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Think tank
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Brookings Institution, founded in 1916 in Washington, D.C.
The Heritage Foundation, founded in 1973 in Washington, D.C.
Stanford University's Hoover Institution, founded in 1919 by U.S. President Herbert Hoover

A think tank, or public policy institute, is an organization that performs research and advocacy concerning topics such as social policy, political strategy, economics, military, technology, and culture. Most think tanks are non-governmental organizations, but some are semi-autonomous agencies within a government, and some are associated with particular political parties, businesses, or the military.[1] Think tanks are often funded by individual donations, with many also accepting government grants.[2]

Think tanks publish articles and studies, and sometimes draft legislation on particular matters of policy or society. This information is then used by governments, businesses, media organizations, social movements, or other interest groups.[3][4] Think tanks range from those associated with highly academic or scholarly activities to those that are overtly ideological and pushing for particular policies, with a wide range among them in terms of the quality of their research. Later generations of think tanks have tended to be more ideologically oriented.[3]

Modern think tanks began as a phenomenon in the United Kingdom in the 19th and early 20th centuries, with most of the rest being established in other English-speaking countries.[3][5] Before 1945, they focused on the economic issues associated with industrialization and urbanization. During the Cold War, many more American and other Western think tanks were established, which often guided government Cold War policy.[3][6][4] Since 1991, more think tanks have been established in non-Western parts of the world. Over half of all think tanks that exist today were established after 1980.[5] As of 2023, there were more than 11,000 think tanks globally.[7]

History

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According to historian Jacob Soll, while the term "think tank" is modern, with its origin "traced to the humanist academies and scholarly networks of the 16th and 17th centuries," evidence shows that, "in Europe, the origins of think tanks go back to the 800s when emperors and kings began arguing with the Catholic Church about taxes. A tradition of hiring teams of independent lawyers to advise monarchs about their financial and political prerogatives against the church spans from Charlemagne all the way to the 17th century, when the kings of France were still arguing about whether they had the right to appoint bishops and receive a cut of their income."

Soll cites as an early example the Académie des frères Dupuy, created in Paris around 1620 by the brothers Pierre and Jacques Dupuy and also known after 1635 as the cabinet des frères Dupuy.[8] The Club de l'Entresol, active in Paris between 1723 and 1731, was another prominent example of an early independent think tank focusing on public policy and current affairs, especially economics and foreign affairs.[9]

19th century

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Several major current think tanks were founded in the 19th century. The Royal United Services Institute was founded in 1831 in London, and the Fabian Society in 1884.

20th century

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The oldest United States–based think tank, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, was founded in Washington, D.C., in 1910 by philanthropist Andrew Carnegie. Carnegie charged trustees to use the fund to "hasten the abolition of international war, the foulest blot upon our civilization."[10] The Brookings Institution was founded shortly thereafter in 1916 by Robert S. Brookings and was conceived as a bipartisan "research center modeled on academic institutions and focused on addressing the questions of the federal government."[11]

After 1945, the number of policy institutes increased, with many small new ones forming to express various issues and policy agendas. Until the 1940s, most think tanks were known only by the name of the institution. During the Second World War, think tanks were often referred to as "brain boxes".[12]

Before the 1950s, the phrase "think tank" did not refer to organizations. From its first appearances in the 1890s up to the 1950s, the phrase was most commonly used in American English to colloquially refer to the braincase or especially in a pejorative context to the human brain itself when commenting on an individual's failings (in the sense that something was wrong with that person's "think tank").[13]: 25  Around 1958, the first organization to be regularly described in published writings as "the Think Tank" (note the title case and the use of the definite article) was the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences.[13]: 26  However, the Center does not count itself as and is not perceived to be a think tank in the contemporary sense.[13]: 26  During the 1960s, the phrase "think tank" was attached more broadly to meetings of experts, electronic computers,[13]: 27  and independent military planning organizations.[13]: 26  The prototype and most prominent example of the third category was the RAND Corporation, which was founded in 1946 as an offshoot of Douglas Aircraft and became an independent corporation in 1948.[13]: 70 [14] In the 1970s, the phrase became more specifically defined in terms of RAND and others.[13]: 28  During the 1980s and 1990s, the phrase evolved again to arrive at its broader contemporary meaning of an independent public policy research institute.[13]: 28 

For most of the 20th century, such institutes were found primarily in the United States, along with much smaller numbers in Canada, the United Kingdom, and Western Europe. Although think tanks had also existed in Japan for some time, they generally lacked independence, having close associations with government ministries or corporations. There has been a veritable proliferation of "think tanks" around the world that began during the 1980s as a result of globalization, the end of the Cold War, and the emergence of transnational problems. Two-thirds of all the think tanks that exist today were established after 1970 and more than half were established since 1980.[5]

The effect of globalisation on the proliferation of think tanks is most evident in regions such as Africa, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and parts of Southeast Asia, where there was a concerted effort by other countries to assist in the creation of independent public policy research organizations. A survey performed by the Foreign Policy Research Institute's Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program underscores the significance of this effort and documents the fact that most of the think tanks in these regions have been established since 1992.

21st century

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As of 2014, there were more than 11,000 of these institutions worldwide.[15][16] Many of the more established think tanks, created during the Cold War, are focused on international affairs, security studies, and foreign policy.[5]

The median think tank publishes 138 articles a year, albeit there is substantial variation, with the Brookings Institution having published 3,880 reports in 2020 alone. Other prolific publishers include the Wilson Center or the CSIS.[17]

Types

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Think tanks vary by ideological perspectives, sources of funding, topical emphasis and prospective consumers.[18] Funding may also represent who or what the institution wants to influence; in the United States, for example, "Some donors want to influence votes in Congress or shape public opinion, others want to position themselves or the experts they fund for future government jobs, while others want to push specific areas of research or education."[18]

McGann distinguishes think tanks based on independence, source of funding and affiliation, grouping think tanks into autonomous and independent, quasi-independent, government affiliated, quasi-governmental, university affiliated, political-party affiliated or corporate.[16]

A new trend, resulting from globalization, is collaboration between policy institutes in different countries. For instance, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace operates offices in Washington, D.C., Beijing, Beirut, Brussels and formerly in Moscow, where it was closed in April 2022.[18]

The Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP) at the University of Pennsylvania, led by James McGann, annually rates policy institutes worldwide in a number of categories and presents its findings in the Global Go-To Think Tanks rating index.[19] However, this method of the study and assessment of policy institutes has been criticized by researchers such as Enrique Mendizabal and Goran Buldioski, Director of the Think Tank Fund, assisted by the Open Society Institute.[20][21] As the TTCSP ended its operations in 2021, the platform ThinkTankAlert started ranking think tanks globally based on their inter-citation patterns in 2025.[22]

Activities

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Think tanks may attempt to broadly inform the public by holding conferences to discuss issues which they may broadcast; encouraging scholars to give public lectures, testifying before committees of governmental bodies; publishing and widely distributing books, magazines, newsletters or journals; creating mailing lists to distribute new publications; and engaging in social media.[23]: 90 

Think tanks may privately influence policy by having their members accept bureaucratic positions, having members serve on political advisory boards, inviting policy-makers to events, allowing individuals to work at the think tank; employing former policy-makers; or preparing studies for policy makers.[23]: 95 

Governmental theory

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The role of think tanks has been conceptualized through the lens of social theory. German political scientist Dieter Plehwe [de] argues that think tanks function as knowledge actors within a network of relationships with other knowledge actors. Such relationships including citing academics in publications or employing them on advisory boards, as well as relationships with media, political groups and corporate funders. They argue that these links allow for the construction of a discourse coalition with a common aim, citing the example of deregulation of trucking, airlines, and telecommunications in the 1970s.[24]: 369  Plehwe argues that this deregulation represented a discourse coalition between the Ford Motor Company, FedEx, neo-liberal economists, the Brookings Institution and the American Enterprise Institute.[24]: 372 

Elite theory considers how an "elite" influence the actions of think tanks and potentially bypass the political process, analysing the social background and values of those who work in think tanks. Pautz criticizes this viewpoint because there is in practice a variety of viewpoints in think tanks and argues it dismisses the influence that ideas can have.[25]: 424 

Advocacy

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In some cases, corporate interests,[26] military interests[1] and political groups have found it useful to create policy institutes, advocacy organizations, and think tanks. For example, The Advancement of Sound Science Coalition was formed in the mid-1990s to dispute research finding an association between second-hand smoke and cancer.[27] Military contractors may spend a portion of their tender on funding pro-war think tanks.[1] According to an internal memorandum from Philip Morris Companies referring to the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), "The credibility of the EPA is defeatable, but not on the basis of ETS [environmental tobacco smoke] alone,... It must be part of a larger mosaic that concentrates all the EPA's enemies against it at one time."[28]

According to the progressive media watchdog Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting, both left-wing and right-wing policy institutes are often quoted and rarely identified as such. The result is that think tank "experts" are sometimes depicted as neutral sources without any ideological predispositions when, in fact, they represent a particular perspective.[29][30] In the United States, think tank publications on education are subjected to expert review by the National Education Policy Center's "Think Twice" think tank review project.[31]

A 2014 New York Times report asserted that foreign governments buy influence at many United States think tanks. According to the article: "More than a dozen prominent Washington research groups have received tens of millions of dollars from foreign governments in recent years while pushing United States government officials to adopt policies that often reflect the donors' priorities."[32]

Global think tanks

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African think tanks

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Ghana

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Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, set up various state-supported think tanks in the 1960s. By the 1990s, a variety of policy research centers sprang up in Africa set up by academics who sought to influence public policy in Ghana.

One such think tank was The Institute of Economic Affairs, Ghana, which was founded in 1989 when the country was ruled by the Provisional National Defence Council. The IEA undertakes and publishes research on a range of economic and governance issues confronting Ghana and Sub-Saharan Africa. It has also been involved in bringing political parties together to engage in dialogue. In particular it has organised Presidential debates every election year since the Ghanaian presidential election, 1996.

Notable think tanks in Ghana include:

Somalia

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South Africa

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Asian think tanks

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Afghanistan

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Afghanistan has a number of think tanks that are in the form of governmental, non-governmental, and corporate organizations.

Bangladesh

[edit]

Bangladesh has a number of think tanks that are in the form of governmental, non-governmental, and corporate organizations.

China

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In China a number of think tanks are sponsored by governmental agencies such as Development Research Center of the State Council, but still retain sufficient non-official status to be able to propose and debate ideas more freely. In January 2012, the first non-official think tank in mainland China, South Non-Governmental Think-Tank, was established in the Guangdong province.[33] In 2009 the China Center for International Economic Exchanges was founded.

Hong Kong
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In Hong Kong, early think tanks established in the late 1980s and early 1990s focused on political development, including the first direct Legislative Council members election in 1991 and the political framework of "One Country, Two Systems", manifested in the Sino-British Joint Declaration. After the transfer of sovereignty to China in 1997, more think tanks were established by various groups of intellectuals and professionals. They have various missions and objectives including promoting civic education; undertaking research on economic, social and political policies; and promoting "public understanding of and participation in the political, economic, and social development of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region".

Think tanks in Hong Kong include:

India

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India has the world's second-largest number of think tanks.[34] Most are based in New Delhi, and a few are government-sponsored.[35] There are few think tanks that promote environmentally responsible and climate resilient ideas like Centre for Science and Environment, Centre for Policy Research and World Resources Institute.[36][37][38] There are other prominent think tanks like Observer Research Foundation, Tillotoma Foundation, and Centre for Civil Society.[35]

In Mumbai, Strategic Foresight Group is a global think tank that works on issues such as water diplomacy, peace and conflict and foresight (futures studies). Think tanks with a development focus include those like the National Centre for Cold-chain Development ('NCCD'), which serve to bring an inclusive policy change by supporting the Planning Commission and related government bodies with industry-specific inputs – in this case, set up at the behest of the government to direct cold chain development. Some think tanks have a fixed set of focus areas and they work towards finding out policy solutions to social problems in the respective areas.

Initiatives such as National e-Governance Plan (to automate administrative processes)[39] and National Knowledge Network (NKN) (for data and resource sharing amongst education and research institutions), if implemented properly, should help improve the quality of work done by think tanks.[40]

Some notable think tanks in India include:

Indonesia

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Iraq

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Over 50 think tanks have emerged in Iraq, particularly in the Kurdistan Region. Iraq's leading think tank is the Middle East Research Institute (MERI),[41] based in Erbil. MERI is an independent non-governmental policy research organization, established in 2014 and publishes in English, Kurdish, and Arabic. It was listed in the global ranking by the United States's Lauder Institute of the University of Pennsylvania as 46th in the Middle East.[42]

Israel

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There are many think tank teams in Israel, including:[43]

South Korea

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In South Korea, think tanks are prolific and influential and are a government go-to. Think tanks are prolific in the Korean landscape. Many policy research organisations in Korea focus on economy and most research is done in public think tanks. There is a strong emphasis on the knowledge-based economy and, according to one respondent, think tank research is generally considered high quality.[44]

Japan

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Japan has over 100 think tanks, most of which cover not only policy research but also economy, technology and so on. Some are government related, but most of the think tanks are sponsored by the private sector.[45]

Kazakhstan

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Institute of World Economics and Politics (IWEP) at the Foundation of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan was created in 2003. IWEP activities aimed at research problems of the world economy, international relations, geopolitics, security, integration and Eurasia, as well as the study of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan and its contribution to the establishment and strengthening of Kazakhstan as an independent state, the development of international cooperation and the promotion of peace and stability.[46][47]

The Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the RK (KazISS) was established by the Decree of the President of RK on 16 June 1993. Since its foundation the main mission of the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as a national think tank, is to maintain analytical and research support for the President of Kazakhstan.[48]

Malaysia

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Most Malaysian think tanks are related either to the government or a political party. Historically they focused on defense, politics and policy. However, in recent years, think tanks that focus on international trade, economics, and social sciences have also been founded.

Notable think tanks in Malaysia include:

Pakistan

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Pakistan's think tanks mainly revolve around social policy, internal politics, foreign security issues, and regional geo-politics. Most of these are centered on the capital, Islamabad. One such think tank is the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), which focuses on policy advocacy and research particularly in the area of environment and social development.

Another policy research institute based in Islamabad is the Institute of Social and Policy Sciences (I-SAPS) which works in the fields of education, health, disaster risk reduction, governance, conflict and stabilization. Since 2007 – 2008, I-SAPS has been analyzing public expenditure of federal and provincial governments.[49]

Philippines

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Think tanks in the Philippines could be generally categorized in terms of their linkages with the national government. Several were set up by the Philippine government for the specific purpose of providing research input into the policy-making process.[50]

Russia

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Sri Lanka

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Sri Lanka has a number of think tanks that are in the form of governmental, non-governmental and corporate organizations.

Singapore

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There are several think tanks in Singapore that advise the government on various policies and as well as private ones for corporations within the region. Many of them are hosted within the local public educational institutions.

Among them are the Singapore Institute of International Affairs (SIIA), Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), and the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.[51]

Taiwan

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In 2017 Taiwan had 58 think tanks.[34] As in most countries there is a mix of government- and privately-funded think tanks.[52]

Taiwanese think tanks in alphabetical order:

Thailand

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United Arab Emirates

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The UAE has been a center for political oriented think tanks which concentrate on both regional and global policy. Notable think tank have emerged in the global debate on terrorism, education & economical policies in the MENA region. Think tanks include:

European think tanks

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Belgium

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Brussels hosts most of the European Institutions, hence a large number of international think tanks are based there. Notable think tanks are Bruegel, the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Centre for the New Europe (CNE), the European Centre of International Political Economy (ECIPE), the European Policy Centre (EPC), the Friends of Europe, the Global Governance Institute (GGI), Liberales, and Sport and Citizenship, among others.

Bulgaria

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Bulgaria has a number of think tanks providing expertise and shaping policies, including Institute of Modern Politics.

Czech Republic

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Denmark

[edit]
  • CEPOS is a classic libertarian/free-market conservative think tank in Denmark.

Finland

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Finland has several small think tanks that provide expertise in very specific fields. Notable think tanks include:

In addition to specific independent think tanks, the largest political parties have their own think tank organizations. This is mainly due to support granted by state for such activity. The corporate world has focused their efforts to central representative organization Confederation of Finnish Industries, which acts as think tank in addition to negotiating salaries with workers unions. Furthermore, there is the Finnish Business and Policy Forum (Elinkeinoelämän valtuuskunta, EVA). Agricultural and regional interests, associated with The Central Union of Agricultural Producers and Forest Owners (Maa- ja metsätaloustuottajain Keskusliitto, MTK) and the Centre Party, are researched by Pellervo Economic Research (Pellervon taloustutkimus, PTT). The Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions (Suomen Ammattiliittojen Keskusjärjestö, SAK) and the Social Democratic Party are associated with the Labour Institute for Economic Research (Palkansaajien tutkimuslaitos, PT). Each of these organizations often release forecasts concerning the national economy.

France

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The French Institute of International Relations (IFRI) was founded in 1979 and is the third oldest think tank of western Europe, after Chatham House (UK, 1920) and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (Sweden, 1960). The primary goals of IFRI are to develop applied research in the field of public policy related to international issues, and foster interactive and constructive dialogue between researchers, professionals, and opinion leaders. France also hosts the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), a Paris-based agency of the European Union and think tank researching security issues of relevance for the EU. There are also a number of pro-business think tanks, notably the Paris-based Fondation Concorde.[61] The foundation focuses on increasing the competitiveness of French SME's and aims to revive entrepreneurship in France.

On the left, the main think tanks in France are the Fondation Jean-Jaurès, which is organizationally linked to the French Socialist Party, and Terra Nova. Terra Nova is an independent left-leaning think tank, although it is nevertheless considered to be close to the Socialists. It works on producing reports and analyses of current public policy issues from a progressive point of view, and contributing to the intellectual renewal of social democracy.

Germany

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In Germany all of the major parties are loosely associated with research foundations that play some role in shaping policy, but generally from the more disinterested role of providing research to support policymakers than explicitly proposing policy. These include the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (Christian Democratic Union-aligned), the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (Social Democratic Party-aligned), the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung (Christian Social Union-aligned), the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung (aligned with the Greens), Friedrich Naumann Foundation (Free Democratic Party-aligned) and the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation (aligned with Die Linke).

The German Institute for International and Security Affairs is a foreign policy think tank. Atlantic Community is an independent, non-partisan and non-profit organization set up as a joint project of Atlantische Initiative e.V. and Atlantic Initiative United States. The Institute for Media and Communication Policy deals with media-related issues. Transparency International is a think tank on the role of corporate and political corruption in international development.

Greece

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In Greece there are many think tanks, also called research organisations or institutes.

Ireland

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Italy

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Latvia

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The oldest think tank in Latvia is the Latvian Institute of International Affairs.[62] LIIA is a non governmental and non partisan foundation, established in 1992, and their research and advocacy mainly focuses on Latvian foreign policy; Transatlantic relations; European Union policies, including its neighborhood policy and Eastern Partnership; and multilateral and bilateral relations with Russia.

Netherlands

[edit]

All major political parties in the Netherlands have state-sponsored research foundations that play a role in shaping policy. The Dutch government also has its own think tank: the Scientific Council for Government Policy. The Netherlands furthermore hosts the Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael, or Clingendael Institute, an independent think tank and diplomatic academy which studies various aspects of international relations.

Poland

[edit]

There is a large pool of think tanks in Poland on a wide variety of subjects. The oldest state-sponsored think tank is The Western Institute in Poznań (Polish: Instytut Zachodni). The second oldest is the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM) established in 1947. Another notable state-sponsored think tank is the Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW), which specializes in the countries neighboring Poland and in the Baltic Sea region, the Balkans, Turkey, the Caucasus and Central Asia. Among the private think tanks notable organizations include the Institute for Structural Research (IBS) on economic policy, The Casimir Pulaski Foundation on foreign policy, the Institute of Public Affairs (ISP) on social policy, and the Sobieski Institute.

Portugal

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Founded in 1970, the SEDES is one of the oldest Portuguese civic associations and think tanks. Contraditório think tank was founded in 2008. Contraditório is a non-profit, independent and non-partisan think tank.

Romania

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The Romanian Academic Society (SAR), founded in 1996, is a Romanian think tank for policy research.

Russia

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Serbia

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The Foundation for the Advancement of Economics (FREN) was founded in 2005 by the Belgrade University's Faculty of Economics.

Slovakia

[edit]

Think tanks originating in Slovakia:

  • GLOBSEC – Global think tank committed to enhancing security, prosperity and sustainability in Europe and throughout the world.
  • Central European Labour Studies Institute or CELSI (Stredoeurópsky inštitút pre výskum práce in Slovak) – Central-european think tank which specializes in broadly defined labor issues, labour markets, and labor policy.
  • Forum Minority Research Institute (Fórum Kisebbségkutató Intézet or Fórum Intézet in Hungarian and Fórum inštitút pre výskum menšín or Fórum inštitút in Slovak) – Think tank focusing on ethnic minorities living in Slovakia, especially Hungarians.

International think tanks with presence in Slovakia:

  • Institute of Public Affairs (Inštitút pre verejné otázky or IVO in Slovak) – Australian-based think tank focusing on public policy issues.
  • Open Society Foundations or OSF – US-based think tank with an aim of advancing justice, education, public health and independent media.
  • Martens Centre (via the Anton Tunega Foundation[63]) – Belgium-based think tank and political foundation of the European People's Party (EPP) which embodies a pan-European mindset and promotes Christian-democratic and liberal-conservative political values.

Spain

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The Elcano Royal Institute was created in 2001 following the example of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) in the UK, although it is closely linked to (and receives funding from) the government in power.[64]

Former Prime Minister José Maria Aznar presides over the Fundación para el Analisis y los Estudios Sociales (FAES), a policy institute that is associated with the conservative Popular Party (PP). Also linked to the PP is the Grupo de Estudios Estratégicos (GEES), which is known for its defense- and security-related research and analysis. For its part, the Fundación Alternativas is independent but close to left-wing ideas. The Socialist Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) created Fundación Ideas in 2009 and dissolved it in January 2014. Also in 2009, the centrist Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) created Fundación Progreso y Democracia (FPyD).

Sweden

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Timbro is a free market think tank and book publisher based in Stockholm.

Switzerland

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Think tanks based within Switzerland include:

Ukraine

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As of 2022, there are nearly 100 registered think tanks in Ukraine,[69] including:

United Kingdom

[edit]

In Britain, think tanks play a similar role to the United States, attempting to shape policy, and indeed there is some cooperation between British and American think tanks. For example, the London-based think tank Chatham House and the Council on Foreign Relations were both conceived at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919 and have remained sister organisations.

The Bow Group, founded in 1951, is the oldest centre-right think tank and many of its members have gone on to serve as Members of Parliament or Members of the European Parliament. Past chairmen have included Conservative Party leader Michael Howard, Margaret Thatcher's longest-serving Cabinet Minister Geoffrey Howe, Chancellor of the Exchequer Norman Lamont and former British Telecom chairman Christopher Bland.

Since 2000, a number of influential centre-right think tanks have emerged including Policy Exchange, Centre for Social Justice and most recently Onward.[70]

Oceanian think tanks

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Australia

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Most Australian think tanks are based at universities – for example, the Melbourne Institute – or are government-funded – for example, the Productivity Commission or the CSIRO.

Private sources fund about 20 to 30 "independent" Australian think tanks.[71] The best-known of these think tanks play a much more limited role in Australian public and business policy-making than do their equivalents in the United States. However, in the past decade[which?] the number of think tanks has increased substantially.[72] Prominent think tanks on the right include the Centre for Independent Studies, the Sydney Institute and the Institute of Public Affairs. Prominent think tanks on the left include the McKell Institute, Per Capita, the Australia Institute, the Lowy Institute and the Centre for Policy Development.

Think tanks in Australia include:

New Zealand

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Think tanks based in New Zealand include:

North American think tanks

[edit]

Canada

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Canada has many notable think tanks (listed in alphabetical order). Each has specific areas of interest with some overlaps.

Mexico

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  • CIDAC – The Center of Research for Development (Centro de Investigación para el Desarrollo, Asociación Civil) is a not-for-profit think tank that undertakes research and proposes viable policy options for Mexico's economic and democratic development. The organization seeks to promote open, pluralistic debate pursuing: the Rule of Law & Democracy, market economics, social development, and strengthening Mexico-United States relations.
  • CIDE – The Center of Research and Economics Teaching (Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas) is a think tank institute focussing on "public policies", "public choice", "democracy", and "economy".

United States

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As the classification is most often used today, the oldest American think tank is the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, founded in 1910.[79] The Institute for Government Research, which later merged with two organizations to form the Brookings Institution, was formed in 1916. Other early twentieth century organizations now classified as think tanks include the Hoover Institution (1919), The Twentieth Century Fund (1919, and now known as the Century Foundation), the National Bureau of Economic Research (1920), the Council on Foreign Relations (1921), and the Social Science Research Council (1923). The Great Depression and its aftermath spawned several economic policy organizations, such as the National Planning Association (1934), the Tax Foundation (1937),[80] and the Committee for Economic Development (1943).[79]

In collaboration with the Douglas Aircraft Company, the Air Force set up the RAND Corporation in 1946 to develop weapons technology and strategic defense analysis.

The Hudson Institute is a conservative American think tank founded in 1961 by futurist, military strategist, and systems theorist Herman Kahn and his colleagues at the RAND Corporation. Recent members include Mike Pompeo, the former secretary of state under Donald Trump who joined in 2021.[81]

More recently, progressive and liberal think tanks have been established, most notably the Center for American Progress and the Center for Research on Educational Access and Leadership (CREAL). The organization has close ties to former United States President Barack Obama and other prominent Democrats.[82]

Think tanks have been important allies for United States presidents since the Reagan administration, writing and suggesting policies to implement, and providing staff for the administration. For recent conservative presidents, think tanks such as The Heritage Foundation, the Hoover Institution, and the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) were closely associated with the Reagan administration. The George H. W. Bush administration worked closely with AEI, and the George W. Bush administration worked closely with AEI and the Hoover Institution. The Trump administration works closely with the Heritage Foundation. For recent liberal presidents, the Progressive Policy Institute and its parent the Democratic Leadership Council were closely associated with the Clinton administration, and the Center for American Progress was closely associated with the Obama and Biden administrations.[83]

Think tanks help shape both foreign and domestic policy. They receive funding from private donors, and members of private organizations. By 2013, the largest 21 think tanks in the US spent more than US$1 billion per year.[84] Think tanks may feel more free to propose and debate controversial ideas than people within government. The progressive media watchdog Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) has identified the top 25 think tanks by media citations, noting that from 2006 to 2007 the number of citations declined 17%.[85] The FAIR report reveals the ideological breakdown of the citations: 37% conservative, 47% centrist, and 16% liberal. Their data show that the most-cited think tank was the Brookings Institution, followed by the Council on Foreign Relations, the American Enterprise Institute, The Heritage Foundation, and the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

In 2016, in response to scrutiny about think tanks appearing to have a "conflict of interest" or lack transparency, executive vice president, Martin S. Indyk of Brookings Institution – the "most prestigious think tank in the world"[86] admitted that they had "decided to prohibit corporations or corporate-backed foundations from making anonymous contributions." In August 2016, The New York Times published a series on think tanks that blur the line. One of the cases the journalists cited was Brookings, where scholars paid by a seemingly independent think tank "push donors' agendas amplifying a culture of corporate influence in Washington."[86]

U.S. government think tanks
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Government think tanks are also important in the United States, particularly in the security and defense field. These include the Center for Technology and National Security Policy at the National Defense University, the Center for Naval Warfare Studies at the Naval War College, and the Strategic Studies Institute at the U.S. Army War College.

The government funds, wholly or in part, activities at approximately 30 Federally Funded Research and Development Centers (FFRDCs). FFRDCs, are unique independent nonprofit entities sponsored and funded by the United States government to meet specific long-term technical needs that cannot be met by any other single organization. FFRDCs typically assist government agencies with scientific research and analysis, systems development, and systems acquisition. They bring together the expertise and outlook of government, industry, and academia to solve complex technical problems. These FFRDCs include the RAND Corporation, the MITRE Corporation, the Institute for Defense Analyses, the Aerospace Corporation, the MIT Lincoln Laboratory, and other organizations supporting various departments within the United States Government.

Similar to the above quasi-governmental organizations are Federal Advisory Committees. These groups, sometimes referred to as commissions, are a form of think tank dedicated to advising the US Presidents or the Executive branch of government. They typically focus on a specific issue and as such, might be considered similar to special interest groups. However, unlike special interest groups these committees have come under some oversight regulation and are required to make formal records available to the public. As of 2002, about 1,000 of these advisory committees were described in the FACA searchable database.[87]

South American think tanks

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Research done by Enrique Mendizabal[88] shows that South American think tanks play various roles depending on their origins, historical development and relations to other policy actors. In this study, Orazio Bellettini from Grupo FARO suggests that they:[89]

  • Seek political support for policies.
  • Legitimize policies. This has been clearer in Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru. New governments in Ecuador and Peru have approached policy institutes for support for already defined policies. In Bolivia, the government of Evo Morales has been working with Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) and other research institutes to do the same. However, in Chile, many think tanks during the 1990s seemed to endorse and maintain the legitimacy of policies implemented during the previous decade by the military dictatorship headed by Pinochet.
  • Act as Spaces for debate. In this case think tanks serve as sounding boards for new policies. In Chile, during the Pinochet dictatorship, many left wing intellectuals and researchers found 'asylum' in think tanks. In Ecuador, think tanks are seen as spaces where politicians can test the soundness of their policies and government plans.
  • Provide financial channels for political parties or other interest groups. In Ecuador and Bolivia, German foundations have been able to provide funds to think tanks that work with certain political parties. This method has provided support to the system as a whole rather than individual CSOs.
  • Supply expert staff of policy-makers. In Peru after the end of the Fujimori regime, and in Chile after the fall of Pinochet, think tank staff left to form part of the new governments. In the United States, the role of major think tanks is precisely that: host scholars for a few months or years and then lose them to government employ.

How a policy institute addresses these largely depends on how they work, their ideology vs. evidence credentials, and the context in which they operate including funding opportunities, the degree and type of competition they have and their staff.

This functional method addresses the inherit challenge of defining a think tank. As Simon James said in 1998, "Discussion of think tanks...has a tendency to get bogged down in the vexed question of defining what we mean by 'think tank'—an exercise that often degenerates into futile semantics."[90] It is better (as in the Network Functions Approach) to describe what the organisation should do. Then the shape of the organisation should follow to allow this to happen. The following framework (based on Stephen Yeo's description of think tanks' mode of work) is described in Enrique Mendizabal's blog "onthinktanks":

First, policy institutes may work in or base their funding on one or more of:[91]

  • Independent research: this would be work done with core or flexible funding that allows the researchers the liberty to choose their research questions and method. It may be long term and could emphasize 'big ideas' without direct policy relevance. However, it could emphasize a major policy problem that requires a thorough research and action investment.
  • Consultancy: this would be work done by commission with specific clients and addressing one or two major questions. Consultancies often respond to an existing agenda.
  • Influencing/advocacy: this would be work done by communications, capacity development, networking, campaigns, lobbying, etc. It is likely to be based on research based evidence emerging from independent research or consultancies.

Second, policy institutes may base their work or arguments on:

  • Ideology, values or interests
  • Applied, empirical or synthesis research
  • Theoretical or academic research

According to the National Institute for Research Advancement, a Japanese policy institute, think tanks are "one of the main policy actors in democratic societies ..., assuring a pluralistic, open and accountable process of policy analysis, research, decision-making and evaluation".[92] A study in early 2009 found a total of 5,465 think tanks worldwide. Of that number, 1,777 were based in the United States and approximately 350 in Washington, DC, alone.[93]

Argentina

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As of 2009, Argentina is home to 122 think tanks, many specializing in public policy and economics issues. Argentina ranks fifth in the number of these institutions worldwide.[94]

Brazil

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Working on public policies, Brazil hosts, for example, Instituto Liberdade, a University-based Center at Tecnopuc inside the Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, located in the South Region of the country, in the city of Porto Alegre. Instituto Liberdade is among the Top 40 think tanks in Latin America and the Caribbean, according to the 2009 Global Go To Think Tanks Index[95] a report from the University of Pennsylvania's Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP).

Fundação Getulio Vargas (Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV)) is a Brazilian higher education institution. Its original goal was to train people for the country's public- and private-sector management. Today it hosts faculties (Law, Business, Economics, Social Sciences and Mathematics), libraries, and also research centers in Rio, São Paulo and Brasilia. It is considered by Foreign Policy magazine to be a top-five "policymaker think tank" worldwide.

The Igarapé Institute is a Brazilian think tank focusing on public, climate, and digital security.[96]

Transcontinental countries (Asia-Europe)

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Armenia

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According to a 2020 report, there are 32 think tanks or similar institutions in Armenia.[16]

The government closed the Noravank Foundation, a government-affiliated think tank, in 2018 after almost two decades of operation. However, other think tanks continue to operate, include the Caucasus Institute, the Caucasus Research Resource Center-Armenia (CRRC-Armenia) (which publishes the "Caucasus Barometer" annual public opinion survey of the South Caucasus, the "Enlight" Public Research Center, and the AMBERD research center at the Armenian State University of Economics.[97]

Azerbaijan

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According to research done by the University of Pennsylvania, there are a total of 12 think tanks in Azerbaijan.

The Center for Economic and Social Development, or CESD; in Azeri, Azerbaijan, İqtisadi və Sosial İnkişaf Mərkəzi (İSİM) is an Azeri think tank, non-profit organization, NGO based in Baku, Azerbaijan. The center was established in 2005. CESD focuses on policy advocacy and reform, and is involved with policy research and capacity building.

The Economic Research Center (ERC) is a policy-research oriented non-profit think tank established in 1999 with a mission to facilitate sustainable economic development and good governance in the new public management system of Azerbaijan. It seeks to do this by building favorable interactions between the public, private and civil society and working with different networks both in local (EITI NGO Coalition, National Budget Group, Public Coalition Against Poverty, etc.) and international levels (PWYP, IBP, ENTO, ALDA, PASOS, WTO NGO Network etc.).[98]

The Center for Strategic Studies under the President of Azerbaijan is a governmental, non-profit think tank founded in 2007. It focuses on domestic and foreign policy.

Russia

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According to the Foreign Policy Research Institute, Russia has 112 think tanks, while Russian think tanks claimed four of the top ten spots in 2011's "Top Thirty Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe".[99]

Notable Russian think tanks include:

Turkey

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Turkish think tanks are relatively new, having emerged in the 1960's.[100] There are at least 20 think tanks in the country, both independent and supported by government. Many of them are sister organizations of political parties, universities or companies some are independent and others are supported by government. Most Turkish think tanks provide research and ideas, yet they play less important roles in policy making than American think tanks. Turksam, Tasam and the Journal of Turkish Weekly are the leading information sources.

The oldest and most influential think tank in Turkey is ESAM (The Center for Economic and Social Research; Turkish: Ekonomik ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Merkezi) which was established in 1969 and has headquarters in Ankara. There are also branch offices of ESAM in Istanbul, Bursa, Konya and elsewhere. ESAM has strong international relationships, especially with Muslim countries and societies. Ideologically it performs policies, produces ideas and manages projects in parallel to Milli Görüş and also influences political parties and international strategies. The founder and leader of Milli Görüş, Necmettin Erbakan, was very concerned with the activities and brainstorming events of ESAM. In The Republic of Turkey, two presidents, four prime ministers, various ministers, many members of the parliament, and numerous mayors and bureaucrats have been members of ESAM.

The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV) is another leading think tank. Established in 1994, TESEV is an independent non-governmental think tank, analyzing social, political and economic policy issues facing Turkey. TESEV has raised issues about Islam and democracy, combating corruption, state reform, and transparency and accountability. TESEV serve as a bridge between academic research and policy-making. Its core program areas are democratization, good governance, and foreign policy.[101]

Other notable Turkish think tanks are the International Strategic Research Organisation (USAK), the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA), and the Wise Men Center for Strategic Studies (BİLGESAM).

Public opinion

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A poll by the British firm Cast From Clay found that only 20 percent of Americans trusted think tanks in 2018.[102]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

A think tank is an organization that conducts research, analysis, and advocacy on public policy issues, including economics, foreign affairs, and domestic governance, with the aim of influencing policymakers and public discourse. These institutions, often structured as nonprofits, emerged prominently in the early 20th century during what is termed the foundation era, evolving through government-funded research phases to modern advocacy-oriented models that produce reports, host events, and staff government positions.
Prominent examples include the , founded in 1916 as one of the earliest U.S. think tanks focused on economic and research; the , established in 1973 to promote conservative policies; and the , known for its work on and originated from military research contracts. Think tanks have achieved significant policy impacts, such as shaping U.S. through expert testimony and staffing transitions between administrations, though their outputs vary from empirical analysis to ideologically driven recommendations. Critics highlight controversies surrounding funding opacity and donor influence, which can introduce biases—particularly from corporate or foreign interests in sectors like defense and —undermining claims of and fueling partisan polarization in debates. Evaluations of think tank require scrutiny of financial disclosures, as lack of transparency erodes trust, especially given instances where industry correlates with favorable research outcomes.

Definition and Purpose

Core Characteristics

Think tanks are independent organizations dedicated to conducting , , and on issues, with the primary aim of informing and influencing policymakers through evidence-based recommendations rather than advancing purely theoretical . They typically produce reports, policy briefs, data visualizations, and expert testimonies that address practical problems in areas such as , , and domestic , distinguishing them from academic institutions by their emphasis on actionable solutions over abstract debate. This orientation stems from their role as knowledge brokers, synthesizing scholarly work, empirical data, and stakeholder input to propose causal mechanisms and interventions grounded in real-world applicability. A hallmark of think tanks is their structural from direct governmental or partisan control, though many receive from , corporations, or donors that can introduce ideological leanings or conflicts of interest, necessitating scrutiny of in evaluating outputs. They employ specialized ers, economists, and subject-matter experts who engage in long-term studies, often employing quantitative methods like econometric modeling or qualitative case analyses to identify trade-offs and outcomes. Unlike lobbying groups, which prioritize for specific interests without mandatory research rigor, think tanks must substantiate claims with verifiable data to maintain reputational integrity and access to elite networks of influence. Operationally, think tanks foster ecosystems of idea incubation by hosting seminars, convening stakeholders, and disseminating findings via media and direct briefings to legislators or executives, thereby bridging the gap between evidence generation and implementation. Their effectiveness hinges on clear agendas, diversified to mitigate capture risks, and communication strategies that translate complex analyses into digestible formats for non-experts, though institutional biases—such as those prevalent in academia-influenced outlets—can skew priorities toward certain ideological frames. This model enables them to adapt to evolving challenges, as seen in responses to events like the , where outputs emphasized regulatory reforms backed by historical precedents and models. Think tanks are primarily distinguished from academic institutions by their emphasis on applied, policy-oriented research designed to directly inform and influence government and public decision-making, rather than advancing theoretical knowledge through education or peer-reviewed scholarship. Universities and affiliated research centers focus on broad disciplinary inquiry, student training, and publication in academic journals, often adhering to rigorous methodologies that prioritize replicability and detachment from immediate policy outcomes, whereas think tanks produce accessible reports, briefs, and testimony tailored for policymakers with timelines aligned to legislative cycles. This distinction arises from think tanks' operational independence from educational mandates, allowing greater flexibility in advocacy and dissemination, though some university-based centers blur lines by engaging in policy work. In contrast to interest groups and advocacy organizations, which represent specific constituencies—such as industries, labor unions, or ideological movements—and prioritize direct , grassroots mobilization, or legal action to advance narrow agendas, think tanks generate independent analysis purportedly grounded in to shape broader discourse. Interest groups often derive from membership dues or client fees tied to tangible benefits like regulatory favors, leading to outcomes-driven tactics that may subordinate to , while think tanks claim a scholarly role in , funding through diversified philanthropic or foundation grants to maintain perceived neutrality, even amid ideological leanings. For instance, as of 2018, analyses noted that think tanks' by boards of trustees and charitable missions differentiate them from groups funded by self-interested stakeholders, reducing direct influences. This separation, however, can erode when think tanks engage in undisclosed arrangements resembling fronts. Think tanks also diverge from for-profit consulting firms and entities, which deliver customized, client-specific advice often under confidentiality agreements to maximize commercial or representational gains, by operating as non-profits that publicly disseminate generalizable recommendations as . Consulting firms, such as those in or economic advisory, charge fees for proprietary deliverables tied to corporate or governmental contracts, whereas think tanks' outputs aim for widespread adoption without bespoke tailoring, supported by endowments or grants rather than . , in particular, involves registered agents influencing legislation on behalf of payers, contrasting with think tanks' indirect influence via expertise, though regulatory thresholds like the U.S. Lobbying Disclosure Act exempt most think tank activities unless exceeding advocacy spending limits. Unlike government agencies, which possess statutory to enact, enforce, or regulate policies within bureaucratic hierarchies, think tanks function externally as advisory bodies without coercive power, enabling candid critiques of official positions but limiting their impact to persuasion. Agencies like the U.S. integrate research into mandatory forecasting for legislation, bound by civil service neutrality and executive oversight, while think tanks, as of definitions in policy literature from 2010 onward, emphasize voluntary engagement and unbound by administrative procedures. This external status fosters diversity in viewpoints but raises questions of accountability, as think tanks lack the transparency mandates applied to public entities.

Historical Development

19th and Early 20th Century Origins

The origins of think tanks trace to early 19th-century Britain, where specialized institutions emerged to conduct on defense and . The Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), founded in 1831 by the Duke of Wellington and senior military figures, represented an initial model by fostering independent analysis and debate on and national defense, independent of government control. This organization prioritized empirical study of warfare tactics, logistics, and geopolitical threats, drawing on contributions from officers and experts to inform British policy amid imperial expansions and European rivalries. In the late , ideological and research organizations developed, particularly in response to industrialization and political reforms. The , established in 1884 in , advanced gradualist through detailed tracts and essays on , labor conditions, and , influencing the British Labour Party's formation in 1900. Unlike revolutionary groups, it emphasized evidence-based permeation of socialist ideas into mainstream politics, producing over 200 pamphlets by 1914 that analyzed urban poverty and welfare systems using data from factory inspections and census records. Across the Atlantic, American precursors appeared in the early 20th century amid concerns over social ills and governance efficiency. The , chartered in 1907 with an endowment of $10 million from Margaret Olivia Sage, pioneered systematic research to address urban housing, child labor, and , funding surveys like the 1909 Study that documented industrial working conditions through 200 investigators' fieldwork. This foundation's approach—combining with policy-oriented inquiry—laid groundwork for nonpartisan analysis, distinct from partisan advocacy. Similarly, the , founded in 1910 by with $10 million, focused on arbitration and disarmament research post-Hague Conferences, commissioning reports on conflict causes that informed U.S. debates before . These entities reflected a shift toward private funding for expert-driven policy solutions, prioritizing causal of societal problems over immediate political action.

Mid-20th Century Expansion

The expansion of think tanks in the mid-20th century, particularly , accelerated following , with the number growing from approximately 45 organizations immediately after the war to around a hundred by the . This proliferation was primarily driven by the geopolitical imperatives of the , which created sustained demand for expert analysis in , , and . The demonstrated effectiveness of and scientific methods in wartime decision-making extended into peacetime applications, encouraging governments and foundations to fund independent research entities capable of addressing complex policy challenges beyond academic or bureaucratic capacities. A pivotal development was the establishment of the in 1946 as Project RAND under contract with the U.S. Army Air Forces, becoming an independent nonprofit in 1948. RAND focused on applying interdisciplinary to military and broader policy issues, such as and deterrence, setting a model for subsequent think tanks that emphasized empirical, quantitative approaches over ideological advocacy. Government contracts, particularly from defense and agencies, provided critical financial support, transforming think tanks into quasi-extensions of the policy apparatus while maintaining nominal independence. This funding mechanism, combined with philanthropic contributions from foundations like Ford and , enabled rapid scaling of research operations. Established think tanks, such as the (founded 1916) and the (1921), adapted by broadening their activities to influence post-war initiatives like the and strategies against Soviet expansion. New entrants included the Aspen Institute in 1950, emphasizing leadership seminars on international affairs, and the Hudson Institute in 1961, which specialized in long-term forecasting and for defense and economic policies. This era marked a shift toward more specialized, contract-oriented organizations, with growth concentrated in Washington, D.C., and other policy hubs, reflecting the centralization of U.S. expertise amid bipolar superpower rivalry. While primarily an American phenomenon, similar dynamics emerged in and decolonizing regions, often as adjuncts to nascent international institutions.

Late 20th and 21st Century Proliferation

The number of think tanks worldwide expanded dramatically from the late onward, with over half of existing organizations established after 1980, reaching more than 11,000 by the early 2020s. In the United States, the count more than doubled since 1980, driven by the establishment of ideologically diverse institutions responding to perceived imbalances in influence from academia and media. This proliferation reflected a broader demand for independent research amid ideological polarization, particularly the rise of conservative and libertarian groups like (founded 1973) and (1977), which sought to counter prevailing liberal perspectives through targeted advocacy. Key drivers included the information and technological revolutions, which facilitated rapid dissemination of research, and the end of the in 1991, which opened new policy spaces in formerly communist states and emphasized market-oriented reforms globally. and the increasing complexity of transnational issues, such as and , spurred governments and civil societies to create or expand think tanks for specialized analysis, with notable growth in and during the . In the U.S., this era saw heightened partisan competition, exemplified by the Heritage Foundation's role in shaping Reagan-era policies through over 2,000 recommendations implemented between 1981 and 1989. Into the , proliferation continued apace, with the 2020 Global Go To Think Tank Index identifying over 8,000 organizations across 85 countries, reflecting sustained growth in emerging economies like those in and . Regional shifts highlighted Asia's rapid expansion, including China's development of over 1,400 think tanks by the to support state-led innovation and . However, challenges emerged, including funding dependencies and accusations of ideological capture, as think tanks adapted to and populist disruptions, maintaining their role in bridging and despite varying source credibilities influenced by donor alignments.

Classifications

By Ideological Orientation

Think tanks are frequently classified by ideological orientation, reflecting their policy priorities, funding alignments, and advocacy styles, though self-identifications often claim nonpartisanship while external assessments reveal biases toward conservative, liberal/progressive, libertarian, or positions. Such categorizations stem from analyses of output, personnel affiliations, and donor bases, with conservative-leaning organizations typically prioritizing free-market economics, limited government intervention, and traditional social structures, while liberal-leaning ones advocate expansive roles in equity, environmental , and social welfare. Libertarian variants stress liberties and minimal state involvement across the board, and entities aim for pragmatic, evidence-based approaches transcending partisan divides, though perceptions of can be contested due to institutional biases in evaluating neutrality. Conservative think tanks, such as founded in 1973, focus on promoting policies aligned with , including , tax reductions, and robust national security measures; has notably shaped Republican platforms, contributing to over 60% of Ronald Reagan's 1981 policy agenda and influencing recent efforts like the 2025 presidential transition project. The (AEI), established in 1938, similarly advances market-oriented reforms and critiques government overreach, with research emphasizing empirical challenges to progressive interventions in and healthcare. The at , originating in 1919 as a on post-World War I , has evolved into a key conservative voice on and , hosting scholars who produced influential works during the Cold War. Liberal or progressive think tanks prioritize systemic reforms addressing inequality, , and workers' rights through government action. The Center for American Progress (CAP), launched in 2003 by , a former administration official, generates policy blueprints for Democratic agendas, including expansions in healthcare access and leniency, with its Action Fund engaging in direct advocacy. The (EPI), founded in 1986, analyzes labor markets and trade to support union-friendly policies and hikes, often citing data to argue against free-trade agreements' impacts on U.S. workers. , while frequently self-described as nonpartisan and established in 1916 to inform , produces outputs critiqued for aligning with establishment liberal views on internationalism and fiscal stimulus, as evidenced by its scholars' roles in Obama-era regulations. Libertarian think tanks advocate reducing government scope to protect individual rights, opposing both conservative social controls and liberal economic interventions. The , founded in 1977 with support from the , promotes free markets, , and non-interventionist , producing studies that have influenced deregulation debates and scored for impacts. The , established in 1982 to advance Austrian economics, critiques central banking and , drawing on thinkers like to argue for sound money and entrepreneurial freedom over state planning. , started in 1978, applies libertarian principles to , , and , advocating and evidence-based reforms to enhance efficiency. Centrist or non-ideological think tanks seek balanced, data-driven analyses, often bridging divides through multidisciplinary research. The , created in 1948 as a U.S. project, employs rigorous modeling for defense, health, and policies, maintaining via diversified funding despite occasional criticisms of military-industrial ties. The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), founded in 1962, addresses global security and economic issues with bipartisan commissions, producing reports that inform congressional hearings without overt partisan endorsements. , established in 2005, champions "modern center-left" ideas blending market incentives with social safety nets, targeting Democratic audiences while critiquing extremes on both sides. These classifications are not absolute, as funding transparency reports reveal overlaps—e.g., conservative tanks often rely on corporate donors favoring , while liberal ones draw from foundations aligned with philanthropic —and empirical evaluations of influence underscore how ideological silos amplify polarization in public discourse.

By Policy Domain

Think tanks specialize in distinct policy domains to provide targeted expertise on complex issues, often influencing , executive decisions, and public discourse through rigorous analysis. Major domains include , and , defense and , (encompassing health, education, and welfare), environmental and , and technology and innovation. While some organizations maintain a broad mandate, specialization enables deeper empirical scrutiny and causal modeling of policy outcomes, countering generalized from interest groups. In , think tanks analyze fiscal mechanisms, dynamics, monetary systems, and regulatory impacts on growth and inequality. The , for example, produces data-driven reports on U.S. federal budgeting and agreements, drawing on econometric models to assess causal effects of tariffs and subsidies as of 2023 analyses. The emphasizes market-oriented reforms, critiquing interventionist policies through historical case studies like the , where government-backed entities amplified risks. Foreign policy and domains focus on , alliances, and geopolitical strategy. The (CFR) conducts scenario-based research on U.S. engagements, such as its 2024 reports on tensions, prioritizing realist assessments over multilateral idealism. The examines and great-power competition, with empirical tracking of failures since the 2018 INF withdrawal. Defense and national security think tanks, like the , employ and simulations to evaluate military efficacy; RAND's 2022 studies on hypersonic weapons, for instance, quantified deterrence gaps using data from over 50 iterations. In social policy, the assesses welfare programs' long-term outcomes, revealing in 2023 data that certain antipoverty initiatives reduced rates by 5-10% via targeted cash transfers, while questioning universal expansions for fiscal unsustainability. Environmental and energy policy organizations scrutinize climate interventions and resource allocation. The (RFF) uses integrated assessment models to project carbon pricing effects, estimating in 2024 that a $50/ton U.S. fee could cut emissions 20% by 2030 without disproportionate economic harm. Technology-focused entities, such as the and Innovation Foundation (ITIF), analyze innovation policy, documenting in 2025 reports how regulatory overreach in AI governance stifles productivity gains observed in unregulated sectors. These domains often intersect, with cross-pollination evident in hybrid threats like cyber-enabled .
Policy DomainKey Focus AreasNotable Examples
Economic PolicyFiscal, trade, regulationBrookings Institution, Cato Institute
Foreign PolicyDiplomacy, alliancesCouncil on Foreign Relations, Carnegie Endowment
Defense/SecurityMilitary strategy, threatsRAND Corporation
Social PolicyHealth, education, welfareUrban Institute
Environmental/EnergyClimate, resourcesResources for the Future
Technology/InnovationAI, digital policyITIF

By Organizational Structure and Funding Model

Think tanks are classified by organizational structure into several primary types, including independent non-profits, university-affiliated institutes, government or quasi-governmental entities, and contract research organizations. Independent non-profits, such as established in 1973, operate autonomously from government or academia, often governed by boards of directors comprising experts, donors, and policy influencers to maintain strategic direction and financial oversight. University-affiliated think tanks, like the at founded in 1919, integrate with academic environments, leveraging faculty expertise and campus resources while adhering to institutional governance structures that emphasize scholarly rigor over immediate policy advocacy. Government or quasi-governmental bodies, exemplified by the RAND Corporation's origins in 1948 as a U.S. Air Force project before evolving into a non-profit, function with partial state funding and oversight, subjecting them to bureaucratic hierarchies that prioritize alignment with official priorities. Contract research organizations focus on commissioned projects, structuring operations around project teams rather than permanent staff to accommodate variable workloads. Funding models intersect with these structures, typically encompassing donor-driven , government contracts, corporate sponsorships, and earned income from services. Donor-funded models predominate in independent non-profits, where contributions from individuals, , and corporations—totaling over $100 million annually for major U.S. entities like the in recent years—support core operations but raise questions of donor influence on agendas, as evidenced by disclosures showing concentrated funding from aligned ideological sources. grants and contracts, comprising up to 20-30% of budgets for quasi-governmental think tanks like certain European policy institutes, ensure stability but can constrain independence, with empirical analyses indicating higher conformity to state policies in such cases. Corporate funding, often project-specific, fuels contract researchers, enabling flexibility but correlating with outputs favoring industry interests, as tracked in U.S. disclosures where sector donations exceed $50 million yearly across prominent tanks. Hybrid models, blending endowments (e.g., Hoover's $700+ million endowment as of 2023) with diversified streams, enhance , though reliance on any single source— or private—empirically heightens vulnerability to shifts in donor priorities or political climates. These classifications influence operational autonomy and perceived credibility; for instance, independent donor-funded structures like the , with budgets sustained by private gifts averaging $80 million yearly, have demonstrated policy impact through uncompromised , countering critiques from academia-influenced sources that often dismiss such models as ideologically captured without equivalent of state-funded alternatives. In contrast, university-based models benefit from institutional prestige but face funding constraints tied to academic grant cycles, limiting scale compared to fully private entities.
Structure TypeKey Funding ModelExampleNotable Feature
Independent Non-ProfitDonor Philanthropy & EndowmentsBoard governance ensures donor alignment without government ties
University-AffiliatedGrants & Academic BudgetsIntegration with university resources for long-term endowments
Quasi-GovernmentalGovernment ContractsProject-based funding tied to needs
Contract ResearchFee-for-ServiceVarious policy consultanciesRevenue from commissioned work, variable stability

Operational Activities

Research and Analysis Methodologies

Think tanks employ diverse research methodologies to generate policy insights, encompassing both quantitative and qualitative approaches tailored to specific policy domains. Quantitative methods predominate in economic and analysis, utilizing statistical techniques, econometric modeling, and large-scale surveys to test hypotheses and quantify impacts. For instance, and data simulations enable think tanks to forecast policy outcomes based on historical datasets. Qualitative methodologies complement these by focusing on interpretive depth, including in-depth interviews with stakeholders, case studies of past implementations, and of legal or archival materials to uncover nuanced causal mechanisms. Evidence-based orientation guides many think tank investigations, prioritizing empirical validation over , with methodologies evolving to incorporate interdisciplinary tools like network analysis for mapping policy actor interactions or for long-term foresight. Comprehensive approaches often integrate quantitative metrics with qualitative narratives, as seen in assessments of where surveys provide measurable indicators alongside deliberations. Think tanks affiliated with academic institutions may adhere more rigorously to peer-review standards, while advocacy-oriented ones sometimes adapt methods to align with predefined ideological frameworks, potentially introducing selection biases in data interpretation. Original data collection remains a hallmark, with think tanks commissioning surveys or experiments to fill gaps in datasets, ensuring analyses reflect real-world applicability. Process-tracing techniques trace decision pathways in episodes, combining archival review with stakeholder accounts to establish causal links, particularly in or studies. These methodologies underpin outputs like briefs and reports, though their credibility hinges on transparent sourcing and replicability, amid critiques that under-resourced think tanks may over-rely on .

Policy Advocacy and Lobbying

Think tanks conduct policy advocacy by leveraging research outputs to shape legislative and executive decisions, often through congressional testimonies, policy briefs, and direct engagements with officials. This differs from pure research by emphasizing dissemination and persuasion over neutral analysis, with advocacy tanks prioritizing agenda-pushing funded by aligned donors. In the U.S., think tank experts provided testimony at congressional hearings frequently, comprising over one-third of witnesses in recent sessions, amplifying their influence on policy debates. Lobbying by think tanks involves direct or efforts to influence specific , subject to the Disclosure Act (LDA) requiring registration if expenditures exceed $13,000 quarterly on activities. Many think tanks avoid full registration by framing interactions as educational briefings rather than client-specific advocacy, though some cross thresholds and report spending. For example, registered expenditures of $230,000 in 2025, focusing on issues like and regulation, while its advocacy arm spent $5 million in 2021 opposing voting rights expansions in key states. This approach allows think tanks to exert influence without the transparency mandates applied to traditional lobbyists, raising concerns over undisclosed donor motivations biasing outputs. Empirical patterns show advocacy success tied to ideological alignment and timing, such as Heritage's reports synchronizing with conservative legislative pushes, including Project 2025's policy blueprint for executive actions. Conversely, institutions like Brookings emphasize nonpartisan recommendations through policy memos and events, testifying on topics from economic reforms to without reported direct spends. Regulations like proposed Think Tank Transparency Acts seek greater disclosure of foreign to mitigate , as U.S. think tanks received at least $1.49 billion in government grants since 2019, often correlating with aligned advocacy. Such mechanisms underscore the causal link between funding streams and advocacy priorities, independent of claims to objectivity.

Public Engagement and Media Strategies

Think tanks engage the public through events such as seminars, conferences, and workshops to raise awareness of issues and foster among stakeholders. These activities allow organizations to present research directly to audiences, including policymakers, journalists, and citizens, thereby catalyzing discussions and building support for proposed reforms. Public engagement also involves producing accessible materials like briefs and infographics tailored for non-experts to broaden reach beyond academic circles. In media strategies, think tanks leverage op-eds, expert commentaries, and press releases to shape narratives in mainstream outlets. Social media platforms have become central, with organizations posting research summaries, videos, and infographics to amplify visibility and engage younger demographics. For instance, free-market think tanks like The Heritage Foundation have excelled in this domain; in a 2025 ranking, Heritage led with over 10 million followers across platforms, using targeted content to advance conservative policy agendas. This digital advocacy enables rapid dissemination and direct interaction, though effectiveness varies by ideological orientation and audience targeting. Think tanks often integrate efforts with broader communications plans, identifying key influencers and media channels to maximize impact. Collaborations with journalists and appearances on television or podcasts provide opportunities for real-time influence on public discourse. These strategies aim to sustain ideas in the public agenda, countering competing narratives through persistent, evidence-based messaging. Empirical analyses show that conservative-leaning think tanks frequently outperform others in metrics, potentially due to countering perceived biases in traditional media.

Funding Sources and Financial Sustainability

Diverse Funding Streams

Think tanks sustain operations through a variety of revenue sources, including philanthropic grants from foundations and individuals, corporate contributions, endowment yields, and project-based contracts, which collectively buffer against economic volatility and donor-specific dependencies. Diversification across these streams enhances long-term viability, as reliance on any single category—such as government grants—can constrain analytical independence, whereas balanced portfolios allow for consistent core funding alongside targeted project support. For example, the generated approximately $89.4 million in revenue in 2023, with over 80% derived from private gifts and grants, augmented by investment income from its endowment. Corporate funding, often in the form of sponsorships for events or initiatives, constitutes another key stream, though typically limited to avoid perceived conflicts; , for instance, reports corporate support at less than 2% of total contributions, emphasizing individual and foundation donations instead, with no acceptance of government funds to preserve policy autonomy. Additional avenues include revenue from consulting services, paid training programs, and subscriptions to proprietary publications or databases, which provide earned income tied directly to institutional outputs. In some cases, foreign governments contribute significantly, with the 50 largest U.S. think tanks receiving about $110 million from such sources between 2019 and 2023, often for specialized international policy work at organizations like the Atlantic and Brookings. This multiplicity of streams not only distributes financial risk but also aligns incentives with broad stakeholder interests, though empirical analyses indicate that institutions with mixed domestic philanthropy, endowments, and contractual work demonstrate greater resilience amid funding shifts, as observed in global think tank surveys. For instance, diversified models incorporating event sponsorships and alternative revenue—such as membership dues or licensed content—have enabled smaller or ideologically varied tanks to expand operations without over-dependence on volatile grants. Such strategies underscore a causal link between funding variety and sustained influence, as tanks able to pivot across sources maintain research agendas less susceptible to abrupt donor withdrawals. Think tanks face persistent funding uncertainty, exacerbated by significant reductions in foreign budgets announced by the and European governments in 2025, which threaten the viability of many organizations dependent on such support. This volatility is compounded by rising , with 36% of think tanks reporting strong negative impacts on their funding options in 2025, up from 24% the previous year. Core institutional funding, while more prevalent in high-income countries, often fails to cover or ensure long-term strategic stability, leading to heightened competition for resources amid a proliferation of think tanks. Transparency deficits further challenge financial , as evidenced by U.S. think tanks where 36% of the top 50 operate with "dark " practices, including anonymous donations and vague reporting ranges that obscure donor influence. Between 2019 and 2023, these institutions received over $110 million from foreign governments and entities, with the Atlantic Council ($20.8 million), ($17.1 million), and ($16.1 million) as leading recipients, prompting scrutiny over potential biases in agendas aligned with donor interests. Similarly, $34.7 million flowed from top defense contractors, underscoring reliance on sector-specific funders that may prioritize over independent analysis. Recent trends indicate declining optimism for sector expansion, particularly among larger-budget think tanks in wealthy democracies, alongside a shift toward diversified but scrutinized special-interest streams that heighten risks to perceived neutrality. While influence remains robust in electoral systems, funding gaps persist due to shifts and donor bandwidth constraints, pushing some organizations toward adaptive models like domestic partnerships, though these do not inherently mitigate issues. Overall, these dynamics reflect broader pressures from geopolitical realignments and donor agendas, necessitating enhanced disclosure to preserve credibility.

Policy Influence and Societal Impact

Mechanisms of Influence

Think tanks primarily influence through the production and dissemination of reports, briefs, and analyses that frame debates and provide rationales for legislative or executive actions. These outputs often serve as blueprints for policymakers, with citations in congressional hearings, white papers, and bills demonstrating direct uptake; for instance, the Heritage Foundation's reports have been referenced in over 100 pieces of U.S. since 2017, including provisions on and regulatory rollbacks. Such mechanisms rely on empirical and economic modeling to legitimize proposals, though causal attribution remains challenging due to concurrent influences from groups and . A key channel is expert testimony and advisory consultations, where think tank scholars appear before legislative committees or advise cabinet-level officials, offering specialized knowledge on complex issues like or economic regulation. In U.S. , for example, think tanks such as the have shaped debates on trade agreements through congressional testimonies, influencing outcomes like the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement revisions in 2018-2020. This direct engagement amplifies their voice, particularly when aligned with ruling administrations, but effectiveness varies; empirical analyses indicate that only about 20-30% of think tank recommendations lead to enacted policies, often filtered through partisan lenses. Revolving-door personnel movements further embed influence, as former think tank staff transition to government roles—e.g., over 40 alumni from the held positions in the Biden administration by 2022—carrying institutional ideas into implementation. Media strategies and public engagement extend reach by translating research into op-eds, interviews, and campaigns that sway and pressure legislators. Partisan think tanks, such as those on the right like the , have driven agenda polarization by flooding outlets with data-backed critiques, contributing to shifts in congressional priorities on issues like between 2010 and 2020. Globally, 77% of surveyed think tanks in 2023 reported indirect influence via media amplification, though self-reported data may overestimate impact amid competition from NGOs. Convening workshops and networks with elites fosters informal channels, enabling consensus-building on topics like climate policy, where cross-think tank collaborations have informed international accords such as the framework. In authoritarian contexts, mechanisms shift toward regime-aligned advising and capacity-building, with think tanks like China's Development Research Center providing internal data to the , contrasting democratic models' emphasis on public contestation. Empirical studies underscore that influence correlates with funding independence and ideological alignment, yet systemic biases in academic evaluations—often from left-leaning institutions—may undervalue conservative think tanks' roles in countering regulatory expansion. Overall, while think tanks catalyze policy innovation, their sway depends on verifiable quality over mere proximity to power, with failures in prediction (e.g., overstated economic models) eroding long-term credibility.

Empirical Evidence of Impact

Empirical assessments of think tank impact on reveal challenges in establishing , as influence often operates indirectly through idea diffusion, agenda-setting, and attitude shifts rather than direct legislative causation. Quantitative studies, such as analyses of citations in the U.S. from January 2010 to January 2019, document 3,820 mentions of 20 major think tanks, with conservative-leaning organizations like receiving 1,100 citations (monthly average of 10.11) predominantly from Republicans (76% of mentions), and liberal-leaning ones like the Center for American Progress garnering 433 citations (monthly average of 4.01) mainly from Democrats (81%). These patterns indicate think tanks reinforce partisan preferences in public discourse but provide limited evidence of cross-ideological persuasion or policy alteration, as members cite aligned sources to bolster existing positions. Panel data analyses offer further insights into potential economic policy effects. A study using U.S. state-level data from 1997 to 2009 examined associations between state-based free-market think tanks (55 organizations across 49 states, spending over $300 million in fiscal 2003) and eight pro-market policy indicators, including tax structures, government spending, and privatization. It found weak and inconsistent links to policy adoption—such as significant effects on sales tax policies in only two of four model specifications, with varying signs—contrasting with stronger correlations to pro-market citizen attitudes measured via General Social Surveys in 2009. This suggests think tanks may exert longer-term influence on public ideology rather than immediate policy outputs, differing from direct lobbying by interest groups. Self-reported metrics from think tanks highlight claimed successes but underscore measurement limitations. The Heritage Foundation asserts that 64% of its 1981 Mandate for Leadership recommendations were enacted under the Reagan administration and a similar proportion under Trump, based on internal analysis of budget and executive actions. However, broader evaluations, including interviews with representatives from 19 global think tanks, reveal reliance on ad-hoc indicators like publication citations, media reach, and stakeholder feedback, hampered by attribution difficulties, resource constraints, and extended time horizons for observable outcomes. In contexts, particularly in low- and middle-income countries, case studies of think tanks like Nigeria's Centre for the Study of the Economies of show contributions to agenda-setting and evidence uptake, such as influencing control frameworks, though quantified causal links remain elusive due to confounding factors like political timing. Overall, while citation and attitude correlations demonstrate visibility and ideational reach, rigorous causal evidence of think tank-driven policy changes is sparse, with academic literature noting systemic underemphasis on non-left-leaning impacts potentially stemming from institutional biases in research funding and .

Notable Successes and Failures

The Heritage Foundation's Mandate for Leadership (1980), a comprehensive policy blueprint provided to President-elect , significantly shaped the early Reagan administration's agenda, with the organization claiming that approximately 60% of its 2,000 recommendations—spanning tax cuts, deregulation, defense buildup, and —were adopted or influenced federal actions by 1984. Reagan himself credited Heritage as "an invaluable resource" in his address to the foundation's board, highlighting its role in advancing and anti-communist foreign policy that contributed to sustained averaging 3.5% annually from 1983 to 1989 and the eventual Soviet Union's dissolution. ![Heritage Foundation building on Massachusetts Avenue]float-right The has influenced U.S. through evidence-based research, notably contributing to the design of the Hamilton Project's proposals for broad-based economic growth, which informed aspects of the 2009 American Recovery and Reinvestment Act's infrastructure and education investments aimed at countering the . Brookings analyses also shaped urban policy frameworks, such as place-based economic development strategies that guided federal grants under the 2021 Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, emphasizing regional job creation and resilience. Conversely, several neoconservative-leaning think tanks, including the (AEI) and elements within the Project for the New American Century, advocated for the 2003 Iraq invasion by promoting intelligence assessments on weapons of mass destruction and as essential for stability, yet post-invasion realities revealed flawed premises, leading to over 4,400 U.S. military deaths, trillions in costs, and regional instability that empowered and ISIS. This advocacy exemplified a broader pattern of think tank-driven interventionism providing third-party validation for executive decisions, often prioritizing ideological alignment over empirical , as critiqued in analyses of how such groups mobilized public support despite subsequent policy failures. Many think tanks underestimated the 2008 global financial crisis, with mainstream economic research institutes failing to anticipate systemic banking vulnerabilities despite access to data on leverage ratios exceeding 30:1 in major institutions; this oversight contributed to delayed regulatory responses and amplified the recession's depth, with U.S. GDP contracting 4.3% in 2009. Partisan think tanks have also been faulted for exacerbating policy polarization, as Heritage's issue-specific advocacy shifted congressional debates toward ideological extremes, reducing cross-aisle compromises on fiscal and social reforms.

Criticisms and Debates

Ideological Bias and Partisanship

Think tanks frequently exhibit ideological biases aligned with their funding sources, leadership affiliations, or donor expectations, despite many claiming non-partisan objectivity. Analysis of major U.S. think tanks reveals distinct partisan leanings, with organizations like advancing conservative policies on issues such as and , while the often supports center-left positions favoring government intervention in economics and social welfare. Libertarian-leaning groups like the prioritize free-market principles, contrasting with progressive outlets such as the Center for American Progress, which emphasize equity and . These alignments stem from donor pressures, as evidenced by surveys indicating that think tanks across the spectrum face incentives to produce research justifying partisan agendas, thereby contributing to policy polarization. Empirical studies quantify these biases through of outputs. For instance, examinations of documents show that left-leaning think tanks cite peer-reviewed scholarly over five times more frequently than right-leaning counterparts, often prioritizing high-impact studies that align with interventionist frameworks. Conversely, conservative think tanks tend to emphasize economic modeling and historical precedents favoring , though they cite fewer academic sources overall, potentially reflecting toward academia's documented leftward skew in social sciences. Media coverage amplifies this asymmetry: broadcast news outlets are three to six times more likely to frame conservative think tanks with ideological labels than liberal ones, suggesting selective scrutiny influenced by journalistic norms. Such patterns indicate that while both sides engage in disguised as , left-leaning institutions benefit from greater alignment with prevailing academic and media ecosystems. Partisanship manifests causally through and networks, where corporate or ideological donors shape agendas. Quantitative models of congressional citations demonstrate that partisan think tanks displace non-ideological information, increasing legislative polarization by providing tailored rationales for bills—Democrats drawing from progressive analyses on inequality, Republicans from conservative critiques of . Historical shifts exacerbate this: pre-1980s think tanks like the Brookings were more centrist, but the rise of ideologically driven post-Reagan era prompted adaptations, with many older institutions drifting left amid competitive pressures from explicitly conservative newcomers. Critics, including those from libertarian perspectives, argue this erodes , as outputs prioritize coalition-building over falsifiable evidence, though empirical impact varies by issue— sees more balanced contestation than cultural debates. In international contexts, similar dynamics persist, but with greater variation: European think tanks like the Bruegel maintain relative on , while U.S.-style partisanship influences global networks, where funding from partisan philanthropies exports biases. remains limited, as self-reported neutrality often masks underlying slants verifiable only through donor disclosures and citation patterns, underscoring the need for transparency to mitigate on policymaking.

Conflicts of Interest and Foreign Influence

Think tanks frequently encounter conflicts of interest arising from donor dependencies that may incentivize research aligning with funders' agendas rather than independent analysis. Corporate contributions, for instance, from defense contractors totaling millions to organizations like the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), which received at least $4.115 million from such entities, have raised questions about impartiality in policy recommendations favoring military spending or specific alliances. Similarly, derives less than 2% of its funding from corporations but has accepted donations from energy firms like and retailers like , potentially influencing its advocacy on deregulation and trade policies. These ties underscore causal risks where financial sustainability pressures could subtly bias outputs, though think tanks often assert internal firewalls and mitigate such influences. Foreign funding exacerbates these concerns, with the top 50 U.S. think tanks receiving approximately $110 million from foreign governments and related entities between 2020 and 2024, including $16.7 million from the , $15.5 million from the , and significant sums from . Such inflows, often undisclosed in detail, can enable on U.S. discourse, as evidenced by the Brookings Institution's acceptance of a $14.8 million from in 2013 for research and events, coinciding with the operation of its center until 2021. Critics, including U.S. Senator , have argued this compromised Brookings' independence, particularly amid 's geopolitical interests in the . Prominent cases highlight enforcement gaps under the (FARA), which mandates disclosure for agents of foreign principals but is often evaded by think tanks claiming academic exemptions. In 2022, Brookings president John Allen was placed on leave after federal charges accused him of illegally U.S. officials on Qatar's behalf without registering, leveraging his position to for Doha-friendly policies. CSIS similarly discloses funding from at least 16 foreign governments, including , , and , totaling over $1.975 million minimum in recent years, prompting scrutiny over whether such support sways analyses on security. Studies indicate rampant undisclosed conflicts, with think tanks occasionally aligning outputs with donor states' bidding, potentially violating FARA's intent to curb foreign . Efforts to address these issues include calls for enhanced transparency, such as mandatory conflict disclosures during congressional testimony and bans on paid from vested interests. However, inconsistent self-reporting persists, with many organizations resisting full donor lists due to reliance on special interests, undermining in their role as neutral advisors. Empirical analyses suggest that while not all yields direct control, the opacity fosters perceptions of capture, particularly from adversarial or autocratic donors like , which has funneled resources to U.S. think tanks amid concerns.

Effectiveness and Accountability Issues

Assessing the effectiveness of think tanks is complicated by attribution challenges, as policy outcomes often involve long causal chains influenced by multiple , making it difficult to isolate the specific impact of or . Many organizations rely on self-reported indicators, such as claims of direct influence—reported by 77% of surveyed think tanks globally—or proxy measures like media mentions and stakeholder consultations, which fail to capture non-linear processes or unintended effects. Limited resources and expertise further constrain robust evaluation, leading to overemphasis on outputs (e.g., reports produced) rather than verifiable outcomes, with no think tank reporting a fully effective . Accountability issues stem primarily from opacity in funding and operations, which obscures potential donor-driven biases and erodes public scrutiny. In North America, particularly the United States, only 35% of think tanks disclose funding sources, the lowest rate among regions surveyed across over 100 countries, compared to 67% in Asia and 58% in Africa; this reticence is often attributed to fears of political backlash and reliance on undisclosed special interests, including $110 million from foreign governments and $35 million from defense contractors over five years. Transparify's star-rating system, evaluating online disclosures of donor identities, amounts, and purposes, reveals progress—95 think tanks rated highly transparent in 2018, up from 25 in 2013—but a majority remain non-transparent, fostering distrust evidenced by only 20% of Americans expressing confidence in think tanks. Such opacity complicates verification of independence, prompting legislative responses like the 2024 Think Tank and Nonprofit Foreign Influence Disclosure Act to mandate greater reporting on foreign funding. These shortcomings highlight a broader tension: without systematic transparency and impact frameworks, think tanks risk prioritizing donor agendas over empirical rigor, undermining their role in evidence-based policymaking. Proposed solutions include tailored theories of change with customized indicators and fostering reflective cultures, though remains uneven due to constraints.

Global Variations

Think Tanks in Western Democracies

Think tanks in Western democracies function primarily as non-governmental organizations dedicated to policy research and analysis, bridging the gap between academic inquiry and practical . These entities produce reports, host seminars, and engage policymakers to influence and public discourse through evidence-based recommendations. In the United States, which hosts the highest concentration globally, over 1,000 think tanks operated as of 2025, reflecting a proliferation that more than doubled since 1980 amid ideological diversification and post-World War II expansion of expert-driven policymaking. Prominent U.S. examples include the , established in 1916 and focused on economic and foreign policy analysis, and the , founded in 1973 to advocate conservative principles such as . Other influential bodies encompass the at , emphasizing free-market economics since 1919, and the , dedicated to libertarian perspectives on individual liberty. In the , think tanks like the , launched in 1977 to promote free-market reforms, and , operational since 1920 for international affairs expertise, exemplify similar roles in advising and shaping Brexit-era policies. Canada features organizations such as the , founded in 1974 to advance market-oriented research, while Australia includes the Australian Strategic Institute (ASPI), established in 2001 for defense and security analysis. Funding in these contexts derives predominantly from private foundations, corporate donations, and individual philanthropists, with endowments providing stability; however, government grants and contracts constitute notable portions, raising questions about independence despite disclosure norms. Foreign contributions, totaling millions for major U.S. think tanks like Brookings (over $17 million from 2014-2020), underscore transparency challenges, though Western regulatory frameworks—such as U.S. requirements—aim to mitigate undue influence. These institutions thrive in pluralistic environments, competing across ideological spectra to challenge prevailing orthodoxies and supply alternatives during crises, as evidenced by their advisory roles in economic reforms and debates. Unlike in less open regimes, Western think tanks benefit from legal protections for free speech and association, enabling robust criticism of incumbents; yet, empirical assessments indicate variable policy uptake, with success tied to alignment with electoral mandates rather than inherent expertise. Recent trends show specialization in areas like climate policy and digital regulation, alongside digital dissemination to broaden reach beyond elite circles.

In Authoritarian and Developing Contexts

In authoritarian s, think tanks often function as extensions of state apparatus, prioritizing alignment with ruling priorities over independent inquiry, due to mechanisms of control such as funding dependency, personnel oversight, and legal restrictions on . These institutions provide policy recommendations that reinforce regime stability and ideological , with limited tolerance for critiques that challenge official narratives. For example, in , more than 1,900 think tanks operate as integral components of the party-state system, offering internal advice on policy while publicly endorsing government positions, a dynamic intensified under since 2012 to centralize decision-making. Similarly, governmental think tanks dominate the landscape, serving national strategic demands through research that supports objectives rather than fostering open debate. In , think tanks are predominantly state-affiliated and Kremlin-steered, contributing to foreign and formulation by generating analyses that align with elite directives, though they lack autonomy to propose alternatives that contradict ruling consensus. Established entities like the Center for Strategic Research function under presidential administration influence, aiding in the implementation of strategies such as those preceding the 2022 of , where their role emphasized narrative support over empirical scrutiny. Independent or Western-oriented think tanks, such as the , have faced closure or relocation since 2022, illustrating how regimes neutralize perceived threats to informational control. Authoritarian states further leverage these bodies for "" projection, funding or co-opting foreign think tanks to disseminate regime-favorable ideas and undermine democratic discourse globally. Developing countries present a where think tanks grapple with resource constraints and institutional fragility, often mirroring authoritarian patterns in hybrid regimes but occasionally achieving niche influence on economic or developmental issues. Funding instability remains a core challenge, with many relying on inconsistent domestic grants, foreign aid, or private donors, leading to sustainability crises; in , for instance, think tanks frequently cite the absence of diversified revenue as a barrier to retaining expertise and scaling impact since the early . This dependency can invite external influence, as seen in donor-driven agendas that prioritize global priorities over local causal factors, while weak limits evidence-based advocacy against or policy failures. Despite these obstacles, some entities, such as those in or , have informed targeted reforms—like agricultural tweaks—by bridging data gaps in under-resourced bureaucracies, though their overall policy penetration lags behind Western counterparts due to and low demand for non-partisan input.

International Collaboration and Networks

Think tanks participate in international collaboration through formal alliances, joint research programs, and policy forums that enable cross-border knowledge exchange and coordinated influence on transnational issues like , , and climate policy. These networks often involve shared funding mechanisms, co-authored reports, and reciprocal expert exchanges, with participation varying by ideological orientation and regional focus. For instance, conservative-leaning think tanks such as the , founded in 1981, have built a global web of over 500 partner organizations in more than 100 countries, emphasizing free-market reforms through training and advocacy support. In contrast, networks like the Network of Democracy Research Institutes (NDRI), launched in 2005 by the , connect over 50 think tanks worldwide to advance research on democratic governance, facilitating collaborative projects such as comparative studies on . Regional and issue-specific alliances further exemplify these dynamics. The European Think Tanks Group (ETTG), comprising nine independent organizations including the Overseas Development Institute and the , coordinates input into strategies on global development and , producing joint briefs since its in 2011. Similarly, the South-South Global Thinkers initiative, hosted by the Office for South-South Cooperation, bridges think tanks from developing and developed regions for dialogues on shared challenges, with events emphasizing empirical over ideological conformity. A more recent development is the Global South Think Tanks Alliance, established on November 14, 2024, during the Second Global South Think Tanks Dialogue, aiming to amplify voices from emerging economies in discussions through regular summits and research consortia. Bilateral and multilateral partnerships also drive collaboration, often leveraging institutional ties for amplified impact. The , for example, maintains formal agreements with entities like the Center for International Economic Exchanges and the German Institute for International and Affairs, yielding co-produced analyses on U.S.- relations as of 2023. The Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program at the University of Pennsylvania's annual Global Go To Think Tank Index, updated through 2023, highlights multi-country collaborations, ranking the International for Scholars first in 2019 for such efforts based on metrics including joint publications and event co-hosting. These networks, while enhancing analytical depth, can introduce dependencies on donor priorities—such as U.S. government grants funding NDRI activities—which necessitate scrutiny of underlying incentives for unbiased outputs.

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