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Charles II of Navarre
Charles II of Navarre
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Charles II (French: Charles, Spanish: Carlos, Basque: Karlos, 10 October 1332 – 1 January 1387), known as the Bad,[a] was King of Navarre beginning in 1349, as well as Count of Évreux beginning in 1343, holding both titles until his death in 1387.

Key Information

Besides the Kingdom of Navarre nestled in the Pyrenees, Charles had extensive lands in Normandy, inherited from his father, Count Philip of Évreux, and his mother, Queen Joan II of Navarre, who had received them as compensation for resigning her claims to France, Champagne, and Brie in 1328. Thus, in Northern France, he possessed Évreux, Mortain, parts of Vexin, and a portion of Cotentin. Charles was a major player at a critical juncture in the Hundred Years' War between France and England, repeatedly switching sides in order to further his own agenda. He was accidentally burned alive in 1387.

Life

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Early life

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Charles was born in Évreux, the son of Philip III and Joan II of Navarre.[2] His father was first cousin to King Philip VI of France, while his mother, Joan, was the only daughter of Louis X of France. Charles was 'born of the fleur-de-lys on both sides', as he liked to point out, but he succeeded to a shrunken inheritance as far as his French lands were concerned. He was raised in France during childhood and up to the moment he was declared king at 17, so he probably had no command of the Romance language of Navarre at the moment of his coronation.[3]

In October 1349, Charles' mother died.[4] In order to take his coronation oath and be anointed, he visited his kingdom in summer 1350.[4] For the first time, the oath was taken in a language other than the customary Latin or Occitan, i.e. Navarro-Aragonese. Apart from short visits paid the first 12 years of his reign, Charles spent his time almost entirely in France; he regarded Navarre principally as a source of manpower with which to advance his designs on the throne of France.[5] He hoped for a long time for recognition of his claim to the crown of France (as the heir-general of Philip IV through his mother, and a Capetian through his father). However, he was unable to wrest the throne from his Valois cousins, who were senior to him by agnatic primogeniture.[5]

Murder of Charles de la Cerda and relations with John II (1351–1356)

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Charles II served as Royal Lieutenant in Languedoc in 1351 and commanded the army which captured Port-Sainte-Marie on the Garonne in 1352. The same year he married Joan of Valois, the daughter of King John II of France.[6] He soon became jealous of the Constable of France, Charles de La Cerda, who was to be a beneficiary of the fiefdom of Angoulême. Charles of Navarre felt he was entitled to these territories as they had belonged to his mother, the Queen of Navarre, but they had been taken from her by the French kings for a paltry sum in compensation.[7]

After publicly quarrelling with Charles de la Cerda in Paris at Christmas 1353, Charles arranged the assassination of the Constable, which took place at the village of l'Aigle on 8 January 1354, with his brother Philip, Count of Longueville leading the murderers. Charles made no secret of his role in the murder, and within a few days was intriguing with the English for military support against his father-in-law King John II, whose favourite the Constable had been.[8] John was preparing to attack his son-in-law's territories, but Charles' overtures of alliance to King Edward III of England led John to instead make peace with Charles with the Treaty of Mantes, enacted on 22 February 1354, by which Charles enlarged his possessions and was outwardly reconciled with John. The English, who had been preparing to invade France for a joint campaign with Charles against the French, felt they had been double-crossed: not for the last time, Charles had used the threat of an English alliance to wrest concessions out of the French king.

John the Good ordering the arrest of Charles the Bad, from the Chroniques of Jean Froissart

Relations between Charles and John once more deteriorated; in late 1354, John invaded Charles's territories in Normandy, while Charles intrigued with the Duke of Lancaster, serving as emissary for Edward III, at fruitless peace negotiations between England and France held in the winter of 1354–55 at Avignon. Once again, Charles changed sides: the threat of a renewed English invasion forced John to make a new agreement of reconciliation with him, which was ultimately sealed by the Treaty of Valognes on 10 September 1355.

This agreement, too, did not last. Charles befriended and was thought to be trying to influence the Dauphin—the future Charles V—and was apparently involved in a botched coup d'état in December 1355, whose purpose appears to have been to replace John with the Dauphin.[9] John amended matters by making his son Duke of Normandy, but Charles of Navarre continued to advise the Dauphin how to govern that province.

There were also continued rumours of his plots against the king, and on 5 April 1356 John II and a group of supporters burst unannounced into the Dauphin's castle at Rouen, arrested Charles of Navarre and imprisoned him. Four of his principal supporters—two of whom had been among de la Cerda's assassins—were beheaded, and their bodies suspended from chains. Charles was taken to Paris, and once there he was moved from prison to prison for greater security.[10]

Versus the Dauphin (1356–1358)

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After John was captured by the English following his defeat at the Battle of Poitiers, Charles remained in prison. However, many of his partisans were active in the Estates General, which endeavoured to govern and reform France in the power vacuum created by the imprisonment of the king, while much of the country degenerated into anarchy. They continually pressed the Dauphin to release him. Meanwhile his brother Philip of Navarre threw in his lot with the invading English army of the Duke of Lancaster, and made war on the Dauphin's forces throughout Normandy. Eventually, on 9 November 1357, Charles was sprung from his prison in the castle of Arleux by a band of 30 men from Amiens led by Jean de Picquigny.[11] Greeted as a hero when he entered Amiens, he was invited to Paris by the Estates General. He entered Paris with a large retinue, and was 'received like a newly-crowned monarch'.[12]

He addressed the populace on 30 November, listing his grievances against those who had imprisoned him. Étienne Marcel led a 'demand for justice for the King of Navarre' which the Dauphin was unable to resist. Charles demanded an indemnity for all damage done to his territories while he had been imprisoned, free pardon for all his crimes and those of his supporters, and honourable burial for his associates executed by John II at Rouen. He also demanded the Dauphin's own Duchy of Normandy and the County of Champagne, which would have made him the effective ruler of northern France.

The Dauphin was virtually powerless, but he and Charles were still in negotiations when news reached them that Edward and John were reaching a peace agreement. Knowing this could only be to his disadvantage, Charles had all the prisons in Paris opened to create anarchy, and left Paris to build up his strength in Normandy.[13] In his absence the Dauphin tried to assemble a military force of his own. Charles meanwhile gave his executed followers a solemn state funeral in Rouen Cathedral on 10 January 1358 and effectively declared civil war, leading a combined Anglo-Navarrese force against the Dauphin's garrisons.

Revolution in Paris and the Jacquerie (1358)

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Illustration from the Chroniques de France ou de St Denis dating from after 1380, showing Charles II having the leaders of the Jacquerie beheaded

Meanwhile Paris was in the throes of revolution. On 22 February the Dauphin's chief military officers, the marshals Jean de Conflans and Robert de Clermont were murdered before his eyes by a mob led by Etienne Marcel, who made the Dauphin a virtual prisoner and invited Charles of Navarre to return to the city, which he did on 26 February with a large armed retinue. The Dauphin was forced to agree to many of Charles's territorial demands and to promise to finance for him a standing army of 1,000 men for his personal use.[14] However illness prevented Charles from escorting the Dauphin to meetings demanded by the nobility at Senlis and Provins, and the Dauphin was thus able to escape his Parisian and Navarrese guardians and open a campaign from the east against Charles and against revolutionary Paris.

Etienne Marcel implored Charles to intercede with the Dauphin but he achieved nothing and the land around Paris began to be plundered both by Charles's forces and by the Dauphin's. In the last days of May the peasant rebellion of the Jacquerie erupted to the north of Paris as a spontaneous expression of hatred for the nobility that had brought France so low. Etienne Marcel publicly declared Parisian support for the Jacquerie. Unable to get help from the Dauphin, the knights of northern France appealed to Charles of Navarre to lead them against the peasants.

Although he was allied with the Parisians, Charles was no lover of the peasantry and felt Marcel had made a fatal mistake. He could not resist the chance to appear as a leader of the French aristocracy and led the suppression of the Jacquerie at the Battle of Mello, 10 June 1358 and the subsequent massacres of rebels. He then returned to Paris and made an open bid for power urging the populace to elect him as 'Captain of Paris'.[15]

This move lost Charles the support of many of the nobles who had supported him against the Jacquerie, and they began to abandon him for the Dauphin while he recruited soldiers—mainly English mercenaries—for the 'defence' of Paris, though his men, picketed outside the city, raided and plundered far and wide. Realizing the Dauphin's forces were much stronger than his, Charles opened negotiations with the Dauphin, who made him substantial offers of cash and land if he could induce the Parisians to surrender. They, however, distrusted this deal between princes and refused the terms outright; Charles agreed to fight on as their captain but demanded that his troops be billeted in the city.

Before long there were anti-English riots in the city and Charles, with Etienne Marcel, was forced by the mob to lead them against the marauding garrisons to the north and west of the city—against his own men. He led them (no doubt deliberately) into an English ambush in the woods near the bridge of Saint-Cloud and about 600 Parisians were killed.[16]

Capitulation (1359–60)

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After this debacle Charles stayed outside Paris at the Abbey of St Denis and left the city to its fate while the revolution burned itself out, Etienne Marcel was killed, and the Dauphin regained control of Paris. Meanwhile he opened negotiations with the English King, proposing that Edward III and he should divide France between themselves: if Edward would invade France and help him defeat the Dauphin, he would recognize Edward as King of France and do homage to him for the territories of Normandy, Picardy, Champagne and Brie.[17] But the English king no longer trusted Charles and both he and the captive John II regarded him as an obstacle to peace. On 24 March 1359, Edward and John concluded a new treaty in London whereby John would be released back to France on payment of a huge ransom and would make over to Edward III large tracts of French territory—including all of Charles of Navarre's French lands. Unless Charles submitted and accept suitable (undefined) compensation elsewhere, the Kings of England and France would jointly make war on him.[18] However the Estates General refused to accept the treaty, urging the Dauphin to continue the war. At this Edward III lost patience and decided to invade France himself. Charles of Navarre's military position in Northern France had deteriorated under attacks from the Dauphin's forces throughout the spring, and with the news of Edward's impending invasion Charles decided he must reach an accommodation with the Dauphin. After protracted haggling the two leaders met near Pontoise on 19 August 1359; on the second day Charles of Navarre publicly renounced all his demands for territory and money, saying he wanted nothing more than what he had at the beginning of hostilities and 'wanted nothing more than to do his duty to his country'. It is unclear whether he was actuated by patriotism in the face of an imminent English invasion, or had decided to bide his time until a more favourable juncture to renew his campaign.[19] After the comparative failure of Edward's campaign in the winter of 1359–60—the Dauphin did not offer battle, instead pursuing a 'scorched earth' policy, with the populace seeking shelter inside walled towns while the English endured terrible weather—a final peace treaty was agreed between Edward and John at Brétigny, while John II concluded a separate peace with Charles of Navarre at Calais. Charles was forgiven his crimes against France and restored to all his rights and properties; 300 of his followers received a royal pardon. In return, he renewed his homage to the French crown and promised to help clear the French provinces of the marauding companies of Anglo-Navarrese mercenaries, many of which he had been responsible for unleashing in the first place.[20]

Burgundian inheritance and the loss of Normandy (1361–1365)

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In 1361, after the death of his second cousin the young Duke Philip I of Burgundy, Charles claimed the Duchy of Burgundy by primogeniture. He was the grandson of Margaret, eldest daughter of Duke Robert II of Burgundy (d. 1306). However, the duchy was taken by King John II, who was son of Joan, second daughter of Duke Robert II, who claimed it in proximity of blood, and made provision that after his death it would pass to his favourite son Philip the Bold.

To have become Duke of Burgundy would have given Charles the position at the centre of French politics that he had always craved, and the abrupt dismissal of his claim provoked fresh bitterness. After the failure of an attempt to win Pope Innocent VI to his claim, Charles returned to his kingdom of Navarre in November 1361. He was soon plotting afresh to become a power in France. A planned rising of his supporters in Normandy in May 1362 was an abject failure, but in 1363 he evolved an ambitious plan to form two armies in 1364, one of which would go by sea to Normandy and the other, under his brother Louis, would join forces with the Gascons operating with the Great Company in Central France and invade Burgundy, thus threatening the French King from both sides of his realm. In January 1364 Charles met Edward, the Black Prince, at Agen in order to negotiate the passage of his troops through the English-held duchy of Aquitaine, to which the Prince agreed perhaps because of his friendship with Charles's new military adviser Jean III de Grailly, captal de Buch, who had been betrothed to Charles' sister and was to lead his army to Normandy.[21] In March 1364 the Captal marched towards Normandy to secure Charles's domains.

John II of France had returned to London to negotiate with Edward III, and the defence of France was once more in the hands of the Dauphin. There was already a royal army in Normandy besieging the town of Rolleboise, nominally commanded by the Count of Auxerre but actually generalled by Bertrand du Guesclin. Charles's designs were well known in advance and in early April 1364 this force seized many of Charles's remaining strongholds before the Captal de Buch could reach Normandy. When he arrived he started concentrating his forces around Évreux, which still held out for Charles. He then led his army against the royal forces to the east. On 16 May 1364 he was defeated by du Guesclin at the Battle of Cocherel. John II had died in England in April, and news of the victory of Cocherel reached the Dauphin on 18 May at Rheims, where on the following day he was crowned Charles V of France.[22] He immediately confirmed his brother Philip as Duke of Burgundy.

Undeterred by this resounding defeat, Charles of Navarre persisted in his grand design. In August 1364 his men began a fight back in Normandy while a small Navarrese army under Rodrigo de Uriz sailed from Bayonne to Cherbourg. Meanwhile Charles's brother Louis of Navarre led an army augmented by contingents pledged by the captains of the Great Company and the freebooter Seguin de Badefol through the Black Prince's territories and across France, evading the French royal forces sent to intercept him and arrived in Normandy on 23 September. Hearing of the collapse of the civil war in Brittany after the Battle of Auray on 29 September, Louis abandoned his design to invade Burgundy and instead set about reconquering the Cotentin for Charles. Meanwhile Séguin de Badefol and his fellow-captains captured the town of Anse on the Burgundian border, but only to use it as a centre for raiding and plundering far and wide. They did Charles of Navarre's cause no discernible good, and Pope Urban V excommunicated Séguin. Although Charles offered Bernard-Aiz V, Lord of Albret, huge sums to take over the command of his forces around Burgundy, he finally realized he could not prevail against the King of France and must come to an accommodation with him. In May 1365, in Pamplona, he agreed to a treaty by which there was to be a general amnesty for his supporters, the remains of Navarrese executed and displayed for treason were to be returned to their families, prisoners would be mutually released without ransom. Charles was allowed to keep his conquests of 1364, except for the citadel of Meulan, which was to be razed to the ground. In compensation Charles received Montpellier in Bas-Languedoc. His claim to Burgundy was to be referred to the arbitration of the Pope.[23] The Pope never in fact pronounced on the matter. It was an ignominious end to Charles's 15 years of struggle to create a major territory for himself and his line in France. Henceforth he resided mainly in his kingdom.

At the end of 1365 Séguin de Badefol arrived in Navarre to claim the considerable sums Charles had pledged to pay him for his services in Burgundy, even though he had achieved nothing of substance. Charles was not pleased to see him, received him in private and poisoned him with a crystallised pear.[24]

Charles and the Spanish Wars (1365–1368)

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The cessation of war in France left vast numbers of French, English, Gascon and Navarrese soldiers and freebooters in search of mercenary employment, and many of these soon became involved in the wars of Castille and Aragon, both of which bordered Navarre. Charles typically tried to exploit the situation by making agreements with both sides that would enlarge his territory while leaving Navarre itself relatively untouched. Officially he was ally of Peter of Castile, but at the end of 1365 he concluded a secret agreement with Peter IV of Aragon to allow the marauding army led by Bertrand du Guesclin and Hugh Calveley to invade Castile through southern Navarre in order to depose Pedro I and supplant him with his half-brother Henry of Trastámara. He then reneged on his agreements to both sides and attempted to hold the Navarrese borders intact, but was unable to do so and instead paid the invaders a large sum to keep their plundering to a minimum.

After Henry of Trastámara successfully seized the throne of Castile, Pedro I fled to the court of the Black Prince in Aquitaine, who began to plot his restoration by sending an army across the Pyrenees. In July 1366 Charles himself came to Bordeaux to consult with Pedro I and the Prince and agreed to keep the mountain passes of Navarre open for the passage of the army, for which he would be rewarded with the Castilian provinces of Guipúzcoa and Álava as well as additional fortresses and a large cash payment. Then in December he met Henry of Trastámara on the Navarrese border and promised instead to hold the passes closed, in return for the border town of Logroño and more cash. Hearing of this the Black Prince ordered Hugh Calveley to invade Navarre from northern Castile and enforce the original agreement. Charles at once capitulated, claiming he had never been sincere in his dealings with Henry, and opened the passes to the Prince's army. Charles accompanied them on their journey but, not wanting to take part in the campaign personally, got Olivier de Mauny to stage an ambush in which Charles was 'captured' and held until the reconquest of Castile was over. The ruse was so transparent it made Charles a laughing-stock in Western Europe.[25]

Last French possessions lost and the humbling of Navarre (1369–79)

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With the resumption of war between France and England in 1369 Charles saw fresh opportunities to increase his status in France. He left Navarre and met Duke John V of Brittany in Nantes, where they agreed to come to each other's aid if either was attacked by France. Basing himself in Cherbourg, the principal town in what remained of his territories in Northern Normandy, he then sent ambassadors to Charles V of France and Edward III of England. He offered to aid the French King if he would restore his former territories in Normandy, recognize his claim to Burgundy and bestow the promised lordship of Montpellier. To the English king he offered an alliance against France, whereby Edward III could use his territories in Normandy as a base to attack the French. As on previous occasions, Charles did not really want an English army on his lands; he wanted the threat of one to put pressure on Charles V.[26] But Charles V refused his demands outright. On the strength of Charles of Navarre's offers, Edward III despatched an expeditionary force to the Seine estuary under Sir Robert Knolles in July 1370. He invited Charles to come to England in person—which he did during that same month. Charles of Navarre entered into secret negotiations with Edward III at Clarendon Palace, but committed himself to very little.[27] Simultaneously he continued to negotiate with Charles V, who feared the King of Navarre would throw in his lot with Knolles's army now operating in Northern France. Though Edward III sealed a draft treaty with Navarre on 2 December 1370 it was a dead letter after the destruction of Knolles's army at the Battle of Pontvallain a few days later. During March 1371, seeing no option left, Charles of Navarre had a series of meetings with Charles V and did homage to him.

Having gained little or nothing from these activities, he returned to Navarre in early 1372. He was subsequently involved in at least two attempts to have Charles V poisoned and encouraged various plots by others against the French King.[28] He next entered into negotiations with John of Gaunt, who was aiming to make himself King of Castile by virtue of his marriage to Pedro I's daughter Constanza. But in 1373 Henry of Trastámara, now firmly installed as King of Castile and victorious in war against England's ally Portugal, forced Charles to agree to a marriage alliance, to surrender the disputed border fortresses he had held on to since the Castilian civil war, and to close his borders to any army of John of Gaunt.[29] Nevertheless in March 1374 Charles met John of Gaunt in Dax in Gascony and agreed to let him use Navarre as a base for invading Castile on condition he recapture the towns surrendered to Henry. Gaunt's sudden decision only a few days later to abandon his plans and return to England Charles took as a personal betrayal. In order to placate the Castilian King he now agreed for his eldest son, the future Charles III of Navarre, to marry Henry of Trastámara's daughter Leonora in May 1375.[30]

In 1377 he proposed to the English that he would return to Normandy and put the harbours and castles he still controlled there at their disposal for a joint attack on France; he also proposed that his daughter should be married to the new English king, the young Richard II.[31] But the threat of an attack by Castile forced Charles to remain in Navarre. Instead he sent off his eldest son to Normandy, with a number of officials, including his chamberlain Jacques de Rue, who were to prepare his castles to receive the English, as well as a servant whose mission was to insinuate himself into the royal kitchens in Paris and poison the King of France.[32] Meanwhile he urgently appealed for the English to send him reinforcements from Gascony to help him fight the Castilians. But in March 1378 all his plots finally unravelled. On their way to Normandy the Navarrese delegation were arrested at Nemours. The draft treaties and correspondence with the English found in their baggage, along with Jacques de Rue's confessions under interrogation, were all that Charles V needed to send an army into northern Normandy to capture all the King of Navarre's remaining domains there (April–June 1378). Only Cherbourg held out: Charles of Navarre begged the English to send him reinforcements there but instead they seized it for themselves and garrisoned it against the French. Charles's son submitted to the French King and became a protégé of the Duke of Burgundy, fighting in the French armies. Jacques de la Rue and other prominent Navarrese officials in France were executed.[33]

From June–July 1378 the armies of Castile, commanded by John of Trastámara, invaded Navarre and laid the country waste. Charles II retreated over the Pyrenees to Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port and in October he made his way to Bordeaux to plead for military aid from Sir John Neville, the Lieutenant of Gascony. Neville despatched a small force to Navarre under the knight Sir Thomas Trivet, but the English achieved little over the winter and in February Henry of Trastámara announced his son would re-invade Navarre in the spring. Having no options or allies left Charles II asked for a truce, and by the Treaty of Briones on 31 March 1379 agreed to Henry's demands that he agree to be bound in perpetual military alliance with Castile and France against the English, and to surrender 20 fortresses of southern Navarre, including the city of Tudela, to Castilian garrisons.[34]

Charles of Navarre's remarkably slippery and devious political career was at an end. He retained his crown and his country but he was effectively a humiliated client of his enemies, he had lost his French territories and his Pyrenean realm was devastated and impoverished by war. Though he continued to scheme and even still to consider himself the rightful King of France, he was essentially neutralized and impotent for the years that remained until his gruesome death.

Marriage and children

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He married Joan of France (1343–1373), daughter of King John II of France. He had the following children by Joan:

  1. Marie (1360, Puente la Reina – aft. 1400), married in Tudela on 20 January 1393 Alfonso d'Aragona, Duke of Gandia
  2. Charles III of Navarre (1361–1425)
  3. Bonne (1364 – aft. 1389)
  4. Pedro, Count of Mortain (c. 31 March 1366, Évreux – c. 29 July 1412, Bourges[35]), married in Alençon on 21 April 1411 Catherine of Alençon (1380–1462), daughter of Peter II of Alençon. He had a son out of wedlock named Pedro Perez de Peralta 1400–1451.
  5. Philip (b. 1368), d. young
  6. Joanna of Navarre (1370–1437), married firstly John IV, Duke of Brittany, married secondly Henry IV of England
  7. Blanche (1372–1385, Olite)

Death

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Charles died in Pamplona, aged 54. His horrific death became famous all over Europe, and was often cited by moralists, and sometimes illustrated in illuminated manuscript chronicles.[36] There are several versions of the story, varying in the details. This is Francis Blagdon's account from 1803:

Charles the Bad, having fallen into such a state of decay that he could not make use of his limbs, consulted his physician, who ordered him to be wrapped up from head to foot, in a linen cloth impregnated with brandy, so that he might be inclosed [sic] in it to the very neck as in a sack. It was night when this remedy was administered. One of the female attendants of the palace, charged to sew up the cloth that contained the patient, having come to the neck, the fixed point where she was to finish her seam, made a knot according to custom; but as there was still remaining an end of thread, instead of cutting it as usual with scissors, she had recourse to the candle, which immediately set fire to the whole cloth. Being terrified, she ran away, and abandoned the king, who was thus burnt alive in his own palace.[37]

John Cassell's moralistic version states:

He was now sixty years of age, and a mass of disease, from the viciousness of his habits. To maintain his warmth his physician ordered him to be swathed in linen steeped in spirits of wine, and his bed to be warmed by a pan of hot coals. He had enjoyed the benefit of this singular prescription some time in safety, but now, as he was perpetrating his barbarities on the representatives of his kingdom, "by the pleasure of God, or of the devil," says Froissart, "the fire caught to his sheets, and from that to his person, swathed as it was in matter highly inflammable." He was fearfully burnt, but lingered nearly a fortnight, in the most terrible agonies.[38]

Family tree

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Notes

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References

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Sources

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  • González Olle, Fernando (1987). "Reconocimiento del Romance Navarro bajo Carlos II (1350)". Príncipe de Viana. 1 (182). Gobierno de Navarra; Institución Príncipe de Viana. ISSN 0032-8472.
  • Henneman, John Bell (1971). Royal Taxation in Fourteenth Century France. Princeton University Press.
  • Morby, John E. (1978). "The Sobriquets of Medieval European Princes". Canadian Journal of History. 13 (1): 1–16. doi:10.3138/cjh.13.1.1.
  • Sumption, Jonathan (1999). Trial by Fire: The Hundred Years War. Vol. II. Faber & Faber.
  • Sumption, Jonathan (2009). Divided Houses: The Hundred Years War. Vol. III. Faber & Faber.
  • Sumption, Jonathan (2015). Cursed Kings: Hundred Years War. Vol. IV. Faber & Faber.
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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Charles II (10 October 1332 – 1 January 1387), known as Charles the Bad, ruled as King of from 1349 until his death and as Count of Évreux from 1343, pursuing extensive territorial ambitions in medieval through cunning diplomacy and repeated acts of subterfuge. Born in Évreux to , Count of Évreux (a grandson of King ), and , Charles inherited the Navarrese crown upon his mother's death amid the disruptions of the , immediately challenging French royal authority over his paternal inheritance in and Champagne. His defining characteristics included orchestration of high-profile assassinations, such as that of Charles of La Cerda in 1364 to settle personal vendettas and advance claims, alongside alliances with during the that undermined French stability, including tacit support for peasant revolts like the . These efforts, blending opportunistic warfare and intrigue against Kings John II and Charles V, yielded temporary gains like the 1360 Treaty of Brétigny concessions but ultimately faltered, cementing his reputation for unreliability among contemporaries while highlighting the fragmented power dynamics of 14th-century .

Early Life and Inheritance

Birth and Family Background

Charles II of Navarre was born on 10 October 1332 in , . He was the eldest son of Philip III, Count of (1306–1343), a French noble whose lineage traced back to (r. 1270–1285) through his father Louis d', and Joan II, Queen of (1311–1349). Philip III's close ties to the French royal family positioned the branch as influential Capetian cadets, with Philip himself being a first cousin to King (r. 1328–1350). Joan's heritage amplified the family's dynastic stature, as she was the daughter and sole legitimate heir of (r. 1314–1316) and Margaret of Burgundy, making Charles a direct grandson of that king through the maternal line. This connection placed the Évreux-Navarre house in proximity to the French throne, fueling ongoing debates over Salic law's exclusion of female succession following Louis X's death in 1316 and the subsequent accessions of his brothers Philip V and Charles IV. Although Joan formally renounced French claims in 1328 to secure Navarre's throne—where female inheritance was permitted—the lineage preserved latent arguments for Capetian primacy, shaping the house's strategic outlook amid Valois consolidation under Philip VI. Charles's early years unfolded amid the opulent but tense environment of French aristocratic courts, where his parents' vassalage to Philip VI ensured exposure to the intricacies of royal patronage and feudal loyalties. This milieu, centered in and , instilled expectations of multi-territorial lordship, blending Norman, Navarrese, and Capetian influences that would inform his later assertions of rights in both and the .

Acquisition of Évreux and Navarre Throne

Charles succeeded to the County of on 16 September 1343, following the death of his father, Philip III of , who had held the title since 1319. The county included extensive lands in , providing Charles—a minor at the time—with a strategic foothold in northern that bolstered his familial claims to broader Capetian inheritances. Upon the death of his mother, Joan II, from the in October 1349, Charles ascended the throne of as her heir. To formalize his rule, he traveled to in the summer of 1350 for , where he swore the traditional to uphold the Navarrese fueros—the kingdom's customary laws and privileges—marking the first recorded instance of the oath being administered in Navarro-Aragonese rather than Latin or French. This dual inheritance established Charles's authority over a trans-Pyrenean : sovereign kingship in , contrasted with vassalage in under the French crown, sowing seeds of jurisdictional friction that amplified his ambitions for territorial consolidation and influence in both kingdoms. The absence of contemporaneous treaties explicitly reconciling these roles underscored reliance on hereditary right and customary oaths, yet the inherent contradictions in loyalty would precipitate enduring rivalries with French monarchs.

Conflicts in France

Murder of Charles de la Cerda and Initial Rivalry with John II (1351–1356)

In 1351, Charles II served as royal lieutenant in , commanding French forces against English incursions, which positioned him close to the centers of French power but also exposed him to conflicts over influence and territorial rights. Tensions escalated with John II's favoritism toward Constable , whom the king appointed in 1352 and granted extensive lands, including the county of confiscated from Charles II's mother, , after her death in 1349; Charles II viewed these as rightfully his through inheritance and prior French promises. A public quarrel between the two Charleses erupted at the court of 1353, fueled by personal animosities and Charles II's resentment over de la Cerda's rising dominance, which undermined his own ambitions in . On 8 January 1354, de la Cerda was assassinated in an inn at L'Aigle, , by agents including Jean le Soult, a retainer of Charles II, who openly admitted orchestrating the killing as retribution for lost lands and blocked preferments. The murder stemmed directly from Charles II's grievances over Évreux-related claims and de la Cerda's role in John II's centralizing policies, which prioritized royal favorites over noble peers like Charles II, who held peerage rights via the county of . John II responded with punitive raids on Navarrese holdings in and threats of arrest, interpreting the act as a direct challenge to royal authority and mobilizing forces to suppress Charles II's network of supporters among the . Charles II countered through diplomatic appeals to the peers of , leveraging his status to demand on John's overreach and framing the as a defense of feudal privileges against monarchical aggression. These maneuvers included preliminary overtures to , probing alliances as a pragmatic hedge against French reprisals, while John II's raids devastated Navarrese estates and heightened the feud without immediate decisive confrontation. By mid-1354, the Treaty of Mantes temporarily eased tensions, with John II conceding lands to Charles II to avert escalation, though underlying distrust persisted amid ongoing skirmishes over territorial control. This phase underscored Charles II's —prioritizing recoverable assets and noble backing over outright war—against John II's efforts to consolidate power through force and favoritism.

Imprisonment by John II and Shift to English Alliances (1356–1358)

Charles II was arrested on 5 April 1356 at Rouen Castle by order of John II, who suspected him of continued intrigues with English forces and French nobles dissatisfied with royal fiscal demands. Imprisoned initially at Rouen and later transferred to Arleux Castle, Charles's captivity persisted beyond John II's own capture at the Battle of Poitiers on 19 September 1356, as the regency under Dauphin Charles prioritized stability over reconciliation with the Navarrese claimant. From prison, Charles maintained influence through his brother Philip of Navarre, who led partisan forces in Normandy opposing John II's heavy taxation—such as the taille and aides levied to sustain the war effort—which exacerbated noble discontent and created opportunities for anti-Valois coalitions. These fiscal exactions, aimed at ransoming captives and rebuilding armies, underscored the causal link between royal overreach and regional power plays, prompting Charles's supporters to explore alliances beyond French borders. Escaping Arleux on 9 November 1357 with assistance from 30 armed men led by Jean de Picquigny of , Charles promptly shifted toward English partnerships to counter regency pressures, ceding control of several Norman castles—including strongholds in the —to English garrisons for mutual military advantage. This calculated concession facilitated English incursions into , serving as a pragmatic counterweight to French central authority amid the Hundred Years' War's fragmented loyalties, rather than unprincipled betrayal.

Involvement in Parisian Revolution and Jacquerie Uprising (1358)

Following his release from imprisonment in November 1357, Charles II allied with , the draper and provost of merchants who dominated through a reformist challenging Dauphin Charles's regency. This partnership, facilitated by allies like Bishop Robert le Coq of , aimed to install Charles as lieutenant-general of the kingdom in place of the Dauphin, capitalizing on grievances over fiscal mismanagement and the burdens of the , including debased coinage and excessive tallages imposed since John II's capture at in 1356. Charles entered with a contingent of several hundred troops, bolstering Marcel's and endorsing demands for financial reforms and noble accountability outlined in the Great Ordinance of 1357, though he prioritized his personal claims to greater influence over French territories. The urban revolt in Paris intertwined with rural discontent, as Marcel's faction viewed both as symptoms of Valois misrule exacerbated by war devastation and noble predation. In late May 1358, the Jacquerie erupted among peasants in the Beauvaisis and Île-de-France regions, triggered by specific incidents of noble abuse amid broader socio-economic strains from English chevauchées and royal taxation yielding over 30 million livres since 1340. While Charles held no direct command over the peasants led by Guillaume Cale, Marcel publicly affirmed Parisian support for their uprising on June 9, 1358, distributing manifestos that justified the revolt as retribution against disloyal lords who failed to defend the realm. Charles leveraged this instability to undermine the Dauphin, maneuvering troops toward key sites like Meaux and issuing calls that emphasized redress of verifiable abuses—such as unauthorized tolls and crop seizures—over wholesale anarchy, thereby distancing himself from the rebels' more destructive acts while advancing his regency ambitions. Charles's involvement proved opportunistic and tactical, as he shifted to suppressing Jacquerie elements to secure noble alliances. On June 10, 1358, his forces, numbering around 3,000 including Navarrese and Parisian contingents, decisively defeated Cale's of approximately 5,000 at Clermont-en-Beauvaisis (near Mello), resulting in Cale's capture and execution, followed by the slaughter of up to 7,000 insurgents in subsequent reprisals. This victory, coordinated loosely with Dauphin loyalists despite ongoing rivalry, fragmented the peasant coalition and halted their advance toward , though Charles claimed credit to bolster his legitimacy without assuming full responsibility for the uprising's origins. By mid-June, failed attempts to consolidate gains—such as retreats from contested areas amid desertions and Dauphin counteroffensives—exposed the limits of his strategy, as Marcel's overextension in supporting rural radicals alienated moderate supporters.

Negotiations and Temporary Capitulation (1359–1360)

In the summer of 1359, amid the ongoing captivity of King John II of France following the Battle of Poitiers and the threat of a renewed English invasion, Charles II of Navarre initiated negotiations with the Dauphin (the future Charles V), who served as regent. These discussions, beginning in July, aimed to resolve the civil strife exacerbated by Charles's earlier alliances with England and his role in the 1358 uprisings. Charles sought the restoration of lands held prior to the conflicts that led to his 1356 imprisonment, along with financial compensation of 600,000 écus and annual land revenues equivalent to 12,000 livres. On 19 August 1359, the parties reached a formal agreement near , under which Charles agreed to render homage to the Dauphin, effectively ending the immediate phase of open hostilities and securing a for his prior actions against the French crown. This pact partially restored select holdings in and elsewhere but confirmed the permanent loss of certain territories seized during John II's crackdowns, reflecting Charles's tactical prioritization of core Navarrese and assets over maximalist claims amid French regency pressures and war fatigue. The reconciliation was publicly demonstrated on 1 September 1359, when Charles and the Dauphin entered together, signaling unified front against external threats. Charles's English connections provided leverage in parallel discussions over John II's ransom, as both Edward III and the captive king viewed Navarre's instability as an obstacle to broader peace; however, the impending Anglo-French accord diminished this advantage. The , concluded on 8 May 1360 and ratified in October, ceded significant territories to and outlined John's release upon a 3 million crown ransom, isolating Charles by neutralizing his primary ally and compelling further concessions to France. In October 1360, Charles formalized his temporary capitulation through a separate peace with John's representatives at , accepting limited territorial recoveries while pledging non-aggression, a pragmatic retreat driven by the exhaustion from prolonged warfare and plague recurrences rather than any strategic defeat.

Territorial Expansions and Losses

Pursuit of Burgundian Claims and Normandy Gains (1361–1365)

In November 1361, following the death without legitimate issue of his kinsman Philip I, Duke of Burgundy, Charles asserted a claim to the duchy based on his descent from Margaret of Burgundy, daughter of Philip V of France and thus a senior representative of the Capetian line through which the Burgundian dukes traced their origin. This assertion invoked principles of primogeniture, positioning Charles as the closest eligible heir amid the extinction of the direct ducal line, though French Salic law and royal prerogative favored escheat to the crown. Lacking sufficient military resources and facing opposition from the French crown under the regency for the captive King John II, Charles could not enforce the claim militarily; instead, John II promptly apanaged the duchy to his son Philip the Bold in 1363, with papal support declining to endorse Navarrese pretensions. Exploiting the fragile truce established by the 1360 amid the , Charles directed efforts toward consolidating and expanding his residual Norman holdings, including the county of Évreux, the lordship of , portions of the , and segments of the inherited via his mother's Champagne rights and prior concessions. By early 1363, he appointed loyal captains to key fortresses such as and Breteuil, leveraging the power vacuum from French royal weakness to install garrisons and extract revenues for maintenance. This consolidation involved fiscal maneuvers, including tolls on trade routes and alliances with freelance captains who commanded routier bands—disbanded soldiers roaming as mercenaries—paying them through promised shares of plunder or territorial rather than direct royal treasury outlays. Charles's advances extended into adjacent regions, temporarily securing control over strategic points like Meulan and near , which disrupted French authority and prompted royal countermeasures. These gains relied on opportunistic pacts with Norman and Picard nobles disaffected by central taxation, as well as selective recruitment of Anglo-Gascon mercenaries during truce lulls, demonstrating Charles's adeptness at low-cost leverage amid fiscal constraints in . However, escalation in 1364 led to open conflict; French forces under decisively defeated a Navarrese-led at the on May 16, 1364, capturing key allies and compelling Charles to negotiate from weakness. The ensuing treaty in late 1364, ratified under the new King Charles V, permitted Charles to retain core Norman enclaves like and but mandated the demolition of Meulan and cession of other seized sites, alongside homage to the French crown and abandonment of Burgundian ambitions. This outcome underscored the limits of Charles's opportunistic expansions, as strengthened French royal administration under Charles V reasserted control over peripheral territories, though Navarrese influence lingered in isolated Norman pockets until further erosions post-1365.

Interventions in Spanish Conflicts (1365–1368)

In the mid-1360s, the between Pedro I and his half-brother Henry of Trastámara drew Charles II into cross-Pyrenean conflicts, as Navarre's strategic position between , , and Castile threatened its borders. Henry's forces, backed by French and Aragonese interests, conducted raids into Navarrese territory around late 1366, prompting Charles to shift support toward Pedro I to safeguard his realm against further incursions. In exchange for facilitating military passage, Charles secured promises of the coastal Castilian provinces of and —key Basque frontier areas—along with several fortresses and monetary compensation. This arrangement reflected Charles's pragmatic balancing of Navarrese security against Iberian power vacuums, yielding short-term territorial leverage without large-scale Navarrese commitment. Charles's primary contribution was logistical: he permitted the Prince's Anglo-Gascon army, numbering approximately 10,000–12,000 men, to traverse in February–March 1367, while supplying a token force of 300 troops to minimize domestic strain. This enabled the invaders to outmaneuver Henry's larger Franco-Castilian host, culminating in the on April 3, 1367, where I's coalition routed the opposition, capturing key figures like and temporarily restoring to the throne. The victory enhanced Charles's prestige as a pivotal enabler in Iberian affairs, affirming Navarrese influence over Basque borderlands amid the Hundred Years' War's spillover. These interventions, however, proved ephemeral; Pedro's regime faltered by 1369 due to internal betrayals and renewed French-backed offensives, eroding Charles's gains without provoking direct Aragonese expansion into during this period. The episode underscored Charles's opportunistic , prioritizing defensive buffers over ideological alignment with Pedro's volatile rule.

Final Erosion of French Holdings and Navarrese Humiliations (1369–1379)

Following the resumption of hostilities in the in 1369, King Charles V of France pursued a policy of gradual reconquest, employing constable to systematically reclaim territories ceded under the 1360 . This strategy targeted Navarrese holdings in and Champagne, where Charles II maintained garrisons and claims stemming from his inheritance and earlier gains. By the mid-1370s, French forces had eroded these possessions through sieges and attrition, culminating in the 1375 surrender of key fortresses such as those in the , reflecting Navarre's overextension amid divided loyalties to and depleted resources. The decisive blow to Charles II's French ambitions came in 1378, when French authorities arrested his chamberlain Jacques de Rue and secretary Pierre du Tertre on charges of treasonous plots orchestrated on his behalf, including schemes to assassinate royal officials and incite unrest. Under interrogation, the aides confessed to coordinating these intrigues from , implicating Charles II directly in efforts to undermine French sovereignty over his continental domains. On , both were beheaded at , with their heads displayed at Montfaucon, symbolizing the crown's unchallenged dominance and prompting Charles V to confiscate virtually all remaining Navarrese lands in , save temporary holdouts like . Compounding these losses, invaded in late 1378, exploiting its isolation after the French confiscations and prior Spanish interventions. Overwhelmed, Charles II signed the Treaty of Briones on March 31, 1379, pledging perpetual military alliance with both Castile and against —abandoning his long-standing Anglo-Navarrese ties—and ceding 20 southern fortresses, including Tudela, to Castilian control. This humbling accord preserved Navarre's core Pyrenean territories but marked a forced realignment, reducing Charles II to a dependent ruler amid rival consolidations and exposing the limits of his expansionist overreach.

Later Reign and Diplomacy in Navarre

Administrative Reforms and Internal Governance

Charles II reorganized the Chamber of Accounts (Cámara de Comptos) in in 1365, establishing a centralized body for fiscal oversight modeled on the French Chambre des Comptes to address economic strains from prolonged warfare and territorial ambitions. This institution managed tax collections, royal expenditures, and audits, with surviving documents from 1364–1365 revealing detailed accounts of revenues, including coinage taxes from mints like Donapaleu/Saint-Palais, where carlins and gold florins bearing Charles's name were produced to fund needs while stabilizing . These policies increased crown revenue through systematic levies on trade and minting, evidenced by charters recording loans and disbursements tied to war financing, yet they prioritized internal solvency over unchecked debasement. To bolster , invested in fortifications, including improvements to the medieval at Olite, which served as a royal residence and administrative hub during his visits in 1380, 1381, and 1384. Such constructions enhanced control over Navarre's rugged terrain, particularly in Basque-speaking regions where loyalty was maintained through pragmatic integration of local customs and recruitment, countering absentee rule narratives with tangible infrastructure that supported judicial and . Archival evidence from royal documents indicates his role in mediating feudal conflicts, fostering stability amid external drains, though these efforts were pragmatic rather than transformative, reflecting fiscal realism over expansive of or .

Shifting Alliances and Peace with France and Castile

In the late 1370s, following military setbacks including a failed incursion into Castilian territory at in 1378, Charles II pivoted from longstanding ties with toward alignment with and Castile, driven by 's exhaustion from prolonged conflicts and the shifting balance of power in the and . This realignment culminated in the Treaty of Briones on March 31, 1379, negotiated with , under which Charles committed to a perpetual military alliance with Castile and against , marking a decisive break from prior English support that had sustained Navarrese ambitions but yielded diminishing returns amid English reversals in . As part of the agreement, Charles surrendered control of 20 minor fortresses in southern to Castilian garrisons, a concession that preserved the kingdom's core territories while alleviating immediate threats from Iberian rivals. The treaty effectively secured peace with , whose king Charles V had viewed with suspicion due to recurrent intrigues, including alleged poisoning plots uncovered in 1378; by binding to Franco-Castilian objectives, Charles II neutralized French incentives for invasion, fostering a fragile but durable neutrality that contrasted with his earlier opportunistic shifts. This diplomatic maneuver reflected pragmatic adaptation to geopolitical realities—France and Castile's ascendancy over a beleaguered —rather than ideological affinity, allowing to sidestep the fiscal devastation of sustained warfare; verifiable truces embedded in the Briones terms curtailed levies and demands, easing the kingdom's indebtedness accrued from decades of expansionist ventures. Post-1380, with Charles V's death and the onset of French regency uncertainties, Charles II eschewed further external entanglements, redirecting resources inward and maintaining border quietude that forestalled opportunistic aggressions. These late alliances exemplified calculated , prioritizing Navarre's survival as a amid great-power rivalries; by forgoing irredentist claims in exchange for non-aggression pacts, Charles ensured the realm's without vassalage, a causal pivot that stabilized succession upon his death, as his son inherited a domain unencumbered by active hostilities and positioned for internal consolidation. The arrangement's endurance through the 1380s underscored its efficacy in reducing military expenditures—estimated to have halved Navarre's annual outlays compared to peak war years—while exposing the limits of Charles's prior adventurism, which had overextended the small kingdom's capacities.

Personal Life and Family

Marriage to Joan of France and Offspring

Charles II married Joan of Valois, daughter of King John II of France, on 12 February 1352 at the Château du Vivier near Fontenay-Trésigny in Brie. The bride, born circa 1343, was a child at the time of the union, which functioned primarily as a dynastic arrangement to bind Navarre more closely to the French royal house amid ongoing territorial disputes and inheritance claims. The couple had nine children between 1360 and 1373, though high infant mortality meant only two reached adulthood, underscoring the precarious nature of medieval dynastic succession strategies. Their eldest surviving son, Charles (1361–1425), succeeded his father as Charles III of Navarre, ensuring continuity of the Évreux line on the Navarrese throne. A daughter, Joan (c. 1370–1437), was strategically married in 1386 to John IV, Duke of Brittany, to cultivate alliances against French central authority and extend Navarrese influence into Breton politics; she later wed Henry IV of England in 1403. These betrothals exemplified Charles's use of progeny to pursue broader territorial and political leverage, compensating for direct military setbacks.

Health Decline and Unusual Death

In his later years, Charles II experienced a severe physical decline, becoming increasingly infirm and by the mid-1380s due to an unspecified debilitating illness that rendered him immobile without assistance. Some contemporary reports and later historical analyses suggest this condition may have involved a skin akin to or scrofula, though primary medical diagnoses from the era remain unverified and accounts vary. Physicians prescribed an unconventional treatment involving wrapping Charles in cloths steeped in spirits of wine (brandy) to provide warmth and purportedly aid his ailment, a practice reflective of medieval humoral medicine aimed at restoring bodily balance through external applications. On January 1, 1387, while in his palace at , a servant tasked with tending to these linens—either drying them or adjusting them near a —accidentally ignited the flammable fabric with an open , enveloping the king in and causing fatal burns. Charles perished from the that same day, at the age of 54. The throne of Navarre transitioned immediately to his eldest son, , who had been designated through prior arrangements, ensuring continuity without recorded dispute; no detailed testament provisions beyond standard succession norms are documented in surviving records.

Reputation, Legacy, and Historical Assessments

Origins of the Epithet "Charles the Bad"

The epithet "Charles the Bad" (French: le Mauvais) emerged in mid-14th-century French narratives amid escalating conflicts between Charles II of Navarre and King John II of France, particularly following the January 8, 1354, assassination of Charles of La Cerda, Prince of Spain, in which Navarre was implicated as the instigator. This event, occurring at a banquet in , heightened suspicions of Navarre's treachery, as he had longstanding grievances over Spanish succession and French favoritism toward La Cerda, prompting retaliatory French actions including the April 8, 1356, arrest of Navarre on charges of conspiracy. The label encapsulated tropes of betrayal and ambition, portraying Navarre's shifting alliances—such as his overtures to during the —as disloyalty to French interests. Prominent among propagators was chronicler , whose Chroniques (composed circa 1369–1400) explicitly denominated him "Charles le Mauvais," framing events like the as justified responses to his . Froissart's account, drawing from eyewitness testimonies and courtly sources, emphasized Navarre's role in destabilizing plots, including of urban unrest and noble cabals against the Valois monarchy. Other French writers echoed this, embedding the epithet in historiographical tradition to underscore moral and political failings from a Capetian loyalist perspective. This designation reflected inherent biases in medieval chronicling, where authors like Froissart, often patronized by nobility aligned with the French crown, prioritized chivalric narratives that vilified rivals challenging royal authority. Navarre's claims to the French throne via his mother's Capetian lineage positioned him as an existential threat, rendering the a tool of delegitimization rather than dispassionate assessment; reveals it as rhetorical from a momentarily ascendant French court against a contender who had exposed Valois vulnerabilities through opportunistic . Contemporary , such as treaties and envoys' dispatches from the 1350s–1360s, typically addressed him neutrally as "King Charles of Navarre" without derogatory qualifiers, suggesting the label's propagation was confined to adversarial French milieus and not universally adopted, including in Navarrese or English where his strategic resilience garnered pragmatic respect.

Positive Contributions: Diplomacy, Patronage, and Strategic Ambitions

Charles II exhibited diplomatic skill in leveraging alliances during the to secure temporary territorial advantages and maintain Navarrese holdings in . Appointed royal lieutenant in in 1351, he commanded forces that captured Port-Sainte-Marie on the in 1352, enhancing Navarrese influence in southwestern . His negotiations following imprisonment by John II led to the recovery of key fiefs, including efforts to reclaim , demonstrating adept maneuvering among French, English, and Castilian powers. In patronage, Charles supported religious institutions reflective of his Catholic devotion, ordering modifications to a wooden sculpture in the Church of Santa María de Ujué during the 14th century to align with contemporary artistic standards. His final testament directed that his heart be enshrined there, underscoring enduring patronage of sacred sites central to Navarrese identity. Such acts, documented in charters and ecclesiastical records, extended to fostering arbitration in disputes, including submitting claims like that to Burgundy for papal mediation, promoting stability through institutional channels. Strategically, Charles managed the dual realms of and amid encirclement by larger kingdoms, employing shifting alliances to avert absorption. By balancing ties with for military support in and periodic reconciliations with , he preserved 's sovereignty through the turbulent , enabling the kingdom's continuity despite existential threats from Castile and . This vision sustained 's independence, positioning it as a pivotal in Iberian and continental affairs.

Criticisms: Intrigues, Betrayals, and Failures in Expansion

Charles II's reign was marked by persistent intrigues and betrayals that undermined his alliances and led to the downfall of his associates. In 1369 and 1370, he orchestrated two attempts to poison King Charles V of France, employing agents to administer toxins amid ongoing hostilities. These schemes reflected a broader pattern of duplicity, including the 1378 execution of his loyal aides Pierre du Tertre and Jacques de Rue in for their roles in his recent plots against French interests, which involved betraying confidences to foreign powers. His opportunistic involvement in the revolt of 1358 exemplifies this treachery; Charles encouraged the uprising to destabilize the French monarchy and raided affected regions for gain, yet he swiftly turned against the rebels, defeating their leader Guillaume Cale at the Battle of Clermont on June 10, 1358, and facilitating the massacre of thousands of insurgents. This manipulation exacerbated rural unrest and social chaos in northern , linking his ambitions directly to widespread peasant violence that ultimately weakened his own positions without yielding strategic advantages. Despite relentless efforts to expand Navarre's influence through territorial claims in and alliances with during the , Charles's overambition resulted in repeated failures and net losses. His financing of companies and support for disruptive campaigns drained Navarre's resources, culminating in financial exhaustion by the 1370s, while French royal forces reclaimed key holdings such as parts of and Champagne that he had briefly controlled. These setbacks, compounded by diplomatic isolation from serial betrayals, diminished Navarre's role as a significant European power, leaving the kingdom marginalized and its expansionist goals unrealized.

References

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