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1993 Canadian federal election
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295 seats in the House of Commons 148 seats needed for a majority | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Opinion polls | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Turnout | 69.6%[1] ( | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The Canadian parliament after the 1993 election | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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The 1993 Canadian federal election was held on October 25, 1993, to elect members to the House of Commons of the 35th Parliament of Canada. Considered to be a major political realignment, it was one of the most eventful elections in Canada's history. Two new regionalist parties emerged, finishing second and third in seat count. Most notably, the election marked the worst defeat for a governing party at the federal level and one of the worst ever suffered by a governing party in the Western democratic world. The Liberal Party, led by Jean Chrétien, won a majority government, defeating the governing Progressive Conservative Party in a landslide. The 22.6% gap between the Liberals and the newly formed Reform Party is the largest difference between the top-two popular vote parties in Canadian federal election history.[2]
The election was called on September 8, 1993, by the new Progressive Conservative (PC) leader, Prime Minister Kim Campbell, near the end of her party's five year mandate. When she succeeded longtime Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and assumed office on 25 June, the party was deeply unpopular due to the failure of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown Accords in 1990 and 1992, respectively, the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax in 1991, and the early 1990s recession. The PCs were further weakened by the emergence of new parties that were competing for its core supporters, including the western-based Reform Party of Canada and the Bloc Québécois advocating for Quebecois sovereignty and separatism, both of which ended up heavily splitting the PC vote.
Campbell's initial efforts helped the party recover somewhat in pre-election polls before the writs were issued on 8 September. However, this momentum did not last. The Progressive Conservatives launched a controversial attack ad during the campaign in hopes of staunching the bleeding. It did not work; the Progressive Conservatives suffered the most lopsided defeat for a Canadian governing party at the federal level, losing 154 seats and official party status in the House of Commons and more than half of their vote from 1988.
The Western-based Reform Party won over many traditional PC voters, particularly social conservatives, alienated Western Canadians, and fiscal conservatives who opposed the Mulroney government's deficit spending and tax increases. The popularity of Preston Manning, and profound Western discontent with the PCs, led the Reform Party to replace the PCs as the major right-wing party in the Commons, although it won only one seat east of Manitoba. Though the Progressive Conservatives recovered slightly in the 1997 election, they lost seats in 2000 and would never be a major force in Canadian politics again. In 2003, the Progressive Conservative Party ceased to exist when it merged with the larger Canadian Alliance (the successor of the Reform Party) to create the new Conservative Party of Canada.
The sovereigntist Bloc Québécois won almost half of the popular vote in Quebec and became the Official Opposition despite finishing fourth in the popular vote. To date, this is the only time that a party committed to the political secession of a region of Canada has become the Official Opposition of Canada, and the only time a party not first or second in the popular vote would form Opposition. (The Progressives won the second-most seats in 1921 with the third-most votes, but declined to form Opposition, and the second-place Conservatives did in lieu). The traditional third party, the New Democratic Party (NDP), collapsed to nine seats only one election after having what was then its best performance. It remained the NDP's worst result until the 2025 federal election. The turnover of MPs was stark and unprecedented for Canadian politics, with 132 MPs losing their seats. In total, 194 out of 295 ridings changed hands. Having been defeated in her Vancouver Centre riding, Campbell became the first incumbent prime minister since William Lyon Mackenzie King in 1945 to lose a House of Commons seat in a bid for re-election.
Background
[edit]The Liberal Party had dominated Canadian politics for much of the 20th century. The party had been in office for all but 22 years between 1896 and 1984, with the Conservatives/Progressive Conservatives only forming government seven times during this period: in 1911, 1917, 1921 and 1926 (both under Arthur Meighen, without election), 1930, 1957, and 1979.
Mulroney era
[edit]In 1984, Brian Mulroney led the Progressive Conservatives to a majority government with the most seats in Canadian history, winning a majority of the seats in every province and a majority of votes cast. The Liberals lost 95 seats in the worst defeat for a governing party at the federal level at the time.
The PCs made a strong showing in Quebec, a province where they had held few seats for much of the century. Between 1896 and 1984, they had only taken a majority of seats in that province once, in their 1958 landslide—the only other time besides 1984 that a party won more than 200 seats in an election. After winning only one seat in Quebec (out of 75) in 1980, the Tories won 58 seats in 1984, leaving the Liberals with almost no seats outside of Montreal.
Mulroney's government was based on a coalition of socially conservative populists from the West, fiscal conservatives from Atlantic Canada and Ontario, and Quebec nationalists. This coalition helped him win reelection in 1988 (an election almost wholly focused on the proposed Canada–United States Free Trade Agreement) but with only a plurality of the votes cast this time. Over the next five years, the popularity of Mulroney and his party declined further. The late 1980s recession severely harmed the Canadian economy, as both unemployment and the public debt grew. Despite the government's pledges to reduce the annual federal deficit, it grew from $34.5 billion in 1984, when Mulroney took power, to more than $40 billion by the time Mulroney stepped down in 1993. The federal debt was at $500 billion in 1993.[3] Mulroney brought in the unpopular Goods and Services Tax (GST) in 1991 and his governing policies were broadly unpopular by early 1993.[4][5]
While Mulroney had railed against Pierre Trudeau's patronage appointments in 1984, he permitted a series of patronage appointments just as he left the PM's office in 1993.[6]
Quebec constitutional status
[edit]Mulroney had also promised to change the constitutional status quo in favour of increasing provincial autonomy; this was one of the most important reasons for his party's support in Quebec. He attempted to amend the constitution twice, but both reform proposals failed. The Meech Lake Accord collapsed in 1990 when the provincial legislatures of Newfoundland and Manitoba adjourned without bringing the issue to a vote; all 10 provincial legislatures had to ratify the accord for it to become law. The Charlottetown Accord was defeated by the Canadian people in an October 1992 referendum. In the case of the Charlottetown Accord, the majority of Canada's population voted against an agreement endorsed by every First Minister and most other political groups. This stinging rebuke against the "political class" in Canada was a preview of things to come, as the upcoming election would be held on October 25, 1993, a year less a day after the Charlottetown referendum. Additional polls in January 1993 concerning the cost-of-living crisis in the country showed that public opinion was broadly against the unpopular PCs.[7]
Campbell replaces Mulroney
[edit]These factors combined to make Mulroney the least popular leader since opinion polling began in the 1940s.[8] The Progressive Conservative Party's popularity reached a low of just over 15% in 1991.[9] With polls showing him facing almost certain defeat in the next election, Mulroney announced his retirement from politics (which had been speculated since early February)[10] on 24 February 1993.[11][12] While several senior Cabinet members had passed over contesting the leadership, Minister of Defence Kim Campbell[13] quickly emerged as the leading candidate to replace Mulroney as party leader and prime minister. Despite a vigorous challenge from Environment Minister Jean Charest, Campbell emerged victorious in the June leadership election and became Canada's first female prime minister.
Campbell enjoyed a brief period of high popularity upon being sworn in, becoming the eponym of "Campbellmania", just as Pierre Trudeau had been the subject of late-1960s Trudeaumania.[14] She was polling favorably by mid-March of that year.[15] Campbell campaigned extensively during the summer, touring the nation and attending barbecues and other events.
Opposition parties
[edit]The other traditional parties were also not faring well. While John Turner and the Liberal leadership supported the Meech Lake Accord, there was significant internal disagreement, with Trudeau returning from retirement to speak out against it. After the Liberals' disappointing showing in the 1988 election, Turner stayed on for a couple of years before resigning. The party then selected veteran politician Jean Chrétien over Paul Martin as party leader after a divisive battle, but Chrétien was unpopular, especially in his native Quebec, after declaring his opposition to the Meech Lake Accord, being rocked by caucus defections. The federal Liberals were disorganized, near bankruptcy, and dropped in the polls from 50 to 32 per cent, so Chrétien appointed Jean Pelletier as chief of staff to reinvigorate his leadership and reorganize his office.[16] As the ruling Tories suffered the most backlash from the unsuccessful constitutional amendments in 1990 and 1992, the Liberals rapidly picked up support and surged to a wide lead in opinion polling.
The New Democratic Party (NDP) had won a record 43 seats in 1988 under Ed Broadbent, who retired the next year. In the following few years, their support continued to grow, at one point leading in the opinion polls. This helped the NDP win a series of victories at the provincial level. In a surprise victory in 1990, Bob Rae led the party to office in Ontario–the first time the NDP had formed a provincial government east of Manitoba. That same year, the NDP won a by-election in Quebec to take its first-ever seat in that province. The next year, under Mike Harcourt, the New Democrats were elected in British Columbia. Within a few years, however, the NDP provincial ministries in both Ontario and British Columbia became deeply unpopular, and support for the federal NDP also began to fall. In a deviation from their traditional position as staunch federalists, the NDP chose to align itself with the Liberals and PCs on the "yes" side of the 1992 Charlottetown Accord. As well, new leader Audrey McLaughlin made efforts to expand party support into Quebec instead of focusing on Western alienation, having defeated Dave Barrett, who had campaigned for the opposite policies. These positions gained the NDP little headway in Quebec and hurt the party's standing as the traditional voice of Western protest.
New parties
[edit]The greatest difference from 1988 was the rise of two new parties that cut into the Progressive Conservatives' support and caused Mulroney's "grand coalition" to implode.
After the failure of the Meech Lake Accord, Lucien Bouchard led a group of Progressive Conservative and Liberal MPs to form the Bloc Québécois. This party quickly gained the support of Quebec sovereigntists and access to the networks of the provincial Parti Québécois. Gilles Duceppe won a 1990 by-election, and throughout the period leading up to the election, the Bloc polled as the most popular party in Quebec.
The Reform Party of Canada was a Western-based populist party led by Preston Manning, the son of former Alberta Premier Ernest Manning. Originally broadly focused on Western Canadian interests, it had quickly moved far to the right after its formation. It originally campaigned under the slogan "the West wants in". Reform had nominated candidates in the 1988 election, but had failed to win any seats, and garnered only 2.5 per cent of the popular vote. Many Western voters had never forgiven the Liberals for the National Energy Program in the 1980s, and Mulroney's attempt to pacify Quebec caused them to rethink their support for the Tories. In early 1989, Deborah Grey won a by-election in a north-central Alberta riding to become the first Reform MP. This came as a considerable shock to Tories, who had dominated Alberta's federal politics for a quarter-century, as Grey had finished a distant fourth in the general election held a few months earlier.
As Conservative support collapsed over the next four years, Reform party support increased. Reform also picked up support from many longtime NDP voters. The NDP (and its predecessor, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation) had been the traditional Western protest party for most of the previous 40 years, but since the 1990s, the NDP had attempted to make inroads in Quebec and had joined the Progressive Conservatives and Liberals in supporting the Charlottetown Accord. Despite sharp ideological differences, Reform's populism struck a responsive chord in some disaffected NDP supporters.
Opinion polling
[edit]Campaign
[edit]Pre-campaign
[edit]An election had to be called in the fall of 1993, since Parliament's term would expire some time in September. By the end of the summer, Campbell's personal popularity was far ahead of that of Chrétien.[17] Support for the Progressive Conservative Party had also increased after Campbell won the leadership, and their polling numbers were roughly equal to the Liberals, while Reform had been reduced to single digits. It was nevertheless thought likely that Reform would hold the balance of power in the event of neither the Progressive Conservatives nor Liberals winning a majority, as the NDP were polling even worse than Reform, while the Bloc were considered unlikely to enter into a confidence and supply agreement with either of the two largest parties. Campbell was therefore seen as having a good chance of remaining in power if the Progressive Conservatives could at least finish with a similar number of seats to the Liberals, and that Reform would support a continuation of her government (likely in return for some concessions on fiscal policy) over one led by Chrétien.
With this in mind, Campbell asked Governor General Ray Hnatyshyn to dissolve parliament on September 8, only a few weeks before Parliament was due to expire. The election date was set for October 25. Under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, this was the last day that the election could legally be held with the then-current enumeration still valid. In accordance with Canadian constitutional practice, Hnatyshyn granted the dissolution, beginning the seven-week campaign.
At the ceremony at Rideau Hall, Campbell made the first of a series of remarks that would dog the Conservative campaign. When she was running for the party leadership, Campbell's frank honesty was seen as an important asset and a sharp contrast from Mulroney's highly polished style (Mulroney was criticized for waiting until the last year of his mandate before resigning, leaving office only 2+1⁄2 months before the Tories' five-year term ended, as well as for his international farewell tour devoid of any official business). During the campaign, however, Campbell repeatedly made statements that caused problems for the party. At the Rideau Hall event, she told reporters that it was unlikely that the deficit or unemployment would be much reduced before the "end of the century". Later in the campaign, a reporter claimed she stated "an election is no time to discuss serious issues." Campbell denied the report and declared her sentence was distorted; her actual quote meant that 47 days were not enough to discuss the overhaul in social policy that she thought Canada needed.[18]
Progressive Conservative
[edit]
The PC campaign was headed by chair John Tory and chief strategist Allan Gregg, both experienced Mulroney loyalists. It was the best-funded campaign, but it quickly ran into organizational problems. The party failed to get literature distributed to the local campaigns, forcing all the PC candidates to print their own material and thus preventing the party from putting forth a unified message.[19] The Progressive Conservative campaign was focused on three issues: job creation, deficit reduction, and improving quality of life; the party, however, had little credibility on the first two, as over their time in office both unemployment and the deficit had increased dramatically. The party was also reluctant to propose new fiscal or social programs, as in Quebec they had to appeal to nationalists who opposed federal government intervention, and in the West had to appeal to Reform supporters who opposed government intervention in general.
In addition, what remained of the initial euphoria over Campbell quickly wore off as the campaign progressed. Her style was initially seen as frank and honest, but as her numbers dropped she was seen as condescending and pretentious. The Tories also continued to be dogged by the long shadow of the unpopular Mulroney.
Liberal
[edit]
The Liberals had long prepared for the campaign. They had amassed a substantial campaign war chest, almost as large as that of the Tories. On September 19, the Liberals released their entire platform, which the media quickly named the Red Book. This document gave a detailed account of exactly what a Liberal government would do in power. Several years of effort had gone into the creation of the document, which was unprecedented for a Canadian party.[20] Several days later, the Progressive Conservatives released the hastily assembled A Taxpayer's Agenda, but the Liberals had captured the reputation of being the party with ideas. The Liberals were also consistently well organized and on message, in contrast to the PC campaign, which the Globe and Mail on September 25 stated was "shaping up to be the most incompetent campaign in modern political history."[21]
New Democratic
[edit]
The New Democratic Party suffered badly in the election. With the rising unpopularity of the Ontario NDP government of Bob Rae, many traditional NDP voters were disenchanted and moved to the Liberal Party. In Western Canada, a portion of the NDP vote was attracted to the right-wing Reform party as a protest vote, as that party's populism struck a chord despite the sharp ideological differences between the two parties (as the centre-left NDP and right-wing Reform were on completely opposite sides of the political spectrum), and some went to the Liberals as well. Nationally, frustration with the PC party was also so high that some traditional NDP voters moved to the Liberals as a strategic vote. Although McLaughlin was returned in her own seat (Yukon), elsewhere the NDP was only truly competitive in Saskatchewan - even there, they finished third place in the popular vote although it was still enough to tie the Liberals for a plurality of seats at five (one more than the Reform Party).
Bloc Québécois
[edit]
The Bloc Québécois benefited from a surge in support for Quebec nationalism after the failure of the Meech Lake Accord in 1990, which resulted in a number of Liberal and Progressive Conservative Members of Parliament (MPs) organizing the Bloc. The Bloc's leader, Lucien Bouchard, campaigned on promising that the Bloc would represent Quebec's interests at the federal level, with the party running candidates exclusively in Quebec while endorsing and supporting Quebec sovereignty (political independence from Canada).
Reform
[edit]
The Reform Party developed an extensive grassroots network in much of western Canada and Ontario. Reform's support for populist policies, such as a democratically elected and regionally equal Senate and more plebiscites and referendums in the political process, was very popular in Western Canada. In addition, Reform's backing of smaller government, lower taxes, the North American Free Trade Agreement, and social conservative policies as well as its opposition to the Goods and Services Tax won over many conservatives in the West and Ontario.
Small-"c" conservatives in the West and Ontario who traditionally supported the Progressive Conservatives were drawn to Reform for several reasons. These conservative voters were disenchanted with the PCs for imposing the Goods and Services Tax and failing to reduce Canada's growing deficit and national debt. There was also the PC government's failure to deliver a democratically elected Senate as it had promised (while appointing unelected Senators in 1990, as it was obligated to do), its socially progressive policies, and its repeated failed attempts to officially bring Quebec into the Constitution, a focus that was seen as coming at the expense of attention to the concerns of other regions, especially the West.
Reform had little money and few resources, with its candidates and campaign staff flying economy class, staying in cheap hotels, and relying on pre-packaged lunches, all which helped endear them to money-conscious fiscal conservatives.[22] The campaign was managed by seasoned political strategist Rick Anderson. Some Reformers had been annoyed that a moderate former Liberal and Ottawa insider had been made campaign manager, but he soon proved his political ability.[23]
Reform found itself embroiled in controversy when Toronto-area candidate John Beck made a series of anti-immigrant remarks in an interview with Excalibur, the York University student paper. York students confronted Manning with the remarks, who immediately denounced them. Within an hour, Beck was forced to withdraw his candidacy.[24]
Leaders debates
[edit]| Polls during the campaign | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Firm | Date | PC | LPC | NDP | BQ | Ref | Lead |
| Angus Reid[25] | September 9 | 35 | 37 | 8 | 8 | 10 | 2 |
| Comquest Research[25] | September 14 | 36 | 33 | 8 | 10 | 11 | 3 |
| Angus Reid[25] | September 16 | 35 | 35 | 6 | 11 | 11 | Tie |
| CBC[25] | September 22 | 31 | 36 | 7 | 11 | 13 | 5 |
| Gallup | September 25 | 30 | 37 | 8 | 10 | 13 | 7 |
| Compass Research[25] | September 26 | 26 | 38 | 8 | 12 | 14 | 12 |
| Environics | September 26 | 31 | 36 | 7 | 11 | 13 | 5 |
| Leger & Leger | September 26 | 28 | 34 | 7 | 12 | 15 | 6 |
| Ekos[25] | September 28 | 25 | 39 | 6 | 12 | 17 | 14 |
| Angus Reid[25] | October 6 | 22 | 37 | 8 | 12 | 18 | 15 |
| Compass Research | October 16 | 22 | 40 | 7 | 13 | 16 | 18 |
| Leger & Leger | October 19 | 21 | 39 | 6 | 14 | 17 | 18 |
| Angus Reid[26] | October 22 | 18 | 43 | 7 | 14 | 18 | 25 |
| Gallup[26] | October 22 | 16 | 44 | 7 | 12 | 19 | 25 |
| Election result | October 25 | 16.0 | 41.2 | 6.9 | 13.5 | 18.7 | 22.5 |
This graph was using the legacy Graph extension, which is no longer supported. It needs to be converted to the new Chart extension. |
Over the course of the campaign, Progressive Conservative support steadily bled away to the other parties. The leaders debates were held October 3 and 4, and were generally regarded as inconclusive, with no party gaining a boost from them. The most memorable moment involved Lucien Bouchard continuously questioning Campbell about the real deficit in the 1993 budget and Campbell dodging the question. The French debates were held on the first night. Manning, who did not speak French, read prepared opening and closing remarks, but did not participate in the debate itself.
Chrétien ad
[edit]By October, the Progressive Conservatives were considerably behind the Liberals in the polls, and it was obvious that they would not be reelected. The consensus was that the Liberals were on their way to at least a minority government, and would probably win a majority without dramatic measures. Despite this, Campbell was still far more personally popular than Chrétien. Polling found that a considerable number of potential Liberal voters held negative opinions about Chrétien.
Believing they had no other way to keep the Liberals from winning a majority, Gregg and Tory decided to launch a series of commercials attacking Chrétien. While the ad's creators claim they had meant for the line "I would be very embarrassed if he became Prime Minister of Canada" to refer to Chrétien's policies and ethics, the intercutting with images of his face and its facial deformity (caused by Bell's palsy) were interpreted by many as an attack on Chrétien's appearance. The ad quickly received widespread attention as the Liberal war room under Roméo LeBlanc immediately contacted media outlets. This generated a severe backlash from all sides of the spectrum, including some PC candidates, and Campbell ordered them off the air.[27]
Chrétien turned the situation to his advantage, comparing his opponents to the children who teased him when he was a boy. "When I was a kid people were laughing at me. But I accepted that because God gave me other qualities and I'm grateful." Chrétien's approval ratings shot up, nullifying the only advantage the Progressive Conservatives still had over him.[27] The Tories also pointed out that Chrétien himself had used his half-paralyzed face in the campaign, with Liberal signs in Quebec that translated as "Strange-looking face, but reflect on what's inside." Furthermore, most newspapers and magazines had used similar photos that highlighted Chrétien's facial deformity.[27]
Aside from raising Chrétien's personal popularity, it is unclear what effect the ad had on the election. Prior to the controversy, the Campbell Tories were already beset by many problems; notably the recession, the unpopular GST, and their support bases moving to Reform and the Bloc. Nonetheless, the negative backlash over the television spot proved to be the final nail in the Tories' coffin. Their support plummeted into the teens, all but assuring that the Liberals would win a majority government.
Issues
[edit]The most important issue of the 1993 election was the economy.[28] The nation was mired in the early 1990s recession, and unemployment was especially high. The federal deficit was also extremely high, and both the Reform and Progressive Conservatives focused on cutting it as the path to economic health. Reform proposed deep cuts to federal programs in order to do this, while the Progressive Conservatives were less specific. The Liberals also promised cuts, focusing on the unpopular and expensive plan to buy new military helicopters to replace the aging Sea Kings. They also promised new programs such as a limited public works programme and a national child care program. The Reform Party called for a "Zero in Three" plan that would reduce the deficit to zero in three years. The Liberals had a far more modest plan to reduce the deficit to 3% of GDP by the end of their first term. All opposition parties pledged to repeal the Goods and Services Tax. Once elected, however, the Liberals reneged on this pledge to much outcry, stating the Conservatives had understated the size of the deficit. Instead the GST remained. In some provinces it was Harmonized with the Provincial sales tax, while in other provinces the GST and the Provincial Sales Tax remained separate.
The 1988 election had been almost wholly focused on the issue of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States, and similarly, the 1993 election was preceded by the agreement on the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).[29] The Liberals opposed NAFTA and promised to try to renegotiate the FTA, but this was not a central campaign theme. The NDP did focus on opposition to NAFTA, but the Canadian people mostly felt that the free trade debate was over. When in office, the Liberals signed on to NAFTA with little opposition. Similarly, while constitutional issues had dominated the national debate for several years, two failed reform proposals led most to support giving the issue a rest. Chrétien promised not to reopen the constitution, and that under the Liberals any change would be incremental in nature. In Quebec the election was seen as a prelude to the next Quebec election and the referendum on secession that was sure to follow.
The Reform Party advanced proposals in a number of areas that challenged the status quo. It proposed extensive reform to Canada's parliamentary system, including more free votes, recall elections, and change to the Senate. The party also advocated a reduction in immigration levels and a retreat from official bilingualism.[9]
Finances
[edit]The election was held under the Election Expenses Act of 1974. This forced parties to disclose most donations, but put few limits on who could donate and how much could be given. Individual donations up to $1,150 were given a tax credit, encouraging such pledges. The Conservatives had the largest budget, spending $10.4 million on their national campaign; the Liberals spent $9.9 million, while the NDP spent $7.4 million. The Bloc and Reform both spent less than $2 million on their national campaigns.[30] Actual election spending is far larger than these numbers indicate: each candidate raised substantial amounts of money independently of the national campaign. In this era there were also large expenses, such as polling and fundraising costs, that did not need to be disclosed.
In the year of the election, two traditional parties, the Liberals and Conservatives, each received about 60% of their funding from corporations and the rest from individuals. For the NDP half of the funding came from individuals, and a third came from trade unions. The Reform Party relied almost wholly on individual donations, with only some 12% coming from corporations. The Bloc relied almost solely on individual donations, as its party charter barred donations from corporations. The NDP had by far the most donors, with over 65,000, but the average donation was only $80. By contrast the 45,000 Conservative donors gave more than $200 on average.[31]
The NDP and Conservatives had more problems after the vote. The NDP found itself deeply in debt, but recouped some of it by selling their Ottawa headquarters to the new Ukrainian Embassy. The Conservatives, despite cutting back on spending late in the campaign, were some $7.5 million in debt by the end of the election, and it took years to clear this burden. The heavy debt load would hamper the party's ability to campaign in subsequent elections, and this would lead to its eventual merger with Reform's successor, the Canadian Alliance.
Minor parties
[edit]Fourteen registered political parties contested the election, a Canadian record. Jackson and Jackson, in their book Politics in Canada, argue that the proliferation of minor parties was an outgrowth of the single-issue political movements that had come to prominence in Canada in the 1980s.[32] For instance, the environmentalist, anti-abortion, and anti-free trade movements all had closely associated parties. Each candidate required a $1,000 deposit, an increase from $200 in the last election. If the candidate did not win 15% of the vote, which none of the minor parties did, these deposits would be forfeit. Parties that nominated 50 candidates qualified as official parties and, most importantly, received government subsidies for advertising.[33] The smaller parties were not invited to the main leaders debate,[34] something Mel Hurtig of the National Party complained vehemently about. The Green Party of Canada Chief Agent Greg Vezina organized a debate between the leaders of seven of the minor parties on October 5, which was broadcast on CBC Newsworld and CPAC. The National Party did not attend.
Few of these parties were expected to win a seat. One exception was the National Party. Founded by Mel Hurtig, a prominent nationalist, it campaigned on a strongly economically nationalist, broadly centre-left platform focusing on opposition to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The party ran 171 candidates, and for a time polling indicated it could potentially have an impact. However, the party failed to make a significant impression and imploded due to internal party turmoil. Some time after the election it applied to Canada's Chief Election officer to de-register the party. Another prominent minor party was the Natural Law Party. Linked to Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, it advocated yogic flying as the solution to most of Canada's ills. It ran 231 candidates, more than some major parties. Its campaign was also accompanied by several million dollars of advertising, and it was successful in attracting media attention. Some accused its efforts of actually being government-subsidized marketing for yogic flying centres,[35] which are non-profit, non-religious meditation centres. Other minor parties included the Green Party of Canada which ran 79 candidates, Libertarian Party of Canada, the Marxist–Leninist Party of Canada and the Christian Heritage Party, which was mainly dedicated to opposing abortion. The election saw three minor parties focused on radical reform to the monetary system: the Canada Party, the Abolitionist Party, and the Party for the Commonwealth of Canada, which was formed by supporters of U.S. fringe politician Lyndon LaRouche.[33]
This election was also the last time that the Social Credit Party attempted to run candidates in an election. The party had been in headlong decline since losing its last Member of Parliament in 1980, and was now led by fundamentalist Christian preacher Ken Campbell. Campbell briefly changed the party's name to the "Christian Freedom Party" in an attempt to appeal to social conservatives. However, the party failed to nominate the minimum 50 candidates and was deregistered by Elections Canada.
The satirical Rhinoceros Party was likewise deregistered after they declined to contest the election, in protest of new electoral laws that required parties to run 50 candidates at a cost of $1,000 per riding. Unlike the Socreds, however, the Rhinos would eventually reform in 2006, once the 50-candidate requirement had been dropped, and began contesting federal elections again beginning with the 2008 election.
Several unrecognized parties also contested the election, including the Canadian Party for Renewal (which was closely aligned with the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist–Leninist)).
Candidates
[edit]Results
[edit]This election, like all previous Canadian elections, was conducted under a single-member plurality (or first past the post) system in which the country was carved into 295 electoral districts, or ridings, with each one electing one representative to the House of Commons. Those eligible to vote cast their ballot for a candidate in their electoral district and the candidate with the most votes in that district became that riding's Member of Parliament. The party that has the confidence of the House (i.e. that can rely on the votes of the most MPs) forms the government. By convention, its leader is appointed Prime Minister and its Members of Parliament to the Cabinet of Canada by the Governor General.
For a complete list of MPs elected in the 1993 election, see 35th Canadian parliament.

| Party | Party leader | # of candidates |
Seats | Popular vote | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1988 | Dissol. | Elected | % Change | # | % | Change | ||||
| Liberal | Jean Chrétien | 295 | 83 | 79 | 177 | +113.3% | 5,647,952 | 41.24% | +9.32% | |
| Bloc Québécois | Lucien Bouchard | 75 | * | 10 | 54 | * | 1,846,024 | 13.52% | * | |
| Reform | Preston Manning | 207 | - | 1 | 52 | 2,559,245 | 18.69% | +16.59% | ||
| New Democratic Party | Audrey McLaughlin | 294 | 43 | 44 | 9 | −79.1% | 939,575 | 6.88% | −13.50% | |
| Progressive Conservative | Kim Campbell | 295 | 169 | 154 | 2 | −98.8% | 2,186,422 | 16.04% | −26.97% | |
| Independent | 129 | - | 3 | 1 | 60,434 | 0.73% | +0.56% | |||
| National | Mel Hurtig | 170 | * | - | - | * | 187,251 | 1.38% | * | |
| Natural Law | Neil Paterson | 231 | * | - | - | * | 84,743 | 0.63% | * | |
| No affiliation | 23 | - | - | - | - | 48,959 | 0.09% | −0.10% | ||
| Green | Chris Lea | 79 | - | - | - | - | 32,979 | 0.24% | −0.12% | |
| Christian Heritage | Heather Stilwell | 59 | - | - | - | - | 30,358 | 0.22% | −0.55% | |
| Libertarian | Hilliard Cox | 52 | - | - | - | - | 14,630 | 0.11% | −0.14% | |
| Abolitionist | John Turmel | 80 | * | - | - | * | 9,141 | 0.07% | * | |
| Canada Party | Joseph Thauberger | 56 | * | - | - | * | 7,506 | 0.06% | * | |
| Commonwealth | Gilles Gervais | 59 | - | - | - | - | 7,316 | 0.06% | - | |
| Marxist–Leninist | Hardial Bains | 51 | - | - | - | - | 5,136 | 0.04% | +0.04% | |
| Vacant | 4 | |||||||||
| Total | 2,155 | 295 | 295 | 295 | ±0.0% | 13,667,671 | 100% | |||
| Notes: *Party did not nominate candidates in the previous; "% change" refers to change from previous election. | ||||||||||
| Sources: http://www.elections.ca History of Federal Ridings since 1867 Archived December 4, 2008, at the Wayback Machine | ||||||||||
Vote and seat summaries
[edit]
Synopsis of results
[edit]- = Open seat
- = Turnout is above national average
- = Winning candidate held seat in previous House
- = Incumbent had switched allegiance
- = Previously incumbent in another riding
- = Not incumbent; was previously elected to the House
- = Incumbency arose from byelection gain
- = Other incumbents renominated
- = Previously a member of one of the provincial legislatures
- = Multiple candidates
| Riding | Winning party | Turnout [a 1] |
Votes[a 2] | |||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1988 | 1st place | Votes | Share | Margin # |
Margin % |
2nd place | Lib | Ref | PC | BQ | NDP | Nat'l | NLP | Green | CHP | Ind | Other | Total | ||||||
| Athabasca | AB | PC | Ref | 15,350 | 47.07% | 7,330 | 22.48% | Lib | % | 8,020 | 15,350 | 6,248 | – | 2,489 | – | 195 | 312 | – | – | – | 32,614 | |||
| Beaver River | AB | PC | Ref | 17,725 | 58.00% | 10,183 | 33.32% | Lib | % | 7,542 | 17,725[a 3] | 3,854 | – | 1,050 | – | 294 | – | – | 94 | – | 30,559 | |||
| Calgary Centre | AB | PC | Ref | 22,600 | 45.08% | 7,443 | 14.85% | Lib | % | 15,157 | 22,600 | 7,466 | – | 2,149 | 1,743 | 355 | 484 | – | – | 183 | 50,137 | |||
| Calgary North | AB | PC | Ref | 35,508 | 52.45% | 17,609 | 26.01% | Lib | % | 17,899 | 35,508 | 10,424 | – | 1,592 | 1,361 | 308 | 343 | – | 268 | – | 67,703 | |||
| Calgary Northeast | AB | PC | Ref | 20,602 | 44.35% | 5,591 | 12.04% | Lib | % | 15,011 | 20,602 | 5,229 | – | 1,310 | 853 | 175 | 134 | – | 3,136 | – | 46,450 | |||
| Calgary Southeast | AB | PC | Ref | 33,564 | 59.85% | 22,277 | 39.72% | PC | % | 7,642 | 33,564 | 11,287 | – | 1,888 | 1,111 | 443 | – | – | – | 148 | 56,083 | |||
| Calgary Southwest | AB | PC | Ref | 41,630 | 61.22% | 28,988 | 42.63% | PC | % | 11,087 | 41,630 | 12,642 | – | 1,099 | 910 | 249 | 301 | – | 85 | – | 68,003 | |||
| Calgary West | AB | PC | Ref | 30,209 | 52.25% | 14,895 | 25.76% | Lib | % | 15,314 | 30,209 | 9,090 | – | 1,194 | 1,068 | 483 | 347 | 116 | – | – | 57,821 | |||
| Crowfoot | AB | PC | Ref | 23,611 | 65.98% | 17,180 | 48.01% | PC | % | 4,506 | 23,611 | 6,431 | – | 860 | – | 263 | – | – | 114 | – | 35,785 | |||
| Edmonton East | AB | NDP | Lib | 11,922 | 32.96% | 115 | 0.32% | Ref | % | 11,922 | 11,807 | 2,672 | – | 7,976 | 1,049 | 212 | 171 | 231 | 51 | 80 | 36,171 | |||
| Edmonton North | AB | PC | Lib | 19,536 | 39.47% | 202 | 0.41% | Ref | % | 19,536 | 19,334 | 4,592 | – | 3,427 | 2,174 | 256 | – | – | 77 | 103 | 49,499 | |||
| Edmonton Northwest | AB | PC | Lib | 12,599 | 35.80% | 12 | 0.03% | Ref | % | 12,599 | 12,587 | 3,485 | – | 1,671 | 4,507 | 186 | 119 | – | 41 | – | 35,195 | |||
| Edmonton Southeast | AB | PC | Lib | 23,129 | 46.16% | 3,219 | 6.42% | Ref | % | 23,129 | 19,910 | 3,203 | – | 1,988 | 1,457 | 194 | 149 | – | – | 78 | 50,108 | |||
| Edmonton Southwest | AB | PC | Ref | 26,582 | 45.45% | 7,012 | 11.99% | Lib | % | 19,570 | 26,582 | 9,385 | – | 2,148 | – | 447 | – | – | 269 | 81 | 58,482 | |||
| Edmonton—Strathcona | AB | PC | Ref | 19,541 | 39.33% | 404 | 0.81% | Lib | % | 19,137 | 19,541 | 5,617 | – | 2,513 | 2,129 | 284 | 286 | – | 92 | 83 | 49,682 | |||
| Elk Island | AB | PC | Ref | 25,726 | 56.04% | 14,137 | 30.80% | Lib | % | 11,589 | 25,726 | 5,714 | – | 1,296 | 1,222 | 242 | – | – | – | 117 | 45,906 | |||
| Lethbridge | AB | PC | Ref | 24,530 | 52.63% | 12,660 | 27.16% | Lib | % | 11,870 | 24,530 | 7,092 | – | 1,283 | 1,586 | 247 | – | – | – | – | 46,608 | |||
| Macleod | AB | PC | Ref | 23,828 | 63.27% | 17,316 | 45.98% | PC | % | 6,196 | 23,828 | 6,512 | – | 712 | – | 200 | 213 | – | – | – | 37,661 | |||
| Medicine Hat | AB | PC | Ref | 22,439 | 54.71% | 13,884 | 33.85% | Lib | % | 8,555 | 22,439 | 6,934 | – | 1,832 | – | – | – | 989 | – | 262 | 41,011 | |||
| Peace River | AB | PC | Ref | 25,761 | 60.22% | 19,132 | 44.73% | Lib | % | 6,629 | 25,761 | 6,144 | – | 2,344 | 1,656 | 241 | – | – | – | – | 42,775 | |||
| Red Deer | AB | PC | Ref | 31,876 | 64.81% | 23,870 | 48.54% | PC | % | 6,614 | 31,876 | 8,006 | – | 1,313 | 1,074 | 297 | – | – | – | – | 49,180 | |||
| St. Albert | AB | PC | Ref | 24,964 | 50.94% | 11,104 | 22.66% | Lib | % | 13,860 | 24,964 | 5,884 | – | 1,435 | 2,219 | 257 | – | 294 | 90 | – | 49,003 | |||
| Vegreville | AB | PC | Ref | 19,732 | 54.74% | 11,552 | 32.05% | PC | % | 5,610 | 19,732 | 8,180 | – | 1,175 | 562 | 191 | – | – | 597 | – | 36,047 | |||
| Wetaskiwin | AB | PC | Ref | 26,210 | 63.41% | 19,296 | 46.69% | Lib | % | 6,914 | 26,210 | 6,124 | – | 1,475 | – | 274 | – | – | – | 335 | 41,332 | |||
| Wild Rose | AB | PC | Ref | 30,986 | 63.75% | 23,444 | 48.23% | PC | % | 6,902 | 30,986 | 7,542 | – | 1,067 | 809 | 204 | 457 | – | 642 | – | 48,609 | |||
| Yellowhead | AB | PC | Ref | 22,790 | 55.04% | 13,826 | 33.39% | Lib | % | 8,964 | 22,790 | 5,799 | – | 1,811 | 1,147 | 251 | – | 441 | 202 | – | 41,405 | |||
| Burnaby—Kingsway | BC | NDP | NDP | 18,273 | 34.15% | 4,217 | 7.88% | Lib | % | 14,056 | 13,389 | 5,327 | – | 18,273 | 1,493 | 270 | – | – | 170 | 534 | 53,512 | |||
| Capilano—Howe Sound | BC | PC | Ref | 19,259 | 41.95% | 4,653 | 10.14% | Lib | % | 14,606 | 19,259 | 8,130 | – | 1,529 | 1,467 | 274 | 448 | – | 105 | 92 | 45,910 | |||
| Cariboo—Chilcotin | BC | PC | Ref | 11,510 | 36.44% | 3,049 | 9.65% | Lib | % | 8,461 | 11,510 | 7,050 | – | 3,286 | 537 | 222 | 206 | – | – | 315 | 31,587 | |||
| Comox—Alberni | BC | NDP | Ref | 25,000 | 44.17% | 13,466 | 23.79% | Lib | % | 11,534 | 25,000 | 5,461 | – | 9,365 | 3,283 | 299 | 1,313 | – | 276 | 72 | 56,603 | |||
| Delta | BC | PC | Ref | 18,289 | 38.20% | 3,680 | 7.69% | Lib | % | 14,609 | 18,289 | 10,054 | – | 2,725 | 1,254 | 190 | 172 | 354 | 213 | 12 | 47,872 | |||
| Esquimalt—Juan de Fuca | BC | NDP | Ref | 16,352 | 35.29% | 3,752 | 8.10% | NDP | % | 9,970 | 16,352 | 4,582 | – | 12,600 | 2,214 | 426 | – | – | 98 | 97 | 46,339 | |||
| Fraser Valley East | BC | PC | Ref | 23,494 | 45.91% | 7,712 | 15.07% | Lib | % | 15,782 | 23,494 | 6,648 | – | 2,724 | 851 | 205 | 243 | 1,158 | – | 67 | 51,172 | |||
| Fraser Valley West | BC | PC | Ref | 30,667 | 49.10% | 12,220 | 19.56% | Lib | % | 18,447 | 30,667 | 7,135 | – | 3,237 | 1,281 | 336 | – | 1,036 | 79 | 245 | 62,463 | |||
| Kamloops | BC | NDP | NDP | 16,063 | 36.28% | 4,216 | 9.52% | Ref | % | 10,776 | 11,847 | 3,857 | – | 16,063 | 1,399 | 133 | – | – | 41 | 154 | 44,270 | |||
| Kootenay East | BC | NDP | Ref | 17,050 | 48.42% | 9,135 | 25.94% | Lib | % | 7,915 | 17,050 | 3,840 | – | 5,107 | 582 | 158 | 293 | 194 | – | 71 | 35,210 | |||
| Kootenay West—Revelstoke | BC | NDP | Ref | 11,348 | 32.46% | 728 | 2.08% | Lib | % | 10,620 | 11,348 | 3,111 | – | 5,483 | 2,983 | 191 | 809 | 336 | – | 79 | 34,960 | |||
| Mission—Coquitlam | BC | NDP | Ref | 20,168 | 36.71% | 5,394 | 9.82% | Lib | % | 14,774 | 20,168 | 6,445 | – | 9,210 | 2,739 | 294 | 397 | 479 | 202 | 228 | 54,936 | |||
| Nanaimo—Cowichan | BC | NDP | Ref | 25,339 | 41.22% | 11,499 | 18.71% | Lib | % | 13,840 | 25,339 | 5,614 | – | 12,018 | 3,470 | 507 | – | – | 323 | 361 | 61,472 | |||
| New Westminster—Burnaby | BC | NDP | Ref | 16,262 | 29.33% | 814 | 1.47% | Lib | % | 15,448 | 16,262 | 6,419 | – | 14,441 | 1,766 | 371 | 314 | – | 73 | 344 | 55,438 | |||
| North Island—Powell River | BC | NDP | Ref | 18,256 | 39.28% | 6,376 | 13.72% | Lib | % | 11,880 | 18,256 | 3,673 | – | 7,823 | 3,418 | 254 | 1,015 | – | – | 158 | 46,477 | |||
| North Vancouver | BC | PC | Ref | 20,213 | 39.97% | 4,279 | 8.46% | Lib | % | 15,934 | 20,213 | 7,765 | – | 3,220 | 2,220 | 448 | 493 | – | 147 | 134 | 50,574 | |||
| Okanagan Centre | BC | PC | Ref | 30,703 | 46.62% | 15,015 | 22.80% | Lib | % | 15,688 | 30,703 | 12,629 | – | 4,562 | 1,082 | 211 | 666 | – | 134 | 179 | 65,854 | |||
| Okanagan—Shuswap | BC | NDP | Ref | 20,930 | 42.44% | 9,227 | 18.71% | NDP | % | 9,082 | 20,930 | 4,865 | – | 11,703 | 2,009 | 130 | 312 | – | 213 | 78 | 49,322 | |||
| Okanagan—Similkameen—Merritt | BC | NDP | Ref | 21,151 | 43.59% | 9,268 | 19.10% | Lib | % | 11,883 | 21,151 | 6,150 | – | 7,201 | 1,181 | 267 | 472 | – | – | 217 | 48,522 | |||
| Port Moody—Coquitlam | BC | NDP | Ref | 20,257 | 33.97% | 3,711 | 6.22% | Lib | % | 16,546 | 20,257 | 7,641 | – | 12,616 | 1,556 | 333 | 329 | – | 64 | 283 | 59,625 | |||
| Prince George–Bulkley Valley | BC | NDP | Ref | 14,757 | 40.29% | 6,231 | 17.01% | NDP | % | 8,147 | 14,757 | 4,463 | – | 8,526 | – | 176 | 203 | 351 | – | – | 36,623 | |||
| Prince George—Peace River | BC | PC | Ref | 20,775 | 56.39% | 13,584 | 36.87% | Lib | % | 7,191 | 20,775 | 4,153 | – | 4,051 | – | 295 | – | 199 | 63 | 116 | 36,843 | |||
| Richmond | BC | PC | Lib | 21,457 | 37.05% | 3,557 | 6.14% | Ref | % | 21,457 | 17,900 | 11,033 | – | 3,633 | 2,271 | 333 | 336 | 282 | 512 | 155 | 57,912 | |||
| Saanich—Gulf Islands | BC | NDP | Ref | 26,480 | 37.21% | 8,038 | 11.29% | Lib | % | 18,442 | 26,480 | 8,222 | – | 13,414 | 3,817 | 524 | – | – | 217 | 53 | 71,169 | |||
| Skeena | BC | NDP | Ref | 11,994 | 37.90% | 4,408 | 13.93% | Lib | % | 7,586 | 11,994 | 2,137 | – | 6,535 | 2,420 | 150 | 178 | 647 | – | – | 31,647 | |||
| Surrey North | BC | NDP | Ref | 22,390 | 36.94% | 6,413 | 10.58% | Lib | % | 15,977 | 22,390 | 8,381 | – | 10,355 | 2,014 | 376 | – | 907 | 128 | 84 | 60,612 | |||
| Surrey—White Rock—South Langley | BC | PC | Ref | 32,198 | 44.11% | 7,515 | 10.30% | Lib | % | 24,683 | 32,198 | 8,885 | – | 3,029 | 2,387 | 251 | 464 | 877 | 59 | 158 | 72,991 | |||
| Vancouver Centre | BC | PC | Lib | 20,095 | 31.09% | 3,821 | 5.91% | PC | % | 20,095 | 11,235 | 16,274 | – | 9,830 | 5,144 | 670 | 616 | 254 | 232 | 279 | 64,629 | |||
| Vancouver East | BC | NDP | Lib | 14,237 | 35.98% | 1,898 | 4.80% | NDP | % | 14,237 | 4,671 | 3,484 | – | 12,339 | 2,419 | 383 | 571 | – | 575 | 886 | 39,565 | |||
| Vancouver Quadra | BC | Lib | Lib | 20,364 | 39.46% | 8,919 | 17.28% | Ref | % | 20,364 | 11,445 | 9,002 | – | 5,552 | 3,331 | 376 | 594 | 208 | 190 | 549 | 51,611 | |||
| Vancouver South | BC | PC | Lib | 17,215 | 35.61% | 4,923 | 10.18% | Ref | % | 17,215 | 12,292 | 11,359 | – | 3,625 | 2,113 | 287 | 418 | – | 427 | 601 | 48,337 | |||
| Victoria | BC | NDP | Lib | 21,557 | 37.21% | 5,579 | 9.63% | Ref | % | 21,557 | 15,978 | 6,049 | – | 8,182 | 4,072 | 505 | 1,135 | – | 215 | 244 | 57,937 | |||
| Brandon—Souris | MB | PC | Lib | 12,130 | 33.00% | 967 | 2.63% | Ref | % | 12,130 | 11,163 | 8,236 | – | 4,359 | 336 | 112 | – | 339 | – | 82 | 36,757 | |||
| Churchill | MB | NDP | Lib | 9,658 | 40.73% | 907 | 3.83% | NDP | % | 9,658 | 2,275 | 2,438 | – | 8,751 | 590 | – | – | – | – | – | 23,712 | |||
| Dauphin—Swan River | MB | PC | Lib | 10,600 | 31.73% | 735 | 2.20% | Ref | % | 10,600 | 9,865 | 5,267 | – | 7,412 | – | – | – | – | – | 260 | 33,404 | |||
| Lisgar—Marquette | MB | PC | Ref | 13,385 | 41.02% | 4,653 | 14.26% | Lib | % | 8,732 | 13,385 | 7,833 | – | 1,808 | 355 | – | – | 399 | – | 115 | 32,627 | |||
| Portage—Interlake | MB | PC | Lib | 14,506 | 40.68% | 4,705 | 13.19% | Ref | % | 14,506 | 9,801 | 7,036 | – | 3,029 | 935 | 179 | – | – | – | 175 | 35,661 | |||
| Provencher | MB | PC | Lib | 16,119 | 44.04% | 2,656 | 7.26% | Ref | % | 16,119 | 13,463 | 3,765 | – | 1,818 | 1,212 | 157 | – | – | – | 69 | 36,603 | |||
| Selkirk—Red River | MB | PC | Lib | 16,003 | 32.88% | 3,488 | 7.17% | NDP | % | 16,003 | 12,412 | 5,687 | – | 12,515 | 1,402 | 179 | – | 400 | – | 79 | 48,677 | |||
| Saint Boniface | MB | Lib | Lib | 30,042 | 63.36% | 22,082 | 46.57% | Ref | % | 30,042 | 7,960 | 3,404 | – | 3,364 | 2,008 | 251 | – | – | – | 388 | 47,417 | |||
| Winnipeg North | MB | Lib | Lib | 22,220 | 51.27% | 8,480 | 19.57% | NDP | % | 22,220 | 4,150 | 2,001 | – | 13,740 | 772 | 212 | – | – | 110 | 135 | 43,340 | |||
| Winnipeg North Centre | MB | Lib | Lib | 13,905 | 50.17% | 4,972 | 17.94% | NDP | % | 13,905 | 2,275 | 1,307 | – | 8,933 | 908 | 176 | – | – | 117 | 97 | 27,718 | |||
| Winnipeg South | MB | PC | Lib | 25,950 | 49.60% | 11,128 | 21.27% | Ref | % | 25,950 | 14,822 | 6,432 | – | 2,180 | 2,512 | 197 | – | – | 113 | 112 | 52,318 | |||
| Winnipeg South Centre | MB | Lib | Lib | 25,881 | 61.44% | 20,593 | 48.88% | Ref | % | 25,881 | 5,288 | 3,903 | – | 3,512 | 3,099 | 225 | – | – | 76 | 143 | 42,127 | |||
| Winnipeg St. James | MB | Lib | Lib | 21,613 | 54.95% | 13,367 | 33.99% | Ref | % | 21,613 | 8,246 | 5,094 | – | 2,596 | 1,487 | 155 | – | – | 58 | 83 | 39,332 | |||
| Winnipeg—Transcona | MB | NDP | NDP | 16,074 | 38.86% | 219 | 0.53% | Lib | % | 15,855 | 5,829 | 2,112 | – | 16,074 | 900 | 150 | – | 362 | – | 81 | 41,363 | |||
| Acadie—Bathurst | NB | Lib | Lib | 26,843 | 66.41% | 15,681 | 38.80% | PC | % | 26,843 | – | 11,162 | – | 2,413 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 40,418 | |||
| Beauséjour | NB | Lib | Lib | 30,117 | 76.15% | 24,113 | 60.97% | PC | % | 30,117[a 4] | – | 6,004 | – | 2,246 | 740 | – | – | 443 | – | – | 39,550 | |||
| Carleton—Charlotte | NB | PC | Lib | 13,970 | 43.11% | 811 | 2.50% | PC | % | 13,970 | 3,831 | 13,159 | – | 1,016 | 431 | – | – | – | – | – | 32,407 | |||
| Fredericton—York—Sunbury | NB | PC | Lib | 21,771 | 46.62% | 8,152 | 17.45% | PC | % | 21,771 | 7,985 | 13,619 | – | 2,348 | – | 383 | – | – | 226 | 371 | 46,703 | |||
| Fundy—Royal | NB | PC | Lib | 21,777 | 46.49% | 8,503 | 18.15% | PC | % | 21,777 | 8,283 | 13,274 | – | 2,254 | – | – | – | – | 1,256 | – | 46,844 | |||
| Madawaska—Victoria | NB | PC | Lib | 16,059 | 48.80% | 1,017 | 3.09% | PC | % | 16,059 | 955 | 15,042 | – | 854 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 32,910 | |||
| Miramichi | NB | Lib | Lib | 18,839 | 61.13% | 11,803 | 38.30% | PC | % | 18,839 | 3,063 | 7,036 | – | 1,570 | – | – | – | – | – | 309 | 30,817 | |||
| Moncton | NB | Lib | Lib | 33,654 | 66.30% | 26,403 | 52.02% | PC | % | 33,654 | 6,310 | 7,251 | – | 2,500 | – | 491 | – | 553 | – | – | 50,759 | |||
| Restigouche—Chaleur | NB | Lib | Lib | 21,004 | 70.53% | 15,091 | 50.67% | PC | % | 21,004 | – | 5,913 | – | 2,060 | – | 804 | – | – | – | – | 29,781 | |||
| Saint John | NB | PC | PC | 15,123 | 43.32% | 3,388 | 9.70% | Lib | % | 11,735 | 2,201 | 15,123 | – | 1,433 | 146 | 226 | – | – | 3,687 | 359 | 34,910 | |||
| Bonavista—Trinity—Conception | NL | Lib | Lib | 26,230 | 74.77% | 18,751 | 53.45% | PC | % | 26,230 | – | 7,479 | – | 1,003 | – | 370 | – | – | – | – | 35,082 | |||
| Burin—St. George's | NL | Lib | Lib | 24,912 | 80.30% | 19,977 | 64.40% | PC | % | 24,912 | – | 4,935 | – | 757 | – | 418 | – | – | – | – | 31,022 | |||
| Gander—Grand Falls | NL | Lib | Lib | 24,202 | 78.08% | 18,139 | 58.52% | PC | % | 24,202 | – | 6,063 | – | 530 | – | 200 | – | – | – | – | 30,995 | |||
| Humber—St. Barbe—Baie Verte | NL | Lib | Lib | 26,879 | 82.21% | 21,719 | 66.43% | PC | % | 26,879 | – | 5,160 | – | 658 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 32,697 | |||
| Labrador | NL | Lib | Lib | 8,721 | 77.14% | 6,580 | 58.20% | PC | % | 8,721 | – | 2,141 | – | 443 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 11,305 | |||
| St. John's East | NL | PC | Lib | 20,270 | 44.20% | 950 | 2.07% | PC | % | 20,270 | 1,362 | 19,320 | – | 2,937 | 1,235 | 389 | – | 349 | – | – | 45,862 | |||
| St. John's West | NL | PC | Lib | 24,023 | 55.06% | 7,633 | 17.50% | PC | % | 24,023 | 1,030 | 16,390 | – | 1,752 | – | 432 | – | – | – | – | 43,627 | |||
| Annapolis Valley—Hants | NS | PC | Lib | 18,238 | 39.44% | 8,832 | 19.10% | PC | % | 18,238 | 5,919 | 9,406 | – | 2,308 | 484 | 319 | – | 614 | 8,958 | – | 46,246 | |||
| Cape Breton Highlands—Canso | NS | Lib | Lib | 22,719 | 64.40% | 14,841 | 42.07% | PC | % | 22,719 | 2,971 | 7,878 | – | 1,375 | – | 337 | – | – | – | – | 35,280 | |||
| Cape Breton—East Richmond | NS | Lib | Lib | 24,997 | 78.34% | 22,241 | 69.70% | PC | % | 24,997 | 1,761 | 2,756 | – | 1,778 | 447 | 171 | – | – | – | – | 31,910 | |||
| Cape Breton—The Sydneys | NS | Lib | Lib | 25,188 | 75.79% | 21,457 | 64.57% | PC | % | 25,188 | 1,907 | 3,731 | – | 2,126 | – | 280 | – | – | – | – | 33,232 | |||
| Central Nova | NS | PC | Lib | 16,329 | 43.52% | 4,255 | 11.34% | PC | % | 16,329 | 5,897 | 12,074 | – | 2,446 | 512 | 266 | – | – | – | – | 37,524 | |||
| Cumberland—Colchester | NS | PC | Lib | 18,241 | 42.58% | 2,582 | 6.03% | PC | % | 18,241 | 5,638 | 15,659 | – | 2,393 | – | 311 | – | 602 | – | – | 42,844 | |||
| Dartmouth | NS | Lib | Lib | 23,461 | 50.81% | 12,619 | 27.33% | PC | % | 23,461 | 7,242 | 10,842 | – | 3,301 | 810 | 516 | – | – | – | – | 46,172 | |||
| Halifax | NS | Lib | Lib | 21,326 | 45.91% | 11,726 | 25.24% | PC | % | 21,326 | 6,717 | 9,600 | – | 6,214 | 1,383 | 448 | 307 | – | 376 | 84 | 46,455 | |||
| Halifax West | NS | PC | Lib | 27,089 | 46.00% | 13,273 | 22.54% | PC | % | 27,089 | 11,433 | 13,816 | – | 5,009 | 1,070 | 472 | – | – | – | – | 58,889 | |||
| South Shore | NS | PC | Lib | 17,351 | 46.94% | 5,291 | 14.31% | PC | % | 17,351 | 4,999 | 12,060 | – | 1,847 | 421 | 287 | – | – | – | – | 36,965 | |||
| South West Nova | NS | Lib | Lib | 20,745 | 54.77% | 12,156 | 32.09% | PC | % | 20,745 | 5,893 | 8,589 | – | 2,110 | – | 540 | – | – | – | – | 37,877 | |||
| Algoma | ON | Lib | Lib | 18,218 | 58.05% | 11,595 | 36.94% | Ref | % | 18,218 | 6,623 | 3,613 | – | 2,696 | – | 235 | – | – | – | – | 31,385 | |||
| Beaches—Woodbine | ON | NDP | Lib | 17,639 | 40.73% | 9,602 | 22.17% | NDP | % | 17,639 | 6,844 | 4,316 | – | 8,037 | 1,139 | 265 | 335 | – | 4,615 | 116 | 43,306 | |||
| Bramalea—Gore—Malton | ON | PC | Lib | 17,675 | 43.26% | 5,779 | 14.14% | Ref | % | 17,675 | 11,896 | 7,856 | – | 2,064 | 500 | 287 | 224 | – | 274 | 82 | 40,858 | |||
| Brampton | ON | PC | Lib | 35,203 | 51.65% | 17,007 | 24.95% | Ref | % | 35,203 | 18,196 | 12,134 | – | 1,925 | – | 455 | – | – | – | 245 | 68,158 | |||
| Brant | ON | NDP | Lib | 24,686 | 51.46% | 12,823 | 26.73% | Ref | % | 24,686 | 11,863 | 5,831 | – | 3,317 | 1,227 | 192 | 482 | – | 112 | 258 | 47,968 | |||
| Broadview—Greenwood | ON | Lib | Lib | 23,558 | 61.07% | 18,177 | 47.12% | NDP | % | 23,558 | 4,356 | 3,601 | – | 5,381 | 976 | 389 | – | – | 148 | 166 | 38,575 | |||
| Bruce—Grey | ON | PC | Lib | 25,689 | 49.07% | 12,751 | 24.36% | Ref | % | 25,689 | 12,938 | 9,835 | – | 2,259 | 1,001 | 160 | 323 | – | – | 144 | 52,349 | |||
| Burlington | ON | PC | Lib | 22,880 | 44.26% | 9,303 | 17.99% | PC | % | 22,880 | 12,035 | 13,577 | – | 1,511 | 537 | 301 | – | – | 859 | – | 51,700 | |||
| Cambridge | ON | PC | Lib | 22,121 | 39.26% | 3,231 | 5.73% | Ref | % | 22,121 | 18,890 | 9,773 | – | 2,980 | 1,802 | 372 | – | 407 | – | – | 56,345 | |||
| Carleton—Gloucester | ON | Lib | Lib | 46,830 | 61.60% | 34,388 | 45.23% | Ref | % | 46,830 | 12,442 | 11,930 | – | 2,795 | 839 | 498 | 390 | 236 | – | 65 | 76,025 | |||
| Cochrane—Superior | ON | Lib | Lib | 19,511 | 72.23% | 16,921 | 62.64% | Ref | % | 19,511 | 2,590 | 2,470 | – | 2,441 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 27,012 | |||
| Davenport | ON | Lib | Lib | 20,217 | 73.78% | 17,704 | 64.61% | NDP | % | 20,217 | 2,139 | 1,255 | – | 2,513 | 459 | 265 | 254 | – | – | 300 | 27,402 | |||
| Don Valley East | ON | PC | Lib | 21,630 | 53.70% | 12,296 | 30.53% | PC | % | 21,630 | 6,819 | 9,334 | – | 1,540 | 403 | 206 | – | – | – | 349 | 40,281 | |||
| Don Valley North | ON | PC | Lib | 22,504 | 59.86% | 15,266 | 40.61% | PC | % | 22,504 | 6,068 | 7,238 | – | 1,395 | – | 319 | – | – | – | 69 | 37,593 | |||
| Don Valley West | ON | PC | Lib | 25,874 | 49.77% | 10,763 | 20.71% | PC | % | 25,874 | 7,921 | 15,111 | – | 1,405 | 1,008 | 252 | 303 | – | 83 | 25 | 51,982 | |||
| Durham | ON | PC | Lib | 22,383 | 36.76% | 3,840 | 6.31% | Ref | % | 22,383 | 18,543 | 14,940 | – | 2,529 | 1,169 | 271 | 350 | 707 | – | – | 60,892 | |||
| Eglinton—Lawrence | ON | Lib | Lib | 28,634 | 71.62% | 24,287 | 60.75% | Ref | % | 28,634 | 4,347 | 4,262 | – | 2,091 | – | 384 | – | – | – | 262 | 39,980 | |||
| Elgin—Norfolk | ON | PC | Lib | 17,439 | 43.05% | 6,310 | 15.58% | PC | % | 17,439 | 8,302 | 11,129 | – | 2,164 | – | 242 | – | 1,183 | – | 51 | 40,510 | |||
| Erie | ON | PC | Lib | 19,802 | 48.70% | 8,049 | 19.79% | Ref | % | 19,802 | 11,753 | 5,894 | – | 1,842 | 586 | 197 | – | 591 | – | – | 40,665 | |||
| Essex-Kent | ON | Lib | Lib | 21,974 | 62.14% | 15,562 | 44.01% | Ref | % | 21,974 | 6,412 | 4,751 | – | 2,000 | – | 226 | – | – | – | – | 35,363 | |||
| Essex-Windsor | ON | NDP | Lib | 25,211 | 55.14% | 12,556 | 27.46% | NDP | % | 25,211 | 6,029 | 1,484 | – | 12,655 | 196 | – | – | – | – | 150 | 45,725 | |||
| Etobicoke Centre | ON | PC | Lib | 25,739 | 54.35% | 15,254 | 32.21% | Ref | % | 25,739 | 10,485 | 9,242 | – | 1,039 | 499 | 202 | – | – | – | 154 | 47,360 | |||
| Etobicoke North | ON | Lib | Lib | 28,119 | 61.24% | 18,561 | 40.42% | Ref | % | 28,119 | 9,558 | 4,936 | – | 1,849 | 661 | 253 | – | – | 105 | 438 | 45,919 | |||
| Etobicoke—Lakeshore | ON | PC | Lib | 19,458 | 42.11% | 5,152 | 11.15% | PC | % | 19,458 | 8,673 | 14,306 | – | 2,316 | 871 | 284 | – | – | – | 303 | 46,211 | |||
| Glengarry—Prescott—Russell | ON | Lib | Lib | 44,775 | 80.22% | 40,189 | 72.00% | PC | % | 44,775 | 4,458 | 4,586 | – | 1,295 | – | 456 | – | – | – | 245 | 55,815 | |||
| Guelph—Wellington | ON | PC | Lib | 24,359 | 39.24% | 8,876 | 14.30% | Ref | % | 24,359 | 15,483 | 12,825 | – | 2,904 | 2,018 | 255 | 318 | – | 3,543[a 5] | 375 | 62,080 | |||
| Haldimand—Norfolk | ON | Lib | Lib | 24,200 | 53.82% | 13,639 | 30.33% | Ref | % | 24,200 | 10,561 | 7,300 | – | 1,657 | 1,248 | – | – | – | – | – | 44,966 | |||
| Halton—Peel | ON | PC | Lib | 22,278 | 37.00% | 3,928 | 6.52% | PC | % | 22,278 | 16,826 | 18,350 | – | 1,458 | 564 | – | – | 307 | – | 420 | 60,203 | |||
| Hamilton East | ON | Lib | Lib | 22,999 | 67.30% | 17,185 | 50.29% | Ref | % | 22,999 | 5,814 | 2,324 | – | 2,262 | 425 | – | – | – | 228 | 123 | 34,175 | |||
| Hamilton Mountain | ON | Lib | Lib | 27,221 | 57.30% | 16,897 | 35.57% | Ref | % | 27,221 | 10,324 | 5,460 | – | 3,626 | 547 | 331 | – | – | – | – | 47,509 | |||
| Hamilton West | ON | Lib | Lib | 22,592 | 58.65% | 16,735 | 43.45% | Ref | % | 22,592 | 5,857 | 5,789 | – | 3,143 | 606 | 396 | – | – | 134 | – | 38,517 | |||
| Hamilton—Wentworth | ON | PC | Lib | 29,695 | 45.81% | 13,150 | 20.29% | Ref | % | 29,695 | 16,545 | 14,539 | – | 2,555 | 672 | 353 | – | 460 | – | – | 64,819 | |||
| Hastings—Frontenac—Lennox and Addington | ON | PC | Lib | 24,082 | 50.10% | 13,119 | 27.29% | PC | % | 24,082 | 8,851 | 10,963 | – | 2,012 | 997 | – | – | – | 1,165 | – | 48,070 | |||
| Huron—Bruce | ON | PC | Lib | 21,845 | 44.11% | 7,993 | 16.14% | PC | % | 21,845 | 10,464 | 13,852 | – | 2,064 | – | 243 | – | 782 | – | 272 | 49,522 | |||
| Kenora—Rainy River | ON | Lib | Lib | 22,409 | 64.84% | 15,300 | 44.27% | Ref | % | 22,409 | 7,109 | 2,072 | – | 2,194 | 608 | – | – | – | 167 | – | 34,559 | |||
| Kent | ON | Lib | Lib | 23,177 | 63.78% | 17,559 | 48.32% | Ref | % | 23,177 | 5,618 | 5,015 | – | 1,368 | 1,014 | 146 | – | – | – | – | 36,338 | |||
| Kingston and the Islands | ON | Lib | Lib | 32,372 | 56.46% | 21,437 | 37.39% | PC | % | 32,372 | 7,175 | 10,935 | – | 4,051 | 1,768 | 376 | – | 663 | – | – | 57,340 | |||
| Kitchener | ON | PC | Lib | 26,616 | 50.51% | 14,402 | 27.33% | Ref | % | 26,616 | 12,214 | 10,413 | – | 2,373 | – | 438 | – | 475 | – | 165 | 52,694 | |||
| Lambton—Middlesex | ON | Lib | Lib | 20,314 | 48.63% | 10,913 | 26.12% | PC | % | 20,314 | 8,101 | 9,401 | – | 1,508 | 438 | 169 | – | 1,600 | 245 | – | 41,776 | |||
| Lanark—Carleton | ON | PC | Lib | 34,988 | 49.40% | 18,265 | 25.79% | PC | % | 34,988 | 15,743 | 16,723 | – | 1,697 | 921 | 262 | 333 | – | – | 166 | 70,833 | |||
| Leeds—Grenville | ON | Lib | Lib | 26,567 | 52.57% | 12,959 | 25.64% | PC | % | 26,567 | 8,071 | 13,608 | – | 1,026 | 474 | 196 | 538 | – | – | 59 | 50,539 | |||
| Lincoln | ON | PC | Lib | 29,048 | 52.19% | 14,723 | 26.45% | Ref | % | 29,048 | 14,325 | 8,731 | – | 2,182 | 935 | 307 | – | – | 128 | – | 55,656 | |||
| London East | ON | Lib | Lib | 28,279 | 55.83% | 19,042 | 37.59% | PC | % | 28,279 | 8,704 | 9,237 | – | 2,614 | 830 | 282 | 567 | – | – | 139 | 50,652 | |||
| London West | ON | PC | Lib | 31,085 | 48.31% | 15,919 | 24.74% | PC | % | 31,085 | 12,900 | 15,166 | – | 2,547 | 1,220 | 385 | 403 | 310 | 113 | 210 | 64,339 | |||
| London—Middlesex | ON | PC | Lib | 27,232 | 53.87% | 17,406 | 34.43% | Ref | % | 27,232 | 9,826 | 9,126 | – | 2,658 | 563 | 228 | 238 | 521 | – | 161 | 50,553 | |||
| Markham—Whitchurch-Stouffville | ON | PC | Lib | 35,909 | 46.50% | 16,214 | 21.00% | PC | % | 35,909 | 17,937 | 19,695 | – | 1,692 | 973 | 469 | – | – | 458 | 85 | 77,218 | |||
| Mississauga East | ON | Lib | Lib | 32,167 | 63.84% | 22,694 | 45.04% | Ref | % | 32,167 | 9,473 | 6,427 | – | 1,382 | 393 | 323 | – | – | 148 | 73 | 50,386 | |||
| Mississauga South | ON | PC | Lib | 21,478 | 46.59% | 9,886 | 21.44% | Ref | % | 21,478 | 11,592 | 10,763 | – | 981 | 452 | 234 | – | – | 124 | 478 | 46,102 | |||
| Mississauga West | ON | PC | Lib | 53,567 | 55.87% | 33,349 | 34.78% | Ref | % | 53,567 | 20,218 | 18,607 | – | 2,219 | – | 487 | 498 | – | – | 283 | 95,879 | |||
| Nepean | ON | Lib | Lib | 36,208 | 59.64% | 25,404 | 41.85% | PC | % | 36,208 | 9,798 | 10,804 | – | 2,078 | 880 | 263 | 455 | – | – | 220 | 60,706 | |||
| Niagara Falls | ON | PC | Lib | 20,567 | 47.10% | 9,672 | 22.15% | Ref | % | 20,567 | 10,895 | 9,707 | – | 1,470 | 511 | 169 | 263 | – | – | 82 | 43,664 | |||
| Nickel Belt | ON | NDP | Lib | 25,237 | 57.19% | 15,040 | 34.08% | NDP | % | 25,237 | 5,604 | 2,395 | – | 10,197 | 346 | 173 | – | – | 122 | 53 | 44,127 | |||
| Nipissing | ON | Lib | Lib | 25,403 | 62.81% | 18,583 | 45.95% | Ref | % | 25,403 | 6,820 | 6,608 | – | 1,322 | – | 220 | – | – | – | 73 | 40,446 | |||
| Northumberland | ON | Lib | Lib | 23,986 | 49.54% | 12,474 | 25.77% | Ref | % | 23,986 | 11,512 | 10,199 | – | 1,667 | 292 | 248 | – | 347 | – | 162 | 48,413 | |||
| Oakville—Milton | ON | PC | Lib | 34,124 | 46.56% | 14,927 | 20.37% | PC | % | 34,124 | 17,347 | 19,197 | – | 1,643 | – | 544 | – | – | 430 | – | 73,285 | |||
| Ontario | ON | PC | Lib | 38,680 | 43.35% | 10,583 | 11.86% | Ref | % | 38,680 | 28,097 | 16,872 | – | 2,746 | 869 | 352 | 402 | – | 692 | 521 | 89,231 | |||
| Oshawa | ON | NDP | Lib | 15,651 | 38.27% | 3,825 | 9.35% | Ref | % | 15,651 | 11,826 | 6,140 | – | 6,102 | 391 | 263 | – | 386 | – | 134 | 40,893 | |||
| Ottawa Centre | ON | Lib | Lib | 25,962 | 51.91% | 14,724 | 29.44% | NDP | % | 25,962 | 4,700 | 6,126 | – | 11,238 | 796 | 352 | 595 | – | 75 | 165 | 50,009 | |||
| Ottawa South | ON | Lib | Lib | 36,485 | 65.93% | 28,482 | 51.47% | Ref | % | 36,485 | 8,003 | 6,971 | – | 2,169 | 1,038 | 251 | 358 | – | – | 63 | 55,338 | |||
| Ottawa West | ON | Lib | Lib | 28,422 | 63.36% | 22,035 | 49.12% | Ref | % | 28,422 | 6,387 | 6,344 | – | 1,836 | 1,082 | 215 | 340 | – | – | 230 | 44,856 | |||
| Ottawa—Vanier | ON | Lib | Lib | 34,224 | 70.47% | 29,108 | 59.94% | PC | % | 34,224 | 3,830 | 5,116 | – | 3,155 | 532 | 438 | 652 | – | 445 | 172 | 48,564 | |||
| Oxford | ON | PC | Lib | 19,669 | 41.13% | 7,016 | 14.67% | Ref | % | 19,669 | 12,653 | 10,857 | – | 2,380 | 417 | 214 | – | 935 | 471 | 230 | 47,826 | |||
| Parkdale—High Park | ON | Lib | Lib | 22,358 | 54.36% | 15,711 | 38.20% | Ref | % | 22,358 | 6,647 | 5,668 | – | 3,855 | 1,320 | 371 | 430 | – | 105 | 377 | 41,131 | |||
| Parry Sound—Muskoka | ON | PC | Lib | 20,427 | 44.22% | 7,405 | 16.03% | Ref | % | 20,427 | 13,022 | 9,529 | – | 2,164 | 581 | 263 | – | – | 181 | 26 | 46,193 | |||
| Perth—Wellington—Waterloo | ON | PC | Lib | 20,125 | 43.26% | 7,940 | 17.07% | Ref | % | 20,125 | 12,185 | 10,835 | – | 1,909 | 486 | 184 | – | 647 | – | 152 | 46,523 | |||
| Peterborough | ON | PC | Lib | 27,575 | 47.60% | 14,118 | 24.37% | Ref | % | 27,575 | 13,457 | 11,623 | – | 3,056 | 1,852 | 367 | – | – | – | – | 57,930 | |||
| Prince Edward—Hastings | ON | Lib | Lib | 26,483 | 57.08% | 17,465 | 37.64% | Ref | % | 26,483 | 9,018 | 8,246 | – | 1,275 | 640 | 171 | – | 561 | – | – | 46,394 | |||
| Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke | ON | Lib | Lib | 25,725 | 50.55% | 15,437 | 30.33% | Ind | % | 25,725 | 6,204 | 7,038 | – | 1,351 | – | 144 | – | – | 10,288[a 6] | 145 | 50,895 | |||
| Rosedale | ON | PC | Lib | 27,707 | 49.98% | 15,689 | 28.30% | PC | % | 27,707 | 7,048 | 12,018 | – | 5,937 | 1,091 | 839 | 479 | – | 214 | 104 | 55,437 | |||
| Sarnia—Lambton | ON | PC | Lib | 20,331 | 47.57% | 10,666 | 24.95% | PC | % | 20,331 | 9,055 | 9,665 | – | 2,649 | – | 178 | – | 610 | 255 | – | 42,743 | |||
| Sault Ste. Marie | ON | NDP | Lib | 21,427 | 52.96% | 12,457 | 30.79% | NDP | % | 21,427 | 6,576 | 3,143 | – | 8,970 | 188 | 155 | – | – | – | – | 40,459 | |||
| Scarborough Centre | ON | PC | Lib | 21,084 | 52.50% | 12,669 | 31.55% | Ref | % | 21,084 | 8,415 | 8,154 | – | 1,599 | 320 | 190 | – | – | 184 | 212 | 40,158 | |||
| Scarborough East | ON | PC | Lib | 20,041 | 50.48% | 9,740 | 24.53% | Ref | % | 20,041 | 10,301 | 6,598 | – | 1,524 | 373 | 195 | 250 | – | – | 422 | 39,704 | |||
| Scarborough West | ON | Lib | Lib | 21,335 | 54.44% | 13,021 | 33.23% | Ref | % | 21,335 | 8,314 | 5,664 | – | 2,771 | 578 | 212 | 276 | – | – | 40 | 39,190 | |||
| Scarborough—Agincourt | ON | Lib | Lib | 24,710 | 59.72% | 15,908 | 38.45% | PC | % | 24,710 | 6,022 | 8,802 | – | 942 | 273 | 201 | – | – | 329 | 94 | 41,373 | |||
| Scarborough—Rouge River | ON | Lib | Lib | 33,867 | 66.14% | 25,271 | 49.35% | Ref | % | 33,867 | 8,596 | 6,014 | – | 1,425 | 286 | 233 | – | – | 368 | 419 | 51,208 | |||
| Simcoe Centre | ON | PC | Ref | 25,446 | 37.91% | 182 | 0.27% | Lib | % | 25,264 | 25,446 | 11,644 | – | 1,872 | 1,345 | 307 | – | 409 | 794 | 41 | 67,122 | |||
| Simcoe North | ON | PC | Lib | 23,116 | 40.61% | 5,618 | 9.87% | Ref | % | 23,116 | 17,498 | 13,141 | – | 1,956 | 845 | 300 | – | – | – | 67 | 56,923 | |||
| St. Catharines | ON | PC | Lib | 23,928 | 48.99% | 9,917 | 20.31% | Ref | % | 23,928 | 14,011 | 7,448 | – | 2,799 | – | – | – | 568 | – | 86 | 48,840 | |||
| St. Paul's | ON | PC | Lib | 27,775 | 54.30% | 15,276 | 29.86% | PC | % | 27,775 | 5,727 | 12,499 | – | 2,641 | 1,259 | 313 | 481 | – | 245 | 211 | 51,151 | |||
| Stormont—Dundas | ON | Lib | Lib | 27,080 | 63.40% | 19,582 | 45.84% | PC | % | 27,080 | 5,901 | 7,498 | – | 1,153 | 579 | 424 | – | – | – | 79 | 42,714 | |||
| Sudbury | ON | Lib | Lib | 27,951 | 66.08% | 22,163 | 52.40% | Ref | % | 27,951 | 5,788 | 3,679 | – | 3,675 | 512 | 202 | – | – | 405 | 86 | 42,298 | |||
| Thunder Bay—Atikokan | ON | NDP | Lib | 19,801 | 57.26% | 13,236 | 38.28% | NDP | % | 19,801 | 5,378 | 2,836 | – | 6,565 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 34,580 | |||
| Thunder Bay—Nipigon | ON | Lib | Lib | 24,277 | 65.05% | 18,702 | 50.11% | Ref | % | 24,277 | 5,575 | 3,575 | – | 3,372 | 439 | – | – | – | – | 81 | 37,319 | |||
| Timiskaming—French River | ON | PC | Lib | 17,457 | 59.79% | 12,947 | 44.34% | PC | % | 17,457 | 3,870 | 4,510 | – | 2,582 | – | 296 | – | – | 483 | – | 29,198 | |||
| Timmins—Chapleau | ON | NDP | Lib | 17,085 | 55.47% | 8,866 | 28.79% | NDP | % | 17,085 | – | 4,370 | – | 8,219 | 443 | 394 | – | – | 289 | – | 30,800 | |||
| Trinity—Spadina | ON | NDP | Lib | 20,472 | 50.95% | 9,500 | 23.65% | NDP | % | 20,472 | 3,143 | 3,242 | – | 10,972 | 912 | 398 | 613 | – | – | 425 | 40,177 | |||
| Victoria—Haliburton | ON | PC | Lib | 20,511 | 36.74% | 4,605 | 8.25% | Ref | % | 20,511 | 15,906 | 12,378 | – | 2,046 | 622 | 200 | – | 407 | 3,584 | 178 | 55,832 | |||
| Waterloo | ON | PC | Lib | 26,269 | 42.14% | 10,353 | 16.61% | Ref | % | 26,269 | 15,916 | 15,109 | – | 2,822 | – | 449 | – | 942 | 332 | 493 | 62,332 | |||
| Welland—St. Catharines—Thorold | ON | Lib | Lib | 25,533 | 53.98% | 13,632 | 28.82% | Ref | % | 25,533 | 11,901 | 5,465 | – | 3,736 | – | 310 | 295 | – | – | 64 | 47,304 | |||
| Wellington—Grey—Dufferin—Simcoe | ON | PC | Lib | 20,415 | 35.80% | 1,770 | 3.10% | PC | % | 20,415 | 15,400 | 18,645 | – | 2,000 | – | – | 563 | – | – | – | 57,023 | |||
| Willowdale | ON | Lib | Lib | 28,622 | 61.26% | 20,779 | 44.48% | PC | % | 28,622 | 7,108 | 7,843 | – | 1,687 | 681 | 249 | 285 | – | 203 | 42 | 46,720 | |||
| Windsor West | ON | Lib | Lib | 28,347 | 72.77% | 23,920 | 61.41% | Ref | % | 28,347 | 4,427 | 1,783 | – | 3,579 | – | 141 | 406 | – | 139 | 132 | 38,954 | |||
| Windsor—St. Clair | ON | NDP | Lib | 22,960 | 55.60% | 13,939 | 33.76% | NDP | % | 22,960 | 4,164 | 4,577 | – | 9,021 | – | 154 | 304 | – | – | 114 | 41,294 | |||
| York Centre | ON | Lib | Lib | 27,128 | 69.65% | 23,175 | 59.50% | Ind | % | 27,128 | 2,140 | 2,684 | – | 1,559 | 737 | 236 | 210 | – | 3,953[a 7] | 304 | 38,951 | |||
| York North | ON | Lib | Lib | 71,535 | 63.30% | 51,389 | 45.47% | Ref | % | 71,535 | 20,146 | 15,484 | – | 3,006 | 1,247 | 679 | – | – | – | 915 | 113,012 | |||
| York South—Weston | ON | Lib | Lib | 25,150 | 70.12% | 19,837 | 55.31% | Ref | % | 25,150 | 5,313 | 2,508 | – | 1,971 | – | 276 | – | – | 140 | 509 | 35,867 | |||
| York West | ON | Lib | Lib | 25,396 | 79.83% | 22,011 | 69.19% | Ref | % | 25,396 | 3,385 | 1,506 | – | 1,074 | – | 209 | – | – | – | 243 | 31,813 | |||
| York—Simcoe | ON | PC | Lib | 26,932 | 38.92% | 4,627 | 6.69% | Ref | % | 26,932 | 22,305 | 16,114 | – | 1,709 | 675 | 406 | – | 956 | – | 95 | 69,192 | |||
| Cardigan | PE | Lib | Lib | 10,170 | 61.67% | 4,782 | 29.00% | PC | % | 10,170 | – | 5,388 | – | 934 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 16,492 | |||
| Egmont | PE | Lib | Lib | 10,687 | 57.61% | 3,717 | 20.04% | PC | % | 10,687 | – | 6,970 | – | 893 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 18,550 | |||
| Hillsborough | PE | Lib | Lib | 11,976 | 60.57% | 6,707 | 33.92% | PC | % | 11,976 | 744 | 5,269 | – | 1,143 | 350 | 123 | – | 167 | – | – | 19,772 | |||
| Malpeque | PE | Lib | Lib | 10,579 | 60.77% | 5,080 | 29.18% | PC | % | 10,579 | – | 5,499 | – | 761 | – | – | 249 | 320 | – | – | 17,408 | |||
| Abitibi | QC | PC | BQ | 19,076 | 46.22% | 4,525 | 10.96% | PC | % | 6,696 | – | 14,551 | 19,076 | 951 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 41,274 | |||
| Ahuntsic | QC | PC | BQ | 22,686 | 45.06% | 1,658 | 3.29% | Lib | % | 21,028 | – | 4,442 | 22,686 | 676 | – | 476 | – | – | 551 | 486 | 50,345 | |||
| Anjou—Rivière-des-Prairies | QC | PC | BQ | 26,163 | 43.10% | 532 | 0.88% | Lib | % | 25,631 | – | 7,066 | 26,163 | 958 | – | 747 | – | – | – | 139 | 60,704 | |||
| Argenteuil—Papineau | QC | PC | BQ | 23,360 | 47.25% | 9,126 | 18.46% | Lib | % | 14,234 | – | 10,959 | 23,360 | 888 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 49,441 | |||
| Beauce | QC | PC | Ind | 20,343 | 40.45% | 2,142 | 4.26% | BQ | % | 7,273 | – | 4,108 | 18,201 | 365 | – | – | – | – | 20,343 | – | 50,290 | |||
| Beauharnois—Salaberry | QC | PC | BQ | 25,873 | 51.40% | 9,998 | 19.86% | Lib | % | 15,875 | – | 7,602 | 25,873 | 987 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 50,337 | |||
| Beauport—Montmorency—Orléans | QC | PC | BQ | 31,671 | 57.72% | 18,984 | 34.60% | PC | % | 7,899 | – | 12,687 | 31,671 | 1,174 | – | 1,138 | – | – | – | 297 | 54,866 | |||
| Bellechasse | QC | PC | BQ | 16,981 | 40.65% | 1,150 | 2.75% | PC | % | 8,361 | – | 15,831 | 16,981 | 601 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 41,774 | |||
| Berthier—Montcalm | QC | PC | BQ | 35,952 | 60.88% | 19,789 | 33.51% | Lib | % | 16,163 | – | 5,271 | 35,952 | 593 | 272 | 803 | – | – | – | – | 59,054 | |||
| Blainville—Deux-Montagnes | QC | PC | BQ | 48,214 | 59.41% | 29,484 | 36.33% | Lib | % | 18,730 | – | 11,840 | 48,214 | 858 | – | 1,010 | – | – | – | 502 | 81,154 | |||
| Bonaventure—Îles-de-la-Madeleine | QC | PC | Lib | 12,007 | 43.59% | 2,770 | 10.06% | BQ | % | 12,007 | – | 5,929 | 9,237 | 370 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 27,543 | |||
| Bourassa | QC | PC | BQ | 18,238 | 41.99% | 53 | 0.12% | Lib | % | 18,185 | – | 5,194 | 18,238 | 1,026 | – | 480 | – | – | – | 308 | 43,431 | |||
| Brome—Missisquoi | QC | PC | BQ | 17,836 | 40.76% | 1,796 | 4.10% | Lib | % | 16,040 | – | 7,504 | 17,836 | 553 | 156 | 563 | – | – | 380 | 722 | 43,754 | |||
| Chambly[a 8] | QC | PC | BQ | 36,485 | 59.69% | 18,682 | 30.57% | Lib | % | 17,803 | – | 4,760 | 36,485 | 1,796 | – | – | – | – | – | 277 | 61,121 | |||
| Champlain | QC | PC | BQ | 23,650 | 48.83% | 10,567 | 21.82% | PC | % | 11,254 | – | 13,083 | 23,650 | 449 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 48,436 | |||
| Charlesbourg | QC | PC | BQ | 38,565 | 59.37% | 23,385 | 36.00% | Lib | % | 15,180 | – | 8,150 | 38,565 | 1,258 | – | 1,487 | – | – | – | 318 | 64,958 | |||
| Charlevoix | QC | PC | BQ | 23,617 | 61.97% | 16,457 | 43.18% | Lib | % | 7,160 | – | 6,800 | 23,617 | 533 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 38,110 | |||
| Châteauguay | QC | PC | BQ | 34,652 | 58.01% | 16,531 | 27.68% | Lib | % | 18,121 | – | 5,782 | 34,652 | 858 | – | – | – | – | – | 317 | 59,730 | |||
| Chicoutimi | QC | PC | BQ | 29,511 | 63.90% | 18,385 | 39.81% | PC | % | 5,000 | – | 11,126 | 29,511 | 548 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 46,185 | |||
| Drummond | QC | PC | BQ | 24,923 | 54.87% | 13,999 | 30.82% | Lib | % | 10,924 | – | 8,971 | 24,923 | 605 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 45,423 | |||
| Frontenac | QC | PC | BQ | 19,428 | 58.42% | 11,963 | 35.97% | Lib | % | 7,465 | – | 5,431 | 19,428 | 345 | – | – | 379 | – | – | 210 | 33,258 | |||
| Gaspé | QC | PC | BQ | 13,224 | 45.17% | 3,096 | 10.57% | Lib | % | 10,128 | – | 5,425 | 13,224 | 209 | – | – | 291 | – | – | – | 29,277 | |||
| Gatineau—La Lièvre | QC | Lib | Lib | 39,283 | 55.49% | 14,271 | 20.16% | BQ | % | 39,283 | – | 4,478 | 25,012 | 1,099 | – | 737 | – | – | – | 189 | 70,798 | |||
| Hochelaga—Maisonneuve | QC | PC | BQ | 26,170 | 61.37% | 15,495 | 36.33% | Lib | % | 10,675 | – | 3,723 | 26,170 | 1,050 | – | 588 | – | – | – | 439 | 42,645 | |||
| Hull—Aylmer | QC | Lib | Lib | 27,988 | 53.26% | 13,695 | 26.06% | BQ | % | 27,988 | – | 3,244 | 14,293 | 1,346 | – | 401 | 468 | – | 4,583 | 225 | 52,548 | |||
| Joliette | QC | PC | BQ | 41,061 | 66.25% | 30,953 | 49.94% | Lib | % | 10,108 | – | 8,784 | 41,061 | 745 | – | 1,285 | – | – | – | – | 61,983 | |||
| Jonquière | QC | PC | BQ | 25,129 | 67.63% | 18,484 | 49.74% | PC | % | 4,528 | – | 6,645 | 25,129 | 413 | – | 444 | – | – | – | – | 37,159 | |||
| Kamouraska—Rivière-du-Loup | QC | PC | BQ | 18,510 | 52.86% | 10,459 | 29.87% | PC | % | 7,476 | – | 8,051 | 18,510 | 440 | – | – | – | – | 537 | – | 35,014 | |||
| La Prairie | QC | PC | BQ | 27,490 | 43.05% | 476 | 0.75% | Lib | % | 27,014 | – | 7,750 | 27,490 | 708 | – | 699 | – | – | – | 199 | 63,860 | |||
| Lac-Saint-Jean | QC | PC | BQ | 27,258 | 75.56% | 22,086 | 61.22% | Lib | % | 5,172 | – | 3,201 | 27,258 | 443 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 36,074 | |||
| Lachine—Lac-Saint-Louis | QC | PC | Lib | 39,732 | 67.45% | 27,718 | 47.06% | BQ | % | 39,732 | – | 4,717 | 12,014 | 822 | – | 559 | – | – | 618 | 441 | 58,903 | |||
| LaSalle—Émard | QC | Lib | Lib | 30,869 | 59.51% | 13,590 | 26.20% | BQ | % | 30,869 | – | 2,378 | 17,279 | 707 | – | 418 | – | – | – | 223 | 51,874 | |||
| Laurentides | QC | PC | BQ | 41,822 | 60.68% | 23,171 | 33.62% | Lib | % | 18,651 | – | 7,169 | 41,822 | 820 | – | – | – | – | – | 464 | 68,926 | |||
| Laurier—Sainte-Marie | QC | Lib | BQ | 25,060 | 61.79% | 15,120 | 37.28% | Lib | % | 9,940 | – | 2,156 | 25,060[a 9] | 1,237 | – | 652 | 1,050 | – | 131 | 332 | 40,558 | |||
| Laval Centre | QC | PC | BQ | 31,462 | 55.19% | 12,431 | 21.81% | Lib | % | 19,031 | – | 4,548 | 31,462 | 640 | 252 | 675 | – | – | – | 395 | 57,003 | |||
| Laval East | QC | PC | BQ | 31,491 | 51.94% | 15,221 | 25.11% | Lib | % | 16,270 | – | 11,131 | 31,491 | 662 | – | 587 | – | – | – | 488 | 60,629 | |||
| Laval West | QC | PC | Lib | 28,449 | 46.24% | 1,989 | 3.23% | BQ | % | 28,449 | – | 4,167 | 26,460 | 678 | 280 | 546 | – | – | – | 945 | 61,525 | |||
| Lévis | QC | PC | BQ | 40,487 | 61.52% | 26,203 | 39.82% | Lib | % | 14,284 | – | 9,185 | 40,487 | 1,186 | – | – | – | – | – | 667 | 65,809 | |||
| Longueuil | QC | PC | BQ | 38,892 | 65.97% | 24,640 | 41.79% | Lib | % | 14,252 | – | 4,561 | 38,892 | 999 | – | – | – | – | – | 251 | 58,955 | |||
| Lotbinière | QC | PC | BQ | 26,956 | 53.78% | 12,068 | 24.07% | Lib | % | 14,888 | – | 7,576 | 26,956 | 707 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 50,127 | |||
| Louis-Hébert | QC | PC | BQ | 33,879 | 55.68% | 18,206 | 29.92% | Lib | % | 15,673 | – | 9,313 | 33,879 | 784 | – | 882 | – | – | – | 313 | 60,844 | |||
| Manicouagan | QC | PC | BQ | 14,859 | 54.98% | 8,847 | 32.73% | PC | % | 5,706 | – | 6,012 | 14,859 | 451 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 27,028 | |||
| Matapédia—Matane | QC | PC | BQ | 18,331 | 57.33% | 7,921 | 24.77% | Lib | % | 10,410 | – | 2,448 | 18,331 | 218 | – | 570 | – | – | – | – | 31,977 | |||
| Mégantic—Compton—Stanstead | QC | PC | BQ | 17,214 | 44.72% | 3,612 | 9.38% | Lib | % | 13,602 | – | 6,026 | 17,214 | 494 | 197 | 750 | – | – | – | 212 | 38,495 | |||
| Mercier | QC | PC | BQ | 34,678 | 58.89% | 22,866 | 38.83% | Lib | % | 11,812 | – | 2,449 | 34,678 | 682 | – | – | – | – | 8,930 | 334 | 58,885 | |||
| Mount Royal | QC | Lib | Lib | 39,598 | 82.94% | 36,274 | 75.98% | BQ | % | 39,598 | – | 2,758 | 3,324 | 796 | 300 | 312 | – | – | 537 | 118 | 47,743 | |||
| Notre-Dame-de-Grâce | QC | Lib | Lib | 28,646 | 70.72% | 22,913 | 56.56% | BQ | % | 28,646 | – | 2,618 | 5,733 | 1,416 | 661 | 425 | – | – | 673 | 336 | 40,508 | |||
| Outremont | QC | PC | Lib | 21,697 | 47.05% | 4,439 | 9.63% | BQ | % | 21,697 | – | 4,011 | 17,258 | 2,055 | – | 695 | – | – | – | 399 | 46,115 | |||
| Papineau—Saint-Michel | QC | Lib | Lib | 20,064 | 51.98% | 4,916 | 12.74% | BQ | % | 20,064 | – | 1,686 | 15,148 | 708 | – | 678 | – | – | – | 317 | 38,601 | |||
| Pierrefonds—Dollard | QC | PC | Lib | 39,974 | 64.98% | 29,262 | 47.57% | BQ | % | 39,974 | – | 8,106 | 10,712 | 864 | 474 | 480 | – | – | 386 | 518 | 61,514 | |||
| Pontiac—Gatineau—Labelle | QC | PC | Lib | 17,313 | 40.27% | 2,826 | 6.57% | BQ | % | 17,313 | – | 9,408 | 14,487 | 674 | 716 | – | – | – | 399 | – | 42,997 | |||
| Portneuf | QC | PC | BQ | 24,065 | 53.63% | 13,683 | 30.49% | Lib | % | 10,382 | – | 6,632 | 24,065 | 636 | – | 875 | – | – | 2,281 | – | 44,871 | |||
| Québec | QC | PC | BQ | 27,788 | 53.83% | 13,833 | 26.80% | Lib | % | 13,955 | – | 7,052 | 27,788 | 1,027 | – | 853 | 786 | – | – | 159 | 51,620 | |||
| Québec-Est | QC | PC | BQ | 34,594 | 59.59% | 20,443 | 35.22% | Lib | % | 14,151 | – | 6,553 | 34,594 | 971 | 289 | 1,122 | – | – | – | 371 | 58,051 | |||
| Richelieu | QC | PC | BQ | 31,558 | 66.52% | 20,625 | 43.48% | Lib | % | 10,933 | – | 4,455 | 31,558 | 337 | – | – | – | – | – | 157 | 47,440 | |||
| Richmond—Wolfe | QC | PC | BQ | 22,235 | 52.25% | 12,231 | 28.74% | PC | % | 9,159 | – | 10,004 | 22,235 | 479 | – | 676 | – | – | – | – | 42,553 | |||
| Rimouski—Témiscouata | QC | PC | BQ | 23,016 | 59.87% | 13,541 | 35.22% | Lib | % | 9,475 | – | 4,619 | 23,016 | 335 | – | 400 | – | – | 599 | – | 38,444 | |||
| Roberval | QC | PC | BQ | 20,109 | 59.96% | 13,246 | 39.50% | Lib | % | 6,863 | – | 6,065 | 20,109 | 500 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 33,537 | |||
| Rosemont | QC | PC | BQ | 29,414 | 62.95% | 16,588 | 35.50% | Lib | % | 12,826 | – | 2,519 | 29,414 | 1,037 | – | 646 | – | – | – | 282 | 46,724 | |||
| Saint-Denis | QC | Lib | Lib | 21,883 | 52.41% | 6,609 | 15.83% | BQ | % | 21,883 | – | 2,196 | 15,274 | 969 | – | 400 | – | – | 423 | 612 | 41,757 | |||
| Saint-Henri—Westmount | QC | Lib | Lib | 25,940 | 61.72% | 17,990 | 42.80% | BQ | % | 25,940 | – | 4,507 | 7,950 | 1,662 | 581 | 558 | – | 125 | 381 | 325 | 42,029 | |||
| Saint-Hubert | QC | PC | BQ | 34,959 | 56.90% | 15,344 | 24.97% | Lib | % | 19,615 | – | 4,520 | 34,959 | 903 | 339 | 868 | – | – | – | 240 | 61,444 | |||
| Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot | QC | PC | BQ | 28,014 | 57.38% | 17,890 | 36.64% | Lib | % | 10,124 | – | 9,834 | 28,014 | 848 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 48,820 | |||
| Saint-Jean | QC | PC | BQ | 29,753 | 55.88% | 15,410 | 28.94% | Lib | % | 14,343 | – | 7,780 | 29,753 | 497 | – | 773 | – | – | – | 100 | 53,246 | |||
| Saint-Laurent—Cartierville | QC | Lib | Lib | 32,190 | 70.05% | 23,718 | 51.61% | BQ | % | 32,190 | – | 3,414 | 8,472 | 895 | 292 | 347 | – | – | – | 345 | 45,955 | |||
| Saint-Léonard | QC | Lib | Lib | 28,799 | 61.16% | 15,920 | 33.81% | BQ | % | 28,799 | – | 4,021 | 12,879 | 583 | – | 499 | – | – | – | 309 | 47,090 | |||
| Saint-Maurice | QC | PC | Lib | 25,200 | 54.06% | 6,304 | 13.52% | BQ | % | 25,200 | – | 1,909 | 18,896 | 236 | – | 372 | – | – | – | – | 46,613 | |||
| Shefford | QC | Lib | BQ | 27,125 | 55.69% | 12,971 | 26.63% | Lib | % | 14,154 | – | 5,836 | 27,125 | 601 | – | 763 | – | – | – | 225 | 48,704 | |||
| Sherbrooke | QC | PC | PC | 29,758 | 52.37% | 8,210 | 14.45% | BQ | % | 4,458 | – | 29,758 | 21,548 | 446 | – | 523 | – | – | – | 86 | 56,819 | |||
| Témiscamingue | QC | PC | BQ | 22,540 | 55.74% | 13,292 | 32.87% | Lib | % | 9,248 | – | 7,819 | 22,540 | – | – | 529 | – | – | – | 299 | 40,435 | |||
| Terrebonne | QC | PC | BQ | 58,030 | 68.87% | 42,928 | 50.95% | Lib | % | 15,102 | – | 9,825 | 58,030 | 900 | – | – | – | – | – | 403 | 84,260 | |||
| Trois-Rivières | QC | PC | BQ | 24,927 | 53.43% | 13,977 | 29.96% | PC | % | 9,882 | – | 10,950 | 24,927 | 370 | – | 522 | – | – | – | – | 46,651 | |||
| Vaudreuil | QC | PC | Lib | 31,148 | 47.76% | 6,010 | 9.22% | BQ | % | 31,148 | – | 6,471 | 25,138 | 1,107 | – | 727 | – | – | – | 626 | 65,217 | |||
| Verchères | QC | PC | BQ | 38,633 | 67.31% | 26,501 | 46.17% | Lib | % | 12,132 | – | 5,269 | 38,633 | 695 | – | – | – | 470 | – | 194 | 57,393 | |||
| Verdun—Saint-Paul[a 10] | QC | PC | Lib | 19,644 | 43.69% | 549 | 1.22% | BQ | % | 19,644 | – | 3,864 | 19,095 | 860 | 130 | 432 | 598 | – | 115 | 228 | 44,966 | |||
| Kindersley—Lloydminster | SK | PC | Ref | 12,292 | 40.45% | 3,836 | 12.62% | Lib | % | 8,456 | 12,292 | 4,134 | – | 4,981 | 392 | – | – | – | – | 134 | 30,389 | |||
| Mackenzie | SK | NDP | NDP | 9,438 | 31.14% | 1,238 | 4.08% | Ref | % | 8,078 | 8,200 | 3,882 | – | 9,438 | – | – | – | 599 | – | 112 | 30,309 | |||
| Moose Jaw—Lake Centre | SK | NDP | Ref | 10,432 | 30.34% | 310 | 0.90% | NDP | % | 9,354 | 10,432 | 4,204 | – | 10,122 | – | 158 | – | – | – | 117 | 34,387 | |||
| Prince Albert—Churchill River | SK | NDP | Lib | 11,601 | 38.61% | 2,506 | 8.34% | NDP | % | 11,601 | 5,702 | 1,424 | – | 9,095 | 445 | – | – | – | 1,655 | 125 | 30,047 | |||
| Regina—Lumsden | SK | NDP | NDP | 12,879 | 35.85% | 1,025 | 2.85% | Lib | % | 11,854 | 7,665 | 2,668 | – | 12,879 | 779 | – | – | – | – | 80 | 35,925 | |||
| Regina—Qu'Appelle | SK | NDP | NDP | 11,166 | 34.43% | 1,075 | 3.31% | Lib | % | 10,091 | 7,317 | 3,287 | – | 11,166 | 394 | – | – | – | – | 177 | 32,432 | |||
| Regina—Wascana | SK | PC | Lib | 19,555 | 44.21% | 10,161 | 22.97% | NDP | % | 19,555[a 11] | 6,934 | 6,943 | – | 9,394 | 734 | 228 | – | 192 | 189 | 64 | 44,233 | |||
| Saskatoon—Clark's Crossing | SK | NDP | NDP | 12,266 | 30.85% | 1,066 | 2.68% | Lib | % | 11,200 | 11,149 | 4,114 | – | 12,266 | 652 | 188 | – | – | 114 | 77 | 39,760 | |||
| Saskatoon—Dundurn | SK | NDP | Lib | 14,716 | 35.31% | 3,202 | 7.68% | NDP | % | 14,716 | 10,281 | 3,726 | – | 11,514 | 784 | 205 | – | – | 370 | 81 | 41,677 | |||
| Saskatoon—Humboldt | SK | NDP | Lib | 12,838 | 34.34% | 1,683 | 4.50% | Ref | % | 12,838 | 11,155 | 3,530 | – | 8,546 | 904 | 255 | – | – | 158 | – | 37,386 | |||
| Souris—Moose Mountain | SK | PC | Lib | 10,917 | 32.43% | 591 | 1.76% | Ref | % | 10,917 | 10,326 | 5,042 | – | 5,541 | – | – | – | – | 1,565 | 269 | 33,660 | |||
| Swift Current—Maple Creek—Assiniboia | SK | PC | Ref | 11,486 | 34.88% | 825 | 2.51% | Lib | % | 10,661 | 11,486 | 5,119 | – | 5,448 | – | 216 | – | – | – | – | 32,930 | |||
| The Battlefords—Meadow Lake | SK | NDP | NDP | 9,772 | 31.23% | 729 | 2.33% | Ref | % | 7,364 | 9,043 | 4,299 | – | 9,772 | – | – | – | – | 609 | 202 | 31,289 | |||
| Yorkton—Melville | SK | NDP | Ref | 10,605 | 32.68% | 1,074 | 3.31% | Lib | % | 9,531 | 10,605 | 2,825 | – | 9,487 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 32,448 | |||
| Nunatsiaq | Terr | Lib | Lib | 6,685 | 69.79% | 4,715 | 49.22% | PC | % | 6,685 | – | 1,970 | – | 924 | – | – | – | – | – | – | 9,579 | |||
| Western Arctic | Terr | Lib | Lib | 8,867 | 62.47% | 6,867 | 48.38% | Ref | % | 8,867 | 2,000 | 1,893 | – | 896 | – | 213 | 325 | – | – | – | 14,194 | |||
| Yukon | Terr | NDP | NDP | 6,252 | 43.34% | 2,893 | 20.06% | Lib | % | 3,359 | 1,891 | 2,566 | – | 6,252 | 296 | – | – | 61 | – | – | 14,425 | |||
- ^ Including spoiled ballots
- ^ Minor political parties receiving less than 1% of the popular vote (other than ones which had some candidates receiving more than 1,000 votes) are aggregated under Other
- ^ Deborah Grey was elected in a 1989 by-election, replacing Conservative John Dahmer who died five days after the 1988 election
- ^ Fernand Robichaud was previously elected as MP in 1988, but stepped aside in 1990 to allow Jean Chrétien to take office upon becoming the new leader of the Liberals.
- ^ Frank Maine, previously elected as a Liberal MP (1974-1979) received 3,465 votes.
- ^ Hec Clouthier's nomination as the Liberal candidate was blocked by Jean Chrétien, owing to Len Hopkins having represented the riding for the previous 25 years.
- ^ Peter Li Preti had sought the Liberal nomination for the constituency, but Jean Chrétien directly appointed Art Eggleton to run instead.
- ^ Riding had been won by the NDP candidate Phil Edmonston in a 1990 byelection
- ^ Gilles Duceppe had been elected as an Independent in a 1990 byelection.
- ^ The incumbent Gilbert Chartrand, elected under the PC banner in 1988, was one of the founding members of the BQ. He decided not to stand for reelection in 1993.
- ^ Ralph Goodale had also previously been leader of the Saskatchewan Liberals from 1981 to 1988.
Results by province
[edit]| Party name | BC | AB | SK | MB | ON | QC | NB | NS | PE | NL | NT | YK | Total | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Liberal | Seats: | 6 | 4 | 5 | 12 | 98 | 19 | 9 | 11 | 4 | 7 | 2 | - | 177 | |
| Popular vote: | 28.1 | 25.1 | 32.1 | 45.0 | 52.9 | 33.0 | 56.0 | 52.0 | 60.1 | 67.3 | 65.4 | 23.2 | 41.3 | ||
| Bloc Québécois | Seats: | 54 | 54 | ||||||||||||
| Vote: | 49.3 | 13.5 | |||||||||||||
| Reform | Seats: | 24 | 22 | 4 | 1 | 1 | - | - | - | - | - | - | 52 | ||
| Vote: | 36.4 | 52.3 | 27.2 | 22.4 | 20.1 | 8.5 | 13.3 | 1.0 | 1.0 | 8.4 | 13.1 | 18.7 | |||
| New Democratic Party | Seats: | 2 | - | 5 | 1 | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | 1 | 9 | |
| Vote: | 15.5 | 4.1 | 26.6 | 16.7 | 6.0 | 1.5 | 4.9 | 6.8 | 5.2 | 3.5 | 7.7 | 43.4 | 6.9 | ||
| Progressive Conservative | Seats: | - | - | - | - | - | 1 | 1 | - | - | - | - | - | 2 | |
| Vote: | 13.5 | 14.6 | 11.3 | 11.9 | 17.6 | 13.5 | 27.9 | 23.5 | 32.0 | 26.7 | 16.2 | 17.7 | 16.0 | ||
| Other | Seats: | - | - | - | - | - | 1 | - | - | 1 | |||||
| Vote: | 0.3 | 0.4 | 1.0 | 0.1 | 0.8 | 1.1 | 1.3 | 2.1 | 0.8 | ||||||
| Total seats | 32 | 26 | 14 | 14 | 99 | 75 | 10 | 11 | 4 | 7 | 2 | 1 | 295 | ||
| Parties that won no seats: | |||||||||||||||
| National | Vote: | 4.1 | 2.4 | 1.0 | 3.1 | 1.2 | 0.1 | 0.3 | 1.1 | 0.5 | 0.5 | 2.1 | 1.4 | ||
| Natural Law | Vote: | 0.6 | 0.6 | 0.3 | 0.4 | 0.5 | 0.8 | 0.5 | 0.9 | 0.2 | 0.8 | 0.9 | 0.6 | ||
| Green | Vote: | 0.7 | 0.3 | 0.3 | 0.1 | 0.1 | 0.3 | 1.4 | 0.2 | ||||||
| Christian Heritage | Vote: | 0.4 | 0.2 | 0.2 | 0.3 | 0.3 | 0.3 | 0.3 | 0.7 | 0.2 | 0.4 | 0.2 | |||
| Libertarian | Vote: | 0.3 | 0.2 | 0.1 | 0.1 | ||||||||||
| Abolitionist | Vote: | 0.1 | 0.2 | 0.1 | |||||||||||
| Canada Party | Vote: | 0.1 | 0.1 | 0.3 | 0.3 | 0.3 | 0.1 | ||||||||
| Commonwealth | Vote: | 0.2 | 0.1 | ||||||||||||
| Marxist–Leninist | Vote: | 0.1 | 0.0 | ||||||||||||
Ten closest ridings
[edit]- Edmonton Northwest, AB: Anne McLellan (LIB) def Richard Kayler (REF) by 12 votes
- Bourassa, QC: Osvaldo Nunez (BQ) def Denis Coderre (LIB) by 67 votes
- Edmonton North, AB: John Loney (LIB) def Ron Mix (REF) by 83 votes
- Simcoe Centre, ON: Ed Harper (REF) def Janice Laking (LIB) by 123 votes
- Edmonton East, AB: Judy Bethel (LIB) def Linda Robertson (REF) by 203 votes
- Winnipeg Transcona, MB: Bill Blaikie (NDP) def Art Miki (LIB) by 219 votes
- Moose Jaw—Lake Centre, SK: Allan Kerpan (REF) def Rod Laporte (NDP) by 310 votes
- Edmonton—Strathcona, AB: Hugh Hanrahan (REF) def Chris Peirce (LIB) by 418 votes
- La Prairie, QC: Richard Bélisle (BQ) def Jacques Saada (LIB) by 476 votes
- Souris—Moose Mountain, SK: Bernie Collins (LIB) def Doug Heimlick (REF) by 499 votes
Verdun—Saint-Paul, QC: Raymond Lavigne (LIB) def Kim Beaudoin (BQ) by 499 votes
Results analysis
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (September 2021) |


Liberals
[edit]The Liberals swept Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island, with only Elsie Wayne's win in New Brunswick denying them a clean sweep of Atlantic Canada. They also won all but one seat in Ontario; only a 123-vote loss to Reform's Ed Harper in Simcoe Centre denied the Liberals the first clean sweep of Canada's most populous province by a single party. In both Ontario and Atlantic Canada, the Liberals gained support from many centre-right voters who were fed up with the Tories but found Reform too extreme for comfort. Ontario replaced Quebec (see below) as the main bastion of Liberal support for the next two decades; the party easily won a majority of the province's seats in the next four elections.
In the West, the Liberals dominated Manitoba, winning all but two seats. They also won seats in Saskatchewan for the first time since 1974 and in Alberta for the first time since 1968. In Saskatchewan, the Liberals won the popular vote for the first (and, as of 2025, only) time since 1949 and tied the NDP for a plurality of the seats. All of their Alberta seats were in the Edmonton area (Anne McLellan in Edmonton Northwest, John Loney in Edmonton North, and Judy Bethel in Edmonton East), which has historically been friendlier to the Liberals than the rest of Alberta. The Liberals also held onto Edmonton Southeast, the lone seat in Alberta they held when the writ was dropped, which they picked up in 1990 when David Kilgour crossed the floor from the Progressive Conservatives.
Despite being led by a Quebecker, the Liberals were unable to recover their dominant position in Quebec. This was in part due to the staunchly federalist Chrétien's opposition to the Meech Lake Accord, which was revealed when leadership rival Paul Martin pressed him on the issue back in 1990. Chrétien's reputation in his home province never recovered, especially when the Bloc Québécois rallied on the issue. As a result, the Liberals were unable to capitalize on the collapse of Tory support in the province. The Tories had swept to power in 1984 largely by flipping many long-time Liberal bastions in Quebec, and held onto most of them in 1988. However, with few exceptions, most of that support bled to the Bloc in 1993. While the Liberals dominated the Montreal area (home to almost 75% of the province's anglophones) and the Outaouais (home to a large number of civil servants who work across the river in Ottawa), they only won two seats elsewhere. One of them belonged to Chrétien, who won in Saint-Maurice, a strongly nationalist riding that he had previously represented from 1963 to 1986 (he had represented Beauséjour, New Brunswick as Opposition Leader from 1990 to 1993). The Liberals also did not do as well as hoped in British Columbia, winning almost no seats outside Vancouver.
Even with these disappointments, the Liberals won 177 seats — the third-best performance in party history, and their best performance since their record of 190 seats in 1949. This gave them an overwhelming majority in the Commons; no other party crossed the 60-seat mark. The Liberals were also the only party to win seats in every province.
Bloc Québécois
[edit]The Bloc won 54 seats, capturing just under half the vote in Quebec and nearly sweeping the francophone ridings there. In many cases, they pushed Tory cabinet ministers from the province into third place. This was the best showing by a third party since the 1921 election, when the Progressive Party won 60 seats. The Bloc's results were considered very impressive since the party had only been formed three years before, and because there were lingering questions about its viability.
On paper, the Bloc was in a rather precarious position. Most of the Tories' support in Quebec was built on flipping ridings that had voted Liberal for decades. However, francophone anger at Chrétien's staunch federalism caused PC support in Quebec to transfer virtually en masse to the Bloc. Most of those seats would remain in Bloc hands for two decades, until nearly all of them were lost to the NDP at an election in which the Bloc was cut down to only four seats.
Despite only running candidates in Quebec, the Bloc's strong showing in that province and the fragmentation of the national vote made them the second-largest party in the Commons and gave them Official Opposition status. As the Official Opposition, they enjoyed considerable privileges over other parties; for instance, Question Periods in the 35th Parliament were dominated by issues of national unity.
Reform
[edit]Reform had a major breakthrough, gaining a substantial portion of the Tories' previous support in the West. The party won all but four seats in Alberta and dominated British Columbia as well. Reform also finished second in the popular vote in Saskatchewan, where they won four seats, and picked up one seat in Manitoba.
While Reform was expected to win over PC support, it also won around a quarter of voters who had voted for the NDP in the previous election. They did this by raising the problem of Western alienation and rallying against the Charlottetown Accord, two issues that the NDP made unpopular stands on. In one stroke, Reform had replaced the Progressive Conservatives as the major right-wing party in Canada (despite being virtually nonexistent east of Manitoba) and supplanted the NDP as the voice of Western discontent.
Reform had built up a large base of support in rural central Ontario, which had been the backbone of past provincial Tory governments. This area is very socially conservative—in some cases, almost as socially conservative as rural Western Canada. However, this support did not translate into actual seats; massive vote splitting with the PCs allowed the Liberals to sneak up the middle and take all but one seat in the area. Reform did manage to take Simcoe Centre—their only victory east of Manitoba, ever—but even this win came by a wafer-thin 123-vote margin over the Liberals. They were also shut out of Atlantic Canada and did not run candidates in Quebec. It is not likely they would have won any seats in Quebec in any case due to Manning's inability to speak fluent French, its uncompromising federalism, and opposition to official bilingualism. Nonetheless, the election was a tremendous success for a party that had only won 2.1 per cent of the national vote in the previous election.
Reform's heavy concentration of Western support netted it 52 seats. However, the Bloc's concentration of support in Quebec was slightly larger, leaving Reform three seats short of making Manning Leader of the Opposition. Though the Bloc was the Official Opposition, the Liberals reckoned Reform as their main opposition on all other issues that were not specific to Quebec. Also, in 1995 when Bloc leader Lucien Bouchard's position as Opposition Leader granted him a meeting with visiting U.S. President Bill Clinton, Manning was also given a meeting with Clinton in order to defuse Bouchard's separatist leverage.[37]
New Democrats
[edit]The NDP won the fewest votes of any major party, and only nine seats — three short of the requirement for official party status. This was a substantial drop from its record performance in 1988. Those members who were elected were in heavily divided ridings, mostly in the party's traditional Western heartland. On average, winning NDP MPs only got 35.1% of the vote.[38] Ultimately, the NDP only retained 34.99% of the votes it received in the 1988 election, even less than the 38.58% of the vote that the Progressive Conservatives retained.
The New Democrats lost support in several directions. One factor was the unpopularity of NDP provincial governments led by Bob Rae in Ontario and Mike Harcourt in British Columbia, which reflected badly on their federal counterpart. In 1988, the peak of federal NDP support was a major asset to the success of provincial affiliates; however, by 1993, they were a considerable liability to the federal party because of recessions, social policies, and scandals. Not coincidentally, the federal NDP was decimated in both of those provinces; it lost all 10 of its Ontario MPs and all but two of its British Columbia MPs, more than half of the party's caucus in the Commons. The party also lost its only seat in Alberta, where the Alberta NDP had also been wiped out earlier in the year. Defeated Ontario MP Steven Langdon had called upon Rae to resign, having spent the 1993 election campaign disassociating himself from the provincial NDP's measures. The Ontario NDP would be heavily defeated in 1995 (in which it was reduced to third place), while the British Columbia NDP rebounded long enough to survive until it was almost wiped out in 2001.
A significant number of NDP voters also switched to Reform. Despite sharp differences in ideology, Reform's populism struck a chord with many NDP voters; twenty-four per cent of those who voted NDP in 1988 switched to Reform. In 1989, while running for the federal NDP leadership, former British Columbia Premier Dave Barrett argued that the party should be concerned with Western alienation rather than focusing its attention on Quebec. However, Barrett was defeated at the convention by Audrey McLaughlin, and his platform was not adopted by the party. The NDP also supported the Charlottetown Accord, which Barrett called a mistake since it was unpopular in Western Canada. In contrast, Barrett raised the issue of Western alienation and strongly opposed the Accord. Barrett's warning proved to be remarkably prescient, as the NDP was severely punished in its former Western stronghold.
The NDP had never been a force in Quebec, but they had been supported by those who would not vote for either the Liberals or Progressive Conservatives. While McLaughlin made efforts to make inroads in Quebec, this proved fruitless and likely contributed to Western discontent. These voters largely moved to the Bloc, with 14% of NDP voters supporting the Bloc in 1993. The NDP lost their only seat in the province, which it had gained in a 1990 by-election, as Phil Edmonston, a Quebec nationalist, opted not to see re-election because he disagreed with the party's support for the Charlottetown Accord.[39]
Progressive Conservatives
[edit]The election was a debacle for the Tories. Their popular vote plunged from 43% to 16%, losing more than half their vote from 1988. They lost all but two of the 156 seats they held when Parliament was dissolved—far surpassing the Liberals' 95-seat loss in 1984. It was the worst defeat, both in absolute terms and in terms of percentage of seats lost, for a governing party at the federal level in Canada, and among the worst ever suffered for a governing party in a Westminster system. It is also one of the few instances of a governing party in any country going from a strong majority to being almost wiped off the electoral map.
Mulroney's "grand coalition" completely fell apart. The Tories' support in the West, with few exceptions, transferred to Reform, while their party's support in Quebec was split between the Liberals and the Bloc, and their support in Atlantic Canada and Ontario largely migrated to the Liberals. The PCs did win over two million votes, almost as many as Reform and far ahead of the Bloc or NDP. However, this support was spread out across the country. Due to the first past the post system, which awards power solely on the basis of seats won, the Tories' support was not concentrated in enough areas to translate into seats. The party was shut out of Ontario for the first time in its history. Mulroney's former riding, Charlevoix in eastern Quebec, fell to Bloc candidate Gérard Asselin in a landslide; the Tory candidate only received 6,800 votes and almost lost his deposit.[40]
Campbell was defeated in her Vancouver riding by rookie Liberal Hedy Fry[41]—only the third time in Canadian history that a sitting prime minister lost an election and was unseated at the same time (it previously happened to Arthur Meighen twice: in 1921 and 1926). All other Cabinet members lost their seats except for Jean Charest, who won re-election in Sherbrooke, Quebec; moreover, many prominent ministers such as Michael Wilson, Don Mazankowski, Joe Clark, and John Crosbie did not seek re-election. The only other Progressive Conservative besides Charest to win a Commons seat was Elsie Wayne, the popular mayor of Saint John, New Brunswick. Gilles Bernier, who had served two terms as a Progressive Conservative from Beauce, Quebec, was also re-elected, but was forced to run as an independent after Campbell barred him from running under the PC banner due to fraud charges. Famously, following their devastating defeat, Campbell joked "Gee, I'm glad I didn't sell my car" during her concession speech.[42] She resigned as party leader in December.
In addition, 147 PC candidates failed to win 15% of the vote, losing their deposits and failing to qualify for funding from Elections Canada. The party as a whole was left deeply in debt, and came up ten seats short of official party status in the Commons. Without official party status, the Progressive Conservatives lost access to funding and had a considerably reduced role in Parliament.
Legacy
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (November 2021) |
The 1993 election is considered a political realignment election with lasting effects on Canadian politics.
Since Confederation in 1867, Canada has had a two-party system with the Liberals and Conservatives alternating in government. Since the 1920s there had generally been one or more third parties in the House of Commons (small caucuses had been elected from that source even before 1920). None of these parties came close to winning power and of those parties, the CCF was the only one that achieved long-term success. The CCF was folded into the NDP in 1961, by which time it had clearly established itself as the nation's third major party. It eventually gained enough strength to wield the balance of power in the Liberal minority governments of the 1960s and 1970s. After the 1984 election the NDP only lost one seat and finished only 10 seats behind the Liberals. This led to considerable talk that Canada was headed for a UK-style Labour-Tory division, with the Liberals following their UK counterparts into third-party status.
However, the Liberals recovered enough ground in 1988 to firmly reestablish themselves as the main opposition party to the Conservatives.
The 1993 election fundamentally changed the balance of power among the parties. The Liberals emerged into strength and has been a party to be reckoned with ever since. This strength was gained by strong support in Central Canada.
Together Ontario and Quebec are guaranteed a majority of seats in the Commons under both Constitution Acts. Those two provinces constitute nearly two-thirds of the Canadian population. Thus, it is nearly impossible to form even a minority government without considerable support in one or both provinces. In the early 1990s Liberals were the only party with a strong base in both provinces, making it the only party with a realistic chance to form government. The Liberals dominated Canadian politics for the next decade, retaining almost all of its Ontario ridings while making steady gains in Quebec. They were not seriously challenged until 2004, with the sponsorship scandal and party infighting reduced them to a minority government with continued strong support from Ontario. The Liberals retained the majority of Ontario ridings, despite being defeated in 2006, finally relinquishing their lead in 2008.
In fact the Liberals were so strong in the 1990s that no party other than the Liberals had a realistic chance of forming government after 1993. Some commentators said that Canada had moved to a dominant-party system. The opposition to the Liberals in the House of Commons was divided between four parties. Many commentators said it was ironic that Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition consisted of a separatist party. The Liberals, along with several commentators, said they considered the Reform Party the de facto opposition on issues that did not pertain to Quebec and national unity.
On the other hand, some political scientists said the new five-party parliament was an example of a multi-party system. The five parties were reduced to four when the PC Party and Canadian Alliance (successor to the Reform Party) merged in 2003. From 2004 to 2006, three opposition parties—the new Conservatives, NDP, and Bloc—faced the Liberal minority government. Then three opposition parties in the House of Commons faced a Conservative minority government from 2006 to 2008.
After the Liberals' win in 1993, it was almost 20 years before the Progressive Conservatives regained power. These were bleak years for the party. In December 1993, Campbell resigned as Conservative leader and was replaced by Charest, the only surviving member of the previous Cabinet. Under Charest, they rebounded to 20 seats in 1997. Despite naming former prime minister Joe Clark as leader in 1998, the party was reduced to 12 seats in the 2000 election, mostly in the Atlantic provinces and Quebec. They would win only two seats west of Quebec in the next two elections, finally ascending to majority government in 2011 with Stephen Harper at the helm.
In 1997 election, the Reform Party replaced the Bloc as the Official Opposition. Although Reform was then the major right-wing party in Canada, most Ontarians saw it as too extreme and it had little chance of dislodging the Liberals. Its chances were also hampered in Quebec because Manning could not speak French. In 2000, the party evolved into the Canadian Alliance but even then won only two seats outside its Western Canadian base (both in Ontario).
In 2003, the Canadian Alliance under Stephen Harper and the Progressive Conservatives under Peter MacKay merged, creating the Conservative Party of Canada. The new party, led by Harper, reduced the Liberals to a minority government in 2004 by capitalizing on the sponsorship scandal. It then formed its first government, a minority, in early 2006 with Harper as prime minister. Key to its victory was that it made inroads into the eastern part of Canada. In the 2008 election, the Conservatives won a stronger minority government and then won majority government in 2011. However, this was of short duration and the Liberals defeated them in 2015.
The NDP recovered somewhat, regaining official party status in 1997. However, it would take another decade for the party to reach the same level of support it enjoyed in the 1980s. The NDP supported the Liberal minority government after the 2004 election but moved towards differentiating itself from the Liberals, including uniting with the other opposition parties to bring down the Liberals and force the 2006 election in which the NDP made substantial gains in the House of Commons.[43]
The Bloc Québécois failed to propel the sovereigntist side to victory in the 1995 Quebec referendum and lost Official Opposition status in the 1997 election. It lost more seats in the 2000 election. However, bolstered by the Liberals' sponsorship scandal, it remained a significant presence in the House of Commons. The Bloc nearly tied its large 1993 vote tally in 2004 but then in 2006 it lost support to a resurgent Conservative Party. The Bloc's position continued to erode in 2008. The BQ won with 47 of Quebec's 75 seats but saw its popular vote decline, although it remained an important force in federal politics for Quebec. 2011 saw massive change in Quebec, with the Bloc losing a third of its voter support, getting just 4 seats in the Commons and losing official party status. BQ made a modest comeback in the 2015 election, increasing their seat count to 10, 2 seats short of regaining official party status. In the 2019 election, BQ took half again more votes, tripled its seat count and became the third-largest party in the House, once again becoming a strong force in Canadian politics. In the following 2021 election, it kept all its seats and its vote share.
See also
[edit]- List of Canadian federal general elections
- List of political parties in Canada
- 2024 United Kingdom general election
Articles on parties' candidates in this election:
Notes
[edit]- ^ Pomfret, R. "Voter Turnout at Federal Elections and Referendums". Elections Canada. Retrieved January 11, 2014.
- ^ "Canadian Election Results: 1867-2021". www.sfu.ca. Retrieved June 6, 2025.
- ^ Bliss 312.
- ^ McMurdy, Deirdre (January 4, 1993). "Falling Expectations". Maclean's. Archived from the original on November 27, 2020. Retrieved January 11, 2025.
- ^ 80% of Canadians disapproved of the GST in a June 1993 poll. Woolstencroft 32.
- ^ "Is patronage the oil that keeps our democracy turning?". National Post. June 1, 2012. Retrieved May 5, 2025.
- ^ Laver, Ross (January 4, 1993). "Hope in Hard Times". Maclean's. Archived from the original on September 30, 2020. Retrieved January 11, 2025.
- ^ Bliss 308.
- ^ a b Brooks 194.
- ^ Wilson-Smith, Anthony (February 8, 1993). "The Ottawa Betting Game". Maclean's. Archived from the original on August 10, 2020. Retrieved January 11, 2025.
- ^ Trueheart, Charles (February 25, 1993). "Mulroney Declares Intention to Resign". The Washington Post. Retrieved January 11, 2025.
- ^ Newman, Peter C. (March 15, 1993). "How Brian Mulroney planned his exit". Maclean's. Archived from the original on December 5, 2020. Retrieved January 11, 2025.
- ^ Fulton, E. Kaye (January 18, 1993). "The Rising Star". Maclean's. Archived from the original on August 14, 2020. Retrieved January 11, 2025.
- ^ Newman, Peter C. (2005). The Secret Mulroney Tapes: Unguarded Confessions of a Prime Minister. Random House Canada. p. 363.
- ^ Wilson-Smith, Anthony (March 22, 1993). "Why Is This Woman Smiling". Maclean's. Archived from the original on August 5, 2020. Retrieved January 11, 2025.
- ^ Martin, Sandra (January 10, 2009). "Jean Pelletier, 73". The Globe and Mail. Archived from the original on January 21, 2009. Retrieved April 20, 2010.
- ^ Woolstencroft 15.
- ^ Ferreira, Victor (August 12, 2015). "'An election is no time to discuss serious issues': Five comments that sank Canadian political campaigns". National Post. Retrieved March 4, 2022.
- ^ Woolstencroft 17.
- ^ Clarkson 36.
- ^ "Fill in the Blanks". The Globe and Mail. September 25, 1993. p. D6.
- ^ Ellis and Archer 67.
- ^ Ellis and Archer 69.
- ^ "Reform Candidate Quits". The Globe and Mail. October 14, 1993. p. A6.
- ^ a b c d e f g "A Struggle to Survive". Maclean's. October 18, 1993. p. 15. Archived from the original on August 30, 2020. Retrieved August 25, 2020.
- ^ a b Forsythe, Frank, Krishnamurthy, and Ross 337.
- ^ a b c Donaldson, Gordon (1997). The Prime Ministers of Canada. Toronto: Doubleday Canada Limited. p. 367.
- ^ "without a doubt" the most important issue. Frizzell, Pammett, & Westell 2.
- ^ Watters, Haydn (October 8, 2015). "2015 election campaign is eerily similar to the 1993 race". CBC News. Retrieved May 5, 2025.
- ^ Eade, Ron (April 29, 1994). "Election Spending". The Ottawa Citizen. p. A1.
- ^ Brooks 207.
- ^ Robert J. Jackson and Doreen Jackson. Politics in Canada 1998 ed. 400.
- ^ a b Mackie, Richard (October 5, 1993). "Voters Find Uncommon Views on the Fringe". The Globe and Mail. p. A6.
- ^ "Federal elections: 1993 leaders' debate". CBC Archives. October 4, 1993. Retrieved May 5, 2025.
- ^ Cobb, Chris (October 29, 1993). "Maharishi had Last Laugh over Canadian Taxpayer". Montreal Gazette. p. B3.
- ^ "History of the Federal Electoral Ridings, 1867-2010". Government of Canada. November 29, 2010.
- ^ Warren Caragata in Ottawa with Carl Mollins in Washington (March 6, 1995). "Clinton visits Chrétien". The Canadian Encyclopedia. Maclean's. Archived from the original on April 28, 2009. Retrieved August 25, 2019.
- ^ Whitehorn 52.
- ^ Support numbers come from Pammett.
- ^ "1993 Canadian Federal Election Results (Detail)". University of British Columbia. Archived from the original on August 30, 2017. Retrieved September 9, 2009.
- ^ Briskin, Linda; Eliasson, Mona, eds. (1999). Women's Organizing and Public Policy in Canada and Sweden. McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP. p. 189. ISBN 978-0-7735-6789-4.
- ^ "PM Kim Campbell Leads PC Party to Defeat - Wins 2 Seats Only (1993)". YouTube. June 6, 2017.
- ^ "NDP keep door open to Grits". Chronicle Herald. The Canadian Press. Archived from the original on June 25, 2011. Retrieved June 20, 2011.
References
[edit]- Bliss, Michael (1994). Right Honourable Men: The Descent of Canadian Politics from Macdonald to Mulroney. Toronto: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-00-255071-0.
- Brooks, Stephen (1996). Canadian Democracy: An Introduction (2nd ed.). Toronto: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-541205-5.
- Colby, Jordan (1997). Cognitive assimilation-contrast effects among partisan identifiers: An analysis of the 1993 Canadian election (M.A. thesis). Wilfrid Laurier University.
- Forsythe, Robert; Frank, Murray; Krishnamurthy, Vasu; Ross, Thomas W. (1998). "Markets as Predictors of Election Outcomes: Campaign Events and Judgement Bias in the 1993 UBC Election Stock Market" (PDF). Canadian Public Policy. 24 (3). University of Toronto Press: 329–351. doi:10.2307/3551972. ISSN 0317-0861. JSTOR 3551972.
- Frizzell, Alan; Westell, Anthony; Pammett, Jon H., eds. (1994). The Canadian General Election of 1993. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. ISBN 978-0-88629-228-7.
- Clarkson, Stephen (1994). "Yesterday's Man and His Blue Grists: Backward into the Future". In Frizzell, Alan; Westell, Anthony; Pammett, Jon H. (eds.). The Canadian General Election of 1993. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. ISBN 978-0-88629-228-7.
- Ellis, Faron; Archer, Keith (1994). "Reform: Electoral Breakthrough". In Frizzell, Alan; Westell, Anthony; Pammett, Jon H. (eds.). The Canadian General Election of 1993. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. ISBN 978-0-88629-228-7.
- Pammett, Jon H. (1994). "Tracking the Votes". In Frizzell, Alan; Westell, Anthony; Pammett, Jon H. (eds.). The Canadian General Election of 1993. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. ISBN 978-0-88629-228-7.
- Whitehorn, Alan (1994). "The NDP's Quest for Survival". In Frizzell, Alan; Westell, Anthony; Pammett, Jon H. (eds.). The Canadian General Election of 1993. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. ISBN 978-0-88629-228-7.
- Woolstencroft, Peter (1994). "Doing Politics Differently': The Conservative Party and the Campaign of 1993". In Frizzell, Alan; Westell, Anthony; Pammett, Jon H. (eds.). The Canadian General Election of 1993. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. ISBN 978-0-88629-228-7.
- Chief Electoral Officer of Canada (2001). Canada's electoral system (PDF) (Rev. and augm. ed.). Ottawa: Elections Canada. ISBN 0-662-65352-1.
Further reading
[edit]- Flanagan, T. (2022). Pivot or pirouette?: The 1993 Canadian general election. UBC Press.
- Holden, Brandon (2023). 47 Days: The Election that Changed Canada. Independently Published.
- Liberal Party of Canada (1993). Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada. Ottawa: Liberal Party of Canada.
- National Party of Canada (1993). How to solve Canada's economic mess without raisi
ng personal taxes or increasing the debt. Montréal : National Party of Canada.
- LeDuc, Lawrence; Pammett, Jon H.; McKenzie, Judith L.; Turcotte, André (2010). Dynasties and Interludes: Past and Present in Canadian Electoral Politics. Toronto: Dundurn Press. ISBN 978-1-55488-886-3.
1993 Canadian federal election
View on GrokipediaHistorical and Political Context
Mulroney Progressive Conservative Government's Record
The Mulroney Progressive Conservative government, in office from September 1984 to June 1993, focused on fiscal restraint, trade liberalization, and structural reforms to address inherited deficits averaging 8.5 percent of GDP and high inflation. Early efforts reduced the federal operating deficit relative to GDP and pursued privatization of Crown corporations, shrinking their number from 67 entities valued at $50 billion to streamline operations and alleviate public debt burdens. Notable sales included Air Canada in 1988, Canadair, and partial divestitures of Petro-Canada, which proponents argued fostered private-sector efficiency and investment.[4][5][6] A pivotal initiative was the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement, negotiated and signed on January 2, 1988, and effective from January 1, 1989, which progressively eliminated tariffs on most goods and services over a decade, markedly expanding cross-border commerce and positioning Canada at the vanguard of trade liberalization. This deal, ratified amid intense debate, boosted exports and integrated Canadian industries more deeply with the U.S. economy, though critics highlighted vulnerabilities to American protectionism. Complementing these measures, the government supported Bank of Canada policies under Governor John Crow to curb inflation, which fell from peaks above 6 percent in 1991 but triggered a recession from 1990 to 1992 through elevated interest rates.[7][8][9] To broaden the tax base and fund deficit reduction, the Goods and Services Tax (GST) was enacted via constitutional override of Senate opposition and implemented at 7 percent on January 1, 1991, supplanting the 13.5 percent manufacturers' sales tax embedded in production costs. This shift enhanced revenue stability and export competitiveness by eliminating hidden levies on inputs, yielding long-term fiscal benefits despite generating an estimated $18 billion annually by the mid-1990s. However, the transition to a visible value-added tax on consumption fueled widespread protests and perceptions of fiscal austerity, exacerbating voter discontent amid rising national debt from $238 billion in 1984 to over $500 billion by 1993.[10][11][12] Economic strains culminated in unemployment surpassing 11 percent in 1992, stagnant per capita growth during the downturn, and program adjustments like tightened unemployment insurance eligibility, which strained households and regional economies, particularly in central Canada. These outcomes, coupled with the visible costs of reform, eroded public support, with Progressive Conservative polling dipping below 20 percent nationally by late 1992 and Prime Minister Mulroney's personal approval hovering near 10 percent, the lowest recorded at the time.[5][13][14]Constitutional Failures and Quebec Tensions
The patriation of the Constitution in 1982 without Quebec's formal consent created ongoing demands for recognition of Quebec's distinct status within Canada.[15] Prime Minister Brian Mulroney's Progressive Conservative government negotiated the Meech Lake Accord in 1987 to address these issues through amendments recognizing Quebec as a distinct society, granting provinces veto power over certain federal initiatives, and enhancing provincial immigration roles.[16] The accord required unanimous provincial ratification by June 23, 1990, but failed when Manitoba's Legislative Assembly did not vote due to Indigenous MLA Elijah Harper's procedural blockade, and Newfoundland Premier Clyde Wells withdrew support amid public opposition to perceived Quebec favoritism.[16] In Quebec, the Meech Lake failure was interpreted as English Canada's rejection of accommodations for the province's unique linguistic and cultural identity, eroding federalist support and boosting sovereignty sentiment.[16] Polls following the collapse showed separatist support rising to around 60% in Quebec, fueling the formation of the Bloc Québécois in 1990 by dissident Conservatives like Lucien Bouchard, who capitalized on voter disillusionment with Mulroney's constitutional strategy.[17] This alienation fragmented Quebec's federalist vote, as traditional parties like the Progressive Conservatives lost credibility for failing to secure Quebec's constitutional place.[13] Responding to Meech's demise, Mulroney convened negotiations culminating in the Charlottetown Accord in 1992, which proposed Senate reform, an elected upper house, recognition of Quebec's distinct society, Indigenous self-government, and proportionality in Supreme Court appointments.[18] Submitted to a national referendum on October 26, 1992, the accord was rejected federally by 54.3% voting No, with Quebec recording 57.2% against, reflecting widespread dissatisfaction with elite-driven reforms and fears of diluted provincial powers.[19][20] The dual accord failures intensified Quebec tensions by underscoring the difficulty of achieving pan-Canadian consensus on federalism, portraying federal institutions as unresponsive to provincial aspirations.[18] Sovereignty advocates, including the Bloc Québécois, framed these events as evidence of systemic marginalization, drawing former Progressive Conservative and Liberal voters toward separatist options in the lead-up to the 1993 election.[17] This dynamic not only elevated the Bloc as a vehicle for Quebec nationalism but also contributed to the Progressive Conservatives' near-total collapse in Quebec ridings, as voters punished the party for unfulfilled unity promises.[13]Leadership Change to Kim Campbell
On February 24, 1993, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney announced his intention to resign as leader of the Progressive Conservative Party, effective upon the selection of his successor, amid persistently low approval ratings stemming from a recession, high unemployment, and public discontent over constitutional reform failures.[21][22] Mulroney, who had served nearly nine years in office, framed the decision as necessary for party renewal to address these challenges, including the backlash against the 1990-1991 Goods and Services Tax implementation and the collapses of the Meech Lake Accord in 1990 and Charlottetown Accord in 1992, which had deepened divisions over Quebec's status within Canada.[23] His government's economic policies, while credited by some for eventual recovery foundations, contributed to voter fatigue and a desire for leadership change.[21] The Progressive Conservative Party convened a leadership election in June 1993 to select Mulroney's replacement, with candidates including Justice Minister Kim Campbell, Environment Minister Jean Charest, and others seeking to reposition the party ahead of a federal election.[24] Campbell, appointed to cabinet in 1990 and elevated to Justice Minister in 1993, leveraged her profile as a Western Canadian with experience in provincial politics to secure the leadership on the second ballot.[25] Her victory was attributed to perceptions of her as a fresh, energetic figure untainted by the longer-serving Mulroney era's controversies, though the rushed timeline limited substantive policy differentiation among contenders. Campbell was sworn in as Canada's 19th prime minister on June 25, 1993, marking the first time a woman held the office, and she immediately dissolved Parliament to call a general election for October 25.[25] During her 132-day tenure, she undertook a minor cabinet shuffle on July 2, replacing several Mulroney loyalists with allies to signal continuity with fiscal restraint while attempting image renewal through public engagements.[24] However, inheriting a party burdened by nine years of governance fatigue and regional fractures, Campbell's leadership failed to reverse polling declines, as economic stagnation persisted with unemployment at approximately 11% and federal debt exceeding $500 billion.[23] This transition underscored the Progressive Conservatives' strategic gamble on a new face to mitigate anti-incumbency, yet it could not overcome structural vulnerabilities exposed by Mulroney's exit.Established Opposition Dynamics
The Liberal Party, as official opposition with 82 seats following the 1988 federal election, directed its parliamentary scrutiny toward the Progressive Conservative government's economic management amid the early 1990s recession and rising federal debt exceeding 60% of GDP by 1993. Under Jean Chrétien, who assumed leadership on June 23, 1990, after defeating rivals including Jean Couture on the second ballot, the party shifted toward fiscal responsibility combined with federalist unity appeals, critiquing the Mulroney administration's Goods and Services Tax implementation in January 1991 as burdensome without adequate offsets. Chrétien's tenure stabilized internal divisions from the Turner era, enabling targeted attacks on perceived policy overreach, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement negotiations, though the Liberals accepted the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement post-1988 while pledging renegotiation of contentious elements.[26] The New Democratic Party, holding 43 seats from 1988, positioned itself further left, opposing Mulroney-era privatizations like Air Canada and Petro-Canada shares, and advocating sustained funding for universal healthcare and employment insurance amid unemployment peaking at 11.4% in 1992. Led by Audrey McLaughlin since her election as leader on December 2, 1989—the first woman to head a major federal party—the NDP highlighted corporate tax reductions under the Conservatives as exacerbating inequality, yet struggled with fragmented caucus support and declining labour endorsements in Ontario and the Prairies, where provincial NDP governments faced fiscal criticism. McLaughlin's focus on gender equity and indigenous rights garnered limited traction against broader anti-incumbent sentiment.[27] Inter-party dynamics revealed competition for progressive voters, with Liberals absorbing centrist NDP-leaning support through Chrétien's "red book" precursors emphasizing job creation via infrastructure, while the NDP resisted Liberal overtures for collaboration, maintaining ideological distance on issues like deficit elimination targets. Both opposed the Charlottetown Accord referendum in October 1992, citing insufficient protections for federal powers, but parliamentary votes showed occasional alignment against Conservative supply bills, underscoring a fragmented yet unified front against governance fatigue without formal coalition mechanisms. This positioning, however, allowed vote splitting that indirectly bolstered Conservative resilience until Kim Campbell's June 1993 leadership transition.[28]Rise of Regional and Populist Challengers
The Reform Party of Canada, founded in May 1987 by Preston Manning at a convention in Vancouver, British Columbia, capitalized on longstanding Western alienation from Ottawa's perceived favoritism toward Central Canada and Quebec.[29] The party promoted populist policies including fiscal restraint, free enterprise, democratic Senate reform, and opposition to official bilingualism and multiculturalism, resonating with voters frustrated by the Progressive Conservative government's economic recession management and constitutional concessions.[30] In the October 25, 1993, election, Reform achieved a breakthrough by winning 52 seats—primarily in Alberta, British Columbia, and Saskatchewan—with 18.7 percent of the national popular vote, supplanting the PCs as the primary voice of conservative discontent in the West.[31][32] Concurrently, the Bloc Québécois emerged as a regional sovereignist force in Quebec, formed on June 15, 1991, by Lucien Bouchard after his resignation from Brian Mulroney's cabinet amid the collapse of the Meech Lake Accord. Comprising dissident Quebec MPs from both major federal parties, the Bloc focused on advancing Quebec sovereignty while safeguarding provincial jurisdiction over social programs and immigration, exploiting voter anger over federal encroachments and the failed Charlottetown Accord referendum in October 1992.[33] This strategy propelled the Bloc to victory in 54 of Quebec's 75 ridings, securing 13.5 percent of the national vote and establishing it as the dominant party in the province, ahead of the Liberals.[32][34] These challengers' surges reflected deeper structural fissures: Western economic grievances over equalization payments and resource policies, coupled with Quebec's unresolved constitutional aspirations, eroded support for established parties and fragmented the right-of-center vote, facilitating Jean Chrétien's Liberal majority despite only 41.2 percent popular support.[1][23] The Reform and Bloc successes underscored the electoral system's tendency to amplify regional concentrations, yielding outsized parliamentary influence relative to national vote shares.[31]Pre-Election Developments
Opinion Polling Trajectories
Following Kim Campbell's ascension to the Progressive Conservative leadership and prime ministership on June 25, 1993, the party experienced a brief polling resurgence, leading the Liberals by approximately 10 percentage points nationally.[23] This "honeymoon" effect stemmed from voter fatigue with the preceding Mulroney era, marked by economic recession and constitutional controversies, temporarily boosting enthusiasm for fresh leadership.[23] The writs for the election were issued on September 8, 1993, after which Progressive Conservative support declined sharply amid campaign scrutiny of the government's record, including the unpopular goods and services tax and perceived policy vagueness.[35] By early October, a Compas survey of over 2,600 voters indicated the Liberals held a 12-point advantage over the PCs, with the Reform Party registering 14% support and the Bloc Québécois 12%, while New Democratic Party backing fell to 8%.[36] Subsequent polling confirmed the erosion: an Angus Reid survey released October 8, 1993, for Southam News showed Liberal support at 41%, surpassing the Reform Party's 20% and relegating the PCs to third at 19%, with the Bloc at 12% and NDP at 8%; this marked the sharpest Liberal gain since early September.[35] A later Angus Reid poll, referenced in mid-October reporting, placed Liberals at 37% and PCs at 22%, expanding the Liberal edge from 4-5 points four to six weeks earlier.[37] Despite Campbell personally leading Jean Chrétien 37% to 21% as preferred prime minister in a September Gallup poll, her advantage failed to translate to party fortunes.[37] The trajectories highlighted vote fragmentation, with Reform's western populist appeal and the Bloc's Quebec sovereignty focus drawing disaffected PC voters, while the NDP collapsed amid perceptions of ineffectiveness.[35] Final pre-election averages aligned closely with results, yielding Liberals 41.2% of the popular vote, PCs 16.0%, Reform 18.9%, Bloc 13.5%, and NDP 6.9%.[2]Party Financing and Resources
In 1993, federal election financing operated under the Election Expenses Act of 1974, which imposed spending limits solely on individual candidates—calculated as a base amount plus a per-elector allowance determined by the Chief Electoral Officer—while national parties faced no aggregate spending caps on campaign activities such as advertising or leader tours.[38] Contributions to parties and candidates were unregulated, with no caps on amounts from individuals, corporations, or unions, fostering reliance on private donors; partial reimbursements were available post-election for candidates securing at least 15% of votes in their riding, covering up to 50% or 60% of permitted expenses depending on the party's national vote share, but this provided limited pre-campaign liquidity.[39] Third-party spending, including by interest groups, was restricted to $1,000 per entity to prevent undue influence, though enforcement remained inconsistent.[40] Established parties like the Liberals and Progressive Conservatives drew on extensive donor networks built over decades, enabling robust national advertising budgets and organizational infrastructure, though the PCs' incumbency offered access to government data and facilities without offsetting donor fatigue from prior scandals.[38] In contrast, emerging challengers adapted with resource-efficient models: the Reform Party prioritized small donations from thousands of individual supporters via direct appeals and membership drives, minimizing dependence on elite funders and aligning with its populist ethos to fuel Western mobilization despite a smaller war chest.[41][42] The Bloc Québécois, launched in 1991, leveraged targeted fundraising from Quebec sovereigntist networks for concentrated efforts in francophone ridings, compensating for nascent infrastructure with high volunteer engagement.[40] The NDP relied on traditional union-affiliated contributions but struggled with eroding base support, limiting its national reach.[38] These disparities underscored how financing shaped resource allocation, with traditional parties advantaged in media buys and logistics, yet newer entrants demonstrated that organizational discipline and regional focus could amplify limited funds, contributing to the election's fragmentation of the vote.[43]Core Campaign Elements
Major Party Strategies and Platforms
The Liberal Party, under leader Jean Chrétien, adopted a strategy centered on presenting a detailed, costed policy blueprint to contrast with the perceived disarray of the incumbent Progressive Conservatives, emphasizing economic renewal without austerity measures targeting social entitlements. Their platform, "Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada" (known as the Red Book), released on September 19, 1993, committed to generating 500,000 net new jobs over three years through public infrastructure investments totaling $6 billion, including a national highways program and technology corridors, while aiming to reduce the federal deficit to 3% of GDP by 1997–98 via economic growth, efficiency gains, and targeted spending reviews rather than broad program cuts.[44][45] The document also promised a national children's benefit to replace existing child-related deductions, enhanced pharmacare for seniors, and ratification of NAFTA with side agreements on labor and environment, positioning the party as pragmatic centrists focused on unity and opportunity amid recessionary pressures.[44] The Progressive Conservative Party, led by Kim Campbell following Brian Mulroney's resignation, pursued a rebranding strategy to distance itself from the government's record of constitutional setbacks and economic stagnation, highlighting Campbell's personal appeal and outlining nine priorities such as youth employment initiatives, community safety enhancements, and trade expansion.[46] However, the absence of a fully detailed, costed platform—unlike the Liberals' Red Book—drew criticism for vagueness, with Campbell's early campaign remark dismissing specific job promises as "old politics" underscoring a shift toward aspirational themes over quantifiable commitments, which failed to reassure voters amid high unemployment exceeding 11%.[46] The strategy relied on Campbell's initial polling lead in leadership qualities to rebuild trust, but internal divisions and negative associations with Mulroney-era policies like the Goods and Services Tax limited its effectiveness.[47] The New Democratic Party (NDP), headed by Audrey McLaughlin, maintained a core strategy of advocating for working-class interests through expanded social safety nets and public investment, targeting voters disillusioned by free-market reforms but facing vote erosion from regional challengers. Their platform, "A Strategy for Full Employment," prioritized creating 400,000 jobs annually via government-led programs in child care, housing, and green energy, alongside protecting universal medicare, implementing progressive tax reforms to close corporate loopholes, and opposing privatization of Crown corporations.[48] This approach emphasized equity and public ownership to counter fiscal conservatism, though it struggled against perceptions of fiscal irresponsibility in a deficit-plagued economy.[48] The Reform Party, led by Preston Manning, employed a populist strategy appealing to Western alienation, fiscal hawkishness, and demands for institutional reform, positioning itself as an alternative to the establishment parties' perceived elitism and overspending. Key platform elements included mandating a balanced federal budget within two years through spending cuts exceeding 15% in non-essential areas, reforming the Senate into a Triple-E body (elected, equal, effective), initiating referendums on Senate abolition if reform failed, and scrutinizing equalization payments for fairness.[49] The party also advocated reducing official bilingualism costs, enhancing parliamentary accountability via free votes, and tougher crime policies, framing these as democratizing measures to restore citizen control amid national unity strains.[49] The Bloc Québécois, under Lucien Bouchard, focused a sovereignty-oriented strategy on consolidating Quebec nationalist support by contesting only Quebec ridings, acting as a temporary vehicle to advance provincial interests and independence preparations in Ottawa. The platform centered on achieving Quebec sovereignty as the ultimate goal, while immediately defending economic powers against federal encroachment, reforming federalism to grant asymmetry, opposing the North American Free Trade Agreement without safeguards, and maintaining social democratic policies like universal health care within a Quebec-centric framework.[50] This approach capitalized on backlash to failed constitutional accords, portraying the Bloc as Quebec's uncompromised voice against perceived Anglo-Canadian dominance.[50]Key Issues: Economy, Unity, and Governance
The economy emerged as a dominant concern in the 1993 federal election campaign, with Canada still recovering from a recession that had persisted since 1990, marked by unemployment rates exceeding 11 percent and federal deficits climbing to over $41 billion in the 1992-93 fiscal year, escalating further to $42 billion the following year.[5][51] The Progressive Conservative government's introduction of the 7 percent Goods and Services Tax in 1991, intended to address fiscal imbalances, proved deeply unpopular and symbolized broader voter frustration with rising taxes and stagnant growth amid high interest rates and public debt approaching 70 percent of GDP.[52] Liberal leader Jean Chrétien campaigned on vague promises of deficit reduction through efficiency gains without program cuts, appealing to voters weary of austerity rhetoric, while the Reform Party, led by Preston Manning, advocated aggressive spending reductions, privatization, and elimination of the deficit within two years to restore fiscal discipline.[23] Progressive Conservative leader Kim Campbell's remark during the campaign that promising specific job numbers represented "old politics" alienated voters grappling with persistent joblessness, underscoring perceptions of detachment from economic hardships.[46] National unity preoccupied the electorate following the collapse of the Meech Lake Accord in June 1990, which aimed to accommodate Quebec's demands for distinct status but failed due to provincial opposition, and the resounding defeat of the Charlottetown Accord in the October 1992 national referendum, rejected by 54 percent of voters including majorities outside Quebec.[53] These setbacks intensified Quebec nationalist fervor, propelling the Bloc Québécois—founded in 1991 by former Tory and Liberal MPs—to prominence as a sovereignist vehicle, with leader Lucien Bouchard framing the election as a step toward Quebec's self-determination amid perceived federal indifference to francophone concerns.[13] Western alienation, articulated by the Reform Party, compounded unity strains, as the party decried eastern-dominated governance and demanded a "triple-E" Senate (elected, effective, equal) to decentralize power and address regional grievances over resource policies and equalization payments.[30] The Liberals positioned themselves as unity preservers through pragmatic federalism, avoiding radical constitutional overhauls that had eroded trust in the Progressive Conservatives' repeated failed negotiations. Governance issues reflected widespread disillusionment with the Progressive Conservative administration's nine-year tenure, characterized by scandals, patronage appointments, and a perception of elite insulation from public needs, contributing to Mulroney's approval ratings dipping below 10 percent before his June 1993 resignation.[53] Kim Campbell's abrupt leadership transition and snap election call on September 8, 1993, failed to reset voter fatigue, as campaigns highlighted inefficiencies in bureaucratic expansion and fiscal mismanagement amid the recession.[3] The New Democratic Party, under Audrey McLaughlin, critiqued corporate influence and called for enhanced democratic accountability, but struggled against accusations of fiscal irresponsibility, while Reform's populist platform assailed "big government" waste, proposing user fees and reduced transfers to promote self-reliance.[54] Overall, the election exposed demands for accountable, leaner governance, with voters rejecting the incumbents' record of centralization and unfulfilled promises in favor of parties pledging structural reforms to rebuild institutional credibility.[55]Leaders' Debates and Pivotal Media Moments
The leaders' debates in the 1993 federal election consisted of an English-language event held on October 4 in Toronto and a French-language event on October 6 in Montreal, organized by the major broadcasters and featuring the five primary party leaders: Progressive Conservative Kim Campbell, Liberal Jean Chrétien, Reform Preston Manning, Bloc Québécois Lucien Bouchard, and New Democratic Party Audrey McLaughlin.[56] The format included opening statements, responses to moderator questions from journalists, and rebuttals, with discussions centering on the economy, national unity, deficit reduction, and constitutional reform. Chrétien's performances were characterized by a steady, unpolished demeanor that resonated with voters seeking authenticity amid widespread dissatisfaction with the incumbent government; he emphasized the Liberal "Red Book" platform's concrete commitments on job creation and fiscal responsibility without major gaffes.[56] Campbell, as the incumbent prime minister, adopted an aggressive stance attacking the Liberals' past fiscal record but faced criticism for appearing defensive and failing to fully articulate distinct Progressive Conservative policies, exacerbating perceptions of continuity with Brian Mulroney's unpopular administration.[56] Manning highlighted western alienation and fiscal conservatism, while Bouchard focused on Quebec's sovereignty option, and McLaughlin struggled to gain traction on social democratic themes.[56] Post-debate media analysis and polls indicated minimal shifts in voter intentions, with the Liberals maintaining their lead, though the events reinforced existing narratives of Conservative vulnerability.[56] A pivotal media moment occurred on September 22 when the Progressive Conservatives aired a brief television attack ad questioning "Is this a prime minister?" while highlighting Chrétien's facial features distorted by Bell's palsy, prompting immediate backlash for insensitivity and pettiness; the ad was withdrawn within hours amid public sympathy for Chrétien and condemnation from editorial boards and opponents, ultimately portraying the PCs as desperate and mean-spirited.[57] Another key incident unfolded on September 8, shortly after the writ was dropped, when Campbell dismissed specific job creation promises as "old politics" during a campaign stop, a remark amplified by media coverage as evidence of her detachment from economic hardships faced by ordinary Canadians amid recessionary conditions.[46] These episodes, rather than the debates themselves, crystallized voter fatigue with the Conservatives, contributing to their collapse by underscoring a lack of empathy and strategic missteps in a media environment dominated by negative perceptions of the Mulroney legacy.[57][46]Electoral Process and Contestation
Candidate Selection and Riding Dynamics
The nomination of candidates for the 1993 federal election followed the requirements of the Canada Elections Act, which mandated that each candidate secure the signatures of at least 100 qualified electors in their riding and file nomination papers by a deadline typically 21 days before polling day.[58] Political parties handled internal selections through riding-level associations, where members voted in meetings to endorse nominees, though party leaders retained veto power in some cases under party constitutions. This process favored incumbents and local activists in established parties but allowed newer groups to recruit rapidly amid the short campaign following Prime Minister Kim Campbell's call for the election on September 8, 1993.[3] Established parties like the Progressive Conservatives and New Democratic Party relied on conventional grassroots nominations, often retaining sitting MPs despite public fatigue with the Mulroney-era government. The PCs fielded 295 candidates, including many incumbents vulnerable due to association with unpopular policies like the Goods and Services Tax, but faced recruitment hurdles from internal divisions post-leadership transition.[28] The NDP, under Audrey McLaughlin, nominated a full slate emphasizing labor ties but struggled with candidate appeal in non-traditional strongholds, contributing to its drop from 43 seats in 1988 to nine. The Liberals, led by Jean Chrétien since 1990, refreshed their roster in competitive Ontario and Atlantic ridings via association votes, selecting pragmatic figures that aligned with Chrétien's focus on economic recovery and federal unity, aiding their 98-seat gain.[3] Regional challengers introduced disruptive selection strategies. The Reform Party, capitalizing on Western alienation, used decentralized, member-driven nominations to attract non-politician candidates from business and conservative circles, fielding 309 nominees who emphasized fiscal restraint and Senate reform, securing 52 seats primarily in Alberta and British Columbia.[59] The Bloc Québécois, launched in 1991 by sovereignty advocates including ex-Conservative MPs, hastily selected 75 candidates for Quebec-only ridings—drawing on provincial Parti Québécois alumni and defectors like Gilles Duceppe—targeting francophone nationalist voters disillusioned by the Meech Lake Accord failure, resulting in 54 seats.[60] Riding-level dynamics reflected vote fragmentation under first-past-the-post rules, with 295 single-member districts averaging 5-7 candidates but outcomes hinging on regional polarization. In Quebec's 75 ridings, Bloc candidates dominated rural and suburban contests against splintered federalists, winning pluralities as low as 30% in some due to multi-way splits. Western Prairie ridings saw Reform nominees consolidate conservative votes against weakened PCs, capturing all 26 Alberta seats with margins often exceeding 20%, while NDP holdouts persisted in urban British Columbia pockets. Ontario's 99 ridings featured Liberal breakthroughs in suburban swings, where candidate familiarity and anti-PC sentiment yielded safe majorities, though NDP incumbents survived narrow urban races like Winnipeg Centre. Atlantic Canada's 32 ridings mirrored Liberal resurgence via local economic messaging, with PCs retaining only one seat amid widespread incumbency losses. These patterns amplified national disparities, as concentrated regional support yielded outsized seats for Liberals (41% vote, 177 seats) versus PCs (16% vote, 2 seats).[28][61]Minor Parties and Fringe Influences
Several minor parties participated in the 1993 federal election, fielding candidates across various ridings while advocating niche platforms on issues such as environmentalism, religious values, and alternative governance models. Collectively, these parties and independents nominated 989 candidates, capturing 3.6% of the national popular vote but securing only one seat in the House of Commons.[1] This fragmentation reflected growing dissatisfaction with established parties amid economic recession and constitutional debates, though the minor parties' limited resources and visibility constrained their reach.[3] The Green Party of Canada contested 71 ridings with a platform centered on sustainable development and opposition to free trade agreements, yet received insufficient support to win any seats or exceed 1% nationally.[32] Similarly, the Christian Heritage Party nominated 60 candidates, promoting policies aligned with biblical principles including restrictions on abortion and family-oriented social reforms, but garnered negligible votes without representation.[62] Other fringe groups, such as the Natural Law Party—which advocated transcendental meditation as a basis for policy—and the Libertarian Party, emphasizing reduced government intervention, fielded dozens of candidates each but failed to translate ideological appeals into electoral gains.[1] Among independents, Gilles Bernier achieved the sole non-major-party victory by winning the Beauce riding on October 25, 1993, with approximately 40% of the local vote against party-affiliated opponents.[63] A former radio announcer and diplomat, Bernier's success stemmed from regional name recognition and voter backlash against incumbents, rather than affiliation with organized minor parties.[64] Fringe influences overall exerted minimal causal effect on the election's outcome, as the 3.6% collective vote share did not alter the first-past-the-post distribution favoring larger parties; any vote-splitting occurred peripherally and was overshadowed by regional shifts toward Reform and the Bloc Québécois.[1] The presence of such candidates underscored electoral pluralism but highlighted the system's bias toward established organizations with broader funding and media access.[65]Results and Immediate Outcomes
National Vote and Seat Breakdowns
The Liberal Party, led by Jean Chrétien, won a majority of 177 seats in the 295-seat House of Commons, capturing 41.3 percent of the popular vote cast across approximately 10.6 million ballots.[1][2] Voter turnout stood at 69.6 percent of registered electors.[1][2] The Progressive Conservative Party, under Kim Campbell, experienced a catastrophic decline, securing only 2 seats with 16.0 percent of the vote, down sharply from their previous majority government.[1][2] This left them with the fewest seats of any major party in modern Canadian history at the time. Meanwhile, the New Democratic Party fell to 9 seats with 6.9 percent support.[1][2] Two new parties achieved breakthroughs: the Bloc Québécois, a sovereignist party contesting only in Quebec, won 54 seats with 13.5 percent of the national vote, becoming the Official Opposition.[1][2] The Reform Party, focused on Western populist issues, gained 52 seats with 18.7 percent of the vote, demonstrating strong regional concentration but limited national breakthrough due to first-past-the-post dynamics.[1][2] Other parties and independents collectively received 3.6 percent and 1 seat.[1]| Party | Popular Vote (%) | Seats Won |
|---|---|---|
| Liberal | 41.3 | 177 |
| Reform | 18.7 | 52 seats, falling just two seats short of official opposition status |
| Progressive Conservative | 16.0 | 2 |
| Bloc Québécois | 13.5 | 54 |
| New Democratic Party | 6.9 | 9 |
| Others | 3.6 | 1 |
Regional Disparities and Close Contests
![Canada 1993 Federal Election.svg.png][center] The 1993 Canadian federal election revealed profound regional disparities, with new regional parties dominating specific provinces while the Liberals concentrated their gains in central and eastern Canada. In Quebec, the Bloc Québécois won 54 of the province's 75 seats, reflecting widespread support for Quebec sovereignty following the collapse of the Meech Lake Accord and dissatisfaction with federalist parties. The Liberals captured 19 seats, primarily in Montreal and surrounding areas, the Progressive Conservatives held 1 seat in Sherbrooke through incumbent Jean Charest, and the New Democratic Party secured 1 seat.[61] [3] In Ontario, the Liberals achieved a landslide, taking 98 of 99 ridings with approximately 57% of the popular vote, driven by voter backlash against the governing Progressive Conservatives' economic policies and free trade implementation. The Reform Party broke through with a single victory in Simcoe Centre, where candidate Ed Harper defeated the Liberal incumbent by just 123 votes out of over 38,000 cast.[61] [66] Western Canada saw the Reform Party's emergence as a force for regional protest, securing 52 seats across British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba, with no Progressive Conservative wins in the region. The Liberals picked up urban and northern seats, while vote splitting among traditional parties amplified Reform's first-past-the-post advantages. In Atlantic Canada, comprising 32 seats, the Liberals won 30, the Progressive Conservatives retained 1 in Saint John—thanks to Elsie Wayne's strong local recognition as the city's former mayor—and the NDP held 1.[61] [2]| Region | Total Seats | Liberal | Progressive Conservative | NDP | Bloc Québécois | Reform |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Atlantic Canada | 32 | 30 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Quebec | 75 | 19 | 1 | 1 | 54 | 0 |
| Ontario | 99 | 98 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 |
| Western Canada* | 103 | 29 | 0 | 4 | 0 | 52 |
Causal Analysis of Results
Factors in Progressive Conservative Collapse
The Progressive Conservative Party's collapse in the 1993 federal election stemmed primarily from the accumulated unpopularity of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney's nine-year tenure, marked by contentious policies and failed initiatives. Mulroney's government introduced the Goods and Services Tax (GST) on January 1, 1991, which provoked widespread public backlash due to its perceived burden on consumers amid economic hardship.[68] The early 1990s recession, characterized by high unemployment and slow recovery, further eroded support, as voters associated the PCs with fiscal mismanagement and national debt accumulation.[69] Constitutional efforts, including the Meech Lake Accord's failure in 1990 and the Charlottetown Accord's defeat in the October 26, 1992, referendum, alienated key regional bases, particularly in Quebec and the West, by highlighting federal-provincial tensions without resolution.[53] Mulroney's approval ratings had plummeted by his resignation on February 24, 1993, leaving a toxic legacy that tainted the party.[23] Kim Campbell's ascension to party leadership and prime ministership on June 25, 1993, failed to rehabilitate the PCs' image, as she was viewed as a continuation of Mulroney's administration rather than a fresh start. Despite an initial polling "honeymoon," Campbell called an election on September 21, 1993, for October 25, providing only a 35-day campaign that limited her ability to distance the party from past failures.[69] Campaign missteps compounded the damage, including Campbell's September 1993 remark dismissing specific job creation promises as "old politics," which alienated voters seeking concrete economic relief during persistent unemployment.[46] Negative advertising targeting opponents backfired, reinforcing perceptions of PC arrogance, while Campbell herself lost her Vancouver Centre seat, symbolizing the rout.[69] Structural electoral dynamics amplified the PCs' vulnerabilities through vote fragmentation. The emergence of the Reform Party in the West siphoned right-leaning voters disillusioned with PC centralism, securing 52 seats from zero, while the Bloc Québécois captured 54 seats in Quebec by capitalizing on nationalist sentiments post-constitutional debacles, leaving PCs with just one Quebec seat from 58 previously.[53] Despite garnering 16% of the popular vote, the first-past-the-post system and regional splintering reduced the PCs to two seats nationwide, down from 169 in 1988, reflecting incumbency fatigue and a rejection of the party's broad-tent approach amid polarized grievances.[23] This outcome underscored how policy overreach, leadership inertia, and competitive fragmentation causally dismantled the PC coalition.[53]Drivers of Liberal Resurgence
The Liberal Party's resurgence in the 1993 federal election stemmed primarily from Jean Chrétien's effective leadership, which unified a fragmented opposition and appealed to voters seeking experienced governance amid economic hardship. Chrétien, who assumed the Liberal leadership on June 23, 1990, following John Turner's resignation, revitalized a party reduced to 40 seats in 1988 by emphasizing job creation and fiscal responsibility. His folksy demeanor and resilience against personal attacks, such as Progressive Conservative ads mocking his facial paralysis from Bell's palsy, garnered public sympathy and positioned him as a steady alternative to the incumbent government's turmoil.[26] [66] A cornerstone of the campaign was the release of the Liberal "Red Book" platform during the election period, which outlined specific, costed commitments to address voter priorities. Key promises included reducing the federal deficit to 3% of GDP within three years through measures like canceling the $5.8 billion EH-101 helicopter purchase, cutting consulting expenditures by 15%, and implementing a $6 billion infrastructure program to stimulate jobs and growth. The document also pledged to replace the unpopular Goods and Services Tax with a fairer system and launch initiatives like a Canadian Youth Service Corps to create employment opportunities, contrasting with the perceived vagueness of opponents' platforms and restoring public trust in Liberal fiscal intentions.[44] [26] Chrétien's campaign strategy focused narrowly on economic recovery, sidestepping divisive constitutional issues that had plagued previous governments, which allowed the Liberals to consolidate anti-Conservative sentiment as the sole national alternative. In Ontario, this approach yielded a near-sweep, with Liberals securing 98 of 99 seats and 52.9% of the popular vote, up dramatically from prior performances, as fragmented opposition votes—split between Progressive Conservatives and the emerging Reform Party—handed victories in close ridings. Nationally, the party's popular vote rose to 41.3%, translating to 177 seats and a majority government on October 25, 1993, reflecting voter preference for Chrétien's reassuring presence over untested alternatives amid recession and political fatigue.[66] [2]
Regional Party Breakthroughs: Bloc Québécois and Reform
The Bloc Québécois, established in 1991 by former Progressive Conservative and Liberal MPs including Lucien Bouchard, capitalized on widespread Quebec discontent with federal constitutional negotiations, particularly the failed Meech Lake Accord and the rejection of the Charlottetown Accord in Quebec's 1992 referendum.[70] In the October 25, 1993, election, the party secured 54 seats—all in Quebec—capturing 13.5% of the national popular vote with 1,328,289 ballots, primarily by drawing votes from the collapsing Progressive Conservatives and disaffected nationalists seeking stronger provincial autonomy or sovereignty.[1] This result positioned the Bloc as the Official Opposition in the 35th Parliament, despite the Liberals' majority, reflecting a regional protest against perceived federal overreach and ineffective bilingualism policies under Brian Mulroney's government.[3] The Bloc's success stemmed from its strategic focus on Quebec-only candidacies, leveraging anti-federal sentiment fueled by economic grievances and cultural identity concerns, with Bouchard's leadership providing credibility from his prior role in Mulroney's cabinet.[71] Empirical data from riding-level results showed the party dominating francophone areas, winning over 50% of the vote in many Quebec ridings where sovereignty support was high, as voters punished established parties for constitutional failures that eroded trust in Canadian federalism.[32] Parallel to the Bloc's Quebec surge, the Reform Party of Canada, founded in 1987 by Preston Manning to represent western interests, broke through nationally by winning 52 seats, mostly in Alberta, British Columbia, and Saskatchewan, with 18.7% of the popular vote totaling 2,177,198 ballots.[1][59] This outcome arose from profound western alienation toward the Progressive Conservatives' central Canadian focus, including resentment over fiscal policies like the Goods and Services Tax, unchecked deficits, and neglect of regional demands for Senate reform and resource control.[54] Reform's platform emphasizing smaller government, deficit elimination, free votes for MPs, and a "triple-E" (elected, equal, effective) Senate appealed to voters seeking alternatives to the perceived elitism and ineffectiveness of traditional parties, drawing former Tory supporters in the West where PC vote share plummeted from 43% in 1988 to under 20% in 1993.[59] The party's grassroots organization and Manning's focus on direct democracy resonated amid economic stagnation and constitutional fatigue, enabling it to convert 19% average western support into a near-sweep of prairie seats, fundamentally fragmenting conservative votes and reshaping federal dynamics.[1]New Democratic Party Setbacks
The New Democratic Party (NDP), under leader Audrey McLaughlin, experienced a dramatic collapse in the 1993 federal election, securing only 9 seats in the House of Commons—down from 43 seats won in the 1988 election—while its share of the popular vote plummeted to 6.9 percent from 20.4 percent.[1] This result stripped the NDP of official party status in Parliament, which requires at least 12 seats, limiting its resources and influence. McLaughlin, who had assumed leadership in 1989 as the first woman to head a major federal party, retained her seat in Yukon but oversaw losses across the party's traditional strongholds.[72] Regionally, the NDP retained 6 seats in Ontario, 2 in British Columbia, and 1 in Yukon, but was wiped out in the Prairies and Quebec, where it held no seats.[1] In Western Canada, the rise of the Reform Party captured working-class and rural voters who had previously supported the NDP, fragmenting the left-leaning protest vote amid dissatisfaction with federal policies like the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and free trade agreements. Reform's appeal to economic populism and western alienation drew away NDP support in Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba, where the NDP had won 14 seats in 1988.[55] In Ontario, the industrial heartland, NDP incumbents fell to Liberal candidates as voters shifted to Jean Chrétien's promise of pragmatic change and deficit reduction, viewing the NDP's more ideological social democratic platform as less viable during recessionary pressures.[73] Leadership and campaign shortcomings exacerbated the decline; McLaughlin's tenure was marked by internal divisions following the departure of popular predecessor Ed Broadbent, and her Yukon roots limited national appeal, failing to project a compelling alternative to the Liberal resurgence.[72] The party's emphasis on anti-corporate rhetoric and expanded social programs clashed with voter priorities focused on fiscal restraint and constitutional stability after the Meech Lake and Charlottetown failures, leading to a perception of the NDP as disconnected from mainstream concerns.[55] Polling data prior to the election showed the NDP consistently below 10 percent nationally, reflecting eroded union loyalty and a strategic squeeze between the centrist Liberals and right-wing Reform. This electoral rout prompted McLaughlin's resignation in 1995, signaling a prolonged period of rebuilding for the party.[1]Enduring Legacy and Realignments
Political Fragmentation and Federalism Impacts
The 1993 federal election profoundly fragmented Canada's parliamentary landscape, dismantling the long-standing brokerage model where national parties bridged regional divides. The Progressive Conservatives, who held 169 seats in 1988, collapsed to just 2 seats, while the New Democratic Party fell from 43 to 9; meanwhile, the Bloc Québécois—a sovereignist party contesting only in Quebec—captured 54 seats, and the Reform Party, focused on Western grievances, won 52 seats almost exclusively west of Ontario.[74] [3] This regional polarization meant no single national opposition emerged, with the Bloc assuming the role of official opposition despite its explicit goal of Quebec separation, forcing the Liberal majority to navigate governance without traditional adversarial balance.[75] These outcomes strained Canadian federalism by amplifying sectional interests over national cohesion, as the Bloc's breakthrough reflected unresolved constitutional grievances from the failed Meech Lake Accord of 1990 and Charlottetown Accord of 1992, channeling Quebec nationalist sentiment into federal representation that prioritized provincial sovereignty.[76] The party's platform demanded recognition of Quebec as a "distinct society" with veto powers over federal decisions, intensifying debates on asymmetrical federalism and prompting federal responses like the 1995 Quebec referendum on sovereignty, where the "No" side narrowly prevailed at 50.58%.[33] Similarly, Reform's dominance in Alberta, Saskatchewan, and British Columbia highlighted Western alienation from Ottawa's centralist policies, such as resource revenue sharing and the National Energy Program's legacy, advocating for an elected, equal, and effective Senate to redistribute power from Ontario and Quebec.[30] Longer-term, this fragmentation eroded brokerage politics, fostering a realignment where regional parties exposed fault lines in federal-provincial relations, including equalization payments and cultural accommodations, and contributed to institutional reforms like the Clarity Act of 2000 to define secession rules.[28] While the Liberals maintained policy continuity on deficits and free trade, the election underscored causal drivers of disunity—voter backlash against perceived elite overreach—rather than transient volatility, setting precedents for future coalitions like the 2003 merger forming the Conservative Party to recapture national viability.[55]Economic Policy Continuities and Shifts
The Progressive Conservative government under Brian Mulroney had initiated fiscal restraint measures in the mid-1980s, including reductions in inflation-adjusted per-capita spending to address mounting deficits, alongside market-oriented reforms such as privatization of crown corporations and the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement in 1988.[77][5] These efforts laid groundwork for continuity under the subsequent Liberal administration of Jean Chrétien, which preserved commitments to free trade—implementing the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on January 1, 1994—and maintained a "debt-averse" stance amid high debt-to-GDP ratios peaking near 70% by 1993-94.[5][77] Despite campaign pledges in the 1993 Liberal "Red Book" for infrastructure investments and job creation programs, Finance Minister Paul Martin's policies marked a shift toward intensified austerity upon taking office. The February 1994 budget targeted a deficit reduction to 3% of GDP by 1996-97 through a mix of revenue measures and spending restraint, but the pivotal 1995 budget accelerated cuts, eliminating $25.3 billion in expenditures over three years—primarily in defense, unemployment insurance, and subsidies—while program spending fell by 10% between 1995 and 1997.[78][79][5] Federal non-interest spending as a share of GDP dropped from 22% in 1995 to 17% by 2000, enabling consecutive surpluses from 1997-98 onward and reducing the debt-to-GDP ratio from 68% in 1995 to 34% by the mid-2000s.[5] The 1993 election's fragmentation, including the Reform Party's breakthrough on a platform of zero deficits and smaller government, compelled the Liberals to adopt more aggressive fiscal conservatism to neutralize western populist pressures and sustain their majority amid regional volatility.[5] This realignment shifted policy from Mulroney-era incremental controls to comprehensive program reviews (1994-1996), which decentralized services and reformed entitlements like the Canada Pension Plan into a partially funded system by 1998, fostering economic growth and unemployment declines to below 6% by the late 1990s.[80][5] Such adaptations underscored a causal link between electoral upheaval and policy pivot, prioritizing deficit elimination over expansive social spending to avert bond market crises and restore investor confidence.[77]Criticisms of Electoral System and Voter Behavior
The first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system employed in the 1993 Canadian federal election amplified distortions between national vote shares and parliamentary representation, a key point of criticism from electoral analysts. The Liberal Party received 41.24% of the popular vote but captured 177 of 295 seats (60.0%), forming a majority government despite lacking a vote plurality in many regions. In contrast, the Progressive Conservatives garnered 16.04% of the vote—more than the Bloc Québécois's 13.52%—yet secured only 2 seats (0.7%), illustrating FPTP's punishment of parties with geographically diffuse support.[1][1] The system's single-member districts favored regionally concentrated parties like the Bloc Québécois, which won 54 seats (18.3%) primarily in Quebec, and the Reform Party, which obtained 52 seats (17.6%) in Western Canada despite 18.09% nationally.[1][31]| Party | Popular Vote % | Seats | Seat % |
|---|---|---|---|
| Liberal | 41.24 | 177 | 60.0 |
| Progressive Conservative | 16.04 | 2 | 0.7 |
| Reform | 18.09 | 52 | 17.6 |
| Bloc Québécois | 13.52 | 54 | 18.3 |
| New Democratic Party | 6.88 | 9 | 3.1 |
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