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Billy Sunday
Billy Sunday
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William Ashley Sunday (November 19, 1862[1] – November 6, 1935) was an American evangelist and professional baseball outfielder. He played for eight seasons in the National League before becoming the most influential American preacher during the first two decades of the 20th century.

Key Information

Born into poverty near Ames, Iowa, Sunday spent some years at the Iowa Soldiers' Orphans' Home before working at odd jobs and playing for local running and baseball teams. His speed and agility provided him the opportunity to play baseball in the major leagues for eight years.

Converting to evangelical Christianity in the 1880s, Sunday left baseball for the Christian ministry. During the early 20th century, he became the nation's most famous evangelist with his colloquial sermons and frenetic delivery. Sunday held widely reported campaigns in America's largest cities, and he attracted the largest crowds of any evangelist before the advent of electronic sound systems. Sunday was a strong supporter of Prohibition, and his preaching likely played a significant role in the adoption of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1919. Though his audiences grew smaller during the 1920s, Sunday continued to preach and promote conservative Christianity until his death.

Early life

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Billy Sunday was born near Ames, Iowa. His father, William Sunday, was the son of a German Americans named Sonntag, who had anglicized their name to "Sunday" when they settled in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. William Sunday was a bricklayer who worked his way to Iowa, where he married Mary Jane Corey, daughter of "Squire" Martin Corey, a local farmer, miller, blacksmith, and wheelwright.[2] William Sunday enlisted in the Iowa Twenty-Third Volunteer Infantry on August 14, 1862. He died four months later of pneumonia at an army camp in Patterson, Missouri, five weeks after the birth of his youngest son, William Ashley. Mary Jane Sunday and her children moved in with her parents for a few years, and young Billy became close to his grandparents and especially his grandmother. Mary Jane Sunday later remarried, but her second husband soon deserted the family.[3]

When Billy Sunday was ten years old, his impoverished mother sent him and an older brother to the Soldiers' Orphans Home in Glenwood, Iowa, and later to the Iowa Soldiers' Orphans' Home in Davenport, Iowa. At the orphanage, Sunday gained orderly habits, a decent primary education, and the realization that he was a good athlete.[4]

By fourteen, Sunday was shifting for himself. In Nevada, Iowa, he worked for Colonel John Scott, a former lieutenant governor, tending Shetland ponies and doing other farm chores. The Scotts provided Sunday a good home and the opportunity to attend Nevada High School.[5] Although Sunday never received a high school diploma, by 1880 he was better educated than many of his contemporaries.[6]

In 1880, Sunday relocated to Marshalltown, Iowa, where, because of his athleticism, he had been recruited for a fire brigade team. In Marshalltown, Sunday worked at odd jobs, competed in fire brigade tournaments, and played for the town baseball team.[7]

Professional baseball player

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Sunday's professional baseball career was launched by Cap Anson, a Marshalltown native and future Hall of Famer, after his aunt, an avid fan of the Marshalltown team, gave him an enthusiastic account of Sunday's prowess. In 1883, on Anson's recommendation, A.G. Spalding, president of the Chicago White Stockings, signed Sunday to the defending National League champions.[8]

Sunday struck out four times in his first game, and there were seven more strikeouts and three more games before he got a hit. During his first four seasons with Chicago, he was a part-time player, taking Mike "King" Kelly's place in right field when Kelly served as catcher.[9]

Sunday's speed was his greatest asset, and he displayed it both on the basepaths and in the outfield. In 1885, the White Stockings arranged a race between Sunday and Arlie Latham, the fastest runner in the American Association. Sunday won the hundred-yard dash by about ten feet.[10]

Sunday's personality, demeanor, and athleticism made him popular with the fans, as well as with his teammates. Manager Cap Anson considered Sunday reliable enough to make him the team's business manager, which included such duties as handling the ticket receipts and paying the team's travel expenses.[11]

In 1887, when Kelly was sold to another team, Sunday became Chicago's regular right fielder, but an injury limited his playing time to fifty games. During the following winter Sunday was sold to the Pittsburgh Alleghenys for the 1888 season. He was their starting center fielder, playing a full season for the first time in his career. The crowds in Pittsburgh took to Sunday immediately; one reporter wrote that "the whole town is wild over Sunday." Although Pittsburgh had a losing team during the 1888 and 1889 seasons, Sunday performed well in center field and was among the league leaders in stolen bases.[12]

Billy Sunday, Center Fielder, Chicago White Stockings, c. 1887

In 1890, a labor dispute led to the formation of a new league, composed of most of the better players from the National League. Although he was invited to join the competing league, Sunday's conscience would not allow him to break the reserve clause, which allowed Pittsburgh to retain the rights to Sunday after his contract expired. Sunday was named team captain, and he was their star player, but the team suffered one of the worst seasons in baseball history. By August the team had no money to meet its payroll, and Sunday was traded to the Philadelphia Phillies for two players and $1,000 in cash.[13]

The Philadelphia team had an opportunity to win the National League pennant, and the owners hoped that adding Sunday to the roster would improve their chances. Although Sunday played well in his thirty-one games with Philadelphia, the team finished in third place.[14]

In March 1891, Sunday requested and was granted a release from his contract with the Philadelphia ball club. Over his career, Sunday was never much of a hitter: his batting average was .248 over 499 games, about the median for the 1880s. In his best season, in 1887, Sunday hit .291, ranking 17th in the league. He was an exciting but inconsistent fielder. In the days before outfielders wore gloves, Sunday was noted for thrilling catches featuring long sprints and athletic dives, but he also committed a great many errors. Sunday was best known as an exciting base-runner, regarded by his peers as one of the fastest in the game, even though he never placed better than third in the National League in stolen bases.[15]

Sunday remained a prominent baseball fan throughout his life. He gave interviews and opinions about baseball to the popular press;[16] he frequently umpired minor league and amateur games in the cities where he held revivals; and he attended baseball games whenever he could, including a 1935 World Series game two months before he died.[17]

Conversion

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On a Sunday afternoon in Chicago, during either the 1886 or 1887 baseball season, Sunday and several of his teammates were out on the town on their day off. At one street corner, they stopped to listen to a gospel preaching team from the Pacific Garden Mission. Attracted by the hymns he had heard his mother sing, Sunday began attending services at the mission. After talking with a former society matron who worked there, Sunday – after some struggle on his part – decided to become a Christian. He began attending the fashionable Jefferson Park Presbyterian Church, a congregation close to both the ball park and his rented room.[18]

Although he socialized with his teammates and sometimes gambled, Sunday was never a heavy drinker. In his autobiography, he said, "I was never drunk but four times in my life. ... I used to go to the saloons with the baseball players, and while they would drink highballs and gin fizzes and beer, I would take lemonade."[19] Following his conversion, Sunday renounced drinking, swearing, and gambling, and he changed his behavior, which was recognized by both teammates and fans. Shortly thereafter, Sunday began speaking in churches and at YMCAs.[20]

Marriage

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In 1886, Sunday was introduced at Jefferson Park Presbyterian Church to Helen Amelia "Nell" Thompson, daughter of the owner of one of Chicago's largest dairy products businesses. Although Sunday was immediately smitten with her, both had serious on-going relationships that bordered on engagements.[21] Furthermore, Nell Thompson had grown to maturity in a much more privileged environment than had Sunday, and her father strongly discouraged the courtship, viewing all professional baseball players as "transient ne'er-do-wells who were unstable and destined to be misfits once they were too old to play."[22] Nevertheless, Sunday pursued and eventually married her. On several occasions, Sunday said, "She was a Presbyterian, so I am a Presbyterian. Had she been a Catholic, I would have been a Catholic – because I was hot on the trail of Nell." Her mother liked Sunday from the start and weighed in on his side, and her father finally relented. The couple was married on September 5, 1888.[23]

Apprenticeship for evangelism

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In the spring of 1891, Sunday turned down a baseball contract for $3,500 a year to accept a position with the Chicago YMCA at $83 per month. Sunday's job title at the YMCA was Assistant Secretary, yet the position involved a great deal of ministerial work. It proved to be good preparation for his later evangelistic career. For three years Sunday visited the sick, prayed with the troubled, counseled the suicidal, and visited saloons to invite patrons to evangelistic meetings.[24]

In 1893, Sunday became the full-time assistant to J. Wilbur Chapman, one of the best known evangelists in the United States at the time. Chapman was well educated and was a meticulous dresser, "suave and urbane."[25] Personally shy, like Sunday, Chapman commanded respect in the pulpit both because of his strong voice and his sophisticated demeanor. Sunday's job as Chapman's advance man was to precede the evangelist to cities in which he was scheduled to preach, organize prayer meetings and choirs, and in general take care of necessary details. When tents were used, Sunday would often help erect them.[26]

By listening to Chapman preach night after night, Sunday received a valuable course in homiletics. Chapman also critiqued Sunday's own attempts at evangelistic preaching and showed him how to put a good sermon together. Further, Chapman encouraged Sunday's theological development, especially by emphasizing the importance of prayer and by helping to "reinforce Billy's commitment to conservative biblical Christianity."[27]

[edit]
Sunday preaches

Kerosene circuit

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When Chapman unexpectedly returned to the pastorate in 1896, Sunday struck out on his own, beginning with meetings in tiny Garner, Iowa. For the next twelve years Sunday preached in approximately seventy communities, most of them in Iowa and Illinois. Sunday referred to these towns as the "kerosene circuit" because, unlike Chicago, most were not yet electrified. Towns often booked Sunday meetings informally, sometimes by sending a delegation to hear him preach and then telegraphing him while he was holding services somewhere else.[28]

Sunday also took advantage of his reputation as a baseball player to generate advertising for his meetings. In 1907 in Fairfield, Iowa, Sunday organized local businesses into two baseball teams and scheduled a game between them. Sunday came dressed in his professional uniform and played on both sides. Although baseball was his primary means of publicity, Sunday also once hired a circus giant to serve as an usher.[29]

When Sunday began to attract crowds larger than could be accommodated in rural churches or town halls, he pitched rented canvas tents. Again, Sunday did much of the physical work of putting them up, manipulating ropes during storms, and seeing to their security by sleeping in them at night. Not until 1905 was he well-off enough to hire his own advance man.[30]

In 1906, an October snowstorm in Salida, Colorado, destroyed Sunday's tent – a special disaster because revivalists were typically paid with a freewill offering at the end of their meetings. Thereafter he insisted that towns build him temporary wooden tabernacles at their expense. The tabernacles were comparatively costly to build (although most of the lumber could be salvaged and resold at the end of the meetings), and locals had to put up the money for them in advance. This change in Sunday's operation began to push the finances of the campaign to the fore. At least at first, raising tabernacles provided good public relations for the coming meetings as townspeople joined in what was effectively a giant barnraising. Sunday built rapport by participating in the process, and the tabernacles were also a status symbol, because they had previously been built only for major evangelists such as Chapman.[31]

Under the administration of Nell

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Eleven years into Sunday's evangelistic career, both he and his wife had been pushed to their emotional limits. Long separations had exacerbated his natural feelings of inadequacy and insecurity.[32] Sunday depended on his wife's love and encouragement. For her part, Nell found it increasingly difficult to handle household responsibilities, the needs of four children (including a newborn), and the long-distance emotional welfare of her husband. His ministry was also expanding, and he needed an administrator. In 1908, the Sundays decided to entrust their children to a nanny so that Nell could manage the revival campaigns.[33]

Nell Sunday transformed her husband's out-of-the-back-pocket organization into a "nationally renowned phenomenon."[34] New personnel were hired, and by the New York campaign of 1917, the Sundays had a paid staff of twenty-six. There were musicians, custodians, and advance men; but the Sundays also hired Bible teachers of both genders, who among other responsibilities, held daytime meetings at schools and shops and encouraged their audiences to attend the main tabernacle services in the evenings. The most significant of these new staff members were Homer Rodeheaver, an exceptional song leader and music director who worked with the Sundays for almost twenty years beginning in 1910,[35] and Virginia Healey Asher, who (besides regularly singing duets with Rodeheaver) directed the women's ministries, especially the evangelization of young working women.[36]

Campaign platform

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Billy Sunday preaching in 1915 in a temporary tabernacle erected on the site of the future Parkway Central Library of Philadelphia. Painting by George Bellows, based on his illustrations for Metropolitan Magazine[37][38]

With his wife administering the campaign organization, Sunday was free to compose and deliver colloquial sermons. Typically, Homer Rodeheaver would first warm up the crowd with congregational singing that alternated with numbers from gigantic choirs and music performed by the staff. When Sunday felt the moment right, he would launch into his message. Sunday gyrated, stood on the pulpit, ran from one end of the platform to the other, and dove across the stage, pretending to slide into home plate. Sometimes he even smashed chairs to emphasize his points. His sermon notes had to be printed in large letters so that he could catch a glimpse of them as he raced by the pulpit. In messages attacking sexual sin to groups of men only, Sunday could be graphic for the era.

A theological opponent, Universalist minister Frederick William Betts, wrote:

Many of the things said and done bordered upon things prohibited in decent society. The sermon on amusements was preached three times, to mixed audience of men and women, boys and girls. If the sermons to women had been preached to married women, if the sermons to men had been preached to mature men, if the sermon on amusements had been preached to grown folks, there might have been an excuse for them, and perhaps good from them. But an experienced newspaper reporter told me that the sermon on amusements was "the rawest thing ever put over in Syracuse." I can not, must not, quote from this sermon....[a friend] says that Mr. Sunday's sermon on the sex question was raw and disgusting. He also heard the famous sermons on amusements and booze. [He] says that all in all they were the ugliest, nastiest, most disgusting addresses he ever listened to from a religious platform or a preacher of religion. He saw people carried out who had fainted under that awful definition of sensuality and depravity.[39]

Billy Sunday, Evangelist and Baseball Player, [ca. 1910]. Michael T. "Nuf Ced" McGreevy Collection, Boston Public Library
Billy Sunday, Evangelist and Baseball Player, [ca. 1910]. Michael T. "Nuf Ced" McGreevy Collection, Boston Public Library

Homer Rodeheaver said that "One of these sermons, until he tempered it down a little, had one ten-minute period in it where from two to twelve men fainted and had to be carried out every time I heard him preach it."[40] Some religious and social leaders criticized Sunday's exaggerated gestures as well as the slang and colloquialisms that filled his sermons, but audiences clearly enjoyed them.[41]

In 1907, journalist Lindsay Denison complained that Sunday preached "the old, old doctrine of damnation". Denison wrote, "In spite of his conviction that the truly religious man should take his religion joyfully, he gets his results by inspiring fear and gloom in the hearts of sinners. The fear of death, with torment beyond it—intensified by examples of the frightful deathbeds of those who have carelessly or obdurately put off salvation until it is too late—it is with this mighty menace that he drives sinners into the fold."[42] But Sunday himself told reporters "with ill-concealed annoyance" that his revivals had "no emotionalism."[43] Caricatures compared him to the extravagances of mid-nineteenth-century camp meetings, as in the famous drawing "Billy Sunday" by George Bellows.[44] Sunday told one reporter that he believed that people could "be converted without any fuss,"[45] and, at Sunday's meetings, "instances of spasm, shakes, or fainting fits caused by hysteria were few and far between."[43]

Crowd noise, especially coughing and crying babies, was a significant impediment to Sunday's preaching because the wooden tabernacles were so acoustically live. During his preliminaries, Rodeheaver often instructed audiences about how to muffle their coughs. Nurseries were always provided, infants forbidden, and Sunday sometimes appeared rude in his haste to rid the hall of noisy children who had slipped through the ushers.

Tabernacle floors were covered with sawdust to dampen the noise of shuffling feet (as well as for its pleasant smell and its ability to hold down the dust of dirt floors), and walking to the front at the preacher's invitation became known as "hitting the sawdust trail."[46] The term was first used in a Sunday campaign in Bellingham, Washington, in 1910. Apparently, "hitting the sawdust trail" had first been used by loggers in the Pacific Northwest to describe following home a trail of previously dropped sawdust through an uncut forest — described by Nell Sunday as a metaphor for coming from "a lost condition to a saved condition."

Billy Sunday's tabernacle (Detroit 1916)
New York City Tabernacle, 1917

By 1910, Sunday began to conduct meetings (usually longer than a month) in small cities like Youngstown, Wilkes-Barre, South Bend, and Denver, and then finally, between 1915 and 1917, the major cities of Philadelphia, Syracuse, Kansas City, Detroit, Boston, Buffalo, and New York City.[47] During the 1910s, Sunday was front-page news in the cities where he held campaigns. Newspapers often printed his sermons in full, and during World War I, local coverage of his campaigns often surpassed that of the war. Sunday was the subject of over sixty articles in major periodicals, and he was a staple of the religious press regardless of denomination.[48]

Over the course of his career, Sunday probably preached to more than one hundred million people face-to-face—and, to the great majority, without electronic amplification. Vast numbers "hit the sawdust trail." Although the usual total given for those who came forward at invitations is an even million, one modern historian estimates the true figure to be closer to 1,250,000.[49] Sunday did not preach to a hundred million different individuals but to many of the same people repeatedly over the course of a campaign. Before his death, Sunday estimated that he had preached nearly 20,000 sermons, an average of 42 per month from 1896 to 1935. During his heyday, when he was preaching more than twenty times each week, his crowds were often huge. Even in 1923, well into the period of his decline, 479,300 people attended the 79 meetings of the six-week 1923 Columbia, South Carolina, campaign – 23 times the white population of Columbia. Nevertheless,"trail hitters" were not necessarily conversions (or even "reconsecrations") to Christianity. Sometimes whole groups of club members came forward en masse at Sunday's prodding. By 1927, Rodeheaver was complaining that Sunday's invitations had become so general that they were meaningless.[50]

Wages of success

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1911 bungalow in Winona Lake, Indiana

Large crowds and an efficient organization meant that Sunday was soon netting hefty offerings. The first questions about Sunday's income were apparently raised during the Columbus, Ohio, campaign at the turn of 1912–13. During the Pittsburgh campaign a year later, Sunday spoke four times per day and effectively made $217 per sermon or $870 a day at a time when the average gainfully employed worker made $836 per year. The major cities of Chicago, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Boston, and New York City gave Sunday even larger offerings. Sunday donated Chicago's offering of $58,000 to Pacific Garden Mission and the $120,500 New York offering to war charities. Nevertheless, between 1908 and 1920, the Sundays earned over a million dollars; an average worker during the same period earned less than $14,000.[51]

Billy Sunday at the White House, 1922

Sunday was welcomed into the circle of the social, economic, and political elite. He counted among his neighbors and acquaintances several prominent businessmen. Sunday dined with numerous politicians, including Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, and counted both Herbert Hoover and John D. Rockefeller Jr. as friends.[52] During and after the 1917 Los Angeles campaign, the Sundays visited with Hollywood stars, and members of Sunday's organization played a charity baseball game against a team of show business personalities that included Douglas Fairbanks, Sr.[53]

The Sundays enjoyed dressing well and dressing their children well; the family sported expensive but tasteful coats, boots, and jewelry. Nell Sunday also bought land as an investment. In 1909, the Sundays bought an apple orchard in Hood River, Oregon, where they vacationed for several years. Although the property sported only a rustic cabin, reporters called it a "ranch." Sunday was a soft touch with money and gave away much of his earnings.[54] Neither of the Sundays were extravagant spenders. Although Sunday enjoyed driving, the couple never owned a car. In 1911, the Sundays moved to Winona Lake, Indiana, and built an American Craftsman-style bungalow, which they called "Mount Hood", probably as a reminder of their Oregon vacation cabin. The bungalow, furnished in the popular Arts and Crafts style, had two porches and a terraced garden but only nine rooms, 2,500 square feet (230 m2) of living space, and no garage.[55]

Religious views

[edit]

Sunday was a conservative evangelical who accepted fundamentalist doctrines. He affirmed and preached the biblical inerrancy, the virgin birth of Jesus, the doctrine of substitutionary atonement, the bodily resurrection of Jesus, a literal devil and hell, and the imminent return of Jesus Christ. At the turn of the 20th century, most Protestant church members, regardless of denomination, gave assent to these doctrines. Sunday refused to hold meetings in cities where he was not welcomed by the vast majority of the Protestant churches and their clergy.[56]

Sunday was not a separationist as were many Protestants of his era. He went out of his way to avoid criticizing the Roman Catholic Church and even met with Cardinal Gibbons during his 1916 Baltimore campaign. Also, cards filled out by "trail hitters" were faithfully returned to the church or denomination that the writers had indicated as their choice, including Catholic and Unitarian.[57]

Although Sunday was ordained by the Presbyterian Church in 1903, his ministry was nondenominational and he was not a strict Calvinist. He preached that individuals were, at least in part, responsible for their own salvation. "Trail hitters" were given a four-page tract that stated, "if you have done your part (i.e. believe that Christ died in your place, and receive Him as your Saviour and Master) God has done HIS part and imparted to you His own nature."[58]

Sunday never attended seminary and made no pretense of being a theologian or an intellectual, but he had a thorough knowledge of the Bible and was well read on religious and social issues of his day. His surviving Winona Lake library of six hundred books gives evidence of heavy use, including underscoring and reader's notes in his characteristic all-caps printing. Some of Sunday's books were even those of religious opponents. He was once charged with plagiarizing a Decoration Day speech given by the noted agnostic Robert Ingersoll.[59]

Sunday's homespun preaching had a wide appeal to his audiences, who were "entertained, reproached, exhorted, and astonished."[60] Sunday claimed to be "an old-fashioned preacher of the old-time religion"[61] and his uncomplicated sermons spoke of a personal God, salvation through Jesus Christ, and following the moral lessons of the Bible. Sunday's theology, although sometimes denigrated as simplistic, was situated within the mainstream Protestantism of his time.[62]

Social and political views

[edit]
Cover of August 1914 issue of The Melting Pot: A Magazine of Protest, edited by Henry M. Tichenor, condemning Sunday as a tool of big business.
Tombstones of Billy and Helen Sunday, Forest Home Cemetery, Forest Park, Illinois

Sunday was a lifelong Republican, and he espoused the mainstream political and social views of his native Midwest: individualism, competitiveness, personal discipline, and opposition to government regulation.[63] Writers such as Sinclair Lewis,[64] Henry M. Tichenor,[65] and John Reed attacked Sunday as a tool of big business, and poet Carl Sandburg called him a "four-flusher" and a "bunkshooter."[66] Nevertheless, Sunday sided with Progressives on some issues. For example, he denounced child labor[67] and supported urban reform and women's suffrage.[68] Sunday condemned capitalists "whose private lives are good, but whose public lives are very bad", as well as those "who would not pick the pockets of one man with the fingers of their hand" but who would "without hesitation pick the pockets of eighty million people with fingers of their monopoly or commercial advantage."[69] Sunday expressed sympathy for the poor and tried to bridge the gulf between the races during the zenith of the Jim Crow era.[70] However, Sunday regularly received contributions from members of the Second Ku Klux Klan during the 1920s.[71] In another instance, in 1927, in Bangor, Maine, Sunday's partner and music director, Homer Rodeheaver, told Klansmen who briefly interrupted the service that "he did not believe that any organization that marched behind the Cross of Christ and the American Flag could be anything but a power for good."[72][73] Sunday himself praised Klansmen who assisted the police in vice raids.[74]

Sunday was a passionate supporter of America entering World War I. In 1918 he said, "I tell you it is [Kaiser] Bill against Woodrow, Germany against America, Hell against Heaven." Sunday raised large amounts of money for the troops, sold war bonds, and stumped for recruitment.[75]

Sunday had been an ardent champion of temperance from his earliest days as an evangelist, and his ministry at the Chicago YMCA had given him first-hand experience with the destructive potential of alcohol. Sunday's most famous sermon was "Get on the Water Wagon", which he preached on countless occasions with both histrionic emotion and a "mountain of economic and moral evidence." Sunday said, "I am the sworn, eternal and uncompromising enemy of the Liquor Traffic. I have been, and will go on, fighting that damnable, dirty, rotten business with all the power at my command."[76] Sunday played a significant role in arousing public interest in Prohibition and in the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1919. When the tide of public opinion turned against Prohibition, he continued to support it. After its repeal in 1933, Sunday called for its reintroduction.[77]

Sunday also opposed eugenics, recent immigration from southern and eastern Europe,[78] and the teaching of evolution.[79] Further, he criticized such popular middle-class amusements as dancing,[80] playing cards, attending the theater, and reading novels.[81] However, he believed baseball was a healthy and even patriotic form of recreation, so long as it was not played on Sundays.[82]

Decline and death

[edit]

Sunday's popularity waned after World War I, when many people in his revival audiences were attracted to radio broadcasts and moving pictures instead.[83] The Sundays' health also declined even as they continued to drive themselves through rounds of revivals—smaller but also with fewer staff members to assist them.

Tragedy marred Sunday's final years. His three sons engaged in many of the activities he preached against, and the Sundays paid blackmail to several women to keep the scandals relatively quiet.[84] In 1930, Nora Lynn, their housekeeper and nanny, who had become a virtual member of the family, died. Then the Sundays' daughter, the only child actually raised by Nell, died in 1932 of what seems to have been multiple sclerosis.[85] Their oldest son George, rescued from financial ruin by his parents, committed suicide in 1933.[86]

Nevertheless, even as the crowds declined during the last 15 years of his life, Sunday continued accepting preaching invitations and speaking with effect. In early 1935, he had a mild heart attack, and his doctor advised him to stay out of the pulpit. Sunday ignored the advice. He died on November 6, a week after preaching his last sermon on the text "What must I do to be saved?"[87]

References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
William Ashley "Billy" Sunday (November 19, 1862 – November 6, 1935) was an American player who transitioned into one of the era's most prominent Christian evangelists, delivering high-energy sermons that attracted millions and championed temperance and moral reform. Born in , to a family marked by early hardship—including his father's death in the Civil War—Sunday honed his athletic prowess in youth, eventually signing with the Chicago White Stockings as an outfielder in 1883, where he played until 1887 before stints with the Pittsburgh Alleghenys and Philadelphia Phillies through 1891. His baseball career, though not statistically elite, showcased speed and base-running skill, with a lifetime around .243 and known feats like circling the bases in under 14 seconds. A pivotal conversion experience at Chicago's Pacific Garden Mission in 1887 led Sunday to forsake professional sports by 1891 for YMCA work, evolving into independent by the late 1890s; his revivals, often in custom-built tabernacles seating tens of thousands, featured acrobatic preaching, slang-filled tirades against vice, and calls for , reportedly reaching an estimated 100 million hearers over four decades without modern amplification. Sunday's campaigns yielded claims of over 1 million conversions, bolstering the and aligning with reforms, though critics lambasted his theatricality and profit-oriented offerings—despite his family's substantial personal giving—as emblematic of commercialized religion rather than doctrinal depth. His unyielding stance on issues like alcohol, dancing, and patriotism drew both fervent support and charges of demagoguery, reflecting tensions between populist fervor and establishment skepticism in early 20th-century American .

Early Life

Childhood and Family Background

William Ashley Sunday was born on November 19, 1862, on his maternal grandparents' farm just south of Ames, Iowa, to William Sunday and Mary Jane Cory. The farm had been settled by his grandparents, Martin Cory and Mary Ann Cory, in 1852. His father, a farmer and bricklayer of Pennsylvania German descent, traced his lineage to German immigrants who had anglicized their surname from Sonntag to Sunday upon settling in America. Billy was the youngest of three sons born to the Sundays, with the family residing in modest circumstances reflective of rural Midwestern pioneer life in the early 1860s. His father enlisted as a private in Company E of the 23rd Iowa Volunteer Infantry Regiment shortly before Billy's birth, serving in the Union Army during the American Civil War. William Sunday contracted pneumonia while encamped at Camp Pope, Iowa, and died on December 22, 1862—approximately one month after his son's birth—leaving Mary Jane to raise the children amid financial hardship. The early loss of the family breadwinner plunged the Sundays into poverty, with Mary Jane relying on support from relatives and odd jobs to sustain the household in Story County. This background of agrarian toil and Civil War-era instability shaped the initial years of Billy's childhood, marked by the absence of paternal influence and the economic precarity common to widowed frontier families.

Orphanhood and Formative Years

William Ashley Sunday Jr., known as Billy, was born on November 19, 1862, near , to William Ashley Sunday Sr., a Union Army , and Mary Jane Cory Sunday. His father enlisted in the 23rd Volunteer and died of on December 22, 1862, approximately five weeks after Billy's birth, leaving the family in dire . Mary Sunday, unable to support her three sons amid financial hardship, placed Billy, then about ten years old, and his older brother Edward in the Iowa Soldiers' Orphans' Home in Glenwood, , around 1872. The brothers spent roughly two years there, followed by a brief period at a similar facility in , where Billy acquired basic education, discipline, and habits of order amid regimented life. These institutions, established for children of Civil War veterans, provided shelter but emphasized labor and routine, shaping his early resilience. By age fourteen, around 1876, Billy left the orphanages and briefly reunited with his mother before striking out independently, taking odd jobs such as farm labor and hotel work in . These formative experiences of and manual toil, amid ongoing family instability—including his mother's remarriage and further relocations—instilled a strong that later influenced his athletic and ministerial pursuits.

Baseball Career

Professional Debut and Teams

Billy Sunday transitioned to professional baseball after playing semi-pro ball in , where he caught the attention of Chicago White Stockings manager in 1882 by defeating second baseman Fred Pfeffer in a footrace, demonstrating exceptional speed. Anson signed him to a contract for the season. Sunday made his Major League debut on May 22, 1883, with the Chicago White Stockings, primarily playing as a and during his tenure there from 1883 to 1887. In 1888, the White Stockings sold Sunday to the Alleghenys, for whom he played through the 1889 season and into 1890. That year, he concluded his career with the Phillies after departing Pittsburgh. His final Major League game occurred on October 4, 1890.

On-Field Performance and Style

Billy Sunday played eight seasons in as an , primarily in , from 1883 to 1890, compiling a career of .248 with 498 , 12 home runs, 137 runs batted in, and 339 runs scored across 499 games. His offensive output was modest, reflecting average hitting ability for the era, though he demonstrated versatility by occasionally pitching in one game. Defensively, Sunday appeared in 499 positions, contributing to teams like the Chicago White Stockings, Pittsburgh Alleghenys, and Philadelphia Phillies. Sunday's playing style emphasized speed and athleticism, earning him popularity among fans despite not being a star performer. He was renowned for his swift , reportedly capable of circling the bases from a standing start in 14 seconds, and daring advances on the base paths. In , he employed an acrobatic approach, making spectacular catches without the benefit of gloves, which were uncommon for outfielders in the 1880s. This dramatic fielding, combined with his buoyant personality, positioned him as an exciting, if not elite, player who thrilled spectators through effort and flair rather than raw power or consistency.

Transition from Athletics

In 1891, at the height of his baseball career following a 1890 season in which he stole 84 bases for the Pittsburgh Alleghenys, Billy Sunday declined a contract renewal offer from the Chicago White Stockings valued between $3,500 and $5,000 annually. Instead, he accepted a position as assistant secretary at the Chicago YMCA, earning roughly $83 per month or $996 yearly, marking his full departure from professional athletics at age 28. This decision stemmed from his prior religious conversion and growing commitment to evangelistic work, which he had pursued part-time alongside baseball since 1887, including abstaining from alcohol, gambling, and Sunday games. Sunday's YMCA tenure involved organizing prayer meetings, visiting hospitals and prisons to counsel individuals, and delivering informal addresses that drew crowds, such as his first public sermon at Farwell Hall in 1889, where his athletic fame amplified attendance. By 1893, he transitioned to supporting evangelist J. Wilbur Chapman as an advance agent, handling logistics for revival campaigns across the Midwest, which honed his organizational skills and exposed him to large-scale preaching. These experiences solidified his shift toward full-time ministry, though he retained as a thematic staple in sermons, likening salvation to "chasing flies" on the field to pursue spiritual goals. This pivot from athletics reflected a deliberate prioritization of religious vocation over financial gain and fame, as Sunday later expressed no regrets about forgoing baseball's material rewards for evangelistic impact.

Religious Awakening

Conversion to Christianity

In 1886, while employed as an outfielder for the Chicago White Stockings, Billy experienced a religious conversion at the Pacific Garden Mission in . Accompanied by teammates after a period of drinking on a afternoon, he encountered gospel hymns drifting from the mission near State and Madison streets, which reminded him of songs sung by his pious mother in his youth. This stirred profound emotional and spiritual unrest, prompting him to separate from his companions—including Mike Kelly—and enter the mission. There, Sunday heard street preaching by Harry Monroe, a mission worker, and attended multiple services that convicted him of personal . Kneeling in , he professed faith in Christ, later describing the moment as staggering "out of into Jesus' arms." The conversion aligned with evangelical emphases of the era, emphasizing personal repentance and commitment amid urban vice. Immediately after, Sunday abstained from alcohol, , , and theater visits, and declined Sunday games despite professional pressures. He joined Jefferson Park Presbyterian Church, began delivering testimonies at gatherings and local churches, and in 1888 married Nell Thompson, a committed Presbyterian whose influence reinforced his new path. These steps transitioned him from athletics toward ministry, though he continued playing until 1891.

Initial Ministry Involvement

Following his in 1886 at the Pacific Garden Mission in , Sunday initially balanced his professional baseball commitments with informal ministry efforts, including speaking at Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) gatherings and youth groups, where he shared testimonies of moral transformation and abstinence from vices such as alcohol and . In March 1891, at age 28, Sunday permanently left , rejecting contracts valued between $3,500 and $5,000 annually to join the as an assistant secretary with a starting salary of $83 per month; in this role, he organized religious services, led street preaching, and conducted outreach to urban youth and , emphasizing evangelical conversion and ethical living. By 1893, Sunday transitioned to supporting the evangelistic campaigns of Presbyterian minister J. Wilbur Chapman, serving as an advance agent who scouted venues, arranged logistics, and assisted in sermon delivery during revivals in cities including and ; this two-to-three-year apprenticeship exposed him to large-scale urban evangelism, where he preached on themes of , , and , reportedly leading to hundreds of conversions per meeting. These early positions provided Sunday with practical training in and organizational tactics, though his dynamic, athletic preaching style—marked by physical gestures and colloquial language—differentiated him from more reserved approach, setting the foundation for his independent ministry beginning in 1896.

Personal Life

Marriage and Partnership with Nell

Billy Sunday met Helen Amelia Thompson, known as Nell, in the spring of 1886 at Jefferson Park Presbyterian Church in , shortly after his . Thompson, then 18, came from a prosperous middle-class family; her father owned one of 's largest furniture stores. Sunday proposed to her on January 1, 1888, overcoming initial opposition from her father by gaining the approval of her mother. The couple married on September 5, 1888, in , with Sunday briefly leaving his team to attend the ceremony before rejoining them in . Nell Sunday provided steadfast support during Billy's remaining years in , frequently traveling with him and managing household affairs amid his demanding schedule. Their union produced four children—three sons and one daughter—whom Nell oversaw with the aid of a hired to accommodate the family's itinerant . As Sunday transitioned to full-time in 1891, Nell emerged as his indispensable , handling finances, , and organizational aspects of his growing revival campaigns. In their evangelistic partnership, Nell organized tabernacles, coordinated local committees, and implemented follow-up programs for converts, including Bible studies and moral reform initiatives, which helped sustain the ministry's momentum and prevent financial shortfalls. Her complemented Sunday's preaching focus, enabling large-scale urban revivals that drew millions; she negotiated contracts, managed expenditures, and ensured operational efficiency, often salvaging campaigns from potential collapse. Nell's outgoing personality contrasted with Billy's shyness, as she engaged communities, hosted visitors at their Hood River Valley farm retreat (purchased in 1909), and spoke publicly alongside him to local groups, fostering alliances and public support. This division of roles allowed the Sundays to maintain a comfortable lifestyle, including first-class travel, while expanding their influence through temperance advocacy and urban redemption efforts.

Family Dynamics and Challenges

Billy Sunday and his wife Nell had four children: daughter Helen Edith, born in 1890; sons George Marquis, born in 1892; William Ashley Jr., born in 1901; and Paul Thompson, born in 1907. Early in Sunday's evangelistic career, frequent separations strained family life, as Nell and the children often remained at home while he traveled for revivals, with a governess providing care for the young ones. By around 1907, Nell began accompanying Sunday on campaigns, handling logistics, finances, and women's meetings, which allowed for greater family involvement in his work, though the couple grew closest to their daughter Helen. The Sundays' sons presented significant challenges, engaging in behaviors antithetical to their father's anti-alcohol, anti-vice preaching, including drinking and womanizing that led to public scandals. George, the eldest son, faced multiple arrests for drunkenness and auto theft, endured financial ruin requiring parental bailouts, and married three times amid divorces; he died in 1933 after falling from a hotel window, widely regarded as . William Jr. also divorced and remarried, while Paul struggled with personal instability. These issues brought ongoing heartache to the Sundays, culminating in all four children predeceasing Nell in 1957, with Helen dying in 1932, William in a 1938 automobile accident, and Paul in 1944. Despite such family trials, Sunday maintained his evangelistic commitment without public wavering.

Evangelistic Ministry

Early Revival Circuits

Billy Sunday launched his independent evangelistic career with his inaugural revival in , in 1896, following prior assistance to evangelist J. Wilbur Chapman. This small-town meeting, held shortly after resigning from work, attracted local interest partly due to his notoriety and resulted in approximately 100 conversions during a week-long series. Subsequent invitations propelled him into circuits across rural Midwest communities, often termed the "kerosene circuit" for their reliance on non-electrified venues like tents and houses in towns without urban . From 1896 to roughly 1908, Sunday and his wife Nell traveled by train, conducting one- to two-week revivals in modest locales across , , and adjacent states, emphasizing personal , temperance, and moral reform. Early sermons frequently recycled themes such as "Earnestness in Christian Life," delivered with athletic vigor and baseball analogies to engage audiences unfamiliar with formal preaching. In , he introduced his signature temperance message, "Booze, or Get on the Water Wagon," which influenced local ordinances restricting saloon operations soon after. Promotional tactics evolved to draw crowds, as seen in Fairfield, Iowa, in 1907, where Sunday organized an exhibition baseball game between local business teams and pitched in his vintage uniform to heighten visibility. These efforts yielded incremental successes, with reported conversions in the dozens to low hundreds per campaign, fostering church follow-up and community pledges against vice. Ordained by the Presbyterian Church in 1903 despite his non-traditional approach, Sunday maintained operational independence, refining organizational methods like advance committees for venue preparation and publicity. By the late 1900s, these foundational circuits transitioned toward larger venues, exemplified by the 1908 , campaign, which drew thousands and signaled his shift from regional obscurity to broader acclaim. Throughout, Sunday's emphasis on high-energy delivery and anti-vice rhetoric resonated in agrarian settings, where economic and social challenges amplified appeals for personal redemption.

Major Urban Campaigns

![Billy Sunday's tabernacle in Detroit, 1916](./assets/Billy_Sunday's_tabernacle_%28Detroit_1916%29[float-right] Billy Sunday expanded his evangelistic efforts to major urban centers starting in the early 1910s, constructing large temporary tabernacles to host multiple daily services for weeks or months. These campaigns required extensive local organization, including thousands of prayer meetings and committees to the tabernacles and support follow-up work. In Pittsburgh, from December 28, 1913, to February 23, 1914, Sunday preached in a tabernacle with a capacity of 15,000, drawing significant crowds and emphasizing anti-vice themes. The Philadelphia campaign followed from January 3 to March 20, 1915, where services attracted audiences totaling over 1.5 million across 146 meetings in an 11-week period. Subsequent efforts included Kansas City from April 30 to June 18, 1916, and from September 10 to November 6, 1916, where the final day's crowd reached 50,000 and yielded a $50,000 collection. In , running April 8 to June 19, 1917, over ten weeks, organizers reported nearly 100,000 conversions. The Chicago campaign of March 10 to May 19, 1918, saw combined attendance estimated at 1.2 million, amid wartime fervor and local debates over prohibition. These urban revivals, often lasting eight to twelve weeks, featured sawdust-floored arenas and theatrical preaching, with reported conversions in the tens of thousands per city, though figures were compiled by Sunday's team and varied in verification.

Organizational Strategies

Billy Sunday's evangelistic campaigns relied on meticulous advance planning, typically initiated months before arrival in a target city, with teams dispatched to coordinate and secure local support. These advance units, operational by , organized church rallies, selected sites, and oversaw the construction of temporary wooden tabernacles seating 5,000 to over 20,000, featuring floors for acoustics and footing during services. Local labor, often donated, erected these structures under professional supervision, ensuring rapid assembly and cost efficiency, as seen in campaigns like Duluth in where foundations were laid within days. Central to operations was a professional staff including musicians, ushers, and specialists, augmented by city-specific committees formed from cooperating churches for , , and ushering. Sunday's wife, Nell, managed business affairs, handling contracts and without a fixed , relying instead on freewill offerings collected via local committees. efforts incorporated corporate-style advertising, branding, and media coordination to maximize attendance, while post-campaign follow-up involved "" groups linking converts to churches for sustained discipleship. This bureaucratic framework, praised for efficiency and ranked among top U.S. organizations by contemporaries, enabled scalability from small-town tents to major urban revivals, influencing later evangelists like Billy Graham.

Preaching Style and Techniques

Sermon Content and Delivery

Billy Sunday's sermons emphasized core evangelical themes such as personal salvation through Christ's atonement, the reality of hell, and the transformative power of conversion, often illustrated with anecdotes from his baseball career and everyday life to appeal to working-class audiences. He frequently preached against sin, particularly alcohol, which he described as the "parent of crimes and the mother of sins," positioning himself as its "sworn, eternal, and uncompromising enemy." Other recurring topics included the sanctity of motherhood, warnings about neglecting Scripture, and critiques of lukewarm religion, with sermons like those on "Mother" highlighting a mother's influence as capable of reaching heaven or hell. His messages were biblically saturated, affirming doctrines like substitutionary atonement and the bodily resurrection, while rejecting deeper theological speculation in favor of urgent calls to repentance. In delivery, Sunday employed a frenetic, theatrical style derived from his athletic background, pacing rapidly across the platform—estimated at a mile per —jumping, sliding, and mimicking actions such as hurling pitches or hitting home runs to dramatize points. He used colloquial and broken to ensure accessibility, stating his aim to "preach so plainly that men can come from the factories and not have to bring a ." His voice shifted dynamically from tender pleas to savage outrage, shouting, laughing, and storming without amplification, enabling him to reach crowds of up to 20,000 from a elevated platform. This aggressive, hyper-masculine approach, blending zeal with patriotic moralism, made his presentations immersive and emotionally charged, often concluding with direct invitations to hit the "sawdust trail" for commitment.

Use of Theatrics and Media

Billy Sunday's preaching incorporated theatrical elements derived from his experience, featuring acrobatic movements such as leaping over chairs, sliding across the platform, and rapid pacing that simulated base-running. These physical demonstrations, performed on sawdust-covered stages to absorb perspiration, emphasized his messages against and for moral reform, captivating audiences with high energy and visual spectacle. Reporters observed that Sunday traversed approximately one mile per sermon through his vigorous motions, accumulating over 100 miles in extended campaigns, which enhanced the dramatic impact and drew crowds accustomed to his athletic reputation. He delivered sermons without a fixed text or open , employing , colloquialisms, and forceful to breach traditional decorum and engage diverse listeners directly. In terms of media, Sunday's team utilized advance publicity committees in host cities to secure favorable coverage, often resulting in full transcriptions and promotional articles that rivaled wartime reporting in prominence, particularly during . Local papers printed extensive accounts of his campaigns, including in cities like where his 1916-1917 meetings attracted over 1.5 million attendees partly through such press amplification. These strategies, combined with large-scale tabernacles seating thousands and accompanied by choirs and bands, created a multimedia-like event atmosphere that extended his evangelical influence beyond live audiences via print dissemination.

Follow-Up and Conversion Claims

Billy Sunday's revival meetings emphasized immediate responses to calls, where attendees would walk down the central aisle—known as the "sawdust trail"—to publicly commit to , often shaking hands with Sunday or his team members. These forward-comers were counted as conversions, with Sunday claiming approximately 1,000,000 individuals had "hit the sawdust trail" across his campaigns from 1896 to 1933. Independent tallies from his organization reported around 1,250,000 conversions from 426 cities, though these figures included all inquirers without initial doctrinal examination or verification. Follow-up mechanisms were organized through local committees formed prior to each campaign, which trained "personal workers" to counsel inquirers immediately after services and distribute pledge cards detailing the convert's church affiliation or interest. These cards were forwarded to specified churches for ongoing discipleship, aiming to integrate converts into congregational life, though Sunday himself rarely baptized and deferred such rites to local pastors. Campaigns like the 1917 New York series, which recorded nearly 100,000 conversions, relied on this system, supplemented by post-meeting prayer bands and literature distribution. Skeptics, including some , contended that many conversions were emotionally driven and transient, with follow-up data from certain revivals indicating retention rates as low as 10% after several months, as inquirers often reverted without sustained church involvement. Sunday countered such critiques by highlighting anecdotal testimonies of transformed lives, such as reduced crime or alcohol consumption in host cities, attributing permanence to divine work rather than human metrics. Nonetheless, his approach prioritized mass response over rigorous post-conversion tracking, reflecting a fundamentalist emphasis on individual decision over institutional verification.

Theological Positions

Core Doctrines and Fundamentalism

Billy Sunday's theological framework centered on the core tenets of , which sought to preserve orthodox Protestant doctrines amid rising modernist challenges in early 20th-century American religion. He upheld the inerrancy and literal interpretation of the as the infallible Word of , rejecting higher criticism that questioned its historical accuracy and . Sunday affirmed the Christ, dismissing liberal denials as intellectual arrogance, stating that skeptics deemed themselves "too smart to believe in the virgin birth of Christ" while accepting natural explanations without equivalent scrutiny. Central to his preaching was the doctrine of through the shed , which he presented as the exclusive means of from sin's penalty. In sermons like " Through the ," Sunday emphasized that redemption required in Christ's sacrificial , countering views that minimized the necessity of blood sacrifice. He also proclaimed the bodily and the reality of Christ's miracles, including ongoing power available to believers, as essential truths under assault by theological . These positions aligned Sunday with the broader fundamentalist movement, which codified such beliefs in response to perceived erosions in mainline denominations. As a self-identified fundamentalist ordained in the Presbyterian Church in 1903, Sunday embodied resistance to modernism's accommodation of , emphases, and doctrinal . His campaigns railed against "infidel" trends in academia and seminaries, prioritizing personal and conversion over social reform detached from biblical supernaturalism. While not a systematic theologian, Sunday's populist defense of these doctrines influenced millions, reinforcing fundamentalism's cultural footprint before its later institutionalization in the 1920s.

Views on Sin, Salvation, and Society

Billy Sunday regarded as an active, corrupting force that enslaved individuals and eroded moral order, demanding unrelenting personal opposition. He declared, "I'm against . I'll kick it as long as I've got a foot, and I'll fight it as long as I've got a fist. I'll butt it as long as I've got a head. I'll bite it as long as I've got a tooth. Then I'll gum it till I go home to Glory and it goes home to perdition." Sunday identified specific vices—such as alcohol consumption, , dancing, theater attendance, and sexual —as gateways to broader spiritual ruin, preaching that these activities fostered misery and separated from . In sermons, he portrayed not merely as moral failing but as a tangible enemy allied with , capable of ensnaring even the devout if vigilance waned, and he urged audiences to repent immediately to avert eternal consequences like . His graphic depictions of sin's consequences, particularly in men-only meetings, emphasized its physical and social toll, including family destruction and societal decay, without softening for contemporary sensibilities. On salvation, Sunday adhered to a fundamentalist doctrine centered on personal repentance and faith in Jesus Christ's atoning blood as the exclusive path to redemption, rejecting any reliance on human effort or institutional mediation. He taught that sinners forfeited standing with God through transgression, regaining it solely by forsaking sin and accepting Christ's sacrifice, as "a sinner has no standing with God" absent this atonement. Salvation, in his view, was God's free gift received through childlike faith, producing a definite "born-again" transformation rather than gradual moral improvement, and he warned of hell's reality for those neglecting this offer. Sunday dismissed liberal theological trends like modernism, insisting Christianity demanded literal belief in biblical miracles and virgin birth, not intellectual accommodation, and he critiqued organized religion's formalism as insufficient without individual conversion. This soteriology underpinned his revivals, where he called for public commitments to Christ, claiming thousands experienced immediate deliverance from sin's power. Sunday's societal vision integrated evangelical revivalism with conservative moral reform, positing that national health required curbing sin's institutional footholds rather than relying on progressive social . He advocated as essential to combat alcohol's role in corrupting families, politics, and labor conditions, denouncing liquor as a tool of moral anarchy that fueled slums and vice, yet he opposed the Social Gospel's emphasis on systemic change without personal regeneration. In broader terms, he championed patriotism and righteousness during , linking societal vitality to adherence to biblical ethics over elitist or relativistic ideologies, and criticized cultural pursuits like or as symptoms of declining . While addressing urban ills like corruption, Sunday prioritized individual holiness and church-led , arguing that true progress stemmed from mass conversions transforming communities from within, not top-down regulation. His fundamentalism framed society as a battleground against modernism's erosion of absolutes, urging resistance to intellectual in favor of scriptural authority for cultural stability.

Social and Political Engagement

Advocacy for Temperance and Morality

Billy Sunday emerged as a prominent advocate for temperance after his in 1887, framing alcohol consumption as a destructive force undermining personal and societal morality. He frequently depicted saloons as institutions of that fostered , , and family breakdown, arguing that liquor traffic imposed an immense economic burden on communities exceeding any purported benefits. In his sermons, Sunday insisted that true reform required not mere regulation or taxation of alcohol—which he condemned as immoral complicity—but outright to align society with divine principles of righteousness. Central to Sunday's temperance advocacy was his renowned "Booze" sermon, delivered repeatedly during urban campaigns, where he excoriated the liquor industry with vivid rhetoric, proclaiming the saloon as "a liar, a thief, and a murderer" that preyed on the weak. During a 1915 campaign in , he led a massive Prohibition parade on October 6, followed by the sermon the next day, contributing to Colorado's enactment of statewide the subsequent month. Similarly, in in 1917, he drew 70,000 attendees to hear his anti-alcohol message, declaring, "Whiskey and beer are all right in their place, but their place is in hell," which resonated amid growing national momentum for the Eighteenth Amendment. Sunday's campaigns often culminated in pledges from converts to abstain from alcohol, with follow-up committees monitoring compliance to sustain moral reforms. Beyond temperance, Sunday's advocacy extended to broader moral standards, linking sobriety to resistance against , illicit sexuality, and cultural decay, which he saw as interconnected sins eroding Christian virtue. He urged audiences to dismantle not just saloons but any amusements—such as certain dances or theater—that he believed promoted licentiousness, advocating instead for disciplined living rooted in biblical imperatives. In a 1910 appearance in , he exhorted residents to reject liquor ahead of a local vote, portraying temperance as essential to communal purity and prosperity. Even after the Eighteenth Amendment's ratification on January 16, 1919—ratified by 46 states, to which Sunday's revivals are credited with contributing significant evangelical support—he continued campaigning against efforts, warning in 1933 that restoring alcohol would unleash societal chaos. His stance reflected a conviction that moral legislation, enforced through personal conversion and civic action, was causally necessary to curb human vice and foster national vitality.

Stances on War, Patriotism, and Culture

Billy Sunday ardently supported the ' entry into following the declaration of war on on April 6, 1917, framing the conflict as a moral crusade led by Christ as . In a delivered in Buffalo on March 22, 1917, he declared, "Count Billy Sunday in up to his neck when war comes…. will be our ." He portrayed Kaiser Wilhelm II as a satanic figure akin to and quipped that turning hell upside down would reveal it stamped "," equating with profound evil. Sunday's patriotism intertwined national loyalty with Christian duty, asserting during his New York crusade in April 1917 that "loyalty to my country and to Jesus Christ are synonymous." He actively aided the war effort by promoting and Bond sales, claiming to have facilitated $100 million in purchases, and offered his New York tabernacle as a recruiting station. In January 1918, he prayed before the U.S. for victory, vowing that "America’s forces will bury the and his hot-dog gang so deep." He denounced wartime strikers as "traitors of the worst sort" and criticized German intellectual influences, such as "miserable heresy" from universities in and , while linking wartime temperance to broader moral reform culminating in the 18th Amendment's ratification on January 16, 1919. Regarding culture, Sunday condemned modern amusements as gateways to , denouncing dancing as "the dry-rot of " and "the hotbed of iniquity," where participants took liberties unavailable elsewhere. In sermons such as "Dancing, Drinking, Card Playing," he equated theater attendance, card-playing, and dancing with , arguing they eroded moral foundations and led inexorably to greater sins like and drunkenness. He viewed these pursuits as symptomatic of societal decay, advocating instead for disciplined Christian living over worldly entertainments, which he saw as incompatible with true and faith.

Critiques of Progressivism and Elitism

Billy Sunday vehemently opposed modernist , which he saw as eroding core Christian fundamentals through higher criticism and accommodation to . In his sermons, he lambasted German-influenced biblical scholarship, quipping during evangelistic that turning hell upside down would reveal it "," attributing theological liberalism's origins to European that undermined scriptural . This stance aligned with his broader fundamentalist rejection of progressive religious adaptations, including and denial , which he argued substituted human reason for divine revelation. Sunday also critiqued the Social Gospel movement, a hallmark of progressive Protestantism that emphasized systemic social reforms like labor rights and urban improvement over individual salvation. Despite his own condemnations of vices such as political corruption, slum conditions, and exploitative labor—evident in sermons decrying "the saloon, the gambler's den, and the brothel" as societal cancers—he attacked Social Gospel advocates for inverting priorities, insisting true righteousness demanded personal conversion before institutional change. He viewed such approaches as perilously close to socialism, warning that modernist clergy's focus on earthly utopias neglected eternal judgment and biblical atonement. His rhetoric extended to elitism, targeting urban intellectuals and seminary-trained ministers whom he accused of intellectual arrogance and detachment from ordinary believers. Sunday, lacking formal theological education himself, derided the "affectations of the intellectual, urban elite" and assailed institutional churches for harboring higher critics who prioritized academic prestige over scriptural fidelity. This anti-elitist resonated with working-class audiences, positioning Sunday as a defender of "" against credentialed progressives whose theories, he claimed, failed to align with verifiable biblical truth.

Financial Operations and Success

Revenue Sources and Expenditures

Billy Sunday's revival campaigns operated on a model where local committees in host cities guaranteed funding for expenses upfront, typically through subscriptions from businesses, churches, and individuals, while Sunday's personal compensation came from voluntary free-will offerings collected at the campaign's close. These offerings varied by city size and duration but often exceeded $10,000 in early campaigns and reached $50,000 or more in major urban revivals after 1915. For instance, the 1913 campaign yielded $46,000 in offerings to Sunday, while the 1915 effort provided $51,136 and the 1916 series $53,000. Over twelve years of larger campaigns, cumulative free-will offerings to Sunday totaled approximately $1,139,315, excluding amounts allocated to cover operational costs. Operational expenditures were substantial, covering tabernacle construction, staff salaries, advertising, music, and follow-up programs, with local committees raising dedicated funds separate from Sunday's offerings. , temporary wooden structures seating thousands, cost between $4,500 in smaller venues like (1907–1908), and $10,214 in (1912), including lumber and labor. Total campaign expenses could reach $70,000 in large cities like (1916), encompassing $6,000 in staff salaries for ten weeks, while the 1915 , revival incurred $31,482 in running costs before allocating $25,000 to Sunday and $6,000 to charities. Surpluses after expenses frequently supported local benevolences, such as for churches or , with Sunday 10% of his income and directing additional funds to charitable causes. By the mid-1910s, Sunday's annual income approached $200,000 from multiple campaigns, funding a staff of associates (whose salaries were about 10% of gross offerings), travel between cities, and personal assets including a $5,000 Winona Lake home, an fruit farm, and rental property, accumulating to a net worth of roughly $500,000. Critics questioned the scale of offerings amid rising prosperity, but supporters noted campaigns were self-sustaining without fixed fees, with voluntary contributions reflecting public appreciation for results like reported sobriety gains among attendees.

Management Under Nell Sunday

Nell Sunday, born Helen Amelia Thompson, assumed primary responsibility for the operational and financial management of her husband Billy Sunday's evangelistic campaigns beginning in 1908, after the couple hired a to care for their children, allowing her to travel full-time with him. In this capacity, she served as , overseeing planning, correspondence, and coordination with local committees to secure accommodations and resources devoid of influences like nearby bars that could undermine the campaigns' moral focus. Her administrative efforts included handling personnel matters, such as hiring and firing staff, and making key business decisions to ensure campaign efficiency, while Billy Sunday concentrated on preaching. Financially, Nell managed expenditures by paying bills directly—ranging from minor costs like 70 cents for home repairs to larger operational outlays for laundry and campaign logistics—and she played a critical role in salvaging the ministry from early financial instability following Billy's transition to full-time after leaving in 1891. Under Nell's direction, the campaigns evolved from regional efforts into a structured enterprise capable of sustaining large-scale revivals, exemplified by the , series where organizational support contributed to 18,000 reported conversions and $21,000 in funds raised. Her comprehensive programming of spiritual activities and logistical innovations buffered Billy from administrative burdens, enabling nationwide expansion and financial viability amid growing demands.

Responses to Wealth Accusations

Sunday's critics, including some journalists and theological opponents, accused him of and , citing the substantial free-will offerings collected at the conclusion of his revival campaigns, which sometimes exceeded $100,000 per event after covering construction and operational expenses. In response, Sunday maintained that he received no guaranteed salary and relied entirely on voluntary post-campaign donations decided by local committees, emphasizing that these were not solicited through begging or fixed fees. In an August 13, 1909, interview with The Canton Press-News, he countered accusations of graft by comparing his situation to prizefighters such as and (referred to as "Bat Nelson" in contemporary accounts), who amassed fortunes from public purses without similar condemnation, stating, "But these fellows can get the money and nobody accuses them of graft. But let a get together a few dollars and he is immediately called a grafter." He further highlighted personal sacrifices, noting that he had abandoned offers worth $12,000 annually to pursue lower-paid Young Men's Christian Association work and evangelism, and had recently declined $20,000 in circuit engagements to prioritize revival preaching. Sunday also pointed to his pattern of redirecting significant portions of offerings to charitable causes as evidence against personal enrichment, including at least ten percent of income to church and benevolence work while making additional anonymous gifts to missionaries, orphans, and relief efforts. For instance, he donated the full campaign offering of $58,000 to the Pacific Garden Mission, where he had experienced his own conversion, and allocated the $120,500 New York offering to war charities. Supporters corroborated this by noting his family's relatively modest lifestyle despite earnings peaks, with no verified financial scandals emerging over his career.

Controversies and Criticisms

Theological and Methodological Disputes

Billy Sunday's preaching methods provoked disputes among contemporaries for their and departure from conventional decorum. He incorporated athletic flair from his background, including vigorous physical demonstrations like sliding across stages and emphatic gestures, which critics viewed as vaudevillian rather than solemn proclamation. Sermons featured , colloquialisms, and breaches of grammatical norms, offending traditionalists who argued such informality undermined reverence and fostered superficial emotionalism over reflective . Conservative specifically condemned his "scandalously frank" language, which veered into crude depictions of vice, as undignified and potentially alienating serious seekers. Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, in a 1917 address, branded Sunday a detriment to , asserting his tactics inflicted greater damage than outright by vulgarizing divine concepts and prioritizing spectacle. Theological critiques centered on Sunday's perceived doctrinal shallowness and aversion to formal theology, despite his adherence to core fundamentalist tenets such as , the virgin birth, and . He dismissed intricate theological discourse as irrelevant to , declaring "it isn't theology that saves, but Christ" and likening his own grasp of it to a jack-rabbit's comprehension of ping-pong, while faulting creed-focused ministers for neglecting soul-winning urgency. Detractors, including some evangelicals, argued this anti-intellectual bent eroded biblical foundations, emphasizing decisionistic conversions—often tallied in the hundreds of thousands per campaign—over discipleship or creedal , potentially yielding insincere or short-lived commitments. His vehement antimodernism, including attacks on and higher criticism, aligned him with fundamentalism's culture wars but drew charges of that pandered to prejudices rather than advancing rigorous or ecumenical unity.

Family and Personal Scandals

Billy Sunday's three sons—George, William Jr., and Paul—frequently engaged in behaviors directly opposing their father's vehement denunciations of alcohol, , and sexual immorality, leading to well-publicized scandals that tarnished the family's reputation in his . Despite Sunday's role in converting over two million people and his advocacy for temperance, his sons were known for heavy and womanizing, which drew sharp from observers who questioned the authenticity of his evangelistic influence within his own household. These moral lapses extended to financial troubles and personal failures, with the sons mocking Sunday's ministry and maintaining lives amid their . Sunday himself lamented this disconnect, reportedly stating that leading thousands to Christ while failing to reach his own children represented the deepest tragedy of his life. Two of the sons ultimately succumbed to , compounding the family's shortly before Sunday's death in 1935. The scandals intensified scrutiny of Sunday's household, where his wife Nell managed much of the operational side of his campaigns but could not shield the family from public fallout. Critics highlighted these issues as evidence of superficial conversions in Sunday's revivals, though he attributed his sons' rebellions to personal choices rather than flaws in his preaching. His daughter Helen's death in 1932 from illness further darkened the family's , though it was not tied to .

Racial and Social Policies

Billy Sunday conducted segregated revival meetings, allocating separate sessions for in accordance with prevailing and customs in the South, such as during his 1917 where blacks attended designated "Jim Crow" gatherings. In these addresses to black audiences, he promoted paternalistic racial hierarchies, claiming Southern whites were "Negroes' best friends" and urging them to remain in the South rather than migrate northward, where he implied conditions were worse for them. Black leaders, including Atlanta journalist John Hope, criticized these policies as reinforcing inequality rather than advocating gospel-based . Sunday explicitly rejected integrated worship in his campaigns, as evidenced in his 1917 New York tabernacle services where, despite employing an all-black choir, he declared his preaching targeted white audiences and disavowed appeals to convert en masse. His association with Ku Klux Klan sympathizers was indirect but notable; while distancing himself publicly in the 1920s, his musical director Homer Rodeheaver co-authored "The Bright Fiery Cross," a celebrating the Klan's cross-burning rituals, which aligned with Sunday's broader fundamentalist circles. On broader social issues, Sunday espoused nativist positions, decrying from southern and as a source of cultural and moral erosion, consistent with his opposition to urban and labor unions. He viewed such influxes—peaking around 1.2 million arrivals annually in the early —as threats to Protestant American values, linking them to vice like alcohol and that his campaigns targeted. These stances reflected early 20th-century Protestant anxieties over demographic shifts, prioritizing assimilation to Anglo-Saxon norms over multicultural inclusion.

Decline and Final Years

Post-Prohibition Shifts

Following the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment on December 5, 1933, which ended national , Billy Sunday maintained his vehement opposition to alcohol, publicly calling for the law's reintroduction and denouncing the legalization as a moral defeat. In a 1933 address, he energetically attacked the "wet" campaign, reaffirming his lifelong crusade against liquor with characteristic vigor despite his advancing age of 71. However, the eroded the urgency of Sunday's core anti-booze message, contributing to a perceptible shift in his preaching tone toward greater about America's spiritual state. Sermons increasingly emphasized apocalyptic themes, such as the end of the world, reflecting his view that societal into alcohol consumption signaled rather than focusing solely on temperance reform. Revival attendance and overall impact diminished in this period, as cultural attitudes liberalized and Sunday's physical stamina waned, though he persisted in smaller-scale campaigns until 1935. His final sermon, delivered against medical advice just days before his death on November 6, 1935, centered on personal with the biblical query, "What must I do to be saved?"

Health Decline and Death

Billy Sunday's health declined markedly in the early 1930s, exacerbated by the Great Depression's impact on his revival campaigns and personal exhaustion from decades of intense preaching. Physicians advised him to cease activities due to worsening cardiac issues, yet he persisted with smaller-scale revivals alongside his wife Nell. On October 30, 1935, Sunday delivered his final sermon in , defying medical counsel, with the biblical text "What must I do to be saved?" from Acts 16:30. He suffered an pectoris episode early on November 5 but rallied temporarily, engaging in light activities the following day. Sunday died suddenly on November 6, 1935, at approximately 9:15 p.m., from a heart attack at the home of his brother-in-law, florist William J. Thompson; he was 72 years old, just weeks shy of his 73rd birthday. His body was interred at Forest Home Cemetery in .

Legacy

Impact on Evangelicalism

Billy Sunday's evangelistic ministry profoundly influenced evangelicalism by exemplifying and advancing fundamentalist theology during a period of theological upheaval. As a self-identified fundamentalist, Sunday affirmed core doctrines including biblical inerrancy, the virgin birth of Christ, and substitutionary atonement, positioning his campaigns as bulwarks against modernist liberalism infiltrating mainline denominations. His sermons frequently lambasted higher criticism and evolutionary theory, aligning with the emerging fundamentalist movement's defense of orthodox Christianity. This stance resonated with conservative Protestants, reinforcing evangelical commitment to scriptural authority amid cultural shifts toward secularism and scientific rationalism. Sunday's methods revolutionized mass , introducing theatrical, high-energy preaching that drew from his background to engage urban audiences. He preached to an estimated 80 to 100 million people across nearly 300 campaigns from 1896 to 1935, with approximately 1 million individuals publicly committing to faith via the "sawdust trail"—a sawdust-strewn symbolizing the path to conversion. This technique, originating around 1910, emphasized immediate, visible decisions and follow-up through inquiry rooms staffed by trained teams, setting a template for organized revivalism that prioritized quantifiable results and personal accountability. His campaigns featured custom tabernacles seating up to 20,000, blending proclamation with cultural critique, which demonstrated evangelicalism's adaptability to modern America's entertainment-driven sensibilities without compromising doctrinal rigor. By integrating revivalism with social reform—particularly anti-alcohol advocacy tied to personal piety—Sunday modeled an that linked spiritual renewal to moral transformation, influencing the movement's public witness. His success in cities like New York (1917, claiming 68,000 converts) and validated large-scale urban outreach, paving the way for later figures in mass while embedding within broader evangelical practice. However, scholarly assessments note that while immediate attendance surged and local moral climates shifted, long-term church growth from conversions varied, underscoring the challenges of sustaining revivalist fervor.

Societal and Cultural Influence

Billy Sunday's campaigns significantly bolstered the , portraying alcohol as the primary cause of societal ills such as , , and breakdown, which resonated amid rapid and industrial change. His vivid sermons, often depicting saloons as demonic strongholds, mobilized public support for , contributing to the ratification of the Eighteenth Amendment on January 16, 1919. During his 1917 New York City revival, which drew over 1.5 million attendees across multiple campaigns, Sunday's anti-alcohol rhetoric helped sway opinion toward national dry laws, with local business leaders funding tabernacles and prayer meetings to sustain momentum. Sunday's revival style fused athletic vigor from his baseball background with theatrical elements, including dramatic reenactments and crowd participation, transforming into mass entertainment that appealed to working-class audiences transitioning from rural to urban life. Revivals in cities like (over 650,000 attendees in 1918) and (1.5 million total visitors in 1917, with 65,000 reported conversions) fostered communal moral renewal, encouraging habits of sobriety and that business elites credited with improving workplace productivity and social order. This approach normalized high-energy, populist preaching, influencing subsequent cultural depictions of revivalism in American media, such as Frank Sinatra's 1957 song "Chicago (That Toddlin' Town)," which references Sunday as a symbol of the city's moral against vice. Culturally, Sunday reinforced traditional Protestant values against modernism, emphasizing personal responsibility and vice eradication over intellectual critique, which some historians argue embedded anti-elitist sentiments in evangelical discourse. His emphasis on experiential conversion over doctrinal subtlety broadened religion's reach into popular spheres, paving the way for later mass-media evangelism while critiquing urban decay and immigrant influences on American morality. By 1920, his efforts had indirectly shaped national policy and cultural norms, though post-Prohibition repeal in 1933 highlighted limits to enforced moralism.

Historical Evaluations

Historians have evaluated Billy Sunday as a transitional figure in American evangelicalism, bridging 19th-century rural revivalism with 20th-century urban mass evangelism through theatrical methods adapted from his and influences. His campaigns, peaking between and , drew crowds exceeding 100 million attendees across major cities, emphasizing personal conversion amid industrialization and moral upheaval. Scholars like Lyle Dorsett highlight Sunday's sincerity and role in fostering individual moral reform in urban settings, arguing that testimonies of life changes—such as quitting alcohol or reforming dynamics—demonstrate tangible, if unquantifiable, impacts beyond mere attendance figures. Dorsett's assessment counters simplistic metrics by focusing on qualitative shifts in converts' behaviors, supported by archival accounts of sustained church involvement post-revivals. Critics, including William G. McLoughlin, portray Sunday's approach as emblematic of populist spectacle over doctrinal depth, with sermons relying heavily on emotional appeals and slang-filled that prioritized immediate response over theological rigor. McLoughlin's analysis, drawing extensively from Sunday's own sermons (comprising about 80% of his source material), underscores a message critiqued for superficiality, linking personal directly to societal ills like alcohol without addressing structural causes. Evaluations of conversion permanence remain mixed; while some studies note short-term akin to historical "enthusiasm" waves since the 1700s, others question long-term efficacy, citing low follow-through rates in church records and attributing sustained influence more to preparatory committees than Sunday's preaching alone. Contemporary historians also assess Sunday's alliances with business leaders and affluent backers as compromising his populist image, fostering perceptions of in revivalism—evident in high campaign costs funded by pledges and his personal wealth accumulation, which drew charges of exploiting for profit. Despite these, his advocacy for , culminating in the 18th Amendment's ratification on January 16, 1919, is credited with mobilizing public sentiment against alcohol, though post-Repeal analyses (1933) reveal limited enduring temperance gains. Overall, scholarly consensus positions Sunday as culturally influential in popularizing via , yet limited by methodological flaws that prioritized over verifiable spiritual depth.

References

  1. https://www.[cambridge](/page/Cambridge).org/core/journals/journal-of-the-gilded-age-and-progressive-era/article/transformation-in-the-tabernacle-billy-sundays-converts-and-emotional-experience-in-the-progressive-era/35B7C9853CF3AFD1A6BACE37433ECB39
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