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Spitting
Spitting
Spitting
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A cartoon of Charlie Chaplin spitting on the ground (1931, by Hinko Smrekar)
"Don't spit" prevention poster

Spitting is the act of forcibly ejecting saliva, sputum, nasal mucus and/or other substances from the mouth. The act is often done to get rid of unwanted or foul-tasting substances in the mouth, or to get rid of a large buildup of mucus. Spitting of small saliva droplets can also happen unintentionally during talking, especially when articulating ejective and implosive consonants.

Spitting in public is considered rude, disgusting, and a social taboo in many parts of the world including the West, while in some other parts of the world it is considered more socially acceptable.

Spitting upon another person, especially onto the face, is a global sign of anger, hatred, disrespect or contempt. It can represent a "symbolical regurgitation" or an act of intentional contamination.[1]

Cultural attitudes

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Western world

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Social attitudes towards spitting have changed greatly in Western Europe since the Middle Ages. By the early 18th century, spitting had become seen as something which should be concealed, and by 1859 it had progressed to being described by at least one etiquette guide as "at all times a disgusting habit." Sentiments against spitting gradually transitioned from being included in adult conduct books to so obvious as to only appear in guides for children to not be included in conduct literature even for children "because most [Western] children have the spitting ban internalized well before learning how to read."[2]

Advisory on the wall of a building in New Orleans

Spittoons (also known as cuspidors) were used openly during the 19th century to provide an acceptable outlet for spitters. Spittoons became far less common after the influenza epidemic of 1918, and their use has since virtually disappeared, though each justice of the Supreme Court of the United States continues to be provided with a personal one.[3]

In the first half of the 20th century the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis, the precursor to the American Lung Association, and state affiliates had educational campaigns against spitting to reduce the chance of spreading tuberculosis.[4] According to the World Health Organization coughing, sneezing, or spitting, can spread tuberculosis.[5] The chance of catching a contagious disease by being spit on is low.[6]

After coffee cupping, tea tasting, and wine tasting, the sample is spit into a 'spit bucket' or spittoon.[citation needed] Spitting is commonplace among athletes.[7] There are multiple explanations for this behavior, including getting rid of the MUC5B secreted during intense exercise, as well as carb-rinsing to provide a performance boost.[8]

In 2015, Minneapolis City Council members proposed repealing century-old laws banning spitting and "lurking," arguing they are rooted in racism and disproportionately enforced against Black residents.[9]

Other regions

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The statues of Qin Hui and his wife at Yue Fei's tomb in Hangzhou, China. It was formerly common for visitors to spit, urinate, or defecate on the statues as a continuing denunciation of their supposed role in Yue's 1142 murder,[10] but signs now discourage public spitting as uncivilized.

Spitting is often associated with different forms of chewing juices and cultural practices such as betel nut chewing,[11] including in India, Indonesia,[12] Papua New Guinea,[13] Taiwan,[11] and Ghana.[11]

Ross Coomber, a sociology professor at Plymouth University, has conducted research on cultural attitudes toward public spitting. His findings indicate that spitting in public is considered socially acceptable in countries such as India, Indonesia, and China. In India, the practice also reflects a gender divide, with men more frequently engaging in public spitting, while women tend to avoid it.[14] According to Coomber, spitting is perceived as a cleansing practice for the body by many individuals in China.[12] In South Korea, he noted that spitting was frequently associated with smoking.[15]

Laws prohibiting spitting, along with associated penalties, have been enacted or proposed in various countries, including The Philippines,[16][17] Myanmar[18] and the United Arab Emirates.[19][20]

Competitions

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There are some places where spitting is a competitive sport, with or without a projectile in the mouth. For example, there is a Guinness World Record for cherry pit spitting and cricket spitting, and there are world championships in Kudu dung spitting.

Spitting as a protection against evil

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In rural parts of North India, it was customary in olden days for mothers to lightly spit at their children (usually to the side of the children rather than directly at them) to imply a sense of disparagement and imperfection that protects them from evil eye (or nazar).[21] Excessive admiration, even from well-meaning people, is believed to attract the evil eye, so this is believed to protect children from nazar that could be caused by their own mothers' "excessive" love of them.[21] However, because of hygiene, transmission of disease and social taboos, this practice has waned and instead a black mark of kohl or kajal is put on the forehead or cheek of the child to ward off the evil eye. Adults use an amulet containing alum or chillies and worn on the body for this purpose. Sometimes, this is also done with brides and others by their loved ones to protect them from nazar.

Shopkeepers in the region used to sometimes make a spitting gesture on the cash proceeds from the first sale of the day (called bohni), which is a custom believed to ward-off nazar from the business.[22]

Such a habit also existed in some Eastern European countries like Romania, and Moldova, although it is no longer widely practiced. People would gently spit in the face of younger people (often younger relatives such as grandchildren or nephews) they admire in order to avoid deochi,[23] an involuntary curse on the individual being admired or "strangely looked upon",[23] which is claimed to be the cause of bad fortune and sometimes malaise or various illnesses.[24] In Greece, it is customary to "spit" three times after making a compliment to someone, the spitting is done to protect from the evil eye.[25] This applies to all people, not just between mothers and children.

A similar-sounding expression for verbal spitting occurs in modern Hebrew as "Tfu, tfu" (here, only twice), which some say that Hebrew-speakers borrowed from Russian.[26]

Anti-spitting hoods

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Main article: Spit hood

When a suspect in a criminal case is arrested, they will sometimes try to spit at their captors, which often causes a fear of infection by Hepatitis C and other diseases. Spit hoods are meant to prevent this.

Gleeking

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Gleeking is the projection of saliva from the submandibular gland under the tongue. It can happen deliberately or accidentally, particularly when yawning.[27][28]

In other animals

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See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Spitting

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Spitting is the voluntary expulsion of from the through muscular contraction of the cheeks and lips, a rooted in physiology for clearing oral secretions or responding to stimuli such as irritation or excess production. , produced by major and minor salivary glands at rates of 0.5 to 1.5 liters per day under neural , facilitates , lubrication, and defense, but deliberate ejection serves additional communicative or hygienic roles. Physiologically, spitting expels surplus accumulated from glandular activity stimulated by parasympathetic during or anticipation, preventing discomfort or aiding in perception, though chronic excess can signal underlying conditions like allergies or . Public health concerns arise from its potential as a transmission vector for respiratory pathogens, including , , and , via aerosolized droplets, prompting historical bans in urban areas to curb epidemics like . Unlike bloodborne viruses such as or C, which require direct vascular contact and are not efficiently spread by alone, spitting poses minimal risk for those but amplifies contagion in crowded settings. Culturally, spitting universally signals or when directed at persons, embodying symbolic rejection through "regurgitation" of bodily fluid, often escalating conflicts to the level of in legal contexts due to its humiliating intent. In contrast, select traditions repurpose it protectively, such as thrice-spitting among to avert the after compliments or misfortunes, or ritual spitting in Eastern European and Greek folklore to ward off malice. These divergent uses highlight causal tensions between innate responses—triggered by saliva's association with —and adaptive social signaling, with modern norms prioritizing restriction to mitigate empirical risks over symbolic variances.

Physiology and Biology

Human Spitting Mechanics

Saliva in humans is produced by three pairs of major salivary glands—the parotid, submandibular, and sublingual—along with numerous minor glands lining the , generating a basal unstimulated flow rate of approximately 0.3 to 0.5 milliliters per minute under normal conditions. This fluid, consisting primarily of (99%), electrolytes, enzymes like , mucins, and antimicrobial proteins, lubricates the oral cavity and aids in initial . During voluntary spitting, is deliberately accumulated in the by minimizing , often stimulated by mechanical actions such as movement against the or cheeks to increase glandular via parasympathetic innervation. The expulsion phase relies on coordinated activation of orofacial muscles to generate intraoral pressure and direct the flow. The , controlled by intrinsic muscles (longitudinal, transverse, vertical) and extrinsic muscles ( for protrusion, hyoglossus for retraction), manipulates and propels the pooled forward toward the , forming a bolus. Simultaneously, the buccinator muscle, a thin sheet forming the cheek's lateral wall, contracts to compress the oral cavity laterally, aiding in pressurization and preventing saliva from pooling posteriorly while facilitating expulsion, akin to its role in blowing or . Pursed lips, achieved via contraction of the encircling the mouth, create a narrow nozzle-like that shapes the into a coherent stream rather than a diffuse spray, optimizing and control in directed spitting. Propulsion force derives from this muscular compression augmented by a mild expiratory effort involving the diaphragm and , which increases intraoral pressure through chest motion and airflow, as demonstrated in forensic studies of expirated patterns where spitting produced velocities sufficient to project droplets up to several meters. A specialized variant, gleeking, bypasses pooling by applying targeted pressure to the sublingual 's Wharton duct openings beneath the , directly ejecting a thin, high-velocity stream via mylohyoid or contraction squeezing the . These allow spitting distances of 1-2 meters in casual acts but up to 7-10 meters in trained competitors using optimized posture, hydration, and technique to maximize glandular output and aerodynamic .

Spitting in Animals

In camelids such as llamas (Lama glama) and alpacas (Vicugna pacos), spitting functions primarily as a mechanism for social signaling and defense, involving the regurgitation of partially digested contents from the first compartment of their multi-chambered stomachs. This behavior establishes dominance within herds, repels unwanted advances during breeding, or warns off perceived threats, with projectiles capable of traveling up to 3 meters (10 feet). Unlike saliva expulsion, it resembles a forceful non-nasal expulsion akin to sneezing, often preceded by puffing of the lips and neck arching as warning signals. Females employ it to reject males, while both sexes use it against conspecifics to maintain pecking order, though it is rarely directed at humans unless provoked. Archerfish (Toxotes spp.), small freshwater or brackish-water fish native to mangroves and estuaries, utilize spitting for predation by ejecting high-velocity water jets to dislodge and small prey from overhanging vegetation up to 1.5–2 meters above the surface. The mechanism relies on precise : the fish positions itself to the target, compresses water via cover movements and tongue positioning to form a bullet-like droplet stream, and adjusts jet hydrodynamics—such as blob formation and bunching—for distance and impact force, achieving accuracies exceeding 50% at range. This amplifies muscular power externally, similar to a bow's leverage, with the jet's leading droplet traveling at speeds up to 3–4 times the fish's body length per second. Evolutionary origins trace to ancestral sediment-clearing jets, refined through learning for aerial targeting. Several elapid snakes, collectively termed spitting cobras (e.g., Naja nigricollis and Naja mossambica), have evolved specialized with orifices at the tips to propel as a defensive or stream, primarily aimed at the eyes of predators or threats, with effective ranges of 1.5–2.7 meters (5–9 feet). The expulsion occurs via contraction of the venom gland, forcing fluid through a narrowed fang channel to create a bolus that the snake directs by head movements, though post-ejection trajectory cannot be altered. This cytolytic induces severe , , and potential corneal damage or blindness upon ocular contact, distinct from neurotoxic effects in non-spitting cobras, reflecting an for deterrence rather than subduing prey. While biting remains possible, spitting constitutes the primary antipredator strategy, with evolutionary pressures possibly linked to diurnal habits and mammalian threats. Other taxa exhibit analogous behaviors: camels (Camelus spp.) regurgitate foul-smelling stomach contents similarly to camelids for intra-species disputes or defense, while certain scytodid spiders () eject adhesive silk mixed with venom at prey or intruders at speeds up to 1 meter per second over short distances. These instances underscore spitting's across vertebrates and invertebrates for propulsion of irritants, though empirical studies emphasize context-specific biomechanics over broad generalizations.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Practices

In ancient Egyptian mythology, the god Khnum created humans on a potter's wheel using clay moistened with his saliva, symbolizing saliva's role as a life-giving substance equivalent to divine breath or creative word. Spitting also featured in rituals among ancient Egyptians and Mayans to merge one person's spirit with another's, often through direct oral transfer, reflecting beliefs in saliva's spiritual potency for bonding or transformation. Ancient Greeks employed spitting as an apotropaic measure to avert the evil eye or misfortune, a practice documented in classical literature where saliva was believed to possess curative properties against ailments and envy-induced harm. This included spitting three times after compliments, particularly on children, to neutralize potential malice, a custom with roots traceable to pre-Christian Hellenistic traditions. Romans extended similar uses, spitting on individuals experiencing epileptic seizures to mitigate the episode, as recorded by Pliny the Elder, who also noted that spitting thrice before consuming medicine enhanced its efficacy due to saliva's perceived prophylactic power against adverse forces. Pliny further described spitting into clothing folds for protection against enchantment, underscoring saliva's role in daily rituals to deflect supernatural threats. In the , including biblical contexts, spitting served as a marker of social degradation and ; for instance, expectoration in the face signified utter or legal , as evidenced in Mesopotamian and early Israelite legal texts where it imposed impurity requiring purification. This punitive application paralleled protective rites elsewhere, where saliva expelled impurities or rejected the inedible, often necessitating water-based cleansing. Pre-modern European folk utilized fasting spittle—saliva collected before eating—for therapeutic ends, such as applying it to over nine mornings in to promote healing, based on empirical observations of 's enzymatic properties despite lacking scientific validation at the time. Medieval societies imposed minimal public restrictions on spitting, allowing it freely except near food or ablution areas, reflecting casual integration into daily before germ theory's advent. Among pre-modern African pastoralists like the Nuer of southern , men spat on relatives' heads as a or blessing, embedding exchange in social bonds and protection rituals that persisted into ethnographic records of the early . Similarly, Maasai warriors spat on kin upon reunion as a of affection and warding, a custom rooted in oral traditions predating colonial documentation. These practices highlight 's dual role in ancient and pre-modern contexts as both a vector for communal and a barrier against perceived spiritual perils, grounded in experiential correlations rather than formalized doctrine.

Modern Public Health Campaigns

Following Robert Koch's 1882 identification of in , public health authorities recognized public spitting as a primary vector for TB transmission, as desiccated could release infectious aerosols. Early 20th-century campaigns emphasized containment through education, posters, and infrastructure like spittoons or disposable paper receptacles. In the United States, the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT), established in 1904 and predecessor to the , led nationwide efforts with slogans such as "Beware of the Careless Spitter" and "Don't Spit, Save Lives." These included school-based programs like the 1915 Modern Health Crusade, which by 1919 engaged 3 million children in hygiene rules prohibiting spitting and awarding certificates for compliance. Municipal ordinances supported the campaigns; passed the first anti-spitting law in 1896, banning expectoration on sidewalks, in public buildings, and transit, leading to 2,513 arrests and fines between 1896 and 1910, with approximately 150 cities following suit by 1911. Internationally, similar initiatives appeared, such as Australian posters from the early 1900s declaring "Don't Spit: Unsightly, Unsanitary, Unhealthy" to combat TB spread. In , 1950s posters explicitly warned "Please Don't Spit on the Ground, Lest People Get TB," instructing use of spittoons or handkerchiefs. During the 1918 influenza pandemic, anti-spitting messaging reinforced broader hygiene drives via posters, newspapers, and public signage to limit respiratory droplet transmission. Assessments of effectiveness vary; TB mortality fell 60% from 1900 to 1930 amid interventions including anti-spitting efforts, which shifted norms against public expectoration. However, econometric analyses of TB campaigns, such as sanatoriums and , found minimal impact on mortality declines, attributing reductions more to socioeconomic improvements and later antibiotics than behavioral measures alone. By , diminished TB prevalence and cultural changes rendered dedicated anti-spitting campaigns obsolete.

Cultural and Symbolic Roles

Protective and Superstitious Uses

In various cultures, saliva has been attributed apotropaic properties, believed to repel malevolent forces such as the , demons, or misfortune, a notion rooted in ancient views of bodily fluids as potent against supernatural harm. Ancient Romans, for instance, spat upon individuals afflicted by or those lame in the right leg to avert associated bad . Among Jewish communities, spitting three times—either literally or by uttering "pooh, pooh, pooh"—serves as a response to encounters with extreme good or evil, intended to neutralize potential harm from or demonic influence; this practice, documented in medieval texts including those by physician , underscores saliva's historical role as a safeguard against magic. Greek folklore similarly employs spitting, often thrice ("ftou ftou ftou"), to ward off the mati (evil eye) or devil, particularly after praising a child, newborn, or achievement, as the act symbolically counters jealousy-induced negativity; this custom persists in modern contexts like weddings or compliments, reflecting continuity from ancient Mediterranean beliefs in saliva's defensive power. This mirrors practices in neighboring Turkish culture, where spitting sounds follow compliments to deflect the evil eye's gaze. In Eastern European traditions, including Slavic groups, spitting on children after admiration aims to shield them from the evil eye, a protective gesture tied to broader regional superstitions against envy; knocking on wood or spitting over the left shoulder may accompany it for reinforced aversion of jinxes. Among the Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania, elders spit on brides during ceremonies to invoke protection from evil spirits, ensuring fertility and prosperity, symbolizing blessings through this ritual fluid exchange. These uses highlight saliva's cross-cultural symbolism as a barrier to intangible threats, though lacking empirical validation beyond folkloric persistence.

Variations in Global Attitudes

In Western societies, such as those in Europe and North America, public spitting is broadly viewed as a breach of hygiene norms and social etiquette, often eliciting strong disgust and leading to informal social sanctions or legal repercussions. For instance, in the United Kingdom, prosecutions for public spitting have occurred, reflecting its classification as antisocial behavior under public order laws. Similarly, surveys in the United States indicate that spitting is perceived more frequently among men and is generally condemned as unhygienic, aligning with broader cultural emphases on personal cleanliness. In contrast, attitudes in many Asian countries, particularly and , exhibit greater tolerance for public spitting, rooted in physiological habits like expelling from respiratory irritants or cultural practices such as chewing quid (paan) in India, where it remains socially acceptable in rural and urban settings despite health risks. In , historical norms permitted spitting to clear airways, influenced by environmental factors like , though urban modernization and campaigns since the 2000s have begun shifting perceptions toward disapproval in public spaces. A 2013 academic analysis highlighted how such practices in stem from embedded cultural responses to health and environment, differing from Western judgments of deviance. Cross-national research reveals systematic variations tied to socioeconomic and ecological factors. A study across 56 countries, involving nearly 20,000 participants, found hygiene norms against spitting to be strong globally but predicted by national levels of self-control and parasite stress, with stricter prohibitions in wealthier, low-disease environments. Women consistently endorsed more prohibitive norms than men in 54 of these nations, though exceptions occurred in countries like Nigeria and Saudi Arabia, where gender differences were minimal, potentially reflecting localized cultural or religious tolerances. In the Global South, public spitting persists as a normalized, non-deviant act in everyday life, challenging Western public health narratives that frame it uniformly as harmful without accounting for contextual adaptations. Some non-Western traditions incorporate symbolic elements influencing attitudes, such as spitting to ward off malevolent spirits in certain Eastern , which historically mitigated stigma around the act. Post-2020 campaigns intensified global pushes for uniformity, yet empirical data indicate persistent regional divergences, with acceptance higher where disease threats are chronic but norms less formalized. These variations underscore how cultural embedding and adaptive behaviors shape perceptions beyond universal responses.

Health and Hygiene Risks

Disease Transmission Mechanisms

Spitting propels , which can contain viable bacterial and viral pathogens, outward in the form of droplets ranging from 5 to 1000 micrometers in diameter, facilitating direct deposition onto mucous membranes of the eyes, , or of nearby individuals, or indirect transfer via fomites. These droplets may also generate smaller aerosols (<5 micrometers) through fragmentation during expulsion, allowing and deeper penetration, akin to mechanisms observed in coughing or speaking. Salivary enzymes and hypotonicity provide some inherent protection, reducing but not eliminating transmission risks for certain enveloped viruses like ; however, non-enveloped pathogens or robust bacteria persist more readily. Bacterial transmission via spitting occurs primarily through droplet nuclei containing aerosolized microbes, such as , which remains infectious in airborne sputum particles expelled during spitting, enabling pulmonary infection upon inhalation by susceptible hosts within close proximity (typically under 2 meters). Streptococcal bacteria, including group A causing strep throat, can similarly transfer via saliva droplets contacting oropharyngeal mucosa, with viability sustained in salivary fluid for hours under moist conditions. For viruses, mechanisms involve virions embedded in salivary glycoproteins, expelled in droplets that either directly infect via mucosal entry or desiccate into respirable aerosols; A and rhinoviruses exemplify this, with transmission efficiency heightened by high viral loads in during acute shedding (up to 10^6-10^8 particles per milliliter). Fomite-mediated spread arises when saliva residues on surfaces retain pathogen infectivity—M. tuberculosis for up to 24 hours on dry surfaces, or enteric viruses like for days in moist environments—followed by hand-to-mucosa transfer, though this is less efficient than direct or droplet routes due to dilution and effects. Transmission probability depends on factors including velocity (up to 10-20 m/s in forceful spits, increasing droplet range to 2-3 meters), pathogen concentration in donor , recipient immune status, and environmental , which modulates evaporation and suspension time. While 's antimicrobial peptides (e.g., histatins, ) mitigate some risks, empirical models indicate spitting elevates local infection odds by 10-100 fold over baseline contact for aerosolized respiratory pathogens compared to passive saliva exchange like kissing.

Empirical Evidence from Outbreaks

During the epidemics of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, empirical observations linked public spitting to transmission via containing Mycobacterium tuberculosis bacilli, which could remain viable on surfaces or become aerosolized for inhalation. Health officials documented bacilli in dried spittle from public spaces, such as sidewalks and transit floors, contributing to environmental reservoirs in densely populated urban areas like , where TB mortality exceeded 300 per 100,000 in the 1890s. Anti-spitting ordinances, starting with New York's 1896 law fining violators up to $10, formed part of multifaceted campaigns that correlated with TB death rates halving to about 150 per 100,000 by 1910, though econometric analyses attribute only a small fraction—around 6% from case reporting and related behavioral measures—to such interventions, with broader declines driven by improvements in , , and . In the 1918-1919 , which killed over 50 million globally, records identified spitting as a vector alongside coughing and sneezing, expelling virus-laden droplets that facilitated close-contact spread in overcrowded settings. U.S. cities enforcing bans on public spitting, often via placards and fines, saw localized reductions in case clusters; for instance, Philadelphia's failure to rigorously curb such behaviors amid a liberty loan parade on October 12, 1918, preceded a surge to over 12,000 deaths, while compliant areas like limited through combined non-pharmaceutical interventions targeting respiratory expulsion. Retrospective modeling estimates these measures, including anti-spitting enforcement, averted 30-50% of potential transmissions in analyzed U.S. cities by disrupting droplet dynamics. Contemporary outbreaks provide limited tying casual spitting to widespread , though isolated cases highlight risks. In a 2024 California TB cluster among 14 homeless individuals, health officials noted transmission via coughing, sneezing, or spitting in shared shelters, resulting in nine hospitalizations and one death before containment. For , saliva positivity rates reached 91.7% in infected patients, enabling theoretical spread via expectoration, but outbreak investigations found no robust clusters attributable to public spitting habits, such as in ; instead, deliberate assaults involving spitting led to documented secondary infections in healthcare and custodial settings.

Historical Anti-Spitting Laws

Historical anti-spitting laws arose in the late 19th and early 20th centuries amid growing awareness of (TB) transmission via respiratory droplets in , following Robert Koch's 1882 discovery of . reformers emphasized spitting's role in aerosolizing , prompting legislative efforts to curb the practice in shared spaces. In the United States, New York City passed the nation's first major anti-expectoration ordinance on May 12, 1896, banning spitting on streets, sidewalks, public transit, and in subways, with penalties of fines from $1 to $5 or imprisonment up to one year. Enforcement resulted in over 2,500 arrests between 1896 and 1910, though average fines were under $1, reflecting practical challenges in prosecution. This law, advocated by groups like the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis, set a precedent, leading dozens of municipalities—including Philadelphia and San Francisco—to adopt similar bans by 1910, often targeting streetcars and public buildings. European precedents predated American efforts; enacted anti-spitting regulations as early as 1886, aligning with germ theory advancements and focusing on urban hygiene to mitigate TB's airborne spread. In Britain and , early 20th-century ordinances restricted expectoration in trams and stations, though enforcement remained inconsistent, prioritizing education over punishment. These laws often intersected with broader sanitation reforms but faced resistance over personal liberties, with critics arguing they overreached into private habits without sufficient evidence of efficacy. Many such ordinances persist on statute books today, rarely invoked except in hygiene crises, underscoring their origins in TB-specific rather than general .

Contemporary Enforcement and Assault Cases

In common law jurisdictions such as the and , spitting on another person is typically classified as or battery, constituting an unlawful application of force or an attempt to cause apprehension of harm, even without physical injury. Penalties often include charges carrying up to one year in jail and fines up to $1,000, escalating to felonies when directed at protected individuals like officers, with potential sentences of up to eight years in federal cases. Recent enforcement has emphasized prosecution in incidents involving public officials or during altercations. On August 14, 2025, a Washington, D.C., woman pleaded guilty to assault after spitting on former interim U.S. Attorney Edward R. Martin Jr. and two deputy U.S. marshals outside a federal courthouse. In May 2025, federal authorities arrested another woman for spitting on Martin, a Trump-appointed official, charging her with assault amid heightened scrutiny of attacks on government personnel. Similarly, on October 7, 2025, a Portland man faced felony assault charges for spitting on a federal law enforcement officer near an ICE facility, underscoring elevated penalties for targeting federal agents. State-level cases reflect consistent application against officers. In a 2024 Washington state ruling, Sammuel Miller was convicted of third-degree for spitting on Officer Kayla Dragt during an , affirming that such acts qualify as intentional harmful contact under state law. In the UK, a May 2024 incident in led to the of a 35-year-old man on suspicion of after spitting during a altercation, with pending further investigation. These prosecutions demonstrate that while public health-oriented anti-spitting ordinances from earlier eras see limited modern enforcement, interpersonal spitting triggers robust legal response due to its classification as direct .

Spitting in Sports and Performance

Physiological Reasons Among Athletes

Athletes in endurance and high-intensity sports frequently spit to manage alterations in saliva composition induced by physical exertion. During exercise, the activates, stimulating salivary glands to increase of proteins such as MUC5B, a that thickens and imparts a sticky consistency. This change occurs due to elevated adrenergic activity and plasma catecholamines, which promote protein release while from sweating reduces overall saliva hydration, exacerbating the viscous buildup. The thickened saliva creates discomfort, including a sensation of oral dryness despite increased production, prompting athletes to expel it to clear airways and maintain efficiency. Studies on runners and cyclists demonstrate that moderate to vigorous exercise elevates MUC5B levels by up to 50-100% compared to rest, correlating with observed spitting behaviors in sports like soccer and . , prevalent in aerobic activities, further dries the , intensifying the urge to spit as a reflexive response to prevent aspiration or difficulties. In combat sports such as , physiological spitting aids in clearing excess or blood-tinged from mouthguards and airways, reducing gag reflex risks during . Endurance athletes may also experience transient in cold conditions, where sub-zero temperatures amplify glandular response, necessitating expulsion to avoid performance hindrance. These mechanisms stem from evolutionary adaptations for respiratory protection under stress, though habitual spitting can vary by sport intensity and environmental factors.

Notable Controversies and Sanctions

In , Uruguayan forward faced significant sanctions following an incident on August 31, 2025, during Inter Miami's final loss to Seattle Sounders, where he spat at a Sounders staff member amid a post-match altercation; he received a six-match suspension from the organizers. imposed an additional three-match ban on September 9, 2025, citing the act as , exacerbating Suárez's history of disciplinary issues including prior spitting offenses. In the , Norwich City winger admitted to spitting at an opponent during a 2024 Championship match, resulting in a six-game ban announced by on January 10, 2025, which sidelined the team's top scorer and sparked debate over intent versus reaction under pressure. Similarly, Nottingham Forest owner was banned for five matches in November 2024 after spitting on the ground near match officials following a game, an action the FA deemed improper conduct despite his denial of targeting individuals. In , was ejected and subsequently suspended for one game by the on September 9, 2025, after spitting on quarterback Dak Prescott's chest during the season opener, an incident captured on video and classified as personal foul conduct. Historical precedents include wide receiver , fined $35,000 by the in December 2006 for spitting in the face of cornerback during a game, without further suspension, reflecting league tendencies toward monetary penalties over ejections for such acts. These cases underscore spitting's status as a grave violation across sports governing bodies, often equated to due to risks and intent to demean, with sanctions varying by league but consistently emphasizing deterrence through multi-game absences.

Competitive Spitting

Types of Competitions

Competitive spitting contests primarily involve participants using oral to project small objects, such as pits or seeds, for maximum distance, often at agricultural fairs or festivals. These events emphasize technique, including positioning and breath control, with rules typically prohibiting hand assistance and requiring on-site provision of projectiles to prevent tampering. Cherry pit spitting stands as one of the most established variants, with the International Cherry Pit-Spitting Championship held annually since 1974 at Tree-Mendus Fruit Farm in Eau Claire, , where contestants consume fresh cherries to obtain pits. Similar events occur internationally, including the Witzenhausen Cherry Pip Spitting World Championship in since 1983 and Australia's Manjimup Cherry Harmony Festival contest. Participants compete in categories by age and gender, aiming for distances exceeding 30 meters in elite rounds. Watermelon seed spitting contests, prevalent at summer harvest events across the , require spitting sun-dried seeds from eaten watermelon for distance. The Guinness World Record for farthest projection is 22.91 meters (75 feet 2 inches), achieved by Jason Schayot at , on August 12, 1995. These competitions often feature multiple rounds and have inspired instructional techniques, such as placing heavier seeds on the tongue's center for optimal launch. Tobacco spitting events, historically tied to rural American culture, involve expectorating streams of juice toward targets or for distance, peaking in popularity during the mid-20th century. The inaugural National Tobacco Spitting Contest occurred in Raleigh, , in 1966, organized by local Jaycees for fundraising, with subsequent iterations in states like and drawing participants from farming communities. These contests have declined amid anti-tobacco campaigns but persist in niche festivals. Novelty competitions include cricket spitting, where contestants propel dried crickets—often consumed first—for distance, as seen in quirky events documented in media reports. Sheep dung spitting, originating in Welsh agricultural shows, requires mouthing and expelling ovine pellets, with the farthest throw winning prizes at festivals like the New Zealand National Sheep Dung Spitting Competition. Such variants highlight cultural or humorous elements but remain marginal compared to fruit-based contests.

World Records and Achievements

The longest recorded distance for spitting a cherry stone in competition is 28.51 meters (93 feet 6.5 inches), achieved by Brian "Young Gun" Krause of the United States at the International Cherry Pit-Spitting Championship in Eau Claire, Michigan, on July 10, 2000. This record, verified under controlled conditions including specific pit preparation and spitting technique rules, has stood as the benchmark for the event, which emphasizes precision and force generated from the tongue and lungs. In watermelon seed spitting, the farthest verified distance is 22.91 meters (75 feet 2 inches), set by Jason Schayot of the in , on August 12, 1995. Competitors in this discipline typically select mature, aerodynamic seeds and employ a crouched stance to maximize , with measurements taken from a foul line to the seed's landing point. Earlier claims, such as 20.96 meters (68 feet 9 1/8 inches) by Lee Wheelis in , in 1989, were surpassed but highlight the evolution of technique in annual festivals like the Luling Watermelon Thump. Other notable achievements include the largest cherry stone spitting competition, involving 2,944 participants organized by the Executive Committee of Sagae Shiki Festival in Sagae, , on an unspecified date in the early 2010s, emphasizing mass participation over individual distance. Similarly, the largest grape spitting event featured 891 participants by Koshu in Koshu, , at Katsunuma Central Park, focusing on communal engagement in seed projection. These records underscore the cultural and recreational aspects of spitting contests, often tied to agricultural festivals, where empirical measurement protocols ensure verifiability amid varying environmental factors like and .

Gleeking Technique

Gleeking is the deliberate or accidental projection of a jet of from beneath the , resembling the defensive spit of a . This occurs through compression of the sublingual and submandibular salivary glands, which are situated in the floor of the and produce the majority of resting saliva volume—approximately 1-1.5 liters per day across all glands. Physiologically, the process relies on the submandibular glands' drainage via Wharton's duct, a 5-6 cm structure that opens at the sublingual caruncle near the 's . When the tongue applies targeted pressure—typically by curling backward or thrusting forward—it squeezes accumulated from the gland into the duct, expelling it as a pressurized stream up to several inches. The sublingual glands, smaller and mucus-rich, augment this via multiple minor ducts in the same sublingual fold, though the submandibular contribution dominates the jet's force. This mechanism exploits normal salivary accumulation, which builds during stimulation but can be manually propelled without neural reflex beyond voluntary muscle control. To execute gleeking intentionally, sufficient saliva must first accumulate in the glands, achieved by stimuli like sucking on sour candies (which activate gustatory-triggered secretion via the ) or yawning (which mechanically pools fluid). The performer then protrudes the lower slightly to expose the gland region, presses the 's underside firmly against the as far posteriorly as mobility allows, and executes a sharp anterior or inferior movement to compress the glands abruptly. Practice refines this, as variations in length, gland depth (typically 1-2 cm below the mucosa), or duct patency influence success; no formal studies quantify , but anecdotal reports suggest 20-50% of individuals master it with repetition, while others face barriers from limited hyoid- coordination or shallower gland positioning. Inadvertent gleeking arises from unintended compression during yawning (which stretches the floor of the mouth), rapid speech, or , affecting the duct's low-resistance pathway. Though benign occasionally, recurrent episodes may indicate from causes like medication side effects or gastrointestinal reflux, potentially eroding enamel via prolonged exposure; dental consultation is advised if uncontrolled, as it rarely signals pathology like but warrants exclusion.

Historical Anti-Spitting Devices

Portable sputum flasks emerged in the late as a key tool in anti- campaigns to contain expectorated matter and mitigate risks associated with indiscriminate spitting. These devices, often compact metal or glass containers with tight-fitting lids, enabled carriers—particularly those diagnosed with pulmonary —to dispose of sputum hygienically without resorting to public surfaces. Promoted by physicians like S. Adolphus Knopf, who emphasized their role in breaking the chain of after Robert Koch's 1882 identification of the tubercle bacillus, sputum flasks were marketed widely by medical supply firms such as Kny-Scheerer Company, with prices ranging from $0.35 for basic models to $1.25 for premium versions. Disposable paper pocket flasks supplemented reusable ones, offering a low-cost, single-use option for patients in sanitariums or everyday use; bulk orders were discounted to encourage adoption among the afflicted. These innovations aligned with broader public health reforms, including ordinances like New York City's 1896 anti-expectoration law, by shifting spitting from open environments to controlled receptacles, though enforcement relied heavily on voluntary compliance and education rather than mandates for device use. Public installations, such as self-flushing spittoons, represented another category of anti-spitting apparatus, designed for high-traffic areas like streetcars and buildings to capture and sanitize sputum automatically, reducing manual cleaning and bacterial persistence. Produced by the same suppliers, these fixed devices aimed to accommodate habitual spitters while discouraging floor or sidewalk deposition, reflecting a pragmatic balance between cultural norms and germ theory-driven hygiene imperatives. Despite their proliferation, efficacy data was anecdotal, with campaigns reporting varied uptake; by 1910, the National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis noted persistent challenges in curbing public spitting even in equipped venues.

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