sequins, flared bottoms, or intricate patterns like acheik motifs on , it emphasizes elegance and modesty in courtly or religious contexts. Historical examples from the (1752–1885) demonstrate its use in elite settings, evolving from earlier fitted bodices to more structured jackets by the . Both garments reflect adaptations influenced by royal court standards established around the 1750s during the Konbaung era, where variants denoted status while served daily wear. Men’s eingyi, sometimes termed taikpon, mirrors the women’s style but is often looser and paired with the . In modern contexts, these upper garments continue in formal dress, as seen in political and cultural events, though everyday use has declined with Western influences post-1948.

Headwear: Gaungbaung and Accessories

The gaungbaung (Burmese: ဂေါင်ပေါင်း) serves as the primary traditional headdress for Burmese men, functioning as a wrapped turban-like cloth that denotes prestige, ornamentation, and cultural dignity rather than mere utility. Typically crafted from or fine fabrics, it is wound clockwise around the head with a protruding "" on the right side, sometimes fanned out for stylistic effect. This headdress traces its roots to pre-colonial eras, evolving as a generational symbol of 's heritage, with documented roles in the late Konbaung dynasty's Yadanarbon period (1878–1885), where it signified and ceremonial importance. Variations in gaungbaung styles reflect individual or regional preferences, often featuring vibrant colors or patterns tied to or formal contexts, and it remains integral to events like weddings and festivals today. In the early , nationalist movements adapted it for modern short hairstyles, reinforcing its role in . Women, by contrast, rarely adopt equivalent everyday wraps; instead, ceremonial accessories predominate, such as floral ornaments adorning coiled hair buns during traditional attire displays. For high-status occasions, the sibone (Burmese: စည်းပုံး) emerges as a specialized women's headdress, historically exclusive to queens, princesses, and court elites in pre-colonial , often paired with elaborate ensembles during rituals like the ear-piercing (na htwin) . Constructed with ornate elements evoking royalty, it elevates formal in dances, weddings, and heritage performances, underscoring gendered distinctions in Burmese headwear traditions. Modern usage preserves its symbolic prestige, though less common than the ubiquitous gaungbaung for men.

Footwear and Formal Ensembles

Traditional Burmese footwear centers on open hnyat phanat (ညှပ်ဖိနပ်), thong-style slippers akin to flip-flops, serving as everyday wear for men and women across social strata. These simple sandals, often crafted from rubber, leather, or fabric soles with thong straps, reflect practical adaptation to Myanmar's tropical climate and cultural norms of removing shoes indoors, in temples, and homes. For formal and ceremonial contexts, such as weddings, novice ordinations, and royal events, elevated variants like velvet-upholstered phanat prevail, particularly the style with leather flat soles and embroidered velvet uppers. These signify refinement and are donned to complement national costumes during significant rituals. In the (1752–1885), royal footwear attained exceptional artistry, exemplified by slippers embroidered in schwe chi htoe motifs—intricate gold and silver thread patterns with sequins, beads, semi-precious stones, and cut glass for three-dimensional effects. One preserved pair, shaped like the mythical hintha (duck) bird, underscores exclusivity for , housed in institutions like the National Museum of in . Formal ensembles, epitomized in Konbaung attire, integrated these footwear with lavish upper garments to denote hierarchy and occasion. A minister's civil comprised a velvet state profusely gilded, a red paso (men's longyi) embroidered in yellow floss silk, a long white eingyi jacket for semi-formal layering, and a gaung baung paired with a high featuring gilt-foil ornaments—worn by figures like Kinwun Mingyi under Kings Mindon (r. 1853–1878) and Thibaw (r. 1878–1885). Military variants emphasized symbolism, with long robes in green and plum accented by gold embroidery, , scalloped "cloud" collars, and winged breast plates over a paso wrap, accompanied by a skull cap and earflaps for the Atwinwun () at ceremonies circa 1850–1875. Women's mirrored this opulence, pairing htamein skirts with patterned eingyi blouses and accessories, though preserved examples focus more on male ; ensembles collectively prioritized , , and metallic threads to project imperial splendor until the dynasty's fall in 1885.

Textile Production and Materials

Traditional Weaving Techniques

Traditional Burmese , particularly among the Bamar majority, utilizes frame looms rather than the backstrap looms prevalent among highland ethnic groups. These frame looms allow for the production of wider fabrics suitable for garments like the , with techniques emphasizing precision and pattern complexity passed down through generations of women . The foundational forms the basis for everyday textiles, featuring balanced, warp-faced, or weft-faced structures often striped or checked (bala patterns), as evidenced in 10th-13th century temple depictions and popularized in the . For finer work, threads from local and Chinese sources are twisted tightly—three or four strands per weft—for smoothness before warping. The distinctive luntaya acheik, or "100-shuttle" technique, exemplifies advanced tapestry weaving reserved historically for royalty and elite Bamar attire such as htamain headcloths. This method employs up to 100 tiny tapered-end shuttles as pickup tools to interweave discontinuous wefts, creating undulating wave patterns (acheik meaning "") with arabesque motifs and up to 50 colors, woven backside up on a with two heddle shafts and four foot pedals operated by 2-3 coordinated weavers. Each weft bundle comprises 10 filaments interlinked to neighboring picks, achieving a high of approximately 100 ends per inch across a 2-yard width; a single requires about one month, while full fabrics demand 6-8 weeks of labor. Float weaves, where yarns skip over multiple threads for supplementary patterns, appear in some Bamar textiles alongside supplementary weft motifs, though less dominantly than in ethnic minority traditions. These techniques, rooted in pre-colonial eras and peaking during the (1752-1885), rely on natural and dyed with vegetal sources, underscoring the labor-intensive craftsmanship integral to Burmese cultural identity.

Fabrics, Patterns, and Symbolism

Traditional Burmese garments primarily utilize and as base fabrics, with dominating everyday wear due to its affordability and breathability in Myanmar's . , often sourced locally or from neighboring regions, is reserved for ceremonial and high-status attire, prized for its luster and durability. In recent decades, synthetic blends have emerged in mass-produced items, though handwoven natural fibers persist in rural and artisanal production. Patterns in Burmese textiles vary by garment type and gender, reflecting both practical weaving traditions and aesthetic preferences. Men's typically feature geometric designs such as checks, squares, vertical stripes, or horizontal bands, woven into for simplicity and functionality. Women's and upper garments like htamain incorporate more elaborate motifs, including floral elements, prints, and the distinctive acheik weave characterized by interlocking wavy lines produced via a floating shuttle technique. The luntaya acheik , translating to "one hundred shuttles," originates from workshops and demands skilled handloom operation to interlace threads into undulating forms mimicking dragon tails or river waves. Symbolism in these fabrics and patterns often conveys social , occasion, and cultural values. Silk acheik textiles historically signified elite status, with their complexity and cost limiting production to royal or aristocratic commissions until the . Worn during weddings, novitiations, and state events, luntaya acheik evokes prosperity and refinement, its wave motifs symbolizing fluidity and interconnectedness in Burmese cosmology. Pre-colonial fabric volume and quality further denoted wealth, as sumptuary laws restricted lavish materials to , reinforcing class distinctions through visible textile opulence. Certain colors, such as red in select ethnic variants, imply and , though Bamar patterns prioritize geometric restraint over overt chromatic symbolism.

Ethnic and Regional Variations

Chin and Northwestern Groups

The , one of Myanmar's major ethnic groups residing in the Chin Hills of northwestern Myanmar, produce traditional attire from handwoven or textiles using backstrap looms, dyed primarily with extracts from local plants such as for green and black tones and for red. These garments feature intricate geometric patterns that encode subgroup identities and are dyed in predominant colors of red (most common at 41% usage), black (19.1%), and green (12.9%), sourced from 32 identified plant species across 24 families, with leaves and bark as primary materials. Weaving remains a gendered task, predominantly performed by women, while men gather plants, though synthetic dyes have dominated since the , eroding intergenerational knowledge. Women's traditional dress centers on the puan, an ankle-length tube skirt with bold motifs, paired with a fitted, front-opening and occasionally a or metallic belt for added formality. These ensembles are not worn daily but reserved for significant events, including National Day (observed February 20 since 1949), weddings, funerals, and Protestant church services, reflecting the ethnic group's widespread Christian adherence stemming from American Baptist missions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The attire's expense and craftsmanship underscore its status as cultural heirlooms, with patterns varying to distinguish clans and regions within the Chin Hills' diverse terrain. Men's attire mirrors this woven tradition but emphasizes practicality, featuring a pasoe (a longyi-like wrap with horizontal stripes or diamonds) reaching the ankles, often combined with shirts, trousers, or jackets and colorful blanket wraps for ceremonies. In southern Chin subgroups, simpler variants prevail, such as loincloths and shoulder-draped cloths adapted to hilly labor. Subgroup differences—among , Falam, Tedim, Zomi, Matu, and Mindat—manifest in color preferences and motifs; Hakha and Lutuv-Chin favor red and dark shades, while Mindat-Chin incorporate green and purple hues, preserving distinctions amid the over 40 Chin dialects and tribes in northwestern Myanmar's borderlands. This attire contrasts with central Burmese by prioritizing symbolic textiles over silk refinement, embodying adaptation to the region's isolation and animist-Christian heritage.

Kachin and Northern Highland Attire

The , residing in the northern highlands of 's , traditionally wear attire distinct from the lowland Bamar longyi-dominated styles, incorporating hand-woven fabrics, silver adornments, and influences from Tibeto-Burman and neighboring cultures. Women's clothing typically features a wrap-around known as a or thin-dai, often in black cotton blended with wool and featuring colorful woven geometric or floral patterns achieved through belt-loom weaving. Over this, they don a black or cotton jacket (similar to an eingyi) ornamented with silver medallions, coins, studs, or engraved disks around the neckline and front, sometimes numbering dozens on Jinghpaw subgroup blouses, with fringe detailing. For festivals like the Manau, women may wear brighter red skirts with yellow borders alongside these jackets, paired with cane or silver belts. Men's traditional garb includes homespun thick cotton jackets or black long-sleeve shirts with red-edged panels, often layered over white or black blouses and secured with a blue sash, alongside baggy trousers or sarong-like longyis rather than the checkered patterns common in central Myanmar. Headdresses such as turbans with dangling tassels—white for younger men and black for elders—complete the ensemble, sometimes accompanied by shoulder bags, swords, or beads in red, blue, and yellow. Accessories for both genders emphasize silverwork, including women's tall black hats, circular earrings, and gaiters from knee to ankle, or protective waist hoops of lacquered bamboo mimicking animal traps in local lore. These garments, crafted from local and with intricate stitching or , signify identity and are preserved for ceremonial use amid modern adoptions of Shan or Western styles, reflecting the highland groups' semi-nomadic heritage and resilience against external influences like activities since the 19th century. Subgroups like the Jingpo exhibit the most elaborate silver embellishments, while broader northern highland attire shares woven tops formed by sewing two cloth pieces with gaps for head and arms, underscoring regional variations in elaboration over lowland uniformity.

Karen and Eastern Border Peoples

The Karen, also known as Kayin, primarily inhabit the eastern border areas of , including along the Thai frontier, where their traditional clothing emphasizes homespun cotton garments woven on backstrap looms with symbolic patterns denoting cultural motifs. These textiles are dyed in natural or artificial hues of , , and black, forming tunics and sarongs that differ by gender, marital status, and subgroups such as Sgaw and Pwo. Men's attire consists of a loose overlaid on a wrapped , featuring plainer designs with fringed hems, often paired with a headcloth; common elements include red shirts adorned with woven patterns and blue wide-leg . Pwo men may style long hair in side-swept ponytails or loose, complementing the ensemble's simplicity suited to hilly terrains. Married women don a loose embroidered over a wrapped , richly detailed with colored threads and seed beads, typically in red skirts matched with red or white blouses that exceed men's decoration in elaboration. Unmarried girls wear simpler long white or sack-like dresses, signaling eligibility through minimal ornamentation. Subgroup distinctions appear in unmarried attire: Sgaw girls favor dresses with bands at the waist and hem, accented by and geometric weaves learned from age ten via traditional stitching, while Pwo versions incorporate more intricate decorations. These garments, prevalent in mountainous eastern locales and reserved for occasions, preserve ethnic identity amid regional migrations.

Kayah and Southeastern Minorities

The Kayah, also known as Karenni or Red Karen due to the prominence of red in their traditional attire, inhabit in southeastern , where their clothing reflects animist influences and practical adaptations to highland life. Kayah women typically wear black smock-like dresses draped over one shoulder and secured with a long white sash, paired with red or black longyis wrapped around the lower body; these garments are often woven from using backstrap looms, featuring simple geometric patterns in red, black, and white. Men forgo shirts in favor of jackets over pants, with both genders donning red headdresses—women styling hair in high knots wrapped with red cloth, while men wear turbans or conical hats adorned with feathers or tassels during ceremonies. Accessories include silver belts, necklaces, and daggers for men, symbolizing status and carried on formal occasions. Subgroups like the Kayan (Padaung) exhibit distinctive variations, with women renowned for brass coil necklaces—traditionally starting from age five to elongate the neck, weighing up to 10 kilograms in adulthood—and paired with short, loose shifts, leggings, and colorful turbans; these elements tie to origin myths emphasizing beauty and protection. Kayan textiles, handwoven in vibrant hues, include shawl-like upper garments trailing to the ground, reflecting mobility from contexts in . Traditional wear among Kayah and Kayan has declined since the , with only elders and ceremonial participants maintaining full ensembles, as favors modern clothing. Among other southeastern minorities, the Pa-O in southern don highland attire suited to agrarian lifestyles: women wear plain black or indigo tunics edged with narrow blue and red trim, complemented by brightly colored turbans in orange or red, sometimes topped with feathers or flowers; men rarely adopt full traditional but favor multicolored turbans. Pa-O fabrics emphasize durability, woven from local with minimal ornamentation, and are worn during harvest festivals or Buddhist rites, underscoring ethnic identity amid Burmese dominance. These styles, preserved in rural pockets as of 2020, contrast with Bamar influences by prioritizing functional layers over elaborate longyis.

Mon and Coastal Traditions

The , an Austroasiatic ethnic group concentrated in Myanmar's southern coastal regions including and the environs of (formerly Moulmein), preserve clothing traditions that distinguish them from the Bamar majority through distinctive patterns and accessories influenced by their historical role in maritime trade and Buddhist culture. Mon longyis for both genders feature a characteristic red base color accented with partial stripes and small checkered designs, woven using local or threads suited to the humid coastal climate. These garments, measuring approximately 2 meters in length, are wrapped around the waist and secured without fasteners, allowing for mobility in fishing and agricultural activities prevalent along the and Gulf of Martaban coasts. Mon men pair the red checkered with collarless shirts known as eingyi and short jackets called taikpon, often in white or neutral tones, reflecting practical adaptations for daily labor in coastal villages where temperatures average 25-32°C year-round. In formal or ceremonial contexts, such as Mon National Day observed on April 24 since its formalization in the 1940s, men may add embroidered vests or sashes, emphasizing community identity amid historical assimilation pressures from Bamar-dominated administrations. Coastal variations include lighter, breathable weaves to counter humidity levels exceeding 80% in the rainy season from May to October, with some men opting for shorter lungis resembling Indian dhotis for seafaring tasks documented in 19th-century British colonial records of Mon ports. Mon women wear longyis in matching red-checkered patterns tucked at the waist, complemented by open-necked blouses and a traditional shawl termed yat toot—a rectangular sbai-like garment draped diagonally over the chest to cover one shoulder, with the opposite end trailing behind, a style estimated to date back to like (circa 9th-11th centuries) and shared with Khmer influences via ancient trade routes. Hair is coiled into high buns secured by ornate combs carved from wood or horn, symbolizing and often adorned with flowers during festivals like the Kaungtzar or water festival in . In coastal settings, women's attire incorporates silver jewelry such as necklaces and bangles acquired through historical pearl and trade, with ceremonial ensembles featuring finer yat toots embroidered with floral motifs representing Mon Buddhist , as observed in temple processions. These traditions, while retaining core elements amid modernization, face erosion from ; a 2014 census recorded approximately 1.2 million Mon in , with younger generations in coastal towns blending longyis with Western shirts, though revival efforts via cultural associations promote authentic weaves using backstrap looms still operated by rural artisans. Coastal adaptations underscore functionality, such as quick-drying fabrics for monsoon-prone areas, distinguishing Mon attire from inland Bamar styles that favor broader acheik wave patterns over the Mon's geometric .

Rakhine and Western Coastal Styles

The , the predominant ethnic group in Myanmar's western coastal , maintain traditional attire that adapts the ubiquitous sarong while incorporating regionally distinctive weaving patterns and accessories influenced by their maritime and Indo-Burman heritage. Both genders wear as the foundational garment, typically woven from or on backstrap looms, with designs emphasizing horizontal stripes or zigzag motifs in contrasting colors such as red, black, and white, which evoke the region's coastal rhythms and historical trade links. These patterns differ from the more vertical or checkered motifs prevalent in central Burmese styles, underscoring local textile expertise developed over centuries in isolated coastal communities. Rakhine men's attire consists of a delicately woven wrapped around the waist and knotted at the front, paired with a collarless shirt (often called an eingyi) and a traditional jacket for formal occasions. Headwear includes ready-made turbans with a characteristic wing-cloth flap standing to the left side, adding a practical element for sun protection in the coastal climate. This ensemble reflects functional adaptations to labor-intensive activities like and , where mobility and breathability are prioritized over ornate decoration. Women's clothing features a similarly wrapped and secured, complemented by fitted blouses that open at the front with central or side buttons, allowing for ease of movement. A is draped across the body over the left shoulder, serving both aesthetic and modest purposes, while hair is styled in buns or loose arrangements adorned with simple combs or flowers. Intricate or silver accessories may accentuate blouses during festivals, highlighting gendered roles in and household crafts. Western coastal styles beyond core Rakhine communities, such as among smaller maritime groups, exhibit hybrid elements from Bengali and Mon influences due to historical migrations and trade, but retain the base with amplified stripe patterns suited to humid environments. Preservation efforts, including replication of ancient Arakanese royal garments for ceremonies like novitiation, draw on temple murals and chronicles to revive motifs absent in modern daily wear, countering homogenization from mainland Burmese norms. longyis traditionally requires 5 to 7 days per piece, underscoring the labor-intensive nature that sustains amid economic pressures.

Shan and Eastern Plateau Garments

The , comprising the predominant ethnic group in 's on the eastern plateau, maintain traditional garments that emphasize practicality for highland life and distinguish them from the longyi-centric attire of lowland Bamar. Men's clothing typically features made of cotton in khaki-like shades such as light brown, terracotta, or grey, often tied at the waist in a style reminiscent of a but with horizontal or vertical stripes for decoration. These trousers are paired with shirts or a traditional teik-pon jacket worn over an eingyi (a mandarin-collared shirt) in neutral tones like white, grey, or black, reflecting influences from neighboring Tai cultures and adaptation to the region's agricultural and mountainous terrain. Women's attire centers on a tubular wrap skirt known as pah sin, woven from and fitted tightly around the legs for mobility, often adorned with printed patterns or paired with a black waistband and wide pleat for formality. This is complemented by short, colorful blouses and sometimes silver belts as accessories, with headwear like folded scarves or turbans adding cultural flair during daily village activities or Buddhist rituals. In ceremonial contexts, such as Sawbwa royal coronations, both genders don elevated versions using , , and metallic embellishments, including headdresses (gaung baung) and cloth belts (khar see kyoe), sourced historically from local weaves or imports like English textiles to signify status in the pre-colonial Shan principalities. Regional variations within the , encompassing subgroups like the Tai Khun or Pa-O, incorporate or plaid motifs on fabrics to denote affiliations or plateau elevations, though has led to hybrid styles blending these with Burmese longyis for practicality. remains the primary material due to local traditions suited to the subtropical climate, with rarer reserved for elites, underscoring the garments' role in preserving ethnic identity amid 's diverse ethnic mosaic.

Cultural and Social Functions

Daily Wear Versus Ceremonial Use

In everyday contexts, Burmese individuals primarily wear the , a cylindrical skirt-like garment approximately 2 meters long and 80 centimeters wide, fashioned from lightweight to suit Myanmar's . Men tie the paso variant with a simple knot at the front, featuring practical patterns such as checks, plaids, or stripes in subdued colors like or brown, often paired with a basic short-sleeved or minimal eingyi . Women secure the htamein by tucking it at the side, incorporating a 5-inch strip (ahtet hsin) at the lower hem for and durability, with designs in solid colors, florals, or simple prints complemented by a fitted eingyi buttoned at the front or side. This attire prioritizes comfort and functionality, remaining ubiquitous in rural and urban daily life without significant variation by occasion. For ceremonial purposes, such as weddings, the New Year festival, or Buddhist , the longyi transitions to finer silk or silk-cotton blends, elevating status through intricate acheik —a technique involving over 100 shuttles to produce wavy, interlocking patterns inspired by river waves, buds, or diamonds, historically reserved for royalty and now handwoven in regions like Amarapura. Men's formal paso adopts these elaborate silk motifs, often layered with a taikpon eingyi jacket over a collared for structured formality, while women opt for sequined htaingmathein blouses or enhanced htamein with floral or geometric acheik designs, sometimes accessorized with shawls or jewelry to denote significance. In specific rites, like the Tazaungmon of lotus-fiber robes dyed yellow, participants don these premium garments overnight as offerings, underscoring cloth's symbolic purity over everyday cotton's utility. These distinctions reflect material hierarchies—cotton for labor-intensive routines versus for communal or sacred events—while maintaining the 's core form, with ceremonial versions costing significantly more due to labor-intensive looms and dyes, as seen in Mandalay's markets where acheik production can span days per piece.

Gender Norms and Modesty Standards

Traditional Burmese clothing enforces through full coverage of the body, with the serving as the primary lower garment for both men and women, extending from the waist to the ankles in a loose, cylindrical wrap that minimizes exposure during movement. This design aligns with broader cultural expectations of discretion, particularly in interactions between genders, where revealing attire is avoided to maintain social harmony. Gender-specific tying methods distinguish the while preserving modesty: men secure the paso with a front knot for practicality in labor-intensive activities, whereas women fold and tuck the htamein at the side, creating a smoother that enhances coverage and elegance. Upper garments complement this, with women typically donning an eingyi—a fitted or —that covers the and shoulders, often paired with the htamein's acheik-patterned borders for formal modesty; men opt for open-necked shirts or vests, though shirtless upper bodies occur in rural settings but are less common in mixed or formal contexts. Theravada Buddhist principles underpin these standards, mandating coverage of shoulders, chest, and knees in religious sites—a rule extending to daily wear to curb sensual distraction and promote , with non-compliance potentially barring entry to pagodas as of ongoing temple policies. In rural areas, the longyi's versatility further supports , such as during where it is worn low and secured tightly. Historical depictions, including 18th-19th century court attire, show elaborated yet enveloping ensembles for both sexes, reinforcing norms that prioritize restraint over ostentation.

Symbolic Meanings in Rituals and Status

In Burmese rituals, traditional attire often embodies themes of purity, renewal, and communal harmony, drawing from Buddhist principles and ethnic customs. During the New Year festival, Bamar women don white blouses paired with green , where white signifies spiritual cleansing and green evokes fertility and rebirth, aligning with water-based purification rites observed annually in . In ceremonies, brides wear htamein with intricate motifs—such as floral or geometric patterns symbolizing prosperity and familial unity—over a htaingmathein jacket, while grooms opt for taungshay paso and gaung baung turbans, collectively representing the merging of lineages and auspicious beginnings without formal religious officiation. Funeral practices, influenced by Buddhist impermanence doctrines, favor plain white garments for mourners to denote detachment from worldly attachments and ritual purity, though no strict enforces this, emphasizing simplicity over ostentation. Status differentiation in Burmese clothing historically relied on sumptuary regulations under the Konbaung dynasty (1752–1885), where yazagaing laws restricted fabrics, colors, and embellishments to hierarchical ranks, preventing social mimicry and reinforcing monarchical authority. Royalty and high nobility exclusively used peacock motifs—emblematic of imperial power and derived from the national bird's protective symbolism—along with gold-embroidered silk paso or htamein in vibrant hues like red, purple, or green, denoting wealth accumulation through tribute systems and textile monopolies. Court officials, such as ministers (attawoon), wore ceremonial jackets with silver threading and velvet slippers, signaling administrative roles and proximity to the throne, while commoners were confined to cotton weaves in subdued tones to maintain visible class strata. Accessories like mokot headdresses or armlets further amplified status, reserved for elites to project divine favor and martial prowess in palace audiences or agricultural rites like the Royal Ploughing Ceremony. These symbolic layers persist in contemporary rituals, where acheik-patterned silk htamein—traditionally a royal weave mimicking river waves for life's continuity—elevates wearers' perceived dignity in offerings or ear-piercing (na thwin) initiations, though has diluted exclusivity for mass events. Empirical observations from ethnographic studies confirm that such attire fosters social cohesion by visually encoding roles, countering egalitarian pretenses in stratified societies, yet post-colonial shifts have eroded enforcement, blending symbols across classes.

External Influences and Adaptations

Indian, Mon, and Theravada Buddhist Impacts

Indian cultural exchanges, facilitated by maritime trade and the spread of , introduced draped lower-body garments to ancient Burma during the era (circa 2nd century BCE to 9th century CE). Sculptural depictions of s from sites like Sri Ksetra show figures clad in dhoti-like wraps, precursors to the Burmese paso, reflecting direct adoption of Indian textile traditions amid broader artistic and religious influences from the subcontinent. The amplified these Indian elements through their Dvaravati-influenced kingdoms in lower (6th–11th centuries CE), where women's attire featured longyis with black waistbands, waist-length eingyi blouses, and shawls draped diagonally over the chest and shoulder—a style that permeated Bamar via assimilation following Mon settlements dating to the 3rd century BCE. Mon men's garments, resembling Bamar longyis and collarless shirts, further standardized tubular wrapped forms across ethnic lines, as evidenced by shared cotton fabrics and wrapping techniques in regional traditions. Theravada Buddhism's establishment as the state religion under King in 1057 CE, imported from the Mon kingdom of , imposed doctrinal emphasis on modesty and simplicity, prohibiting tight or revealing attire in line with precepts for body covering. This shift marginalized pre-existing and tantric influences, promoting functional draped garments like the for lay adherents emulating monastic austerity, as illustrated in Pagan temple murals blending Indian-derived styles with local short shirts. Monastic robes, dyed from "discarded" plant materials per tradition, historically favored tones but shifted to distinctive in Burma by the due to local dyeing practices, indirectly reinforcing cultural preferences for subdued, practical hues in ceremonial contexts.

Chinese and Southeast Asian Exchanges

Chinese textiles and garment styles entered Burma via overland trade routes connecting the Irrawaddy plain to and provinces, part of the southwestern network active from the first millennium AD. Archaeological evidence and dedicatory textiles like sarsikyo reveal Chinese silk imports influenced local techniques and patterns, with fragments from sites such as Beikthano and Sriksetra showing motifs adapted from Han and silks as early as the 1st-7th centuries AD. By the Ava period (1364-1555), direct imports of Chinese fabrics and influenced dress styles reached central , incorporating elements like fitted jackets that evolved into the Burmese eingyi, distinct from earlier draped garments. The Burmese taipon eingyi, a short mandarin-style , derives from the Chinese magua or tangzhuang, adopted during the Toungoo and Konbaung dynasties (16th-19th centuries) amid tribute relations and Mongol-era invasions that facilitated cultural transmission. This upper garment contrasted with indigenous lower wraps, reflecting pragmatic adaptations for equestrian and courtly functions rather than wholesale imitation, as Burmese versions used local or hybrids instead of pure imperial brocades. Chinese merchant communities in and later introduced cheongsam variants, but these remained peripheral to mainstream Bamar attire, limited by climatic unsuitability and ethnic segregation. Southeast Asian exchanges, driven by Tai migrations and Ayutthaya-Burmese wars (16th-18th centuries), reinforced similarities in lower-body wraps like the paso and htamein, akin to Thai pha nung or Lao sinh tube skirts, originating from shared Mon-Khmer and Tai weaving traditions diffused across mainland Indochina. Maritime and overland trade via the Gulf of Martaban exchanged resists and dyes, evident in 18th-century Burmese silks mirroring Thai chapa patterns, though Burmese variants emphasized vertical pleating for mobility in rice fields and battles. Shan subgroups in eastern Burma adopted Lao-style pha biang shawls for headwraps, blending with local acheik motifs during Konbaung expansions into Lanna territories (), but these integrations preserved Bamar modesty norms over Thai fluidity. Such parallels stemmed from ecological convergence in tropical weaving rather than direct imposition, with Burmese gaining checked weaves from Thai influences post-18th century conflicts.

Colonial Impositions and Resistance

Following the British conquest of the Konbaung dynasty in 1885, colonial authorities dismantled traditional Burmese sumptuary systems that regulated attire by rank and status, replacing them with a new hierarchy of British honors, medals, and ceremonial uniforms centered on imperial symbols. This shift marginalized indigenous regalia, relegating royal garments to curiosities in European collections. Upper-class Burmese men began incorporating Western accessories, such as belts with the longyi and leather shoes, reflecting partial accommodation to colonial administrative norms. European disregard for local customs exacerbated tensions, particularly the practice of wearing shoes in sacred pagoda spaces, which violated Buddhist prohibitions on footwear in holy areas. In 1916, a public notice at Shwe San Taw Pagoda permitted only British and Europeans to wear shoes within the compound, institutionalizing racial privilege in dress . This provoked direct confrontations, such as the 1919 incident where assaulted Europeans for entering Eindway Pagoda in with shoes on. Burmese resistance manifested through deliberate adherence to traditional garments as markers of and opposition to colonial cultural dominance. By the 1920s, nationalists rejected Western attire in favor of the , jacket, and gaung baung, inverting colonial by styling themselves as "Thakin" (masters). A notable example occurred in 1921 when Maung Ba Bwa donned a jacket and Yaw at , signaling anti-colonial sympathies amid a police clash. Women similarly embraced the thamein and to embody cultural purity. Influenced by Gandhi's 1929 visit, groups like the We Burmans Association in 1930 promoted homespun cotton and banned imported fabrics, echoing swadeshi boycotts. In the 1930s, popular discourse critiqued modern women's fashions—such as sheer blouses and altered hairstyles—as imports linked to moral decay and unpatriotism, reinforcing traditional attire's role in nationalist resistance. Articles like Bo Min's verse in Bandoola and Mya Gale's piece in Toetetyei highlighted these tensions, urging preservation of Burmese amid colonial influences. Thus, became a potent, non-violent arena for asserting autonomy against imposed Western norms.

Modern Dynamics and Challenges

Persistence in Urban and Rural Life

In rural Myanmar, the longyi—known as paso for men and htamein for women—remains the standard daily garment, comprising a cylindrical cloth approximately 2 meters long and 80 centimeters wide, tied at the waist for practicality in farming, housework, and tropical heat. Its persistence stems from cultural norms and functional advantages, such as ease of movement for activities like motorbike riding or fieldwork, with both genders wearing it ubiquitously in villages. Urban areas, including , exhibit continued widespread use of the in everyday contexts like markets, homes, and casual outings, even among the young, though Western and appear more in formal offices or among influenced by global media. This endurance reflects national identity and comfort preferences, with surveys of travelers noting its prevalence across city demographics as late as 2017, contrasting limited adoption of alternatives in rural zones. Government and ceremonial contexts in cities further sustain the garment, as officials pair it with jackets like taikpon eingyi, while rural adherence ties to ethnic traditions and limited access to imported fabrics. Overall, unlike many Asian nations, Myanmar's longyi retains dominance in both settings for daily life as of , driven by and over shifts. Following Myanmar's political reforms and beginning in 2011, accelerated the influx of Western influences through expanded , international media, and retail chains in urban centers like , leading to a marked shift away from daily traditional attire such as the among younger demographics. This exposure promoted , t-shirts, and as symbols of and global connectivity, particularly appealing to seeking to emulate international trends observed via and foreign films. Causal factors include the practicality of Western garments for office environments, motorbike commuting, and professional aspirations in a liberalizing , where traditional wraps like the are perceived as less versatile for fast-paced urban lifestyles. Urban youth trends reflect this pivot, with anecdotal reports from indicating that by the mid-2010s, many under-25s reserved for ceremonial or weekend use, favoring imported for school, work, and social outings to signal status and . The rise of shopping malls stocked with affordable Chinese and Thai apparel imports further eroded routine traditional wear, as post-2012 enabled broader access to these alternatives, diminishing the 's dominance in daily urban dress. However, hybrid adaptations persist, such as shortened or pinned paired with Western tops, blending cultural continuity with global aesthetics among some young women. This shift signifies a decline in the everyday prevalence of Burmese traditional clothing, particularly the longyi and htamein, which by 2019 were reportedly used less frequently by amid preferences for "modern fashion with pants and shirts" driven by generational disconnect and globalization's . In rural areas, usage remains higher due to limited exposure and climatic suitability, but urban-rural migration amplifies the trend, with migrants adopting Western styles to integrate into city jobs. While tourism and export markets for handwoven textiles offer economic incentives for production—potentially sustaining artisanal skills—the core challenge lies in eroding cultural transmission, as parents note children viewing traditional garments as outdated relics rather than practical heritage. Recent observations suggest pockets of renewed interest for events or photoshoots, yet overall daily adoption continues to wane without targeted preservation efforts.

Nationalist Revival and Political Symbolism


In the early 20th century, Burmese nationalists revived traditional garments like the longyi and ingyi as symbols of cultural resistance to British colonialism. During the 1920s, youth adopted khit san hybrid attire combining longyi with Western blazers to assert modern national identity, while Thakins in the 1930s wore slippers and longyi to counter Western influences, inspired by Gandhi's 1929 advocacy for homespun cotton. These choices politicized dress, with refusal to perform the traditional shiko bow to colonial authorities signaling defiance as early as 1903.
Post-independence, traditional attire retained political weight under military rule. After the 1962 coup, General decreed the (paso for men) and htamein as mandatory national dress for civilians, prohibiting and reserving —a colonial marker—for military elites, thereby enforcing Bamar-centric identity and hierarchical control. In postcolonial legislatures from the 1950s onward, and htamein symbolized and ethnic identity, though their use often accentuated divisions in Myanmar's multiethnic society. Aung San Suu Kyi's adoption of with pinni jacket from the 1980s onward evoked the anti-colonial dress of her father 's generation, framing her opposition to junta rule as a "second struggle for independence" and embodying national dignity. This attire reinforced her legitimacy amid and political campaigns, aligning with broader nationalist narratives of cultural continuity. In recent years, ancient costume designs from eras like Yadanabon and Amarapura have seen revival, driven by popularity in beauty pageants, pre-wedding shoots, and , reflecting efforts to preserve heritage amid modernization.

Debates on Authenticity and Commercialization

The authenticity of Burmese traditional clothing, particularly the (or paso for men and htamein for women) featuring intricate acheik patterns, centers on the distinction between handwoven techniques and machine-produced replicas. Traditional luntaya acheik weaving, recognized as an element, employs up to 100 shuttles to create wavy, interlocking motifs symbolizing waves or dragon scales, a labor-intensive process requiring skilled artisans and taking weeks per piece. Machine looms, introduced in the , replicate these designs at lower costs, enabling broader accessibility and sustaining demand, yet critics argue this undermines the artisanal essence, as the tactile irregularities and nuanced variations of handlooming—hallmarks of authenticity—are absent in uniform factory outputs. Preservation advocates, including experts, contend that equating machine-made acheik with traditional forms erodes the craft's historical value, tied to royal patronage and ethnic identities since the Konbaung era. Commercialization has accelerated this tension through and global markets, with Myanmar's textile sector shifting toward factory-based operations that supply 70% of traditional via approximately 600 weaving facilities, though output fell nearly 50% post-2021 due to conflict and supply disruptions. This industrialization provides economic livelihoods but contributes to the decline of handweaving, as rising costs, low finished-goods prices, and labor shortages—exacerbated by and displacement—drive artisans to alternative employment, reducing active looms from hundreds to dozens in regions like the Dry Zone. Pro-commercialization perspectives, often from industry analysts, highlight benefits like job creation in garment exports and tourism-driven sales of affordable souvenirs, which sustain motifs' visibility amid modernization pressures. However, empirical data on weaver attrition reveals causal risks to cultural continuity, with machine competition pressuring traditionalists to hybridize designs, potentially diluting symbolic integrity without safeguards. These debates reflect broader causal dynamics in Myanmar's post-colonial , where state promotion of machine acheik since the preserved patterns amid but at the expense of lineages, as younger generations favor faster, scalable methods over time-honored skills. Calls for regulatory protections, such as certifying handwoven authenticity, aim to balance preservation with commerce, though enforcement remains limited amid political instability. Empirical studies underscore that without intervention, the shift to mechanized production—while economically pragmatic—threatens the empirical uniqueness of Burmese textiles, rooted in pre-industrial techniques verifiable through analyses of material shifts from fibers to synthetics.

References

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