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Blic (Cyrillic: Блиц, [ˈbliːt͡s]) is a Serbian web portal covering politics, economy, entertainment, and current events. The first printed edition of Blic was published in 1996, its online portal was launched in 1998, and Blic TV began broadcasting in 2022. Blic is part of Ringier Serbia's portfolio, which belongs to the international media company Ringier, headquartered in Switzerland.

Key Information

Ownership

[edit]

The first issue of Blic, one of the few independent media outlets in Serbia, published by Blic Press d.o.o., was released on September 16, 1996.[2]

The initial owners of Blic, Austria-based businessmen Aleksandar Lupšić and Peter Kolbel, sold the paper along with its parent company Blic Press d.o.o. in November 2000 to Gruner + Jahr, a German publishing firm majority-owned by the Bertelsmann conglomerate, right after the October 5th overthrow in Serbia.[3] Initially, G+J bought 49% stake in Blic Press d.o.o.,[4] but eventually bought the remaining stake as well.

In March 2003, Gruner + Jahr sold its 25.1% stake in Blic Press d.o.o. to Vienna Capital Partners (VCP)[5] while retaining the remaining 74.9%.[6]

After buying 74.9% stake in Blic Press d.o.o. from Gruner+Jahr in January 2004,[7]

In 2010, when Ringier AG and Axel Springer SE launched a new joint venture Ringier Axel Springer Media, Blic got incorporated among the assets of the newly created joint venture entity while Ringier d.o.o. in Serbia changed its name to Ringier Axel Springer d.o.o.

In 2021, the media company Ringier announced and completed the acquisition of Axel Springer SE's shares, making Ringier Serbia once again 100% Swiss-owned.[8]

In 2022, Blic TV was launched, and Blic Sport evolved into Sportal.rs.

Assets

[edit]

Print

[edit]

Since its founding, Blic became a centerpiece of several other publications since its founding. They included:

  • Alo! (Blic's sister daily tabloid and sold in 2017)[9]
  • Euro Blic (Blic issue for Republika Srpska started 1999)
  • Blic Žena (started in November 2004)
  • Blic Puls (celebrity gossip weekly magazine started in March 2006)
  • 24 sata (free weekly newspaper that previously ran as a free daily from October 2006 and is no longer published)
  • Auto Bild (Serbian version of the German magazine, launched in 2010 after Ringier created a joint venture with Axel Springer, and the license has been sold)

Digital

[edit]

Blic news website incorporates news content from the Blic daily newspaper as well as from other publications under the Ringer umbrella in Serbia. Since the late 2000s, Blic is among the most visited websites in Serbia, according to Gemius Audience research.[citation needed] Other online offerings from Ringier in Serbia include PulsOnline.rs and Zena.rs.

History

[edit]

The newspaper was founded in September 1996[10] by a group of Austria-based businessmen that included Peter Kolbel and Aleksandar Lupšić, who simultaneously bought Bratislava's Nový čas though the original newspaper had been started a year before (in 1995, as weekly) and had drawn some journalists who had previously been working for Borba and Nasa Borba. At the time of his investment in Blic, Lupšić had strong ties to Milošević's wife Mira Marković and her party Yugoslav Left (JUL).

The first issue of Blic appeared on September 16, 1996 thus becoming the 10th daily newspaper to be published in FR Yugoslavia at the time (the other nine being Politika, Borba, Dnevnik, Pobjeda, Narodne novine, Večernje novosti, Politika ekspres, Naša borba, and Dnevni telegraf).[11]

Prior to that, the same group took over a Prague newspaper where they gained valuable publishing experience which encouraged them to go on further. For their Serbian operation, the owners got seasoned journalist Manojlo "Manjo" Vukotić to be the editor-in-chief.[12]

Just like many other media operations in Serbia from the 1990s and beyond, Blic's ownership structure was murky as well. It was controlled by an entity called Blic Press d.o.o. - a limited liability company registered in Belgrade in March 1996. Blic Press' owners according to the Serbian Business Register were listed to be Milorad Perovic, a resident of Belgrade (51%) and Liechtenstein-based company named Mitsui Securities Eastern Europe Fund AG (49%) whose owners were not listed.[12]

Starting out, Blic was a typical stripped-down tabloid with short and simple stories, as well as a lot of entertainment content. Its first issues were circulated in 50,000 copies per day with the price set at 1 dinar. It also ran a heavily advertised sweepstakes with the grand prize being a Volkswagen Polo Classic car and DM30,000. As a result of the sweepstakes, the paper's circulation increased by 30% within only a couple of weeks of the first issue.[12]

1996–1997 protests

[edit]

In November 1996, local municipal elections were held across Serbia. The opposition, headed by the DS and SPO, parties made big gains at the expense of Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS). Milošević refused to recognize the results, thus sparking a huge outpouring of street protests. Blic capitalized on this to further its position on the market through fair coverage of the events ignored by the government-controlled media. The decision turned out to be a business winner in the short term as circulation rapidly grew to 200,000 copies a day.[12]

The government responded immediately by restricting Blic's access to print and distribution facilities as the state printing house refused to print any more than 80,000 copies of the paper. The problem first appeared when it came time to print the 29 November 1996 holiday 4-day issue (FR Yugoslavia at the time still celebrated the old SFR Yugoslavia's day of the republic) as the state-owned Borba printing facility informed Blic staff that it would not able to print the holiday issue in the requested 235,000 copies "due to technical reasons" and instead offered to print about a third of that.[12] The holiday issue still appeared on newsstands in projected circulation as some of it got printed at Borba and the rest in privately owned ABC Produkt. However, the issue that appeared was a complete whitewash, abandoning the paper's new concept and going back to entertainment and frivolity. Forty three journalists employed at Blic immediately publicly distanced themselves from the issue, and editor-in-chief Manjo Vukotić and his deputy Cvijetin Milivojević resigned in protest.[12]

The most controversial part of the issue was the pro-government op-ed piece under the headline "Nećemo da podstičemo nasilje" (We won't encourage violence) signed by Peter Kolbel who wrote it claiming to represent the paper's owners. In the piece he criticizes the protesters and indirectly supports the government, saying among other things that "Yugoslavia needs creative people and not wolves who follow the alpha wolf and hunt in packs" - a veiled reference to opposition leader Vuk Drašković whose first name Vuk translates to "wolf". Clearly, since certain influential individuals within the state apparatus were unhappy with the paper's reporting, Blic made guarantees to decrease reporting on the protests and to decrease circulation for the time being. Blic publishers caved in under state pressure and drastically reduced the number of political pages.[12]

Blic owners faced a lot of criticism over their decision to give in to the authorities. The move was criticized by many of its journalists and editors along with the Serbian opposition. As a response, in December 1996, the journalists and editors formed their own newspaper Demokratija that had the support of opposition Democratic Party (DS).[13] Still, Vukotić and many of the staffers that originally distanced themselves from the paper returned to Blic shortly and for a few months put out a stripped-down version of the paper with only 60,000 copies printed each day.

All in all, as a result of the unsavory episode, Blic quickly lost half its circulation, as well as many of its journalistic staff who resigned in protest.

Blic then contracted a new printing house, resumed a critical line and soon increased its circulation to nearly 160,000.[14]

Glas javnosti

[edit]

In April 1998, Blic experienced another fragmentation of its staff when due to disagreements with owner Aca Lupšić over revenue sharing, editor-in-chief Manjo Vukotić decided to step out on his own. Majority of the staff followed him. They then hooked up with another businessman Radisav Rodić (owner of the printing company ABC Produkt that printed daily issues of Blic and its offshoots) and under his financial backing started a new paper called Glas javnosti (the first five issues were called Novi Blic). Rodić thus entered the world of newspaper publishing.

The 'Suitcase' affair

[edit]

In early 2006, Blic created a storm of controversy by claiming in its 4 February 2006 issue that the 11 January arrest of Dejan Simić, National Bank of Serbia vice-governor (who was taken in red-handed at his apartment while accepting a €100,000 bribe from Vladimir Zagrađanin of SPS), actually had a completely different background from what the police and Serbian government authorities told the public. The newspaper alleged that Dušan Lalić, an NBS employee and deputy PM Miroljub Labus' son-in-law, was actually the individual behind the bribing. The story further alleged that deputy PM Labus spent an entire night convincing Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica not to prosecute his son-in-law.[15]

And finally, the story also accused Serbian Interior Minister Dragan Jočić of stopping the police investigation from climbing up the chain of command and thus preventing the arrests of NBS governor Radovan Jelašić and the above-mentioned Dušan Lalić, as well as SPS' Ivica Dačić who was present in the mentioned apartment minutes before the police stormed in. The paper voiced its fear that the minority coalition government, which held a shaky 5-seat parliamentary support at the time, would fall as Jočić's motivation for disrupting the thorough police action.[16]

All of the parties concerned (Labus, Lalić, Jočić, Jelašić, and Dačić) vehemently rubbished the story, with Labus announcing immediate legal action against Blic for libel.

In March 2007, the parent company announced Blic's average daily circulation during the 2006 calendar year to be 180,948.[17]

Ratko Knežević interview

[edit]

On July 27, 2009, Blic published an interview with Ratko Knežević, former Montenegrin trade representative in Washington, D.C., and former close friend of Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Đukanović (Knežević was the best man at Đukanović's wedding). The Blic interview came couple of days after Knežević gave a similarly explosive interview to Montenegrin daily Vijesti in which he effectively accused Đukanović and his associate Stanko Subotić of ordering the October 2008 murder of Croatian journalist Ivo Pukanić. Knežević also provided many alleged details of the decades-long cigarette smuggling operation, Đukanović had been involved in.[18]

Conducted by journalist Nenad Jaćimović, the focus of the Blic interview was on cigarette smuggling operations through Serbia during the 1990s and its political fallout that continues to this day. In the interview, Knežević accused Đukanović, Subotić and their "cigarette smuggling cartel" of defrauding the Serbian budget of €300 million in unpaid taxes with the help of Jovica Stanišić, Serbian former state security chief and Milošević's second in command.[19] Knežević further alleged that since the regime change in Serbia, Đukanović and Subotić needed a "friendly" government in Belgrade and to that end tried their best for years to reach a deal with Serbian president Boris Tadić and his circle. After allegedly getting nowhere with Tadić, according to Knežević, they then turned their attention to other players on the Serbian political scene such as Tomislav Nikolić and Aleksandar Vučić who met with Đukanović and Subotić during October 2007 in Paris' Ritz Hotel. Furthermore, according to Knežević, for this Đukanović and Subotić had the support of former DGSE intelligence operative Arnaud Danjean. Knežević also claimed that the cigarette cartel also poses a security threat to Boris Tadić and that even Croatian president Stipe Mesić gave Tadić documents during their meeting in Sofia on April 25, 2009 warning him of possible attacks on him.[20]

Subotić announced that he would sue Blic for libel.[21] After Subotić wrote a press release that was distributed in Balkan print media outlets on August 11, 2009, in which he denies Knežević's charges and further questions Knežević's and Blic editor-in-chief Veselin Simonović's professional and moral credibility,[22] Knežević wrote a lengthy response saying that he stands by every word from his Vijesti, Blic and NIN interviews. In the same response, Knežević also provided further details of the murders of Radovan "Badža" Stojičić, Jusuf "Jusa" Bulić, Vanja Bokan, Goran Žugić, Darko "Beli" Raspopović, and Blagota "Baja" Sekulić (all of which he claimed are connected to cigarette smuggling with the murders of Stojičić, Bulić, and Bokan directly ordered and approved by Stanišić, Subotić, and Đukanović) by directly naming the individuals that carried them out as well as those that ordered them.[23]

The Case of Milutin Jeličić Jutka

[edit]

One of Blic's landmark investigations was the case of Milutin Jeličić Jutka, a prominent local political figure in Brus. Jutka, leveraging his political influence, was accused of sexually harassing female employees within the municipality he governed. Thanks to Blic's detailed reporting, the case gained significant public attention, culminating in Jutka's conviction and prison sentence.[24]

The Case of Miroslav Aleksić

[edit]

Another high-profile investigation by Blic involved Miroslav Mika Aleksić, a children's acting coach in Belgrade, accused of raping and sexually abusing multiple underage students. Blic was the first to report on this case, which sparked nationwide outrage. The trial is ongoing, with a first-instance verdict expected in 2024.[25]

Awards

[edit]

October 2016: Vladimir Živojinović, photojournalist - Interfer award for the series of photos “Migrants Idomeni”[26]

June 2022: Marica Jovanović, award for the best article by young journalists[27]

February 2021: Jelena Medić, for the series "Mothers of Champions" (before Sportal existed)[28]

March 2021: Ivana Mastilović Jasnić, for articles about sexual predators Jutka and Miroslav Aleksić[29]

September 2022: Mitar Mitrović, photojournalist for the photo "Collision"[30]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Blic

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
(Cyrillic: Блиц) is a Serbian tabloid-style news portal founded in 1996 as a printed daily newspaper and now primarily operating as the country's most visited online media outlet, owned by Ringier Serbia d.o.o.. Covering politics, economy, society, entertainment, sports, and current events, Blic has maintained dominance in web traffic metrics, ranking first among Serbian sites for over 162 consecutive months as of mid-2025 according to independent analytics services. Its success stems from a mix of timely reporting, sensationalist headlines, and multimedia expansions, including partnerships like BBC News in Serbian since 2024 and the launch of Blic TV available nationwide via cable networks. While praised for broad accessibility and high engagement, Blic has drawn criticism for tabloid tendencies and occasional controversial content, such as offensive videos on its platforms, amid Serbia's polarized media environment where independent outlets face pressures from political influences.

Ownership

Current Ownership Structure

Blic is published by Ringier Serbia d.o.o., a wholly owned of AG, a Swiss multinational media and headquartered in . AG acquired full control of its Serbian operations in February 2022 by purchasing the 50% stake previously held by in their , Ringier Axel Springer Media AG, thereby making Ringier Serbia 100% owned by the Swiss parent entity. This structure positions Blic within AG's Central and Eastern European portfolio, which emphasizes digital media expansion and holds no reported minority stakes or external investors in the Serbian as of October 2025. AG itself is privately held by the Ringier family, with Michael Ringier serving as Chairman of the Board of Directors.

Historical Ownership Changes

Blic was established on April 2, 1996, by Austrian investors Aleksandar Lupšić and Peter Kolbel via the company Blic Press d.o.o., positioning it as an independent tabloid amid Serbia's restricted media environment under . Following the overthrow of Milošević in October 2000, German publisher entered as a co-owner on November 28, 2000, acquiring a 49% stake in Blic Press d.o.o. and assuming operational influence, which marked a shift toward foreign in Serbian media post-regime change. Gruner + Jahr sold its controlling interest in Blic to Swiss media group Ringier AG in early 2004, with the acquisition of a 74.9% stake completed by October 2004, transitioning the outlet to full Swiss ownership and emphasizing profit-driven editorial strategies thereafter.

Operations and Assets

Blic's print operations commenced with the publication of its inaugural daily edition on September 16, 1996, achieving an initial print run of approximately 300,000 copies despite operating in a politically restrictive environment under the Milošević regime. Early production relied on state-controlled facilities like the Borba publishing house, which imposed limits on output; for instance, in late 1996, Borba refused to print beyond 70,000 copies of an intended 250,000-copy run, citing resource constraints amid Blic's critical stance against the government. This led to temporary disruptions, after which Blic shifted to alternative printing arrangements, enabling resumption of operations and subsequent circulation growth. In 2004, following foreign investment, established the APM Print facility in specifically to handle Blic's full print production, marking a shift toward in-house control and improved efficiency. APM Print, owned by Serbia (later under the ), expanded its capacity and underwent significant modernization in , incorporating advanced technology to become the most sophisticated plant in the at the time. Located on Ulica Milutina Milankovića, the facility now processes the majority of 's daily needs, accounting for 70-80% of the market, including Blic's tabloid-format editions. Blic maintains daily print publication as a core operation, with its 10,000th edition issued in January 2025, reflecting sustained output over nearly three decades. Amid broader declines in Serbia's print media sector—where average daily readership has halved between 2016 and 2022—Blic's operations continue via APM Print's coldset technology, supporting distribution through Ringier-affiliated networks like Transpress. This infrastructure has enabled consistent production of full-color, tabloid-style newspapers focused on news, , and , though exact recent circulation figures remain proprietary and reflective of industry-wide digital shifts.

Digital and Online Presence

Blic's primary digital platform is its , blic.rs, which serves as a comprehensive delivering news on , , , , and culture. The site has maintained the position of Serbia's most visited news portal for 154 consecutive months as of October 2024, attracting 3,352,368 unique users from that month—representing 70% of the nation's population—and averaging over one million daily visitors. This dominance persisted into 2025, with an average of 1,172,974 daily visitors from in January alone, outpacing competitors by significant margins in key sections like news. Independent metrics from agencies such as and Gemius consistently rank blic.rs as the top news site in the country, with primary traffic originating from (63.22% of visits) followed by neighboring (9.19%). Complementing the website, Blic offers dedicated mobile applications for Android and devices, facilitating on-the-go access to , videos, weather forecasts, and interactive features like . The Android app, developed by Serbia, has surpassed 1,000,000 downloads, though user ratings average 1.8 out of 5, reflecting mixed feedback on usability and content delivery. These apps mirror the website's content structure, emphasizing rapid updates and integration to capture mobile-first audiences in Serbia's increasingly landscape. Blic's online operations emphasize high-traffic digital reach under ownership, achieving a 76% in Serbia's digital news sector in 2024 through optimized user engagement and content syndication. While specific social media follower counts vary, the outlet maintains presences on platforms like for supplementary visual content and audience interaction, aligning with broader trends where Serbian media leverage social networks to amplify . This multi-platform strategy underscores Blic's transition from print origins to a digitally dominant entity, prioritizing empirical audience data over traditional metrics.

Additional Media Ventures

Ringier Serbia, operator of Blic, maintains a portfolio of specialized digital platforms beyond the primary Blic.rs news site. These include Sportal.rs, dedicated to coverage and part of the broader Sports Media Group; Žena.rs, focusing on women's lifestyle and health topics; Pulsonline.rs, emphasizing celebrity news and entertainment; Superrecepti.rs, offering recipes and culinary content; and Ana.rs, a community forum for user discussions. Classifieds platforms such as Nekretnine.rs for real estate and Mojauto.rs for automotive listings also form part of the digital ecosystem, integrating media with marketplace services. In print, Ringier Serbia publishes Blic Žena, a weekly supplement targeting female audiences with features on fashion, family, and advice, complementing the daily Blic . A significant expansion occurred in 2022 with the launch of Blic TV, Ringier Serbia's inaugural channel. Announced on September 20, 2022, and commencing broadcasts on October 4, 2022, Blic TV delivers , information, and exclusive entertainment programming to viewers in , Republika Srpska, and via cable providers, marking the company's entry into broadcast media. By 2025, integrations like enhanced sports content via Sportal.rs upgrades further bolstered the group's multimedia offerings.

Founding and Early History

Establishment in 1996

Blic Press d.o.o., the publishing company behind the newspaper, was founded on April 2, 1996, by a group of journalists led by Peter Kelbel and Aleksandar Lupšić, with initial operations based in Belgrade's Beograđanka skyscraper. The venture emerged amid limited press freedom in under President Slobodan Milošević's regime, where state-controlled outlets dominated and independent voices faced censorship and resource constraints. The first issue of Blic, a daily tabloid, appeared on September 16, 1996, positioning it as the tenth daily newspaper in the at the time and one of the scarce independent publications challenging official narratives. Founders Kelbel, an Austrian media executive, and Lupšić, who had prior experience launching newspapers in , invested in printing and distribution infrastructure to ensure viability despite and political pressures. Early editions emphasized uncensored reporting on domestic and social issues, quickly gaining readership among urban audiences seeking alternatives to regime-aligned media like Politika. From inception, Blic adopted a middle-market tabloid format with concise articles and bold headlines, reflecting Lupšić's model from prior ventures, though initial print runs were modest—starting around copies—due to printing disputes with state-affiliated facilities. This establishment laid the groundwork for Blic's role as an oppositional voice, though its relied on foreign backing and avoidance of direct regime confrontation in early content.

Role in 1996–1997 Protests

Blic, established on , , emerged as one of the few independent daily newspapers in to offer objective and detailed coverage of the mass protests that began on November 17, , in and rapidly spread to and other cities. These demonstrations, involving students, opposition supporters, and citizens, protested alleged in the November 17 local elections, where Milošević's annulled opposition victories in major urban centers. Unlike state-controlled media, which downplayed or ignored the events, Blic reported on the growing crowds—reaching tens of thousands by late November—with a print run initially set at 250,000 copies, helping to amplify public awareness and sustain protester morale amid regime denial. The newspaper's unflinching reporting provoked swift retaliation from Milošević's regime, which exerted pressure on the state-owned Borba printing house to cap Blic's distribution at 70,000 copies starting in late November 1996, severely hampering its reach during the protests' peak. Editors, including deputy Cvijetin Milivojević, reported direct instructions to minimize political content and avoid covering demonstrations, reflecting broader efforts to muzzle independent amid the unrest. This suppression mirrored tactics against other outlets but highlighted Blic's role as a rare counter-narrative source, fostering a sense of among protesters who relied on its accounts for unfiltered information. Blic's persistence through these restrictions contributed to the protests' endurance, which involved daily marches, student blockades, and until February 11, 1997, when Milošević conceded via the "lex specialis" agreement recognizing some opposition wins under international pressure. The outlet's coverage not only documented events like the November 29 marches—where protesters hurled eggs and paint at —but also underscored media fragility under authoritarian control, prompting internal responses such as newsroom initiatives to circumvent . Independent monitors, including the , noted Blic's efforts as emblematic of the era's press freedom struggles, though its tabloid style occasionally blended with factual protest reporting.

Transition to Glas Javnosti

In 1998, a faction of 's , headed by Manojlo "Manjo" Vukotić—who had originally conceptualized the in 1996—split from the publication to launch the independent daily Glas Javnosti. This departure came after Vukotić's demotion from deputy editor-in-chief in 1997, when Veselin Simonović, a journalist previously associated with outlets like Borba and , assumed that role. The schism reflected mounting internal tensions and external challenges faced by Serbia's nascent amid the Milošević government's suppression of opposition voices, including fines, asset freezes, and printing disruptions targeting critical dailies. Glas Javnosti emerged as a direct competitor, carrying forward a similar oppositional stance while Blic adapted under new leadership. Veselin Simonović subsequently became Blic's post-split, implementing a redesign that preserved the paper's substantial circulation amid the competitive landscape. The event marked a pivotal shift for Blic, transitioning from Vukotić's foundational influence toward a restructured operation capable of navigating ongoing pressures, though both outlets remained vulnerable to state interference into the late 1990s.

Ownership and Expansion Under Foreign Investors

Gruner+Jahr Acquisition

In late 2000, shortly after the overthrow of President on , the German publishing company AG & Co. entered into ownership of Blic Press d.o.o., the entity behind the Blic daily newspaper. On November 28, 2000, became a co-founder of the company, acquiring a 49% stake amid ongoing challenges in Serbia's media sector following the . This move represented an early foreign investment in Serbian print media during a period of political transition, when Blic faced production disruptions and difficulties in securing newsprint supplies. The acquisition positioned as a key partner in Blic's operations, collaborating with existing stakeholders including the Swiss Group, whose tabloid had served as a model for Blic's format since its 1996 founding. , then a of , leveraged its expertise in international magazine and newspaper publishing to support Blic's expansion in a nascent democratic environment. Reports from the era indicate the stake was part of broader efforts by firms to bolster independent in post-Milošević , though specific financial terms of the deal remain undisclosed in available records. Under Gruner + Jahr's partial ownership, Blic maintained its role as a high-circulation tabloid, navigating economic while introducing professionalized editorial and distribution practices influenced by European standards. This period marked a shift toward greater , with circulation stabilizing despite macroeconomic pressures, setting the stage for further foreign-led transformations in subsequent years. The underscored Gruner + Jahr's of entering Central and Eastern European markets through joint ventures, though it later divested its holdings to in 2004.

Ringier Buyout and Integration

In early 2004, Swiss media company AG acquired Blic from German publisher , marking its entry into the n market. The transaction positioned Blic as Ringier's flagship asset in Serbia, with the company leveraging its expertise in tabloid publishing to stabilize and expand operations amid post-Milošević economic challenges, including paper supply issues. Post-acquisition, prioritized profitability, introducing efficiencies in production, distribution, and advertising that aligned Blic more closely with commercial media models prevalent in . This shift manifested in editorial adjustments toward and reader engagement to boost revenues, departing from the outlet's earlier activist roots. Paid circulation rose by 20% in , reflecting successful initial integration and market adaptation. Ringier integrated Blic into its Central and Eastern European division, investing in infrastructure such as modern printing facilities and digital precursors to enhance competitiveness against state-influenced media. By 2006, this foundation enabled further acquisitions, like the weekly NIN magazine, consolidating 's dominance in Serbia's print sector before the 2010 with .

Ringier Axel Springer Joint Venture

In July 2010, Swiss-based AG and German publisher formed Axel Springer Media AG as a to oversee their combined media assets in , including operations in . The entity managed a portfolio of newspapers, magazines, and digital platforms, with integrated as a core print and online brand alongside titles like NIN. This structure allowed for shared resources in content production, distribution, and , leveraging 's expertise in tabloid formats and 's regional printing capabilities. Under the , Blic's operations shifted toward multimedia expansion, with increased investment in its website blic.rs, which grew to encompass , entertainment, and classifieds sections. The company prioritized Blic as its primary journalistic brand in , streamlining assets by divesting non-core holdings; on June 1, 2017, Ringier Axel Springer sold the competing daily tabloid Alo! to an undisclosed buyer, redirecting focus to Blic's print editions, digital portals, and ancillary services like . Circulation and online traffic for Blic reportedly stabilized during this period, supported by joint venture synergies in technology and market adaptation. The partnership maintained operational control through the Serbian subsidiary d.o.o., which handled Blic's editorial and commercial activities until regulatory approvals for ownership changes. This phase marked a consolidation of foreign in Serbia's media sector, enabling Blic to compete amid declining print revenues by emphasizing digital revenue streams, though exact financial metrics for the Serbian operations remained undisclosed in public filings.

Full Ringier Ownership

In July 2021, AG announced its agreement to acquire SE's shares in their operations across multiple Eastern European markets, including , where the partnership encompassed ownership of Blic and related digital and print assets. The transaction aimed to consolidate 's control in these regions while preserving the existing structure in . The acquisition was finalized on February 17, 2022, resulting in gaining 100% ownership of the Serbian , Ringier Serbia d.o.o., which operates as its flagship publication alongside other titles such as NIN and specialized magazines. This shift ended the collaboration in , established in prior years to combine printing, digital, and editorial capabilities. Under full Ringier ownership, Blic continued its operations as a leading Serbian news portal and tabloid, with emphasizing sustained investment in digital expansion and content production. The company reported no immediate structural changes to Blic's editorial or following the , focusing instead on integrating the assets into 's broader Eastern European portfolio.

Editorial Evolution and Content Strategy

Shifts in Editorial Leadership

In 1998, following the departure of a faction of the editorial board led by Manojlo Vukotić to establish the rival publication Glas javnosti, Veselin Simonović assumed the role of editor-in-chief of Blic, a position he held for the next 16 years. Simonović, who had joined as deputy editor prior to the split, oversaw the outlet's transformation amid Serbia's political upheavals, including the 2000 regime change, emphasizing investigative reporting and circulation growth to make Blic Serbia's highest-circulation daily. On December 15, 2014, amid ownership transitions under the , Simonović transitioned to editorial director, responsible for content strategy and mentoring, while Marko Stjepanović, a Blic who joined in 1998 and had advanced through roles in crime reporting and deputy editorship, was appointed . This shift aligned with efforts to integrate print and digital operations, reflecting broader industry moves toward multimedia convergence. By September 2016, as Blic delineated responsibilities between its print and online editions, Predrag Mihailović, previously deputy editor of the integrated newsroom, became of the print version, while Stjepanović retained oversight of the digital portal Blic.rs. Mihailović's tenure focused on sustaining print relevance amid declining sales, though he later shifted to roles at Ringier-affiliated sports outlets like Sportal by 2022. In 2020, Stjepanović consolidated authority as for both print and online editions, streamlining leadership under full ownership and emphasizing digital-first strategies. This unification occurred as Blic expanded into television in 2022, with Stjepanović maintaining editorial direction amid ongoing adaptations to audience shifts toward online consumption. No further major leadership changes have been reported as of 2025, with Stjepanović continuing in the role.

Development of Sensationalist Tabloid Style

Blic initially launched in as a compact tabloid-format daily with concise articles, heavy emphasis on , and simplified narratives aimed at broad accessibility amid Serbia's restricted media environment under . This foundational approach prioritized readability over in-depth analysis, reflecting early commercial imperatives in an opposition-aligned outlet facing . Following the democratic transition after , 2000, Serbia's media landscape underwent rapid and , fostering widespread tabloidization as outlets competed for readership in a post-authoritarian market with limited advertising revenue. Blic, sold by its founders in November 2000, experienced editorial evolution under foreign investment starting with Gruner + Jahr's 49% stake acquisition in , which introduced Western commercial strategies emphasizing over traditional journalism. By January 2004, Ringier's purchase of 74.9% from Gruner + Jahr solidified this trajectory, repositioning Blic explicitly as the Serbian adaptation of Ringier's flagship Swiss tabloid Blick, known for its formula of provocative headlines, scandal-driven stories, and human-interest sensationalism to maximize circulation. This foreign-influenced model accelerated Blic's shift toward heightened , incorporating elements, anonymous sourcing for dramatic claims, and amplified coverage of celebrities, crimes, and personal scandals to differentiate from emerging rivals like (launched 2003 as a tabloid successor to Glas Javnosti). Market data from 2010 indicated Blic's readership at 14.5%, sustained partly through this style amid competition from pro-government tabloids like Informer (2012), which further pressured legacy outlets to adopt bombastic reporting for survival. Critics, including media analysts, have noted this evolution compromised depth for spectacle, with Blic increasingly relying on exaggerated narratives despite retaining a veneer of opposition-era credibility. By the , digital expansion via Blic.rs amplified these traits through algorithm-driven content, prioritizing viral, emotive pieces over substantive analysis.

Expansion into New Outlets

Blic initially expanded beyond its print edition with the launch of its online portal, Blic.rs, in 1999, which was redesigned in 2007 to align with evolving digital standards while maintaining the editorial line of the daily newspaper. This move marked an early adaptation to internet-based consumption in Serbia, enabling real-time updates and multimedia content alongside traditional reporting. Under Serbia's ownership, which became full in 2022 following the divestment, the company further diversified by entering television broadcasting. Blic TV, the group's first owned , commenced operations on October 3, 2022, as a cable outlet focused on verified information, , and adapted European media formats tailored to Serbian audiences. By April 2025, Blic TV expanded its reach nationwide through integration into the SBB cable network on channel 17, contributing to Ringier's portfolio growth with modern programming that has attracted an increasing viewership. This television venture represented a strategic extension of Blic's into media, leveraging the outlet's established digital and print presence to compete in Serbia's fragmented media landscape.

Political Stance and Media Bias

Historical Opposition Roots

Blic was founded in September 1996 by Austrian businessman Peter Kelbel and Serbian journalist Aleksandar Lupsic, emerging as a rare independent daily in a media landscape dominated by state-controlled outlets under President Slobodan Milošević's . With an initial print run reaching 250,000 copies by late November, the newspaper quickly distinguished itself by providing uncensored coverage of political events, including widespread demonstrations against the government's annulment of opposition victories in municipal elections held on November 17, 1996. This stance positioned Blic as one of the few outlets aligning with protesters, who accused Milošević of , thereby fostering its popularity among urban youth and opposition supporters amid a climate of and . The newspaper faced immediate regime backlash for its reporting on the protests, which escalated into Serbia's largest anti-government mobilization since Milošević's rise, involving hundreds of thousands in and other cities. State-owned printing facilities, such as the Borba publishing house, refused to produce over 70,000 copies of Blic editions deemed too critical of the authorities, forcing workarounds and highlighting the regime's efforts to suppress dissenting voices. In response to direct orders to cease coverage, Blic's entire resigned en masse, yet the outlet persisted, symbolizing resistance in a period when were systematically marginalized through economic pressures, legal harassment, and physical threats. Blic's early oppositional role contributed to the erosion of Milošević's information monopoly, amplifying calls for democratic reforms and sustaining public awareness of electoral irregularities through persistent, fact-based reporting. By maintaining sales exceeding 300,000 daily copies during the protest wave, it not only challenged the regime's narrative but also prompted countermeasures, such as the launch of pro-government tabloids aimed at discrediting opposition figures covered favorably in Blic. This foundational commitment to adversarial laid the groundwork for Blic's reputation as a bulwark against authoritarian control, influencing Serbia's media ecosystem until Milošević's overthrow in October 2000.

Current Editorial Orientation

Blic maintains a tabloid editorial orientation focused on sensationalist reporting across , , , and scandals, prioritizing attention-grabbing headlines and visual elements over in-depth analysis. This style, evident in its daily front pages and online content, emphasizes emotional appeals and conflict-driven narratives to drive high traffic, with over 10 million monthly unique visitors reported in recent metrics. Its coverage often aligns with the ruling (SNS) under President , including favorable portrayals of government policies and frequent platforms for official interviews, such as Vučić's direct engagements with the outlet on national issues. Despite this pro-government lean, Blic differentiates from outlets like Informer and by adopting a more pro-Western foreign policy stance, notably condemning Russia's invasion of in explicit editorials labeling Putin as the aggressor and as the defender—a position articulated prominently on its front page in September 2022 and maintained amid Serbia's official neutrality. This contrasts with the pro-Russian narratives dominant in other SNS-aligned media, reflecting partial influenced by its foreign ownership under . Domestically, however, it has been critiqued for downplaying opposition protests and amplifying regime-friendly frames, contributing to accusations of selective bias in election coverage where government figures receive disproportionate positive airtime. The outlet's content strategy balances populist appeal with occasional critical reporting on or social issues, but analyses indicate systemic favoritism toward SNS narratives, with opposition actors often framed negatively or marginalized. This orientation sustains high readership among younger demographics via integration, where 67% of Serbians rely on such platforms for news, amplifying Blic's reach despite broader distrust in tabloid media.

Accusations of Government Alignment

Blic has been accused by independent analysts and opposition groups of aligning its coverage with the Serbian under President and the (SNS), particularly through selective reporting that favors official narratives while downplaying criticism. In a 2022 analysis of media responses to the , the Atlantic Initiative, a Belgrade-based NGO focused on democratic , classified Blic as pro-government print media, distinguishing it from more overtly pro-Russian outlets but noting its reluctance to challenge government positions on . This assessment reflects broader concerns in Serbia's media landscape, where state advertising and regulatory pressures incentivize alignment, though Blic's Swiss ownership by provides some insulation compared to domestically controlled tabloids like Informer or . Such accusations intensified during periods of public unrest. In 2023, amid the Serbian Movement Against Violence protests following high-profile shootings, demonstrators explicitly targeted Blic alongside other tabloids for allegedly amplifying government-friendly rhetoric, including against opposition figures and minimization of systemic linked to political networks. Critics, including protest organizers, argued that Blic's sensationalist style often echoed SNS talking points, such as portraying protests as foreign-instigated or opposition-led destabilization efforts, thereby contributing to a on . These claims are contested by Blic's management, which maintains under , but persistent reliance on government-sourced information without rigorous verification has fueled skepticism from watchdogs like the Independent Journalists' Association of Serbia (), which documented over 200 press freedom violations in 2022, many involving pro-alignment pressures on outlets like Blic. Empirical analyses of comment sections and front-page coverage further underpin these accusations. A 2022 Global Voices study of Serbian portals found Blic's platform, while closing comments to curb pro-Russian —unlike peers—still hosted narratives aligning with official stances on integration and , avoiding deep scrutiny of Vučić's administration amid economic dependencies on state ads, which constitute up to 70% of revenue for major dailies per Institute data. Despite these critiques, Blic's foreign stewardship has led some observers, including reports on media capture, to view it as relatively less captured than state-influenced broadcasters, attributing alignment risks more to market survival than direct control.

Coverage of Foreign Policy Actors

Blic's coverage of foreign policy actors has consistently reflected biases observed in pro-government Serbian media, portraying and positively while adopting a predominantly negative stance toward the , , and aspects of policy, particularly on contentious issues like . Monitoring by the Bureau for Social Research in 2019 highlighted Blic's sensationalist framing of U.S. diplomatic pressure, exemplified by a headline questioning "threats" from U.S. envoy Matthew Palmer and attributing them to American efforts to influence Serbia's alignments. Such reporting often emphasizes emotional appeals over balanced analysis, aligning with broader trends where U.S. and actions receive 18% and 30% negative coverage respectively across monitored outlets including Blic. Russia features prominently in Blic's reporting with affirmative tones, contributing to 25% positive mentions in 2021 analyses, often depicting it as a reliable partner in politics and health aid, such as during supplies. Coverage of the -Ukraine , initiated on February 24, 2022, has included reliance on Russian sources and muted criticism of , with toned-down but visible pro-Russian narratives persisting into 2024 despite occasional neutral event reporting. receives similarly favorable treatment, with 18% positive coverage in 2021 focused on economic investments and "friendship" rhetoric, peaking around high-level visits like that of President . In contrast, EU coverage in Blic and similar outlets leans negative on political fronts, with three times more critical than positive reports in , often criticizing delays in deliveries or pressure on normalization, though economic aid receives neutral to positive framing. NATO is frequently vilified as an aggressive entity, with low positive coverage (3%) and ties to historical grievances like the 1999 bombing campaign. These patterns, documented in CRTA's 2024 monitoring, show 66% of manipulations targeting Western actors, reinforcing a narrative that prioritizes Serbia's balancing act between East and West while echoing government positions on non-alignment.

Major Controversies

The Suitcase Affair

The Suitcase Affair, known in Serbian as Afera Kofer, refers to a 2006 corruption scandal involving allegations of at the (NBS). On January 11, 2006, police raided the apartment of Dejan Simić, the former NBS vice-governor, arresting him along with Vladimir Zagrađanin, a functionary of the (SPS) and marketing director. Authorities discovered a bag containing €100,000 in cash, which Zagrađanin had reportedly brought to the apartment. The funds were allegedly part of a sought by Simić to influence the registration or operations of Kreditno-eksportna banka (KEB), a bank linked to Israeli investors from the TBI Group and Kargam Group. SPS leader , who was Zagrađanin's associate and had visited the apartment shortly before the raid—leaving approximately 15 minutes prior—later testified as a witness, denying knowledge of the money's purpose. Simić and Zagrađanin faced charges of and aiding , respectively, with prosecutors claiming the €100,000 represented an initial toward a larger €2 million demand for favorable NBS decisions on the bank's licensing, which had been revoked amid irregularities. The case drew intense media scrutiny, including from Blic, which published detailed accounts of the arrests, Simić's post-release statements on January 13, 2006, and investigative developments, such as witness testimonies from Israeli executives like Spielmann via video link in November 2009. Blic's coverage emphasized the scandal's political ties to SPS, portraying it as one of the largest post-2000 corruption cases in and highlighting Zagrađanin's entry with the bag as the origin of the affair's name (kofer meaning "" or bag). Critics, including fact-checkers, later questioned the affair's substantiation due to evidentiary gaps, such as unavailable witnesses and unproven intent, though the circumstances fueled public suspicion of influence-peddling in . Legal proceedings spanned years, marked by delays from international issues and changes in . In May 2010, the Higher Court in acquitted both men, citing insufficient evidence to prove bribery intent; the upheld this in February 2011, effectively closing the case without convictions. An applied earlier in the process further complicated accountability. Despite the acquittal, Blic continued scrutinizing related developments, such as Zagrađanin's 2017 appointment as SPS Executive Board President—the party's top operational —by Dačić, whom Blic sources accused of "repaying a " for Zagrađanin's silence, given their prior association and Dačić's . This reporting underscored perceptions of political favoritism, with Zagrađanin tasked with election coordination and party discipline, potentially positioning him for state roles. The affair highlighted systemic issues in Serbia's early post-Milošević financial oversight, including NBS vulnerabilities to political pressure, but the lack of convictions raised questions about prosecutorial effectiveness and judicial independence—two judges involved were later promoted, prompting impartiality concerns. Blic's persistent framing of the story as emblematic of SPS corruption aligned with its broader editorial critiques of the party, though the outlet's tabloid style amplified dramatic elements like the "suitcase" imagery without always delving into evidentiary nuances post-acquittal. No formal ethical lapses were adjudicated against Blic, but the coverage contributed to ongoing debates about media sensationalism in high-profile scandals, where initial allegations often outlast legal exonerations in public memory.

Ratko Knežević Interview

In July 2009, Blic published a two-part interview with Ratko Knežević, a Montenegrin businessman and former associate of Prime Minister , who had become a vocal critic amid personal and legal disputes. The interview, appearing on July 27 and 28, featured Knežević's allegations of deep ties between Đukanović, Serbian businessman , and a "tobacco mafia" involved in smuggling operations that allegedly influenced Serbian politics, including the formation of the (SNS) under to secure control over political processes vital to their interests. Knežević specifically claimed that this network posed a direct security threat to Serbian President , asserting that Croatian President Stipe Mesić had warned Tadić of the danger during a meeting, based on information Knežević purportedly relayed. He further accused the group of orchestrating broader , including potential assassinations and economic manipulations linked to cigarette revenues estimated in billions. The interview provoked immediate backlash, with Subotić's international legal team issuing a denial of all claims and announcing plans for lawsuits against Knežević and Blic, arguing the statements were fabricated for personal vendettas stemming from Knežević's fallout with Đukanović. Critics, including journalists from outlets like , highlighted Knežević's credibility issues—his history of legal troubles, including probes and in the UK—as evidence that Blic prioritized explosive narratives over verification, amplifying unsubstantiated accusations without balancing context or evidence. This episode underscored accusations of Blic's tabloid , as the outlet ran the story prominently despite Knežević's prior similar in Montenegrin daily Vijesti, which had already stirred regional tensions without new corroborating proof; no immediate legal convictions followed from the claims, and Knežević's assertions were later echoed in his repeated public attacks but dismissed by targets as retaliatory.

Case of Milutin Jeličić Jutka

In early 2018, Blic published reports detailing allegations of against Milutin Jeličić Jutka, the long-serving president of the Brus and a member of the , by at least five female municipal employees, including claims of lascivious messages, unwanted advances, and abuse of position to demand sexual favors in exchange for employment or favors. The coverage, led by Ivana Mastilović Jašnić, featured victim testimonies, such as that of Marija Lukić, who described years of persistent harassment including explicit text messages and verbal propositions during work interactions. These revelations prompted the Kruševac Basic Public Prosecutor's Office to file a criminal complaint against Jeličić in March 2018 for and unlawful sexual acts via abuse of official position, followed by an on July 20, 2018, initially covering four victims. Blic's ongoing investigations documented Jeličić's attempts to intimidate witnesses, including lawsuits against victims for alleged and offers of money or political favors to drop complaints, which further fueled public and prosecutorial scrutiny. The trial began in May 2019 in , amid reports of Jeličić's evasion tactics, such as fleeing police summons; he resigned as on April 3, 2019, under pressure from the scandal's escalation. On July 9, 2020, the Kruševac Basic Court convicted Jeličić of specifically against Lukić, sentencing him to ' imprisonment—less than the seven months sought by prosecutors—based on evidence of repeated unsolicited explicit communications; the verdict was upheld on in November 2020, and he began serving the term in January 2021. The case drew controversy over Blic's reporting intensity, with Jeličić filing a against the outlet in September 2019 for "revealing the truth" about his actions, which Blic portrayed as an effort to suppress coverage; the suit did not derail the criminal proceedings. Additionally, in November 2020, Jeličić's daughter was questioned by police for issuing online threats against Mastilović Jašnić's minor child via a fake account, highlighting retaliation against Blic staff, though no charges resulted. Critics, including groups, noted the minimal sentence as inadequate given the pattern of abuse, but Blic's work was credited with enabling victim testimonies and prompting Jeličić's ouster from office.

Case of Miroslav Aleksić

In early January 2021, the tabloid newspaper Blic published an interview with Serbian actress Milena Radulović, in which she accused prominent drama teacher and director Miroslav "Mika" Aleksić of raping her in 2008 when she was 17 years old and a student in his acting workshop. The publication prompted immediate police action, leading to Aleksić's arrest on January 16, 2021, on initial suspicion of sexual abuse and rape. The Blic interview catalyzed additional accusations from at least six other former students, who alleged Aleksić had committed eight and seven instances of illicit sexual acts against them between 2008 and 2020 while they were minors or young adults in his drama classes. Prosecutors formalized charges in June 2021, indicting Aleksić for multiple counts of — including aggravated forms—and with a minor, involving seven victims affiliated with his Belgrade-based acting school. Aleksić, who had previously worked as an for national television, maintained his innocence, asserting the relationships were consensual and denying any coercive elements. The trial opened on February 2, 2022, at the Basic Court in , where Aleksić rejected all charges and argued against the validity of the prosecution's evidence. Proceedings have been marked by significant delays, with at least 11 postponements by January 2025, attributed to procedural disputes, evaluations, and Aleksić's reported health issues, including claims of illness that defense attorneys invoked to challenge the case's continuation. Key testimonies, such as Radulović's in September 2023, detailed alleged patterns of grooming and within the workshop environment, but the court has yet to reach a verdict as of October 2025. Blic's initial reporting ignited a regional #MeToo-style reckoning on in artistic circles, encouraging further victim disclosures across the , though it also drew scrutiny for enabling victim-blaming in reader comments on Serbian news sites, where studies documented patterns of discrediting accusers through slut-shaming and toward delayed reporting. Aleksić remains in custody pending resolution, with the protracted nature of the trial raising questions about judicial efficiency in high-profile abuse cases.

Sensationalism and Ethical Lapses

Blic, operating as a tabloid-style daily, has frequently employed sensational headlines and dramatic framing in its reporting on , scandals, and personal tragedies to attract readership, a practice criticized for prioritizing engagement over journalistic restraint. For instance, in coverage of cases, Blic has used graphic phrasing such as "A thrown down the window and slaughtered in front of her children," which exemplifies the tabloid's tendency toward emotive that amplifies at the expense of measured . This approach aligns with broader patterns in Serbian tabloids, where drives sales amid competitive media markets, but it has drawn rebukes for eroding public trust and distorting facts. Ethical lapses have been documented through repeated violations of the Journalists' Code of Ethics of , as tracked by bodies like the Association of Journalists of Serbia (UNS) and the Independent Association of Journalists of Serbia (NUNS). In 2012, Blic recorded 30 such breaches, ranking second among dailies for infringing on privacy rights and other standards, often in crime reporting that presumed guilt or invaded personal spheres without justification. Specific cases include a 2014 front-page story deemed a "gross violation" by UNS for sensationalizing unverified claims, and 2016 articles like "Boni i Klajd iz Negotina," which breached by portraying suspects as criminals pre-trial. Additionally, Blic's misuse of anonymous sources—frequently unverified or exaggerated for narrative impact—has been highlighted in comparative analyses of tabloids, undermining and factual accuracy. Further incidents involve unauthorized disclosures, such as a 2012 publication of sensitive information about a member of Djokovic's family, ruled a severe breach by , and 2013 reporting on crime victims that disregarded protections for vulnerable individuals. Critics, including media watchdogs, attribute these patterns to commercial pressures in Serbia's polarized media landscape, where tabloids like Blic balance with ethical shortcuts, though professional associations consistently urge adherence to codes emphasizing verification and harm minimization. Despite defenses that such coverage informs on societal issues, the cumulative violations—echoed in ongoing press council monitorings—underscore systemic challenges in maintaining ethical standards amid sensationalist incentives.

Public Perception and Reception

Readership and Trust Surveys

Blic maintains the largest online audience among Serbian news outlets, consistently ranking as the most visited news portal since 2012 according to Gemius audience measurements. In November 2024, it recorded 3,422,544 unique users from Serbia, equivalent to 74.6% of the country's internet population. Earlier data from the same source show 2,251,584 users in October 2024 and 2,192,304 in September 2024 for its news section alone, outperforming competitors by margins exceeding 400,000 users monthly. A 2022 survey by the Center for Research, Transparency and Accountability (CRTA) identified Blic as the most frequently read print media and most visited website in Serbia. In print format, Blic holds a 6.5% audience share among daily newspapers. Trust surveys indicate polarized perceptions of Blic amid Serbia's overall low media trust environment, where only 27% of respondents expressed trust in generally as of 2025. The 2022 CRTA poll positioned Blic as the most trusted media brand overall, with over a quarter of respondents expressing no trust in any print outlet. However, a 2021 Strategic Marketing survey for the South East Europe Network found just 3.3% of respondents naming Blic as their most trusted source, compared to higher figures for outlets like RTS (public broadcaster) at 56% trust and at 16%. Institute analysis lists Blic among Serbia's top five brands by usage but highlights greater trust in critically oriented outlets like and Nova S, while pro-government aligned media face widespread skepticism.
SurveyDateKey Finding on Blic
Gemius (via )November 20243.42 million unique users; 74.6% internet reach
CRTA2022Most trusted media brand; most read and visited
/SEENPMMarch 20213.3% name as most trusted outlet
Reuters Institute2025Top 5 brand by usage; overall news trust at 27%

Criticisms from Journalists and Activists

Journalists affiliated with Serbia's Press Council have documented repeated violations of the Journalists' Code of Ethics by Blic, including instances of ethnic discrimination in reporting. In a 2012 analysis, Blic ranked second among dailies for ethical breaches, with 30 documented cases, some involving unnecessary emphasis on subjects' ethnic backgrounds that fostered . Independent media observers have attributed such lapses to Blic's tabloid-style practices, which prioritize dramatic narratives over balanced verification, exacerbating public . In July 2025, the Press Council reported that Blic, alongside other major dailies, contributed to 1,361 total code violations across nine newspapers—a 30% increase from the prior year—covering issues like and privacy intrusions. Over longer periods, such as three months in 2018, Blic accounted for hundreds of breaches, including misuse of anonymous sources to amplify unverified allegations without . Critics within the profession argue these patterns reflect systemic pressures in Serbia's , where drives readership but erodes journalistic standards, as evidenced by Blic's frequent front-page spectacles lacking proportional evidence. A notable 2015 incident drew sharp rebuke from journalistic associations when Blic published a front-page graphic naming and photographing individuals arrested in a group warrant for graft suspicions, preempting judicial and presuming guilt. This prompted accusations of ethical recklessness, with outlets like Balkan Insight highlighting how such coverage undermines public trust in media impartiality. Activists and groups have echoed these concerns, linking Blic's sensationalist framing—often on or political scandals—to heightened social tensions, including moral panics that stigmatize marginalized communities without empirical substantiation. Despite occasional allowance for oppositional voices, professional critiques portray Blic's editorial alignment with prevailing power structures as compromising its role in holding authorities accountable.

Achievements in Audience Reach

Blic has consistently ranked as Serbia's most visited news portal since at least 2012, based on monthly real users (unique visitors) measured by Gemius Audience research. This dominance is evidenced by extended streaks of leading positions, with the portal achieving the top spot for 157 consecutive months as of 2025. In terms of unique users from , Blic regularly exceeds 3 million monthly, capturing a substantial share of the domestic . For instance, in May 2025, it reached 3,309,264 real users, surpassing competitors like by over 191,000. Similarly, February 2025 data showed 3,278,448 users, again leading by 227,184. In September 2024, Blic attracted 3,111,216 unique users, equivalent to 70% of 's total . Beyond unique users, total visits underscore Blic's scale: January 2025 figures hit 72.4 million, outpacing by 16.6 million. These metrics, derived from Gemius's standardized panel-based surveys, highlight Blic's broad penetration in Serbia's digital media landscape, where it maintains a lead attributable to high-volume content output and user engagement.

Awards and Recognition

Key Industry Awards

Blic journalists have garnered several recognitions from Serbian journalism associations, primarily for individual reporting and editorial work, though the outlet itself has faced scrutiny for sensationalist practices that may limit broader industry acclaim. In 2011, economic journalist Suzana Lakić received the Zlatno pero award from the Club of Economic Journalists for outstanding contributions to business reporting. The Association of Journalists of Serbia honored Blic's then-editor-in-chief Veselin Simonović with the Dimitrije Davidović for excellence in editing, recognizing sustained leadership in newsroom operations. In June 2022, reporter Marica Jovanović won the BOŠ award for the best article by a young , awarded for her investigative piece on illegal landfills and environmental hazards in . More recently, in February 2025, bureau chief Zlatko Čonkaš was named among "Heroes of the Profession" by the Independent Journalists' Association of , cited for exemplary coverage amid difficult working conditions including political pressures on media. Beyond journalistic prizes, Blic was selected as the consumer-favorite daily newspaper in the 2018 Moj izbor awards, based on public surveys reflecting audience preference for its accessibility and reach.

Timeline of Notable Honors

  • 2000: Blic was identified as the most trusted daily newspaper in , according to a survey conducted by the agency Strategic Marketing.
  • 2014: The newspaper received the "Media Biznis Partner 2014" award from Mas Media International, recognizing its contributions to media-business partnerships.
  • 2018: Blic was awarded the Superbrands recognition in the category of best newspapers, based on evaluations by a of experts and votes across 35 categories.
  • 2018: Blic secured two awards at the Interfer International Festival of Reportage and Media, establishing it as the most awarded media outlet in the international competition.
  • 2019: Blic.rs was honored with the "Top Serbian Brands" award as the best internet portal in , presented at a ceremony in Hotel Zira.
  • 2022: A CRTA survey designated Blic as the most trusted media brand in , with the highest readership and website visitation rates among respondents.

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