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Occitan language
Occitan language
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Occitan
occitan, lenga d'òc, provençal / provençau
Pronunciation[leŋɡɒ ˈðɔ(k)]
Native toFrance, Spain, Italy, Monaco
RegionOccitania
EthnicityOccitans
Native speakers
(c. 200,000 cited 1990–2012)[1]
Estimates range from 100,000 to 800,000 total speakers (2007–2012),[2][3] with 68,000 in Italy (2005 survey),[4] 4,000 in Spain (Val d'Aran)[5]
Early forms
Standard forms
Dialects
Latin alphabet (Occitan alphabet)
Official status
Official language in
Spain
Recognised minority
language in
Regulated byConselh de la Lenga Occitana;[7] Congrès Permanent de la Lenga Occitana;[8] Institut d'Estudis Aranesi[9]
Language codes
ISO 639-1oc
ISO 639-2oci
ISO 639-3oci – inclusive code
Individual code:
sdt – Judeo-Occitan
Glottologocci1239
Linguasphere& 51-AAA-f 51-AAA-g & 51-AAA-f
Geographic range of the Occitan language around 1900
Provençal, Auvergnat, Limousin, Gardiol, and Languedocien Occitan are classified as Severely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger.[10]

Gascon and Vivaro-Alpine Occitan are classified as Definitely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger.[11]
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Occitan (English: /ˈɒksɪtən, -tæn, -tɑːn/;[12][13] Occitan pronunciation: [utsiˈta, uksiˈta]),[a] also known by its native speakers as lenga d'òc (Occitan: [ˈleŋɡɒ ˈðɔ(k)] ; French: langue d'oc), sometimes also referred to as Provençal, is a Romance language spoken in Southern France, Monaco, Italy's Occitan Valleys, as well as Spain's Val d'Aran in Catalonia; collectively, these regions are sometimes referred to as Occitania. It is also spoken in Calabria (Southern Italy) in a linguistic enclave of Cosenza area (mostly Guardia Piemontese) named Gardiol, which is also considered a separate Occitanic language.[14] Some include Catalan as a dialect of Occitan, as the linguistic distance between this language and some Occitan dialects (such as the Gascon language) is similar to the distance between different Occitan dialects. Catalan was considered a dialect of Occitan until the end of the 19th century[15] and still today remains its closest relative.[16] Occitan has a particularly rich lexicon. Lo Panoccinari, considered the most comprehensive dictionary ever published in this language, records over 250,000 unique words[17] (more than 310,000 including dialectal variations).

Occitan is an official language of Catalonia, Spain, where a subdialect of Gascon known as Aranese is spoken (in the Val d'Aran).[18] Since September 2010, the Parliament of Catalonia has considered Aranese Occitan to be the officially preferred language for use in the Val d'Aran.

Across history, the terms Limousin (Lemosin), Languedocien (Lengadocian), Gascon, in addition to Provençal (Provençal, Provençau or Prouvençau) later have been used as synonyms for the whole of Occitan; nowadays, the term "Provençal" is understood mainly as the Occitan dialect spoken in Provence, in southeast France.[19]

Unlike other Romance languages such as French or Spanish, Occitan does not have a single written standard form, nor does it have official status in France, home to most of its speakers. Instead, there are competing norms for writing Occitan, some of which attempt to be pan-dialectal, whereas others are based on a particular dialect. These efforts are hindered by the rapidly declining use of Occitan as a spoken language in much of southern France, as well as by the significant differences in phonology and vocabulary among different Occitan dialects.

According to the UNESCO Red Book of Endangered Languages,[20] four of the six major dialects of Occitan (Provençal, Auvergnat, Limousin and Languedocien) are considered severely endangered, whereas the remaining two (Gascon and Vivaro-Alpine) are considered definitely endangered.

Name

[edit]

History of the modern term

[edit]

The name Occitan comes from the term lenga d'òc ("language of òc"), òc being the Occitan word for yes. While the term would have been in use orally for some time after the decline of Latin, as far as historical records show, the Italian medieval poet Dante was the first to have recorded the term lingua d'oc in writing. In his De vulgari eloquentia, he wrote in Latin, "nam alii oc, alii si, alii vero dicunt oil" ("for some say òc, others , yet others say oïl"), thereby highlighting three major Romance literary languages that were well known in Italy, based on each language's word for "yes", the òc language (Occitan), the oïl language (French), and the language (Italian).

The word òc came from Vulgar Latin hoc ("this"), while oïl originated from Latin hoc illud ("this [is] it"). Old Catalan and now the Catalan of Northern Catalonia also have hoc (òc). Other Romance languages derive their word for "yes" from the Latin sic, "thus [it is], [it was done], etc.", such as Spanish , Eastern Lombard , Italian , or Portuguese sim. In modern Catalan, as in modern Spanish, is usually used as a response, although the language retains the word oi, akin to òc, which is sometimes used at the end of yes–no questions and also in higher register as a positive response.[21] French uses si to answer "yes" in response to questions that are asked in the negative sense: for example, "Vous n'avez pas de frères?" "Si, j'en ai sept." ("You don't have any brothers, do you ?" "Yes I do, I have seven.").

The name "Occitan" was attested around 1300 as occitanus, a crossing of oc and aquitanus (Aquitanian).[22]

Other names for Occitan

[edit]

For many centuries, the Occitan dialects (together with Catalan)[23] were referred to as Limousin or Provençal, after the names of two regions lying within the modern Occitan-speaking area. After Frédéric Mistral's Félibrige movement in the 19th century, Provençal achieved the greatest literary recognition and so became the most popular term for Occitan.

According to Joseph Anglade, a philologist and specialist of medieval literature who helped impose the then archaic term Occitan as the standard name,[24] the word Lemosin was first used to designate the language at the beginning of the 13th century by Catalan troubadour Raimon Vidal de Besalú(n) in his Razós de trobar:

La parladura Francesca val mais et [es] plus avinenz a far romanz e pasturellas; mas cella de Lemozin val mais per far vers et cansons et serventés; et per totas las terras de nostre lengage son de major autoritat li cantar de la lenga Lemosina que de negun'autra parladura, per qu'ieu vos en parlarai primeramen.[25]

The French language is worthier and better suited for romances and pastourelles; but [the language] from Limousin is of greater value for writing poems and cançons and sirventés; and across the whole of the lands where our tongue is spoken, the literature in the Limousin language has more authority than any other dialect, wherefore I shall use this name in priority.

The term Provençal, though implying a reference to the region of Provence, historically was used for Occitan as a whole, for "in the eleventh, the twelfth, and sometimes also the thirteenth centuries, one would understand under the name of Provence the whole territory of the old Provincia romana Gallia Narbonensis and even Aquitaine".[26] The term first came into fashion in Italy.[27]

Currently, linguists use the terms Provençal and Limousin strictly to refer to specific varieties within Occitan, using Occitan for the language as a whole. Many non-specialists, however, continue to refer to the language as Provençal.

History

[edit]

One of the oldest written fragments of the language found dates back to 960, shown here in italics mixed with non-italicized Latin:

De ista hora in antea non decebrà Ermengaus filius Eldiarda Froterio episcopo filio Girberga ne Raimundo filio Bernardo vicecomite de castello de Cornone ... no·l li tolrà ni no·l li devedarà ni no l'en decebrà ... nec societatem non aurà, si per castellum recuperare non o fa, et si recuperare potuerit in potestate Froterio et Raimundo lo tornarà, per ipsas horas quæ Froterius et Raimundus l'en comonrà.[28]

Carolingian litanies (c. 780), though the leader sang in Latin, were answered to in Old Occitan by the people (Ora pro nos; Tu lo juva).[29]

Other famous pieces include the Boecis, a 258-line-long poem written entirely in the Limousin dialect of Occitan between the year 1000 and 1030 and inspired by Boethius's The Consolation of Philosophy; the Waldensian La nobla leyczon (dated 1100),[30] Cançó de Santa Fe (c. 1054–1076), the Romance of Flamenca (13th century), the Song of the Albigensian Crusade (1213–1219?), Daurel e Betó (12th or 13th century), Las, qu'i non-sun sparvir, astur (11th century) and Tomida femina (9th or 10th century).

Occitan was the vehicle for the influential poetry of the medieval troubadours (trobadors) and trobairitz: At that time, the language was understood and celebrated throughout most of educated Europe.[31] It was the maternal language of the English queen Eleanor of Aquitaine and kings Richard I (who wrote troubadour poetry) and John.

With the gradual imposition of French royal power over its territory, Occitan declined in status from the 14th century on. The Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts (1539) decreed that the langue d'oïl (French – though at the time referring to the Francien language and not the larger collection of dialects grouped under the name langues d'oïl) should be used for all French administration. Occitan's greatest decline occurred during the French Revolution, in which diversity of language was considered a threat.

In 1903, the four Gospels ("Lis Evangèli", i.e. Matthew, Mark, Luke and John) were translated into Provençal as spoken in Cannes and Grasse. The translation was given the official Roman Catholic Imprimatur by vicar general A. Estellon.[citation needed]

The literary renaissance of the late 19th century (in which the 1904 Nobel Prize in Literature winner, Frédéric Mistral, among others, was involved) was attenuated by World War I, when (in addition to the disruption caused by any major war) many Occitan speakers spent extended periods of time alongside French-speaking comrades.

Origins

[edit]

Because the geographical territory in which Occitan is spoken is surrounded by regions in which other Romance languages are used, external influences may have influenced its origin and development. Many factors favored its development as its own language.

  • Mountains and seas: The range of Occitan is naturally bounded by the Mediterranean, Atlantic, Massif Central, Alps, and Pyrenees, respectively.
  • Buffer zones: arid land, marshes, and areas otherwise impractical for farming and resistant of colonization provide further separation (territory between Loire and Garonne, the Aragon desert plateau).
  • Constant populations: Some Occitan-speaking peoples are descended from people living in the region since prehistoric times.[32]
  • Deeper Roman influence: The Romans had established an earlier presence in Southern France in 121 BC beginning with Gallia Narbonensis, where the seeds of the Occitan language were first sown. According to Müller, "France's linguistic separation began with Roman influence"[33]
  • A separate lexicon: Although Occitan is midway between the Gallo-Romance and Iberian Romance languages, it has "around 550 words inherited from Latin that no longer exist in the langues d'oïl or in Franco-Provençal"[33]
  • Lack of Germanic influence: "The Frankish lexicon and its phonetic influence often end above the oc/oïl line"[33]

Occitan in the Iberian Peninsula

[edit]

Catalan in Spain's northern and central Mediterranean coastal regions and the Balearic Islands is closely related to Occitan, sharing many linguistic features and a common origin (see Occitano-Romance languages). The language was one of the first to gain prestige as a medium for literature among Romance languages in the Middle Ages. Indeed, in the 12th and 13th centuries, Catalan troubadours such as Guerau de Cabrera, Guilhem de Bergadan, Guilhem de Cabestany, Huguet de Mataplana, Raimon Vidal de Besalú, Cerverí de Girona, Formit de Perpinhan, and Jofre de Foixà wrote in Occitan.

At the end of the 11th century, the Franks, as they were called at the time, started to penetrate the Iberian Peninsula through the Ways of St. James via Somport and Roncesvalles, settling in various locations in the Kingdoms of Navarre and Aragon enticed by the privileges granted them by the Navarrese kings. They settled in large groups, forming ethnic boroughs where Occitan was used for everyday life, in Pamplona, Sangüesa, and Estella-Lizarra, among others.[34] These boroughs in Navarre may have been close-knit communities that tended not to assimilate with the predominantly Basque-speaking general population. Their language became the status language chosen by the Navarrese kings, nobility, and upper classes for official and trade purposes in the period stretching from the early 13th century to the late 14th century.[35]

Written administrative records were in a koiné based on the Languedocien dialect from Toulouse with fairly archaic linguistic features, evidence survives of a written account in Occitan from Pamplona centered on the burning of borough San Nicolas from 1258, while the History of the War of Navarre by Guilhem Anelier (1276), albeit written in Pamplona, shows a linguistic variant from Toulouse.[36]

Things turned out slightly otherwise in Aragon, where the sociolinguistic situation was different, with a clearer Basque-Romance bilingual situation (cf. Basques from the Val d'Aran cited c. 1000), but a receding Basque language (Basque banned in the marketplace of Huesca, 1349).[37][38] While the language was chosen as a medium of prestige in records and official statements along with Latin in the early 13th century, Occitan faced competition from the rising local Romance vernacular, the Navarro-Aragonese, both orally and in writing, especially after Aragon's territorial conquests south to Zaragoza, Huesca and Tudela between 1118 and 1134. It resulted that a second Occitan immigration of this period was assimilated by the similar Navarro-Aragonese language, which at the same time was fostered and chosen by the kings of Aragon. In the 14th century, Occitan across the whole southern Pyrenean area fell into decay and became largely absorbed into Navarro-Aragonese first and Castilian later in the 15th century, after their exclusive boroughs broke up (1423, Pamplona's boroughs unified).[39]

Gascon-speaking communities were called to move in for trading purposes by Navarrese kings in the early 12th century to the coastal fringe extending from San Sebastian to the river Bidasoa, where they settled down. The language variant they used was different from the ones in Navarre, i.e. a Béarnese dialect of Gascon.[40] Gascon remained in use in this area far longer than in Navarre and Aragon, until the 19th century, thanks mainly to the fact that Donostia and Pasaia maintained close ties with Bayonne.

Geographic distribution

[edit]

Number of speakers

[edit]

The area where Occitan was historically dominant has approximately 16 million inhabitants. Recent research has shown it may be spoken as a first language by approximately 789,000 people[2][3] in France, Italy, Spain and Monaco. In Monaco, Occitan coexists with Monégasque Ligurian, which is the other native language.[41][42] Up to seven million people in France understand the language,[43][44][45] whereas twelve to fourteen million fully spoke it in 1921.[46] In 1860, Occitan speakers represented more than 39%[47] of the whole French population (52% for francophones proper); they were still 26% to 36% in the 1920s,[48] but less than 7% in 1993.

Usage in France

[edit]
This bilingual street sign in Toulouse, like many such signs found in Toulouse's historical districts, is maintained primarily for its antique charm, and is typical of what little remains of the lenga d'òc in southern French cities.

Though it was still an everyday language for most of the rural population of southern France well into the 20th century, the language is now declining in every region where it was spoken.

A 2020 study[49] conducted by the Office Public de la Langue Occitane on the territories of the Nouvelle-Aquitaine and Occitanie regions estimated around 540,000 speakers in these two regions. It is worth noting that the survey was conducted in the Occitan language for respondents who declared they were proficient in it. However, the regions including Auvergne and Provence were effectively excluded from this census, as the Office in question does not currently have a partnership with these territories.

According to the 1999 census, there were 610,000 native speakers (almost all of whom were also native French speakers) and perhaps another million people with some exposure to the language. Following the pattern of language shift, most of this remainder is to be found among the eldest populations. Occitan activists (called Occitanists) have attempted, in particular with the advent of Occitan-language preschools (the Calandretas), to reintroduce the language to the young.[50]

Nonetheless, the number of proficient speakers of Occitan is thought to be dropping precipitously. A tourist in the cities in southern France is unlikely to hear a single Occitan word spoken on the street (or, for that matter, in a home), and is likely to only find the occasional vestige, such as street signs (and, of those, most will have French equivalents more prominently displayed), to remind them of the traditional language of the area.[51]

Occitan speakers, as a result of generations of systematic suppression and humiliation (see Vergonha), seldom use the language in the presence of strangers, whether they are from abroad or from outside Occitania (in this case, often merely and abusively referred to as Parisiens or Nordistes, which means northerners). Occitan is still spoken by many elderly people in rural areas, but they generally switch to French when dealing with outsiders.[52]

Occitan's decline is somewhat less pronounced in Béarn because of the province's history (a late addition to the Kingdom of France), though even there the language is little spoken outside the homes of the rural elderly. The village of Artix is notable for having elected to post street signs in the local language.[53]

Usage outside France

[edit]
Aranese signage in Bossòst, Val d'Aran, Spain
  • In the Val d'Aran, in the northwest corner of Catalonia, Spain, Aranese (a variety of Gascon) is spoken. It is an official language of Catalonia together with Catalan and Spanish.
  • In Italy, Occitan is also spoken in the Occitan Valleys (Alps) in Piedmont. Gardiol also has existed at Guardia Piemontese (Calabria) since the 14th century. Italy adopted in 1999 a Linguistic Minorities Protection Law, or "Law 482", which includes Occitan; however, Italian is the dominant language. The Piedmontese language is extremely close to Occitan.
  • In Monaco, some Occitan speakers coexist with remaining native speakers of Monégasque (Ligurian). French is the dominant language.
  • Scattered Occitan-speaking communities have existed in different countries:
    • There were Occitan-speaking colonies in Württemberg (Germany) since the 18th century, as a consequence of the Camisard war. The last Occitan speakers were heard in the 1930s.
    • In the Spanish Basque country, Gascon was spoken in San Sebastián, perhaps as late as the early 20th century.[54]
    • In the Americas, Occitan speakers exist:
      • in the United States, in Valdese, North Carolina[55][56]
      • in Canada, in Quebec where there are Occitan associations such as Association Occitane du Québec and Association des Occitans.[57]
      • Pigüé, Argentina – Community settled by 165 Occitans from the Rodez-Aveyron area of Cantal in the late 19th century.
      • Guanajuato, Mexico – A sparse number of Occitan settlers are known to have settled in that state in the 19th century.[58]

Traditionally Occitan-speaking areas

[edit]
  • Aquitaine – excluding the Basque-speaking part of the Pyrénées-Atlantiques in the western part of the department and a small part of Gironde where the langue d'oïl Saintongeais dialect is spoken.
  • Midi-Pyrénées – including one of France's largest cities, Toulouse. There are a few street signs in Toulouse in Occitan, and since late 2009 the Toulouse Metro announcements are bilingual French-Occitan,[59] but otherwise the language is almost never heard spoken on the street.
  • Languedoc-Roussillon (from "Lenga d'òc") – including the areas around the medieval city of Carcassonne, excluding the large part of the Pyrénées-Orientales where Catalan is spoken (Fenolheda is the only Occitan-speaking area of the Pyrénées-Orientales).
  • Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur – except for the Roya and Bévéra valleys, where there is a transitional dialect between Ligurian and Occitan, (Roiasc, including the Brigasc dialect of Ligurian). In the department of Alpes-Maritimes there were once isolated towns that spoke Ligurian called Figún,[60] but those varieties are now extinct. The Mentonasc dialect of Ligurian, spoken in Menton, is a Ligurian transition dialect with a strong Occitan influence. French is the dominant language of the Alpes-Maritimes, Dauphiné and French Riviera areas.
  • In Monaco, Occitan, imported by immigrants coexisted in the 19th and 20th centuries with the Monégasque dialect of Ligurian. French is the dominant language.
  • Poitou-Charentes – Use of Occitan has declined here in the few parts it used to be spoken, replaced by French. Only Charente Limousine, the eastern part of the region, has resisted. The natural and historical languages of most of the region are the langues d'oïl Poitevin and Saintongeais.
  • Limousin – A rural region (about 710,000 inhabitants) where Limousin is still spoken among the oldest residents. French is the dominant language.
  • Auvergne – The language's use has declined in some urban areas. French is the dominant language. The department of Allier is divided between a southern, Occitan-speaking area and a northern, French-speaking area.
  • Centre-Val de Loire – Some villages in the extreme South speak Occitan.
  • Rhône-Alpes – While the south of the region is clearly Occitan-speaking, the central and northern Lyonnais, Forez and Dauphiné parts belong to the Franco-Provençal language area. French is the dominant language.
  • Occitan Valleys (Piedmont) – Italian region where Occitan is spoken only in the southern and central Alpine valleys.
  • Val d'Aran – part of Catalonia that speaks a mountain dialect of Gascon.

Pronunciation

[edit]

The following section describes the pronunciation of the Languedocian dialect which is central geographically and the most conservative among Occitan dialects.[61] For that reason it serves as a basis for standardization of Occitan.[62]

Vowels

[edit]
Vowel[63] Pronunciation
a (beginning or in a word); à [a]
a (end of a word); á; ò [o̞~ɔ, ɛ, e]
e, é [e]
è [ɛ]
o, ó [u~w]
i, í [i]
u, ú [y~ɥ, w]

Consonants

[edit]
Consonant[63] Pronunciation Consonant Pronunciation
b, v ([v] in Northern and Eastern Occitan), w [b~β] p [p]
c before a, o, u; qu before e and i [k] r-, rr [r]
c before e and i; ç, s-, -s, sc, ss, -z [s] r inside words; rn, rm [ɾ]
cc; ts [s, ts, ks, kʃ] -r silent
d [d~ð] t [t]
f [f] x [(t)s]
g before a, o, u; gu [g~ɣ] z; s between vowels [z]
g before e, i; j [dʒ] lh [ʎ]
-g [k, tʃ] nh [ɲ]
l; -lh [l] tz [ts]
m; n and m before p, b and m [m] gn [nː]
n, nd, nt; -m [n] tg; tj; ch [tʃ]
n before c/qu and g/gu [ŋ] n and m before f [ɱ]
qu before a and o [kw] ll; tl [lː]

Stress

[edit]

Words ending with a vowel or s, as well as verb forms ending with n, have stress on the penultimate syllable. Words ending with a diphthong or a consonant (except s but including n) have stress on the last syllable. Exceptions have marked stress.[63]

Examples are:

La mecanica; destriar; cuélher; cantan; penós; gaton.

Grammar

[edit]

The following section describes the grammar of the Languedocian dialect which is central geographically and most conservative among Occitan dialects.[61] For that reason it serves as a basis for standardization of Occitan.[62]

Pronouns

[edit]

Personal pronouns are shown in the following table.[64]

Singular Plural
1st per. Ieu Nosautres / nosautras / nos
2nd per. Tu Vosautres / vosautras / vos
3rd per. El (=he)/ela (= she) Eles (masculine), elas (feminine)

Possessives

[edit]

Possessives are shown in the following table.[64]

Possessed thing is singular... Possessed thing is plural...
Possessor and masculine and feminine and masculine and feminine
I Mon Ma Mos Mas
You (sin.) Ton Ta Tos Tas
He/ she/ it Son Sa Sos Sas
We Nòstre Nòstra Nòstres Nòstras
You (pl.) Vòstre Vòstra Vòstres Vòstras
They Lor Lors

Demonstratives

[edit]

Demonstratives (this, that, these, those) are shown in the following table.[64]

Singular Plural
Masculine Aiceste/ Aqueste/ Aquel Aicestes/ Aquestes/ Aqueles
Feminine Aicesta/ Aquesta/ Aquela Aicestas/ Aquestas/ Aquelas
Neuter Aquò Aquò

Nouns

[edit]

There are 2 genders: masculine, and feminine. Feminine nouns are usually created by adding termination -a.[64] Plural is created by adding -s to nouns.[64]

Articles

[edit]

There are two indefinite articles in singular (a/an): masculine un and feminine una and one in plural: de.[64] de before vowels is shortend to d'.[64] It's summarized in the following table.

Indefinite articles
Singular Plural
Masculine un de, d'
Feminine una de, d'

Definite articles (the) are shown in the following table.[64]

Definite articles
Singular Plural
Masculine lo, l' los
Feminine la, l' las

l' is used before a vowel.[64]

Prepositions a, de, per and sus followed by articles lo and los are merged with them according to the following table.[64]

lo los
a al als
de del dels
per pel pels
sus sul suls

For instance a+los = als.

Verbs

[edit]

Verbs inflect for person, number, tense and mood. There are 3 conjugations: -ar, -ir and -re.[65] Verbs ending with -ir have two subconjugations: with and without a suffix.[65]

Pattern of inflection of regular verbs belonging to the first conjugation is presented in the following table.[65]

Parlar (= to speak), parlat (= spoken), parlant (= speaking).

Present Imperfect Preterit Subjunctive Present Subjunctive Past Future Conditional Imperative
Ieu Parli Parlavi Parlèri Parle Parlèsse Parlarai Parlariái
Tu Parlas Parlavas Parlères Parles Parlèsses Parlaràs Parlariás Parla
El/ela Parla Parlava Parlèt Parle Parlèsse Parlarà Parlariá
Nos Parlam Parlàvem Parlèrem Parlem Parlèssem Parlarem Parlariam Parlem
Vos Parlatz Parlàvetz Parlèretz Parletz Parlèssetz Parlaretz Parlariatz Parlatz
Eles/elas Parlan Parlavan Parlèron Parlen Parlèsson Parlaràn Parlarián

Conjugation -ir with the suffix is shown below.[65]

Dormir (= to sleep), dormit (= slept), dormint (= sleeping).

Present Imperfect Preterite Subjunctive present Subjunctive past Future Conditional Imperative
Ieu Dormissi Dormissiái Dormiguèri Dormisca Dormiguèsse Dormirai Dormiriái
Tu Dormisses Dormissiás Dormiguères Dormiscas Dormiguèsses Dormiràs Dormiriás Dormís
El/ela Dormís Dormissiá Dormiguèt Dormisca Dormiguèsse Dormirà Dormiriá
Nos Dormissèm Dormissiam Dormiguèrem Dormiscam Dormiguèssem Dormirem Dormiriam Dormiscam
Vos Dormissètz Dormissiatz Dormiguèretz Dormiscatz Dormiguèssetz Dormiretz Dormiriatz Dormissètz
Eles/elas Dormisson Dormissián Dormiguèron Dormiscan Dormiguèsson Dormiràn Dormirián

Second conjugation without the suffix is shown below.[65]

Sentir (= to feel), sentit (= felt), sentent (= feeling).

Present Imperfect Preterit Subjunctive present Subjunctive past Future Conditionnal Imperative
Ieu Senti Sentiái Sentiguèri Senta Sentiguèsse Sentirai Sentiriái
Tu Sentes Sentiás Sentiguères Sentas Sentiguèsses Sentiràs Sentiriás Sent
El/ ela Sent Sentiá Sentiguèt Senta Sentiguèsse Sentirà Sentiriá
Nos Sentèm Sentiam Sentiguèrem Sentam Sentiguèssem Sentirem Sentiriam Sentiam
Vos Sentètz Sentiatz Sentiguèretz Sentatz Sentiguèssetz Sentiretz Sentiriatz Sentètz
Eles/ elas Senton Sentián Sentiguèron Sentan Sentiguèsson Sentiràn Sentirián

The third conjugation is shown below.[65]

Batre (= to beat), batut (= beaten), beatent (= beating)

Present Imperfect Preterit Subjunctive present Subjunctive past Future Conditionnal Imperative
Ieu Bati Batiái Batèri Bata Batèsse Batrai Batriái
Tu Bates Batiás Batères Batas Batèsses Batràs Batriás Bat
El/ela Bat Batiá Batèt Bata Batèsse Batrà Batriá
Nos Batèm Batiam Batèrem Batam Batèssem Batrem Batriam Batiam
Vos Batètz Batiatz Batèretz Batatz Batèssetz Batretz Batriatz Batètz
Eles/elas Baton Batián Batèron Batan Batèsson Batràn Batrián

Irregular verbs

[edit]

Two very important irregular verbs are èsser/èstre (= to be) and aver (= to have).

Conjugation of èsser/èstre is shown below.[65]

estat (= been), essent (= being)

Present Imperfect Preterit Subjunctive present Subjunctive past Future Conditionnal Imperative
Ieu Soi Èri Foguèri Siá Foguèsse Serai Seriái
Tu Ès/Sès Èras Foguères Siás Foguèsses Seràs Seriás Siá
El/ela Es Èra Foguèt Siá Foguèsse Serà Seriá
Nos Sèm Èrem Foguèrem Siam Foguèssem Serem Seriam Siam
Vos Sètz Èretz Foguèretz Siatz Foguèssetz Seretz Seriatz Siatz
Eles/elas Son Èran Foguèron Sián Foguèsson Seràn Serián

Conjugation of aver is shown below.[65]

agut (= had), avent (= having)

Present Imperfect Preterit Subjunctive present Subjunctive past Future Conditionnal Imperative
Ieu Ai Aviái Aguèri Aja Aguèsse Aurai Auriái
Tu As Aviás Aguères Ajas Aguèsses Auràs Auriás Aja
El/ela A Aviá Aguèt Aja Aguèsse Aura Auriá
Nos Avem Aviam Aguèrem Ajam Aguèssem Aurem Auriam Ajam
Vos Avètz Aviatz Aguèretz Ajatz Aguèssetz Auretz Auriatz Ajatz
Eles/elas An Avián Aguèron Ajan Aguèsson Auràn Aurián

Reflexive verbs

[edit]

Reflexive verbs are verbs which require reflexive pronoun se. Pronoun se inflects for person and number. An example is se levar (= to get up). It's inflacted according to the following table.[65]

Present Imperative
Ieu Me lèvi
Tu Te lèvas lèva-te
El/elas Se lèva
Nos Nos levam levem-nos
Vos Vos levatz levatz-vos
Eles/elas Se lèvan tenon

Negation

[edit]

Negation is done by adding pas after a verb.[66] For example:

  • Parli pas (= I don't speak).
  • An pas parlat (= They haven't spoken).
  • Vesi pas res (= I don't see anything).
  • Lo tròbi pas enluòc (= I don't find him anywhere).
  • Sortís pas jamai (= He never goes out).
  • Degun es pas vengut (= Nobody came).

Dialects

[edit]
Map of Occitan's six main dialects
Occitan dialects according to Pierre Bec
Supradialectal classification of Occitan according to Bec
Supradialectal classification of Occitan according to Sumien

Occitan is fundamentally defined by its dialects, rather than being a unitary language, as it lacks an official written standard. Like other languages that fundamentally exist at a spoken, rather than written, level (e.g. the Rhaeto-Romance languages, Franco-Provençal, Astur-Leonese, and Aragonese), every settlement technically has its own dialect, with the whole of Occitania forming a classic dialect continuum that changes gradually along any path from one side to the other. Nonetheless, specialists commonly divide Occitan into six main dialects:

The northern and easternmost dialects have more morphological and phonetic features in common with the Gallo-Italic and Oïl languages (e.g. nasal vowels; loss of final consonants; initial cha/ja- instead of ca/ga-; uvular ⟨r⟩; the front-rounded sound /ø/ instead of a diphthong, /w/ instead of /l/ before a consonant), whereas the southernmost dialects have more features in common with the Ibero-Romance languages (e.g. betacism; voiced fricatives between vowels in place of voiced stops; -ch- in place of -it-), and Gascon has a number of unusual features not seen in other dialects (e.g. /h/ in place of /f/; loss of /n/ between vowels; intervocalic -r- and final -t/ch in place of medieval -ll-).

There are also significant lexical differences, where some dialects have words cognate with French, and others have Catalan and Spanish cognates. Nonetheless, there is a significant amount of mutual intelligibility and some of the words with two cognates can be used in the same dialect as synonymous (totjorn/sempre in provençal or maison/ostau in gascon for instance).

There is also no particular geographical distribution of the cognates, with some shared by distant dialects and other not shared with bordering foreign languages (for instance maison in both Gascon and Niçard, cognate of French but not of Spanish or Italian, although these dialects are geographically closer to these languages).

Occitan words and their French, Catalan and Spanish cognates
English Cognate of French Cognate of Catalan and Spanish
Occitan French Occitan Catalan Spanish
house maison maison casa casa casa
head testa tête cap cap cabeza
to buy achaptar acheter crompar comprar comprar
to hear entendre entendre ausir / audir oir oír
to be quiet se taire se taire calar callar callar
to fall tombar tomber caire caure caer
more pus plus mai més más
always totjorn toujours sempre sempre siempre
broom balaja balai escoba escombra escoba

Gascon is the most divergent, and descriptions of the main features of Occitan often consider Gascon separately. Max Wheeler notes that "probably only its copresence within the French cultural sphere has kept [Gascon] from being regarded as a separate language", and compares it to Franco-Provençal, which is considered a separate language from Occitan but is "probably not more divergent from Occitan overall than Gascon is".[67]

There is no general agreement about larger groupings of these dialects.

Max Wheeler divides the dialects into two groups:[67]

  • Southwestern (Gascon and Languedocien), more conservative
  • Northeastern (Limousin, Auvergnat, Provençal and Vivaro-Alpine), more innovative

Pierre Bec divides the dialects into three groups:[68]

  • Gascon, standing alone
  • Southern Occitan (Languedocien and Provençal)
  • Northern Occitan (Limousin, Auvergnat, Vivaro-Alpine)

In order to overcome the pitfalls of the traditional romanistic view, Bec proposed a "supradialectal" classification that groups Occitan with Catalan as a part of a wider Occitano-Romanic group. One such classification posits three groups:[69][70][71]

  • "Arverno-Mediterranean" (arvèrnomediterranèu), same as Wheeler's northeastern group, i.e. Limousin, Auvergnat, Provençal and Vivaro-Alpine
  • "Central Occitan" (occitan centrau), Languedocien, excepting the Southern Languedocien subdialect
  • "Aquitano-Pyrenean" (aquitanopirenenc), Southern Languedocien, Gascon and Catalan

According to this view, Catalan is an ausbau language that became independent from Occitan during the 13th century, but originates from the Aquitano-Pyrenean group.

Domergue Sumien proposes a slightly different supradialectal grouping.[72]

  • Arverno-Mediterranean (arvèrnomediterranèu), same as in Bec and Wheeler, divided further:
    • Niçard-Alpine (niçardoaupenc), Vivaro-Alpine along with the Niçard subdialect of Provençal.
    • Trans-Occitan (transoccitan), the remainder of Provençal along with Limousin and Auvergnat.
  • Pre-Iberian (preïberic).
    • Central Occitan (occitan centrau), same as in Bec.
    • Aquitano-Pyrenean (aquitanopirenenc), same as in Bec.

Jewish dialects

[edit]

Occitan has 3 dialects spoken by Jewish communities that are all now extinct.

Judeo-Gascon

[edit]

A sociolect of the Gascon dialect spoken by Spanish and Portuguese Jews in Gascony.[73] It, like many other Jewish dialects and languages, contained large amounts of Hebrew loanwords.[74] It went extinct after World War 2 with the last speakers being elderly Jews in Bayonne. About 850 unique words and a few morphological and grammatical aspects of the dialect were transmitted to Southern Jewish French.[75]

Judeo-Provençal

[edit]

Judeo-Provençal was a dialect of Occitan spoken by Jews in Provence. The dialect declined in usage after Jews were expelled from the area in 1498, and was probably extinct by the 20th century.

Judeo-Niçard

[edit]

The least attested of the Judeo-Occitan dialects, Judeo-Niçard was spoken by the community of Jews living in Nice, who were descendants of Jewish immigrants from Provence, Piedmont, and other Mediterranean communities. Its existence is attested from a few documents from the 19th century. It contained significant influence in both vocabulary and grammar from Hebrew.[75]

Southern Jewish French

[edit]

All three of these dialects have some influence in Southern Jewish French, a dialect of French spoken by Jews in southern France. Southern Jewish French is now estimated to only be spoken by about 50–100 people.[75]

IETF dialect tags

[edit]
  • pro: Old Occitan (until the 14th century).
  • sdt: Judeo-Occitan

Several IETF language variant tags have been registered:[76]

  • oc-aranese: Aranese.
  • oc-auvern: Auvergnat.
  • oc-cisaup: Cisalpine, northwestern Italy.
  • oc-creiss: Croissant
  • oc-gascon: Gascon.
  • oc-lemosin: Leimousin.
  • oc-lengadoc: Languedocien.
  • oc-nicard: Niçard.
  • oc-provenc: Provençal.
  • oc-vivaraup: Vivaro-Alpine.

Codification

[edit]

Standardization

[edit]

All regional varieties of the Occitan language have a written form; thus, Occitan can be considered as a pluricentric language. Standard Occitan, also called occitan larg (i.e., 'wide Occitan') is a synthesis that respects and admits soft regional adaptations (which are based on the convergence of previous regional koinés).[72] The standardization process began with the publication of Gramatica occitana segon los parlars lengadocians ("Grammar of the Languedocien Dialect") by Louis Alibert (1935), followed by the Dictionnaire occitan-français selon les parlers languedociens ("French-Occitan dictionary according to Languedocien") by the same author (1966), completed during the 1970s with the works of Pierre Bec (Gascon), Robèrt Lafont (Provençal), and others. However, the process has not yet been completed as of the present.[clarification needed] Standardization is mostly supported by users of the classical norm. Due to the strong situation of diglossia, some users[who?] thusly reject the standardization process, and do not conceive Occitan as a language that can be standardized as per other standardized languages.[citation needed]

Writing system

[edit]

There are two main linguistic norms currently used for Occitan, one (known as "classical") based on that of Medieval Occitan, and one (sometimes known as "Mistralian", due to its use by Frédéric Mistral) based on modern French orthography. Sometimes, there is conflict between users of each system.

  • The classical norm (or less exactly classical orthography) has the advantage of maintaining a link with earlier stages of the language, and reflects the fact that Occitan is not a variety of French. It is used in all Occitan dialects. It also allows speakers of one dialect of Occitan to write intelligibly for speakers of other dialects (e.g. the Occitan for day is written jorn in the classical norm, but could be jour, joun, journ, or even yourn, depending on the writer's origin, in Mistralian orthography). The Occitan classical orthography and the Catalan orthography are quite similar: they show the very close ties of both languages. The digraphs lh and nh, used in the classical orthography, were adopted by the orthography of Portuguese, presumably by Gerald of Braga, a monk from Moissac, who became bishop of Braga in Portugal in 1047, playing a major role in modernizing written Portuguese using classical Occitan norms.[77]
  • The Mistralian norm (or less exactly Mistralian orthography) has the advantage of being similar to that of French, in which most Occitan speakers are literate. Now, it is used mostly in the Provençal/Niçard dialect, besides the classical norm. It has also been used by a number of eminent writers, particularly in Provençal. However, it is somewhat impractical, because it is based mainly on the Provençal dialect and also uses many digraphs for simple sounds, the most notable one being ou for the [u] sound, as it is in French, written as o under the classical orthography.

There are also two other norms but they have a lesser audience. The Escòla dau Pò norm (or Escolo dóu Po norm) is a simplified version of the Mistralian norm and is used only in the Occitan Valleys (Italy), besides the classical norm. The Bonnaudian norm (or écriture auvergnate unifiée, EAU) was created by Pierre Bonnaud and is used only in the Auvergnat dialect, besides the classical norm.

Comparison between the four existing norms in Occitan: extract from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Classical norm Mistralian norm Bonnaudian norm Escòla dau Pò norm
Provençal
Totei lei personas naisson liuras e egalas en dignitat e en drech. Son dotadas de rason e de consciéncia e li cau (/fau/) agir entre elei amb un esperit de frairesa.
Provençal
Tóuti li persouno naisson liéuro e egalo en dignita e en dre. Soun doutado de rasoun e de counsciènci e li fau agi entre éli em' un esperit de freiresso.
Niçard Provençal
Toti li personas naisson liuri e egali en dignitat e en drech. Son dotadi de rason e de consciéncia e li cau agir entre eli emb un esperit de frairesa.
Niçard Provençal
Touti li persouna naisson liéuri e egali en dignità e en drech. Soun doutadi de rasoun e de counsciència e li cau agì entre eli em' un esperit de frairessa.
Auvergnat
Totas las personas naisson liuras e egalas en dignitat e en dreit. Son dotadas de rason e de consciéncia e lor chau (/fau/) agir entre elas amb un esperit de frairesa.
Auvergnat
Ta la proussouna neisson lieura moé parira pà dïnessà mai dret. Son charjada de razou moé de cousiensà mai lhu fau arjî entremeî lha bei n'eime de freiressà. (Touta la persouna naisson lieura e egala en dïnetàt e en dreit. Soun doutada de razou e de cousiensà e lour chau ajî entre ela am en esprî de freiressà.)
Vivaro-Alpine
Totas las personas naisson liuras e egalas en dignitat e en drech. Son dotaas de rason e de consciéncia e lor chal agir entre elas amb un esperit de fraternitat.
Vivaro-Alpine
Toutes les persounes naisoun liures e egales en dignità e en drech. Soun douta de razoun e de counsiensio e lour chal agir entre eels amb (/bou) un esperit de freireso.
Gascon
Totas las personas que naishen liuras e egaus en dignitat e en dreit. Que son dotadas de rason e de consciéncia e que'us cau agir enter eras dab un esperit de hrairessa.
Gascon (Febusian writing)
Toutes las persounes que nachen libres e egaus en dinnitat e en dreyt. Que soun doutades de rasoû e de counscienci e qu'ous cau ayi entre eres dap û esperit de hrayresse.
Limousin
Totas las personas naisson liuras e egalas en dignitat e en drech. Son dotadas de rason e de consciéncia e lor chau (/fau/) agir entre elas emb un esperit de frairesa.
Languedocien
Totas las personas naisson liuras e egalas en dignitat e en drech. Son dotadas de rason e de consciéncia e lor cal agir entre elas amb un esperit de frairesa.
The same extract in six neighboring Romance languages and English for comparison
French
Tous les êtres humains naissent libres et égaux en dignité et en droits. Ils sont doués de raison et de conscience et doivent agir les uns envers les autres dans un esprit de fraternité.[78]
Franco-Provençal
Tôs los étres homans nêssont libros et ègals en dignitât et en drêts. Ils ant rêson et conscience et dêvont fâre los uns envèrs los ôtros dedens un èsprit de fraternitât.[78]
Catalan
Totes les persones neixen/naixen lliures i iguals en dignitat i en drets. Són dotades de raó i de consciència, i cal que es comportin fraternalment les unes amb les altres.[78]
Spanish
Todos los seres humanos nacen libres e iguales en dignidad y derechos y, dotados como están de razón y conciencia, deben comportarse fraternalmente los unos con los otros.[78]
Portuguese
Todos os seres humanos nascem livres e iguais em dignidade e direitos. Eles são dotados de razão e consciência, e devem comportar-se fraternalmente uns com os outros.[78]
Italian
Tutti gli esseri umani nascono liberi ed uguali in dignità e in diritti. Sono dotati di ragione e di coscienza e devono comportarsi fraternamente l'uno con l'altro.[78]
English
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.[79]

Note that Catalan version was translated from the Spanish, while the Occitan versions were translated from the French. The second part of the Catalan version may also be rendered as "Són dotades de raó i de consciència, i els cal actuar entre si amb un esperit de fraternitat", showing the similarities between Occitan and Catalan.

Orthography IETF subtags

[edit]

Several IETF language subtags have been registered for the different orthographies:[76]

  • oc-grclass: Classical Occitan orthography.
  • oc-grital: Italian-inspired Occitan orthography.
  • oc-grmistr: Mistralian-inspired Occitan orthography.

Debates concerning linguistic classification and orthography

[edit]

The majority of scholars think that Occitan constitutes a single language.[80] Some authors,[81] constituting a minority,[80] reject this opinion and even the name Occitan, thinking that there is a family of distinct lengas d'òc rather than dialects of a single language.

Many Occitan linguists and writers,[82] particularly those involved with the pan-Occitan movement centered on the Institut d'Estudis Occitans, disagree with the view that Occitan is a family of languages; instead they believe Limousin, Auvergnat, Languedocien, Gascon, Provençal and Vivaro-Alpine are dialects of a single language. Although there are indeed noticeable differences between these varieties, there is a very high degree of mutual intelligibility between them[83] partly because they share a common literary history; furthermore, academic and literary circles have identified them as a collective linguistic entity—the lenga d'òc—for centuries.[citation needed]

Some Provençal authors continue to support the view that Provençal is a separate language.[84] Nevertheless, the vast majority of Provençal authors and associations think that Provençal is a part of Occitan.[85]

This debate about the status of Provençal should not be confused with the debate concerning the spelling of Provençal.

  • The classical orthography is phonemic and diasystemic, and thus more pan-Occitan. It can be used for (and adapted to) all Occitan dialects and regions, including Provençal. Its supporters think that Provençal is a part of Occitan.
  • The Mistralian orthography of Provençal is more or less phonemic but not diasystemic and is closer to the French spelling and therefore more specific to Provençal; its users are divided between the ones who think that Provençal is a part of Occitan and the ones who think that Provençal is a separate language.

For example, the classical system writes Polonha, whereas the Mistralian spelling system has Poulougno, for [puˈluɲo], 'Poland'.

The question of Gascon is similar. Gascon presents a number of significant differences from the rest of the language; but, despite these differences, Gascon and other Occitan dialects have very important common lexical and grammatical features, so authors such as Pierre Bec argue that they could never be considered as different as, for example, Spanish and Italian.[86] In addition, Gascon's being included in Occitan despite its particular differences can be justified because there is a common elaboration (Ausbau) process between Gascon and the rest of Occitan.[80] The vast majority of the Gascon cultural movement considers itself as a part of the Occitan cultural movement.[87][88] And the official status of Val d'Aran (Catalonia, Spain), adopted in 1990, says that Aranese is a part of Gascon and Occitan. A grammar of Aranese by Aitor Carrera, published in 2007 in Lleida, presents the same view.[89]

The exclusion of Catalan from the Occitan sphere, even though Catalan is closely related, is justified because there has been a consciousness of its being different from Occitan since the later Middle Ages and because the elaboration (Ausbau) processes of Catalan and Occitan (including Gascon) have been quite distinct since the 20th century. Nevertheless, other scholars point out that the process that led to the affirmation of Catalan as a distinct language from Occitan started during the period when the pressure to include Catalan-speaking areas in a mainstream Spanish culture was at its greatest.[90]

The answer to the question of whether Gascon or Catalan should be considered dialects of Occitan or separate languages has long been a matter of opinion or convention, rather than based on scientific ground. However, two recent studies support Gascon's being considered a distinct language. For the first time, a quantifiable, statistics-based approach was applied by Stephan Koppelberg in attempt to solve this issue.[91] Based on the results he obtained, he concludes that Catalan, Occitan, and Gascon should all be considered three distinct languages. More recently, Y. Greub and J.P. Chambon (Sorbonne University, Paris) demonstrated that the formation of Proto-Gascon was already complete at the eve of the 7th century, whereas Proto-Occitan was not yet formed at that time.[92] These results induced linguists to do away with the conventional classification of Gascon, favoring the "distinct language" alternative.[citation needed] Both studies supported the early intuition of the late Kurt Baldinger, a specialist of both medieval Occitan and medieval Gascon, who recommended that Occitan and Gascon be classified as separate languages.[93][94]

Linguistic characterization

[edit]

Jules Ronjat has sought to characterize Occitan with 19 principal, generalizable criteria. Of those, 11 are phonetic, five morphologic, one syntactic, and two lexical. For example, close rounded vowels are rare or absent in Occitan. This characteristic often carries through to an Occitan speaker's French, leading to a distinctive méridional accent. Unlike French, it is a pro-drop language, allowing the omission of the subject (canti: I sing; cantas you sing)—though, at least in Gascon, the verb must be preceded by an "enunciative" in place of the pronoun, e for questions, be for observations, que for other occasions: e.g., que soi (I am), E qu'ei? (He/she is?), Be qu'èm. (We are.).[95] Among these 19 discriminating criteria, 7 are different from Spanish, 8 from Italian, 12 from Franco-Provençal, and 16 from French.

Features of Occitan

[edit]

Most features of Occitan are shared with either French or Catalan, or both.

Features of Occitan as a whole

[edit]

Examples of pan-Occitan features shared with French, but not Catalan:

  • Latin ū [uː] (Vulgar Latin /u/) changed to /y/, as in French (Lat. dv̄rvm > Oc. dur).
  • Vulgar Latin /o/ changed to /u/, first in unstressed syllables, as in Eastern Catalan (Lat. romānvs > Oc. roman [ruˈma]), then in stressed syllables (Lat. flōrem > Oc. flor [fluɾ]).

Examples of pan-Occitan features shared with Catalan, but not French:

  • Stressed Latin a was preserved (Lat. mare > Oc. mar, Fr. mer).
  • Intervocalic -t- was lenited to /d/ rather than lost (Lat. vitam > Oc. vida, Fr. vie).

Examples of pan-Occitan features not shared with Catalan or French:

  • Original /aw/ preserved.
  • Final /a/ becomes /ɔ/ (note in Valencian (Catalan), /ɔ/ may appear in word-final unstressed position, in a process of vowel harmony).
  • Low-mid /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongized before velars. /ɛ/ generally becomes /jɛ/; /ɔ/ originally became /wɔ/ or /wɛ/, but has since usually undergone further fronting (e.g. to [ɥɛ], [ɥɔ], [jɔ], [œ], [ɛ], [ɥe], [we], etc.). Diphthongization also occurred before palatals, as in French and Catalan.
  • Various assimilations in consonant clusters (e.g. ⟨cc⟩ in Occitan, pronounced /utsiˈta/ in conservative Languedocien).

Features of some Occitan dialects

[edit]

Examples of dialect-specific features of the northerly dialects shared with French, but not Catalan:

  • Palatalization of ca-, ga- to /tʃa, dʒa/.
  • Vocalization of syllable-final /l/ to /w/.
  • Loss of final consonants.
  • Vocalization of syllable-final nasals to nasal vowels.
  • Uvularization of some or all ⟨r⟩ sounds.

Examples of dialect-specific features of the southerly dialects (or some of them) shared with Catalan, but not French:

  • Latin -mb-,-nd- become /m, n/.
  • Betacism: /b/ and /v/ merge (feature shared with Spanish and some Catalan dialects; except for Balearic, Valencian and Algherese Catalan, where /v/ is preserved).
  • Intervocalic voiced stops /b d ɡ/ (from Latin -p-, -t, -c-) become voiced fricatives ð ɣ].
  • Loss of word-final single /n/ (but not /nn/, e.g. an "year" < ānnvm).

Examples of Gascon-specific features not shared with French or Catalan:

  • Latin initial /f/ changed into /h/ (Lat. filivm > Gasc. hilh). This also happened in medieval Spanish, although the /h/ was eventually lost, or reverted to /f/ (before a consonant). The Gascon ⟨h⟩ has retained its aspiration.
  • Loss of /n/ between vowels. This also happened in Portuguese and Galician (and moreover also in Basque).
  • Change of -ll- to ⟨r⟩ /ɾ/, or ⟨th⟩ word-finally (originally the voiceless palatal stop /c/, but now generally either /t/ or /tʃ/, depending on the word). This is a unique characteristic of Gascon and of certain Aragonese dialects.

Examples of other dialect-specific features not shared with French or Catalan:

  • Merging of syllable-final nasals to /ŋ/. This appears to represent a transitional stage before nasalization, and occurs especially in the southerly dialects other than Gascon (which still maintains different final nasals, as in Catalan).
  • Former intervocalic /ð/ (from Latin -d-) becomes /z/ (most dialects, but not Gascon). This appears to have happened in primitive Catalan as well, but Catalan later deleted this sound or converted it to /w/.
  • Palatalization of /jt/ (from Latin ct) to /tʃ/ in most dialects or /(j)t/: lach vs lait (Gascon lèit) 'milk', lucha vs luta (Gascon luta) 'fight'.
  • Weakening of /l/ to /r/ in the Vivaro-Alpine dialect.

Comparison with other Romance languages and English

[edit]
Common words in Romance languages, with English (a Germanic language) for reference
Latin
(all nouns in the ablative case)
Occitan
(including main regional varieties)
Catalan French Norman Romansh (Rumantsch Grischun) Ladin (Gherdëina) Lombard Italian Spanish Portuguese Sardinian Romanian English
cantare cantar (chantar) cantar chanter canter, chanter chantar cianté cantà cantare cantar cantar cantare cânta(re) '(to) sing'
capra craba (chabra, chaura) cabra chèvre quièvre chaura cëura cavra capra cabra cabra craba capră 'goat'
clave clau clau clé, clef clef clav tle ciav chiave llave chave crae cheie 'key'
ecclesia, basilica glèisa (esglèisa, glèia) església église église baselgia dlieja giesa chiesa iglesia igreja gresia/creia biserică 'church'
formatico (Vulgar Latin), caseo formatge (fromatge, hormatge) formatge fromage froumage, fourmage chaschiel ciajuel furmai/furmagg formaggio queso queijo casu caș 'cheese'
lingva lenga (lengua, luenga, linga) llengua langue langue lingua lenga, rujeneda lengua lingua lengua língua limba limbă 'tongue, language'
nocte nuèch (nuèit, nueit, net, nuòch) nit nuit nît notg nuet nocc notte noche noite nothe noapte 'night'
platea plaça plaça place plache plazza plaza piassa piazza plaza praça pratza piață[96] 'square, plaza'
ponte pont (pònt) pont pont pont punt puent punt ponte puente ponte ponte punte (small bridge) 'bridge'

Lexicon

[edit]

A comparison of terms and word counts between languages is not easy, as it is impossible to count the number of words in a language. (See Lexicon, Lexeme, Lexicography for more information.)

Some have claimed around 450,000 words exist in the Occitan language,[97] a number comparable to English (the Webster's Third New International Dictionary, Unabridged with 1993 addenda reaches 470,000 words, as does the Oxford English Dictionary, Second edition). The Merriam-Webster website estimates that the number is somewhere between 250,000 and 1 million words.[citation needed]

The magazine Géo (2004, p. 79) claims that American English literature can be more easily translated into Occitan than French, excluding modern technological terms that both languages have integrated.[citation needed]

A comparison of the lexical content can find more subtle differences between the languages. For example, Occitan has 128 synonyms related to cultivated land, 62 for wetlands, and 75 for sunshine (Géo). The language went through an eclipse during the Industrial Revolution, as the vocabulary of the countryside became less important. At the same time, it was disparaged as a patois. Nevertheless, Occitan has also incorporated new words into its lexicon to describe the modern world. The Occitan word for web (as in World Wide Web) is oèb, for example.

Differences between Occitan and Catalan

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The separation of Catalan from Occitan is seen by some[citation needed] as largely politically (rather than linguistically) motivated. However, the variety that has become standard Catalan differs from the one that has become standard Occitan in a number of ways. Here are just a few examples:

  • Phonology
    • Standard Catalan (based on Central Eastern Catalan) is unique in that Latin short e developed into a close vowel /e/ (é) and Latin long e developed into an open vowel /ɛ/ (è); that is precisely the reverse of the development that took place in Western Catalan dialects and the rest of the Romance languages, including Occitan. Thus Standard Catalan ésser [ˈesə] corresponds to Occitan èsser/èstre [ˈɛse/ˈɛstre] 'to be;' Catalan carrer [kəˈre] corresponds to Occitan carrièra [karˈjɛɾo̞] 'street', but it is also carriera [karˈjeɾo̞], in Provençal.
    • The distinctly Occitan development of word-final -a, pronounced [o̞] in standard Occitan (chifra 'figure' [ˈtʃifro̞]), did not occur in general Catalan (which has xifra [ˈʃifrə]). However, some Occitan varieties also lack that feature, and some Catalan (Valencian) varieties have the [ɔ] pronunciation, mostly by vowel harmony.
    • When in Catalan word stress falls in the antepenultimate syllable, in Occitan the stress is moved to the penultimate syllable: for example, Occitan pagina [paˈdʒino̞] vs. Catalan pàgina [ˈpaʒinə], "page". However, there are exceptions. For example, some varieties of Occitan (such as that of Nice) keep the stress on the antepenultimate syllable (pàgina), and some varieties of Catalan (in Northern Catalonia) put the stress on the penultimate syllable (pagina).
    • Diphthongization has evolved in different ways: Occitan paire vs. Catalan pare 'father;' Occitan carrièra (carrèra, carrèira) vs. Catalan carrera.
    • Although some Occitan dialects lack the voiceless postalveolar fricative phoneme /ʃ/, others such as southwestern Occitan have it: general Occitan caissa [ˈkajso̞] vs. Catalan caixa [ˈkaʃə] and southwestern Occitan caissa, caisha [ˈka(j)ʃo̞], 'box.' Nevertheless, some Valencian dialects like Northern Valencian lack that phoneme too and generally substitute /jsʲ/: caixa [ˈkajʃa] (Standard Valencian) ~ [ˈkajsʲa] (Northern Valencian).
    • Occitan has developed the close front rounded vowel /y/ as a phoneme, often (but not always) corresponding to Catalan /u/: Occitan musica [myˈziko̞] vs. Catalan música [ˈmuzikə].
    • The distribution of palatal consonants /ʎ/ and /ɲ/ differs in Catalan and part of Occitan: while Catalan permits them in word-final position, in central Occitan they are neutralized to [l] and [n] (Central Occitan filh [fil] vs. Catalan fill [fiʎ], 'son'). Similarly, Algherese Catalan neutralizes palatal consonants in word-final position as well. Non-central varieties of Occitan, however, may have a palatal realization (e.g. filh, hilh [fiʎ, fij, hiʎ]).
    • Furthermore, many words that start with /l/ in Occitan start with /ʎ/ in Catalan: Occitan libre [ˈliβɾe] vs. Catalan llibre [ˈʎiβɾə], 'book.' That feature is perhaps one of the most distinctive characteristics of Catalan amongst the Romance languages, shared only with Asturian, Leonese and Mirandese. However, some transitional varieties of Occitan, near the Catalan area, also have initial /ʎ/.
    • While /l/ is always clear in Occitan, in Catalan it tends to be velarized [ɫ] ("dark l"). In coda position, /l/ has tended to be vocalized to [w] in Occitan, while remained dark in Catalan.
    • Standard Eastern Catalan has a neutral vowel [ə] whenever a or e occur in unstressed position (passar [pəˈsa], 'to happen', but passa [ˈpasə], 'it happens'), and also [u] whenever o or u occur in unstressed position, e.g. obrir [uˈβɾi], 'to open', but obre [ˈɔβɾə], 'you open'. However, that does not apply to Western Catalan dialects, whose vowel system usually retains the a/e distinction in unstressed position, or to Northern Catalan dialects, whose vowel system does not retain the o/u distinction in stressed position, much like Occitan.
  • Morphology
    • Verb conjugation is slightly different, but there is a great variety amongst dialects. Medieval conjugations were much closer. A characteristic difference is the ending of the second person plural, which is -u in Catalan but -tz in Occitan.
    • Occitan tends to add an analogical -a to the feminine forms of adjectives that are invariable in standard Catalan: for example, Occitan legal / legala vs. Catalan legal / legal.
    • Catalan has a distinctive past tense formation, known as the 'periphrastic preterite', formed from a variant of the verb 'to go' followed by the infinitive of the verb: donar 'to give,' va donar 'he gave.' That has the same value as the 'normal' preterite shared by most Romance languages, deriving from the Latin perfect tense: Catalan donà 'he gave.' The periphrastic preterite, in Occitan, is an archaic or a very local tense.
  • Orthography
    • The writing systems of the two languages differ slightly. The modern Occitan spelling recommended by the Institut d'Estudis Occitans and the Conselh de la Lenga Occitana is designed to be a pan-Occitan system, and the Catalan system recommended by the Institut d'Estudis Catalans and Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua is specific to Catalan and Valencian. For example, in Catalan, word-final -n is omitted, as it is not pronounced in any dialect of Catalan (Català, Occità); central Occitan also drops word-final -n, but it is retained in the spelling, as some eastern and western dialects of Occitan still have it (Catalan, Occitan). Some digraphs are also written in a different way such as the sound /ʎ/, which is ll in Catalan (similar to Spanish) and lh in Occitan (similar to Portuguese) or the sound /ɲ/ written ny in Catalan and nh in Occitan.

Occitano-Romance linguistic group

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Despite these differences, Occitan and Catalan remain more or less mutually comprehensible, especially when written – more so than either is with Spanish or French, for example, although this is mainly a consequence of using the classical (orthographical) norm of the Occitan, which is precisely focused in showing the similarities between the Occitan dialects with Catalan. Occitan and Catalan form a common diasystem (or a common Abstandsprache), which is called Occitano-Romance, according to the linguist Pierre Bec.[98] Speakers of both languages share early historical and cultural heritage.

The combined Occitano-Romance area is 259,000 km2, with a population of 23 million. However, the regions are not equal in terms of language speakers. According to Bec 1969 (pp. 120–121), in France, no more than a quarter of the population in counted regions could speak Occitan well, though around half understood it; it is thought that the number of Occitan users has decreased dramatically since then. By contrast, in the Catalonia administered by the Government of Catalonia, nearly three-quarters of the population speak Catalan and 95% understand it.[99]

Preservation

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In the modern era, Occitan has become a rare and highly threatened language. Its users are clustered almost exclusively in Southern France, and it is unlikely that any monolingual speakers remain. In the early 1900s, the French government attempted to restrict the use and teaching of many minority languages, including Occitan, in public schools. While the laws have since changed, with bilingual education returning for regions with unique languages in 1993, the many years of restrictions had already caused serious decline in the number of Occitan speakers. The majority of living speakers are older adults.[100][101][102]

Samples

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According to the testimony of Bernadette Soubirous, the Virgin Mary spoke to her (Lourdes, 25 March 1858) in Gascon saying: Que soy era Immaculada Councepciou ("I am the Immaculate Conception", the phrase is reproduced under this statue in the Lourdes grotto with a Mistralian/Febusian spelling), confirming the proclamation of this Catholic dogma four years earlier.
Inscription in Occitan in the Abbey of Saint-Jean de Sorde, Sorde-l'Abbaye: "Blessed are those who die in the Lord."

One of the most notable passages of Occitan in Western literature occurs in the 26th canto of Dante's Purgatorio in which the troubadour Arnaut Daniel responds to the narrator:

Tan m'abellís vostre cortés deman, / qu'ieu no me puesc ni voill a vos cobrire. / Ieu sui Arnaut, que plor e vau cantan; / consirós vei la passada folor, / e vei jausen lo joi qu'esper, denan. / Ara vos prec, per aquella valor / que vos guida al som de l'escalina, / sovenha vos a temps de ma dolor.
Modern Occitan: Tan m'abelís vòstra cortesa demanda, / que ieu non-pòdi ni vòli m'amagar de vos. / Ieu soi Arnaut, que plori e vau cantant; / consirós vesi la foliá passada, / e vesi joiós lo jorn qu'espèri, davant. / Ara vos prègui, per aquela valor / que vos guida al som de l'escalièr, / sovenhatz-vos tot còp de ma dolor.

The above strophe translates to:

So pleases me your courteous demand, / I cannot and I will not hide me from you. / I am Arnaut, who weep and singing go;/ Contrite I see the folly of the past, / And joyous see the hoped-for day before me. / Therefore do I implore you, by that power/ Which guides you to the summit of the stairs, / Be mindful to assuage my suffering!

Another notable Occitan quotation, this time from Arnaut Daniel's own 10th Canto:

"Ieu sui Arnaut qu'amas l'aura
e chatz le lebre ab lo bou
e nadi contra suberna"

Modern Occitan:

"Ieu soi Arnaut qu'aimi l'aura
e caci [chaci] la lèbre amb lo buòu
e nadi contra subèrna.

Translation:

"I am Arnaut who loves the wind,
and chases the hare with the ox,
and swims against the torrent."

French writer Victor Hugo's classic Les Misérables also contains some Occitan. In Part One, First Book, Chapter IV, "Les œuvres semblables aux paroles", one can read about Monseigneur Bienvenu:

"Né provençal, il s'était facilement familiarisé avec tous les patois du midi. Il disait: — E ben, monsur, sètz saget? comme dans le bas Languedoc. — Ont anaratz passar? comme dans les basses Alpes. — Pòrti un bon moton amb un bon formatge gras, comme dans le haut Dauphiné. [...] Parlant toutes les langues, il entrait dans toutes les âmes."

Translation:

"Born a Provençal, he easily familiarized himself with the dialect of the south. He would say, E ben, monsur, sètz saget? as in lower Languedoc; Ont anaratz passar? as in the Basses-Alpes; Pòrti un bon moton amb un bon formatge gras as in upper Dauphiné. [...] As he spoke all tongues, he entered into all hearts."
E ben, monsur, sètz saget?: So, Mister, everything's fine?
Ont anaratz passar?: Which way will you go?
Pòrti un bon moton amb un bon formatge gras: I brought some fine mutton with a fine fat cheese

The Spanish playwright Lope de Rueda included a Gascon servant for comical effect in one of his short pieces, La generosa paliza.[103]

John Barnes's Thousand Cultures science fiction series (A Million Open Doors, 1992; Earth Made of Glass, 1998; The Merchants of Souls, 2001; and The Armies of Memory, 2006), features Occitan. So does the 2005 best-selling novel Labyrinth by English author Kate Mosse. It is set in Carcassonne, where she owns a house and spends half of the year.

The French composer Joseph Canteloube created five sets of folk songs entitled Songs of the Auvergne, in which the lyrics are in the Auvergne dialect of Occitan. The orchestration strives to conjure vivid pastoral scenes of yesteryear.

Michael Crichton features Occitan in his Timeline novel.

See also

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Notes

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Occitan is a spoken natively across , primarily in the historical region of spanning , the of , the in , and . It descends from , like other , and exhibits significant internal variation through dialects such as Gascon, Languedocian, , , and , often grouped into northern and southern branches. Estimates of speakers vary, with approximately 600,000 fluent users and up to 1.6 million occasional speakers concentrated in rural areas of , though the faces decline due to dominance of and limited institutional support. Historically, Occitan holds prominence for its medieval literary tradition, serving as the medium for troubadour poetry from the 11th to 13th centuries, which pioneered vernacular lyric expression on themes of and . This cultural legacy underscores its role as one of the earliest to develop a sophisticated written , influencing subsequent European poetic forms. Despite revival efforts through and media, Occitan remains vulnerable, with intergenerational transmission weakening amid assimilation pressures.

Nomenclature and Classification

Historical and modern terminology

The Romance speech varieties of , northern , and northwestern were first grouped under the designation lingua d'òc by the Italian poet in his treatise (composed around 1303–1305), so named after òc, the local word for "yes" derived from Latin hoc. This contrasted with the northern lingua d'oïl (from ho il or hoc ille, evolving into oui) and marked an early recognition of dialectal boundaries within post-Latin vernaculars, though no unified self-appellation existed among speakers at the time. Prior to this, references were typically to local dialects or literary registers, such as the "" of poetry from the onward, which gained prestige across but applied narrowly to southeastern varieties rather than the full continuum. The etymological root of "Occitan" traces to Medieval Latin occitanus, formed from oc ("yes") and modeled on regional names like Aquitania, denoting the linguistic territory of "Occitania" attested in Latin documents from the 13th to early 14th centuries. In the 19th and 20th centuries, amid scholarly efforts to classify Romance languages and cultural revival movements, "Occitan" emerged as the standard cover term in linguistics to unify the dialect cluster—spanning Gascon, Languedocian, Provençal, Limousin, Auvergnat, and Vivaro-Alpine—previously fragmented under regional labels like "langue provençale" or "patois du Midi." Today, the endonym lenga d'òc or simply occitan prevails in self-reference, while "Provençal" is restricted by linguists to the southeastern dialect to avoid conflation with the broader group, reflecting a shift from prestige-based nomenclature to systematic philological categorization.

Linguistic status debates

The classification of Occitan as a distinct language rather than dialects of French remains contested, particularly in political and cultural contexts within France, where historical centralization efforts have portrayed it as a regional patois to emphasize national linguistic unity. Linguists, however, affirm Occitan's status as an independent Romance language in the Southern Gallo-Romance branch, characterized by unique phonological developments—such as the preservation of Latin /k/ and /g/ before /a/ (e.g., cabra 'goat' vs. French chèvre)—and morphological features like plural marking with -s in nominative cases, diverging sharply from northern Gallo-Romance evolutions leading to French. These distinctions arose from Vulgar Latin substrates in southern Europe, resulting in low mutual intelligibility with standard French; empirical tests show Occitan speakers comprehend Catalan or Italian varieties more readily than French, with comprehension rates dropping below 50% for unexposed French speakers encountering Occitan speech. International bodies reinforce this linguistic autonomy: UNESCO's Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger designates Occitan as a language facing extinction risks, with dialects like Provençal, , , and Languedocien rated "severely endangered" based on intergenerational transmission decline and speaker numbers estimated below 100,000 fluent users as of 2020 assessments. In contrast, French institutional perspectives, influenced by post-Revolutionary policies standardizing Francien French, have marginalized Occitan's recognition, excluding it from official co-official status despite European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages ratifications in other nations; this stance prioritizes administrative cohesion over philological evidence, as critiqued in for conflating sociopolitical utility with objective criteria like structural divergence. Scholars debate internal unity versus dialectal fragmentation, with some arguing Occitan's varieties (e.g., Gascon's Basque-influenced substrate yielding innovations like cap 'head' from Latin caput, unlike core Occitan cap) exhibit mutual intelligibility gradients akin to a dialect continuum, yet sufficient standardization potential exists via supradialectal norms proposed in works like those analyzing network complexity in Gallo-Romance. Proponents of fragmentation, often from dialectological traditions, note isoglosses separating subgroups (e.g., northern vs. southern phonemic inventories), but consensus holds it surpasses dialect thresholds due to shared literary traditions from the 12th-century troubadours and codified grammar since the 19th-century Félibrige revival, distinguishing it from mere French variants. This debate underscores tensions between empirical linguistics—favoring language status via isolectal boundaries and external intelligibility metrics—and nationalist narratives subordinating it to French, with recent studies urging recognition to halt vitality loss documented in speaker surveys from 2010–2020 showing proficiency halving in rural strongholds.

Relation to Catalan and Occitano-Romance group

Occitan belongs to the Occitano-Romance subgroup of , which encompasses the various dialects of Occitan—such as , Languedocian, Gascon, and —and is most closely affiliated with Catalan, forming a linguistic continuum across , northeastern , and parts of . This grouping reflects shared innovations from , including phonological shifts like the preservation of intervocalic /l/ as a palatal lateral /ʎ/ in certain contexts, observable in both languages through comparative data from wordlists and acoustic analysis. Lexical and morphological similarities further bind them, with Catalan exhibiting Gallo-Romance traits akin to Occitan, such as specific verb conjugations and vocabulary derived from medieval trade and cultural exchanges along the . Historically, 19th-century philologists often classified Catalan as a of Occitan, viewing the two as variants of a single langue d'oc extending from to , a perspective rooted in their high and shared medieval literary traditions, including troubadour poetry that circulated across these regions. This diasystem—one phonological inventory supporting two standardized languages—underpins their proximity, with early Romance scholars like Friedrich Diez treating them as unified until political divergences, such as Catalonia's distinct standardization in the 19th-20th centuries and Occitan's fragmentation under French assimilation, prompted separation. Evidence from Algherese Catalan, spoken in , reinforces this alignment, showing syntactic and lexical patterns more compatible with Occitan than with Ibero-Romance peers like Spanish or Aragonese. In contemporary linguistics, Occitan and Catalan are classified as distinct languages within Occitano-Romance due to divergent standardization efforts and external influences—French gallicisms eroding Occitan vitality since the 17th century, contrasted with Catalan's institutional support in Spain post-1978—yet debates persist over their continuum status, with some arguing sociopolitical boundaries artificially divide what functions as a single speech community in border areas like the Eastern Pyrenees. Phonetic studies highlight ongoing convergence and divergence, such as variable /ʎ/ realization influenced by bilingualism rather than inherent separation, supporting causal models of contact-driven evolution over rigid dialectology. While mainstream classifications prioritize Catalan’s Ibero-Romance leanings for political neutrality, empirical data from comparative Romance phonology affirm Occitan as its nearest kin, with lexical overlap exceeding 80% in core vocabulary. This relation underscores Occitano-Romance's transitional role between Gallo-Romance and Ibero-Romance, challenging binary taxonomies.

Historical Development

Origins from Vulgar Latin

Occitan developed from the spoken by the populace in the Roman provinces of southern , including (established in 121 BCE) and Aquitania, where Roman conquests initiated linguistic from the BCE onward. By the 1st century CE, this colloquial Latin had largely displaced indigenous Celtic languages such as , forming the foundation for the regional Gallo-Romance speech that evolved into Occitan. Unlike , in this area featured simplified grammar, phonetic reductions, and vocabulary adapted to everyday use, setting the stage for Romance divergence after the Western Roman Empire's fragmentation around 476 CE. A modest substrate influenced early in , contributing isolated lexical items (e.g., words for natural features) and possibly minor phonological traits like initial stress tendencies, but these effects were overshadowed by Latin's dominant restructuring of morphology and in Gallo-Romance varieties. Superstrate influences from Germanic tribes, such as the in the south (5th–8th centuries), introduced limited loanwords related to warfare and , though phonological integration preserved core Latin structures more intact than in northern Frankish-influenced areas. Proto-Occitan emerged as a transitional stage between 6th and 9th centuries, characterized by increasing regional divergence from other Gallo-Romance forms due to geographic isolation and sustained Mediterranean trade links that reinforced Latin-derived features. Key phonological shifts from included the loss of distinctions by the 5th century, yielding a quality-based where Latin tonic vowels like /a/, /ɛ/, /e/, /i/, /ɔ/, /o/, /u/ persisted with minor diphthongizations (e.g., Latin *au > /au/ or /o/ in some dialects). Intervocalic voiced stops (/b/, /d/, /g/) were retained as or stops rather than fully fricativizing as in French, reflecting conservative ; for instance, Latin *caballu 'horse' yielded Occitan *caual, preserving the bilabial. Palatalization affected velars before front vowels (Latin *centum > Occitan *cent), but /k/ before /a/ remained unpalatalized (Latin *cattus > Occitan *cat), distinguishing Occitan from Italo-Dalmatian shifts. Morphosyntactically, Vulgar Latin's analytic tendencies accelerated in Occitan, with case endings eroding by the 7th century, reliance on preverbal particles for tense (e.g., from Latin *habēre 'to have' as auxiliary), and preservation of synthetic futures less altered than in northern varieties. By the , these innovations coalesced into , attested in fragmented religious and legal texts, marking its emergence as a distinct langue d'oc variety amid broader Romance fragmentation.

Medieval prominence as langue d'oc

During the 11th and 12th centuries, Occitan, referred to as langue d'òc for its use of "òc" to affirm, emerged as a prestige vernacular in the courts of , distinguishing it from the northern langue d'oïl. This period marked the language's ascent as the medium for the first extensive Romance-language literature, with pre-troubadour fragments appearing as early as the 10th century and the tradition solidifying by the 1130s. Guilhem IX, (1071–1126), composed the earliest surviving verses around 1100–1120, blending personal , , and crusade themes in a style that bridged oral traditions and written codification. The movement peaked in the 12th and early 13th centuries across independent principalities like , , and , where Occitan served as the elite's courtly tongue alongside Latin for administration and . Poets (trobadors), often nobles or knights, produced over 2,500 extant in standardized dialects, including cansos on refined (fin'amor), sirventes critiquing , and albas evoking dawn separations, performed to musical accompaniment in feudal halls. Prominent figures such as (c. 1130–c. 1194) and (fl. 1180–1200) elevated the language's sophistication, with texts copied into multilingual chansonniers by 1254, disseminating Occitan's influence to Italian, German, and Galician-Portuguese courts. Beyond poetry, Occitan's administrative role underscored its cultural dominance, appearing in legal charters, wills, and fictional prose like the 13th-century Roman de Flamenca, reflecting bilingual practices among the where French gained traction only post-1200. This prestige stemmed from decentralized feudal structures fostering , enabling Occitan to model vernacular expression before northern French or Italian rivals, though its vitality waned after the Albigensian Crusade's onset in 1209 disrupted southern autonomy.

Decline under French centralization

The Ordinance of Villers-Cotterêts, promulgated by King Francis I on August 10, 1539, represented a pivotal step in French linguistic centralization by requiring the exclusive use of French—specifically the Francien dialect of the region—in all legal proceedings, administrative records, and official publications, thereby displacing Latin and regional vernaculars such as Occitan. This edict, intended to unify administrative practices across the kingdom, curtailed Occitan's role in southern French , where it had previously been employed in documents from regions like as late as 1523. Although Occitan persisted in literature and daily use, the policy initiated a gradual erosion of its institutional prestige, aligning with broader monarchical efforts to consolidate authority over diverse territories annexed after events like the . Centralization intensified during the French Revolution, with Abbé Henri Grégoire's 1794 report denigrating regional languages as mere patois unfit for the Republic, advocating French as the sole vehicle for citizenship and enlightenment. This ideological shift culminated in the Third Republic's Jules Ferry laws of 1881–1882, which established free, compulsory, and secular primary education conducted exclusively in French, while prohibiting regional tongues like Occitan in classrooms and imposing punishments—such as the symbolic "la vache" (a wooden sign worn around the neck)—on students caught speaking them. These measures, justified as essential for national cohesion and republican values, engendered intergenerational transmission loss and cultural stigma, often termed vergonha (shame), among Occitan communities. The cumulative effect of these policies is evident in demographic shifts: in 1860, Occitan speakers comprised over one-third of France's population, but by 1993, this figure had fallen below 7% due to sustained linguistic . Urban migration, industrialization, and media dominance in French further marginalized Occitan, transforming it from a widely used langue d'oc to a dialectal mosaic confined largely to rural elders.

Suppression policies and cultural impacts

The , enacted on August 10, 1539, by King Francis I, mandated the use of French in all official legal and administrative documents, effectively excluding Occitan from public administration and accelerating its marginalization in . This policy, aimed at standardizing governance under the dialect, marked the initial institutional shift away from Occitan's prior role in regional courts and records, particularly in areas like where exceptions briefly persisted. Subsequent French monarchial centralization, intensified after the (1209–1229) and the annexation of southern territories, further eroded Occitan's prestige by associating it with defeated regional autonomies rather than national unity. In the , Republican policies under the Third Republic formalized suppression through the of 1881–1882, which established compulsory in French and explicitly prohibited the use of regional languages like Occitan in classrooms, often enforcing this via or public shaming known as la vergonya. An 1802 decree had already banned non-French speech in public schools, but Ferry's reforms scaled this nationwide, targeting Occitan as a barrier to national cohesion amid post-Revolutionary efforts to forge a singular French identity. These measures, rooted in Jacobin centralism, extended into the , with similar prohibitions persisting until partial relaxations in the 1950s–1980s, though enforcement varied by region. Culturally, these policies induced a profound stigma, termed vergonha (shame), leading generations of Occitan speakers to internalize inferiority and restrict usage to private spheres, fostering where French dominated public life. This contributed to a sharp demographic decline: by the mid-19th century, Occitan remained dominant in rural , but compulsory schooling and urbanization halved intergenerational transmission rates, reducing fluent speakers from millions to an estimated 200,000–500,000 by the late . The erosion extended to literature and , diminishing Occitan's role as a vehicle for medieval traditions and local identities, while reinforcing French as the sole emblem of modernity and citizenship. now classifies most Occitan varieties as severely endangered, reflecting intergenerational loss tied to these historical suppressions.

19th-20th century revival efforts

The 19th-century revival of Occitan emerged amid Romantic interest in regional vernaculars, initiated by the Félibrige school founded on May 21, 1854, by Frédéric Mistral and six fellow Provençal poets at the Château de Font-Ségugne to preserve and elevate the language through poetry, customs, and standardization efforts. Mistral's resolution to revive Occitan dates to 1851, culminating in his 1859 epic Mirèio, which sought to unify dialects under a classical orthography inspired by medieval troubadour texts and foster a sense of cultural identity against French centralization. The movement expanded regionally, influencing Languedoc and other Occitan areas through literary societies, but remained largely elitist, prioritizing written forms over spoken patois variations opposed by figures like Victor Gelu. These efforts achieved symbolic recognition, as Mistral shared the 1904 Nobel Prize in Literature for his contributions to Provençal poetry, yet failed to reverse linguistic decline, with Occitan transmission collapsing around 1920 amid urbanization and mandatory French education enforcing vergonha (shame) toward dialects. Traditional speakers perceived Occitan not as an abstract, standardized lengua for modern domains but as embedded tied to agrarian life, creating an ontological mismatch that limited broad adoption despite Félibrige's push for unity. In the , revival shifted toward institutional promotion with the Institut d'Estudis Occitans (IEO), formed in 1945 by Occitanist writers from the , including figures like Jean Cassou, to advance studies, teaching, and cultural preservation across . Building on the 1930 Societat d'Estudis Occitans, the IEO standardized post-1945—adopting a medieval-inspired system for most dialects—and supported regional presses, initiatives, and to counter ongoing assimilation. A brief upsurge occurred in the amid European minority language movements, yet no mass shift ensued, with 2020 surveys showing proficiency under 7% in core regions like central due to persistent French dominance in schools and media. Overall, efforts constructed identity narratives more effectively than halting speaker erosion, as state policies prioritized national unity over regional pluralism.

Geographic Distribution and Vitality

Traditional speaking regions

The traditional speaking regions of Occitan encompass the historical territory known as Occitania, spanning southern Europe across modern-day France, Spain, Italy, and Monaco. In France, the language was historically dominant in the southern third of the country, extending from Bordeaux on the Atlantic coast westward through Gascony and Aquitaine, eastward to the Mediterranean seaboard including Languedoc and Provence, northward to the Massif Central and Auvergne, and southward to the Pyrenees. This area, roughly from the Loire River basin in the north to the Spanish border in the south, and from the Rhône Valley in the east to the Atlantic in the west, represented the core of Occitan vitality until the 19th century, with dialects such as Gascon in the southwest, Languedocien in the central plains, and Provençal along the southeast coast. In Spain, Occitan's presence is limited to the Val d'Aran in the Catalan Pyrenees, where the Aranese dialect has been spoken traditionally since at least the medieval period, serving as the endemic language of the valley and gaining co-official status in 2006 alongside Catalan and Spanish. This isolated enclave, covering approximately 140 square kilometers with a population historically tied to pastoral and transhumant economies, maintains Occitan features distinct from neighboring Catalan varieties. Italy hosts Occitan-speaking communities in the Alpine valleys of , particularly in 14 valleys across the provinces of and , as well as one community in the Ligurian near the French border, totaling an estimated traditional speaker base of 20,000 to 40,000 in these highland areas. These regions, known as the or Valadas Occitanas, feature dialects influenced by alpine isolation and proximity to and Piedmontese, with historical use in communities dating back to medieval migrations. In , Occitan was traditionally spoken alongside Monégasque, a dialect of Ligurian, within the urban and coastal contexts of the principality, reflecting broader Mediterranean Romance linguistic diversity prior to French dominance in the . Estimates of fluent Occitan speakers in , where the majority reside, stand at approximately 600,000, with an additional 1,600,000 individuals capable of occasional use, primarily within the 14-million-inhabitant Occitan-speaking region of . Broader assessments, including partial proficiency and heritage speakers, place total figures around 1.5 million globally, though active daily use is far lower. Smaller communities exist in Italy's (estimated 10,000–20,000 speakers) and Spain's (2,000–4,000 speakers, where Aranese Occitan holds co-official status). Demographically, speakers are concentrated in rural areas of Occitanie, , and adjacent regions, with urban centers showing negligible proficiency due to migration and assimilation. The speaker base skews elderly, as intergenerational transmission remains limited; a 2020 sociolinguistic survey of 8,000 respondents across key regions found that while family acquisition predominates among current speakers, younger cohorts increasingly default to French, reflecting low rates of home use and formal . Trends indicate ongoing decline, driven by historical centralization policies favoring French, post-World War II standardization in schooling, and socioeconomic shifts toward monolingual French proficiency for mobility. Speaker proportions in traditionally Occitan areas have fallen sharply—from roughly 39% of France's population in to under 7% by — with revitalization initiatives yielding marginal gains in awareness but failing to reverse erosion among youth. classifies Occitan and several dialects as severely endangered, underscoring risks from demographic aging and insufficient institutional support. Occitan remains in limited use primarily among older speakers in rural communities of , , and the in , with everyday conversations confined to familial and informal settings rather than public or professional domains. Fluent speakers number approximately 200,000 to 600,000, mostly aged over 60, reflecting a sharp decline driven by assimilation into dominant languages like French and insufficient transmission to younger generations. In educational contexts, usage is marginal, with optional instruction permitted under France's 1951 Deixonne Law and sporadic bilingual programs in regions like Occitanie and , though enrollment remains low and often supplementary rather than immersive. Media presence includes local radio broadcasts and occasional cultural programming, but these reach few active users and fail to counter the language's retreat from urban or commercial spheres. Emerging "new speakers" in cities, often motivated by cultural revival, represent a small counter-trend, yet overall vitality is constrained by aging demographics and rural concentration. Legally, Occitan lacks official status in France, where French holds sole constitutional primacy, though Article 75-1 of the 1958 Constitution acknowledges regional languages, and a May 2021 law mandates their protection through and cultural measures without granting co-officiality. In Spain's , the Aranese dialect of Occitan functions as a co-official alongside Catalan and Spanish, bolstered by Catalonia's 2015 autonomy statute that affirms its "Occitan national reality" and supports its use in administration, , and signage for roughly 4,000 to 5,000 speakers. Italy recognizes Occitan as a historical linguistic minority under 1999 482, enabling limited safeguards in and Valle d'Aosta for cultural promotion and optional schooling, but without elevating it to regional officialdom. classifies Occitan and several of its dialects as endangered or severely endangered, underscoring the urgency of these uneven recognitions amid ongoing attrition.

Phonology

Vowel inventory and diphthongs

Occitan features a seven-monophthong oral inventory in stressed syllables, comprising /i/, /e/, /ɛ/, /a/, /ɔ/, /o/, and /u/, with distinctions between close-mid (/e/, /o/) and open-mid (/ɛ/, /ɔ/) s inherited from developments. This system reflects a typical Gallo-Romance pattern where stress preserves qualitative contrasts absent in other positions.
Front unroundedCentralBack rounded
Closeiu
Close-mideo
Open-midɛɔ
Opena
In unstressed syllables, the inventory reduces to five vowels (/i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, /u/), as open-mid /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ neutralize or raise, a common Romance reduction process limiting full contrasts to tonic positions. Dialectal variation exists; for instance, some northern varieties may exhibit front rounded vowels like /y/ or /ø/, while Gascon often preserves more diphthongal outcomes from Latin. Occitan lacks phonemic nasal vowels across most dialects, treating sequences from Latin *VN as oral vowel plus (e.g., /an/, /en/), with remaining allophonic before nasals rather than contrastive. Northern transitional dialects show limited phonological influences from neighboring , but this is not standard. Diphthongs are phonemic and abundant, primarily closing types derived from Latin hiatus resolution or shifts, including /ai/ (e.g., *maior > mai), /au/ (e.g., *aura > aura), /ei/ and /ɛi/, /eu/ and /ɛu/, /ɔi/, and /ɔu/. Rising diphthongs like /ja/, /wa/ occur in some contexts, and certain dialects (e.g., near Italian borders) diphthongize high s entirely (e.g., /i/ > [ji], /u/ > [uw]). Stress influences diphthong realization, with unstressed forms often monophthongizing (e.g., /ai/ > ).

Consonant system and variations

The consonant phonemes of Occitan include bilabial, alveolar/dental, postalveolar, palatal, and velar stops: /p b/, /t d/, and /k g/, respectively, with voiced stops exhibiting to [β ð ɣ] between vowels or in certain clusters. Fricatives comprise labiodental /f v/, alveolar /s z/, and postalveolar /ʃ ʒ/, the latter often realized in words like servici [ʃɛrˈvisi]. Affricates such as /ts dz tʃ dʒ/ occur phonemically or as allophones in dialects, for example /tʃ/ in chèc 'check' (, ) or /dʒ/ in genolh 'knee'. The nasal inventory consists of three phonemes: bilabial /m/ (e.g., mascle ''), alveolar /n/ (e.g., natura ''), and palatal /ɲ/ (e.g., montanha ''). Laterals include alveolar /l/ (e.g., lièch 'lick') and palatal /ʎ/ (e.g., familha 'family'), while the rhotic /r/ is generally an alveolar trill, though tapped [ɾ] variants appear in weak positions (e.g., corrèr 'to run').
Manner/PlaceBilabialAlveolar/DentalPostalveolarPalatalVelar
Nasaln-ɲ-
Stopp bt d--k g
f vs zʃ ʒ--
Lateral-l-ʎ-
Rhotic-r---
Affricates (/ts/, /dz/, /tʃ/, /dʃ/) are not universal across the inventory but emerge dialectally or contextually, as in trobairitz [tsuβaiˈɾits] 'female troubadour'. Word-final stops may devoice, with /b d g/ realized as unreleased [p̚ t̚ k̚]. Dialectal variations affect realizations rather than core inventory. In and southern varieties, the rhotic includes uvular [ʀ] alongside alveolar , as in Arle [aʀˈle] 'Arles', reflecting convergence with northern . Gascon introduces /h/ (e.g., hemna 'female') and expanded sibilants like /ʃ/ in foish 'fist', influenced by Basque substrate. The palatal lateral /ʎ/ remains distinct in most dialects, resisting merger to /l/ or /j/ seen in French, though obsolescence and French contact promote variants, particularly in syllable codas, based on of 40 native speakers. Northern Occitan (e.g., , ) tends toward conservative alveolar rhotics and fuller stop contrasts, while eastern dialects show more . These differences arise from substrate effects, contact with French or Catalan, and internal evolution, without altering the underlying Romance framework.

Prosodic features including stress

Occitan maintains lexical stress, distinguishing it from French, with primary stress typically falling on either the final or penultimate of , a pattern inherited from Latin but with proparoxytones (antepenultimate stress) largely eliminated except in certain peripheral dialects. This binary stress distribution creates lexical contrasts, such as distinguishing òme 'man' (penultimate stress) from omè in some realizations, though not all stressed syllables receive pitch accents in prosodic phrasing. Stress realization involves cues like vowel lengthening and fundamental frequency (F0) modulations, aligning Occitan prosodically with other stress-based such as Italian or Spanish, while showing convergence toward French intonational patterns due to bilingual contact in . As a stress-timed , Occitan organizes around stressed , reducing unstressed ones in duration and quality, which contributes to its metrical structure bridging traditional Romance prosody and the syllable-timed tendencies observed in contact varieties with French. Intonational contours vary by , with nuclear configurations (e.g., rising or falling pitch accents on stressed ) differing across regions like , Gascon, and Languedocien; for instance, rises often align with the stressed in declarative-like patterns, as documented in autosegmental-metrical analyses. Dialectal prosodic variation includes retention of word-final stress in conservative areas, contrasting with penultimate dominance in others, influenced by substrate effects and , though empirical data from speech corpora confirm stress as a core prosodic anchor despite French dominance eroding some features in younger speakers.

Grammar and Morphology

Nominal system: Nouns, articles, and

Occitan nouns exhibit two grammatical —masculine and feminine—with assignment largely lexical but frequently predictable by morphological endings, such as -a typically signaling feminine in many varieties. No neuter exists, consistent with other . Adjectives and determiners agree with nouns in and number, enforcing concord across the . Plural formation on nouns varies dialectally. In central and southern dialects like Languedocian and Gascon, a sigmatic morpheme -s (or allomorphs like -z before vowels) is suffixed to vowel-final stems, yielding forms such as cabra 'goat' to cabras or òme 'man' to òmes. Consonant-final nouns may trigger lenition or allomorphy, with -s often realized as or lost in some contexts, yet plurality preserved via compensatory vowel lengthening or marking on determiners. Northern varieties, such as Limousin and parts of Provençal, frequently lack nominal -s inflection, relying instead on iteratived marking (e.g., length or vowel quality) on articles and adjectives, as in las pastas realized with prolonged vowels but unchanged noun stem. Exceptions include pluralia tantum (e.g., certain collective nouns) and irregular stems, where suppletion or zero plural occurs sparingly. Definite articles inflect for and number, with elided forms before vowels. Standard central Occitan uses lo/l' (masculine singular), los (masculine ), la/l' (feminine singular), and las (feminine ), fusing with prepositions in contracted forms like del 'of the' (masculine). Dialectal divergence is pronounced: Gascon employs eth/lo (masculine ), while Nissart (a southeastern variety) features lu (masculine singular), ly/li (masculine ), and li (feminine ), with four-way distinctions maintained in formal registers but simplified in speech. Indefinite articles derive from Latin unus: un (masculine singular), una (feminine singular), uns/unas (), though absent or zero-marked in older texts and some contexts. Partitive uses often involve de + definite article (e.g., de las aigas 'some '), with unsuffixed de for uncountables in certain dialects. Agreement ensures articles match the noun's and number, though "lazy concord" in transitional zones like Nissart may limit nominal while preserving marking.

Pronominal and possessive elements

Occitan employs a pronominal system characteristic of Romance languages, featuring tonic (strong) pronouns primarily for subjects and emphatic functions, alongside a robust set of clitic (weak) pronouns that are proclitic to verbs and obligatory for most direct and indirect objects. Subject pronouns are frequently omitted in declarative main clauses due to rich verbal agreement morphology, similar to other Romance varieties, though they are retained for emphasis or in certain syntactic contexts. The tonic subject pronouns are as follows: ieu (1st singular), tu (2nd singular informal), el (3rd singular masculine), ela (3rd singular feminine), nos or nosautres/nosautras (1st plural, with dialectal variants incorporating gender marking), vos or vosautres/vosautras (2nd plural or polite singular, also with variants), eles (3rd plural masculine), and elas (3rd plural feminine). The vos form conjugates with plural verbs but serves as a polite singular address in many dialects, reflecting historical V2 usage. Clitic pronouns include direct object forms such as me/te/lo/la/los/las (1st/2nd singular, 3rd singular m./f., 3rd plural m./f.) and indirect object forms like me/te/li/lor (to me/to you sg./to him/her/to them), with li often serving as a multifunctional dative clitic across persons in some varieties; adverbial clitics en (partitive/from there) and i (to there/there) are also prominent. Dialectal differences affect clitic ordering and realization, particularly in southern varieties like those in Alpes-Maritimes, where linear constraints on co-occurring clitics (e.g., dative before accusative) mirror broader Gallo-Romance patterns but show microvariation. Possessive elements distinguish between adjectival forms (modifying ) and pronominal forms (standing alone, often with a definite article). Adjectival possessives agree in and number with the possessed noun but not the possessor: mon/ma/mos/mas (my), ton/ta/tos/tas (your singular), son/sa/sos/sas (his/her/its), nòstre/nòstra/nòstres/nòstras (our), vòstre/vòstra/vòstres/vòstras (your plural), and lor/lors (their, invariant in for singular but pluralized). occurs before vowels (e.g., mon amic for masculine singular). Tonic adjectival possessives may precede the definite article in some constructions, as in lo mieu paire ('') or la mia maire (''), especially in conservative dialects. pronouns derive from these, typically as lo/la/los/las + adjective (e.g., lo meu 'mine' masculine singular). Historical systems in retained case distinctions in possessives (nominative vs. oblique), but modern forms have simplified, with contact influences reorganizing paradigms in border dialects toward invariant or article-dependent structures.
PossessorMasc. Sg.Fem. Sg.Masc. Pl.Fem. Pl.
Mymonmamosmas
Your (sg.)tontatostas
His/Her/Itssonsasossas
Ournòstrenòstranòstresnòstras
Your (pl.)vòstrevòstravòstresvòstras
Theirlorlorlorslors
This table illustrates standardized adjectival forms, with variations in orthography and realization across dialects (e.g., vs. Gascon).

Verbal conjugation and irregularities

Occitan verbs inflect for tense, mood, person, and number, adhering to three primary conjugation classes determined by the infinitive ending: first conjugation verbs ending in -ar (the most numerous, deriving from Latin first conjugation), second conjugation in -ir (often featuring an inchoative infix -isc-/-esc- or -eg-/-ig- as a class marker), and third conjugation in -re (from Latin fourth and mixed). Regular verbs in the first class, such as parlar ("to speak"), exhibit predictable stem consistency with endings like -i, -as, -a, -am, -atz, -an in the present indicative, while imperfect forms add -avi(a) to the stem. Second-class verbs, like acabar ("to finish"), incorporate augments such as -isc- in present forms (e.g., acabis, acabissem), reflecting historical Latin -ēsc-/-īsc- infixes that function as morphomic markers rather than semantic inchoatives in modern varieties. These augments distribute across present indicative, subjunctive, and imperfect, but vary regionally, with velar forms like -ig- emerging analogically in perfect tenses of some dialects (e.g., Provençal or Languedocian). Dialectal polymorphism profoundly impacts conjugation, allowing multiple coexisting forms within a single cell—up to three or four variants for high-frequency in tenses like the present subjunctive—due to analogical leveling, phonetic erosion, and supradialectal influences rather than strict phonological conditioning. For instance, the verb durmi () may alternate between durmisi and dwòrmi in the first singular present indicative in Auzits , driven by optional inchoative retention. Third-class verbs, such as vèire ("to see"), maintain shorter stems but show similar variability, with forms collapsing distinctions between second and third classes in peripheral varieties like Niçard. Irregularities predominate in core auxiliaries and motion s, featuring stem suppletion, alternations, and aberrant past participles. The èsser ("to be") displays triple paradigms in the subjunctive (e.g., sia/sò/siasco in Meljac), while aver ("to have") and anar ("to go") exhibit fused forms and irregular roots like ai/aurai. Common stem-changing irregulars include vènir ("to come"), with present forms vèn/vens/ven deviating from expected -ir patterns, and dire ("to say"), showing ablaut-like shifts. participles often diverge markedly: beure ("to drink") yields begut (not beut), prendre ("to take") pres, and veire vist, with some s like absòlver admitting dual forms (absolgut/absòut) across dialects. These deviations, concentrated in 20-30 high-frequency lexemes, stem from Latin irregulars via and reanalysis, resisting regularization despite analogical pressures in spoken varieties.
Tense/MoodExample: Regular -ar (cantar, "to sing")Irregular Example: vènir ("to come")
Present Indicative 1sg/3sgcanti / cantavèn / ven
Imperfect Indicative 1sgvenia
Past Participlecantatvengut
This table illustrates stem stability in regulars versus alternations in irregulars, with data normalized across Languedocian and norms; Gascon variants may substitute e for a in endings.

Syntactic features and negation

Occitan aligns with standard Romance patterns, featuring a predominant subject-verb-object (SVO) while permitting flexibility due to its pro-drop nature, where pronominal subjects may be omitted in contextually recoverable instances. This relative freedom in constituent ordering, inherited from Latin influences, allows for or focus shifts without case morphology in modern varieties, though older texts show residual effects from a nominative-oblique case system distinguishing subjects (nominative) from objects and adverbials (oblique). Clitic pronouns, including subject, object, and reflexive forms, frequently precede finite s in declarative main clauses, a hallmark of Gallo-Romance syntax shared with French, and exhibit mesoclisis in affirmative imperatives. Prepositional phrases and adverbials typically follow the verb, contributing to a relatively fixed core structure, with interrogatives often formed via inversion or intonation rather than auxiliary movement. Negation in Occitan has evolved through stages akin to the Jespersen Cycle observed in other , transitioning from a preverbal marker non in medieval forms to a postverbal reinforcer that became the primary negator by the 17th century in spoken usage. In modern standard and Lengadocian varieties, appears immediately after the verb in simple tenses (e.g., Manja pas lo paure 'The poor man doesn't eat'), with obligatory negative concord requiring co-occurring polarity items like cap ('none'), res ('nothing'), or jamei ('never') to bear negative morphology for semantic reinforcement. This postverbal strategy predominates across Occitan dialects, correlating with explicit partitive constructions under (e.g., pas de vin 'no wine'), unlike the preverbal generalization in northern French. In Gascon subdialects, a tripartite system persists, combining a reduced preverbal ne or non with postverbal pas and an like jamei (e.g., Lo rei non plora pas jamei 'The king never cries'), diverging from the bipartite loss in Lengadocian due to substrate influences. Contact with French from the onward accelerated pas adoption in central varieties but preserved negative concord, contrasting with French's shift to asymmetric marking without concord. In compound tenses, precedes the auxiliary, as in Ai pas vist 'I haven't seen'.

Lexicon and Influences

Core Romance vocabulary

The core vocabulary of Occitan, including terms for numerals, , body parts, pronouns, and basic actions, derives primarily from , comprising the foundational lexicon shared across through systematic phonological shifts such as the of intervocalic stops and vowel reductions typical of Gallo-Romance evolution. This inherited stock accounts for approximately 80-90% of basic everyday words, with Occitan often retaining closer phonetic proximity to Latin than northern French counterparts, as seen in the preservation of initial /f/ from Latin /f/ (e.g., *filium > filh 'son') and avoidance of extensive . Innovations are minimal in this domain, prioritizing semantic stability over substrate influences from pre-Roman languages like , though occasional substrate traces appear in peripheral varieties. Numeral terms exemplify direct descent with minimal alteration:
EnglishLatinOccitan
oneunusun
twoduodos
threetrēstres
fourquattuorquatre
fivequīnquecinc
vocabulary similarly reflects Latin roots, with Occitan forms showing dialectal variation but consistent inheritance: (Latin *pater > paire or papà), (Latin *mater > maire or mamà), and children (Latin *liberos or *infantes > mainadum). Personal pronouns maintain core Latin structures, such as first-person singular jo (from ego), second-person singular tu (from tū), and third-person singular el/ela (from ille/illa), with enclitic forms like -me and -te preserving accusative cases in analytic constructions. Body part terms include cors (Latin corpus 'body'), (Latin caput 'head'), and uèlh (Latin oculus 'eye'), demonstrating retention of Latin consonants amid vowel shifts. These elements underscore Occitan's position as a conservative Romance in lexical fundamentals, resisting heavy Germanic or Celtic overlays seen elsewhere in Gallo-Romance.

Borrowings from neighboring languages

The Occitan lexicon exhibits a predominantly endogenous character, with the majority of its vocabulary inherited directly from Vulgar Latin, but it has incorporated loanwords from neighboring languages through historical contact, territorial proximity, and asymmetrical power dynamics. French exerts the strongest influence, particularly since the 16th century amid French state centralization and the imposition of French in administration, education, and media, leading to borrowings in modern domains such as technology, governance, and daily life. Examples include burèu ('office', from French bureau), imprimanta ('printer', from French imprimante), and mero ('mayor', from French maire), which have supplanted or coexisted with native terms like pèr ('father') over pero (from French père). Language revitalization initiatives in Provence and elsewhere often prioritize purging such gallicisms in favor of inherited Occitan roots to preserve lexical purity. Contact with Catalan, especially in transitional zones like the Aran Valley where Aranese Occitan is spoken, has introduced borrowings reflecting shared medieval and cultural exchanges, though the direction of influence is bidirectional given their close genetic ties. Specific Catalan loans in Aranese include administrative and toponymic terms adapted from Catalan usage, compounded by Spanish influences via Aragonese rule until 1836. In eastern varieties, Italian and Piedmontese elements appear in Vivaro-Alpine Occitan spoken in Italy's , where post-medieval political integration into and from the 18th century onward altered vocabulary through bilingualism; examples encompass syntactic calques and nouns related to local governance and , though systematic inventories remain limited. These peripheral borrowings are regionally confined and less pervasive than French imports, underscoring Occitan's resistance to wholesale lexical replacement despite centuries of external pressures.

Lexical distinctions from French and Catalan

Occitan retains numerous Latin-derived terms that French replaced with Germanic borrowings during the Frankish influence on northern Gallo-Romance evolution, leading to distinct vocabulary for everyday concepts. For instance, the word for "garden" is òrt in Occitan (from Latin hortus), whereas French uses jardin (from Frankish gard). Similarly, Occitan causa denotes "thing" (preserving Latin causa), contrasting with French chose (from Latin causa but semantically shifted via popular usage). These retentions highlight Occitan's closer fidelity to roots in core , unaffected by the same extent of northern substrate as French. In contrast to Catalan, which shares the Occitano-Romance lexical core but incorporates more Iberian Romance and Arabic influences due to its eastern Mediterranean history, Occitan features dialect-specific terms, particularly in Gascon varieties with Basque substratum. The affirmative particle exemplifies this: Occitan uses òc (from Latin hoc 'this'), while Catalan employs (from Latin sic 'thus'), reflecting divergent paths in deictic and modal expressions. Gascon Occitan includes unique Basque loans like bista for "face" or "view" (absent in standard Catalan cara, from Latin cara 'dear' shifted to face), underscoring regional isolation effects.
ConceptOccitanFrenchCatalanEtymological Note
GardenòrtOccitan/Catalan retain Latin hortus; French from Frankish gard.
ThingcausachosecosaShared Romance but French semantic shift; Occitan preserves causal sense.
YesòcouiOccitan from hoc; Catalan from sic; French composite hoc illud.
Earlylèutôtd'horaOccitan from Latin levis 'light/swift'; Catalan uses adverbial form.
New (recent)nòvijeune mariérecent/noiOccitan specific for "newlywed"; Catalan aligns more with Spanish nuevo.
Such distinctions, estimated at over 550 Latin-derived words unique to Occitan relative to French, arise from limited Germanic overlay and dialectal , though modern Occitan dialects increasingly borrow from French due to assimilation pressures. Catalan divergences often stem from shared but regionally adapted terms, with Occitan showing greater northern French lexical incursions in peripheral varieties.

Dialects and Variation

Major dialect clusters

Occitan dialects form a continuum with varying degrees of , traditionally divided into major clusters based on isoglosses separating phonological and morphological features from . The principal clusters are , Gascon, Languedocien, , , and Vivaro-Alpine, though classifications differ slightly among linguists; for instance, Pierre Bec proposed supradialectal groupings encompassing these. Auvergnat, spoken in the north-central region around the in departments such as and , features conservative retention of Latin vowels and palatalization patterns distinct from southern varieties. Limousin, located in the northwest including and , shares northern traits like the preservation of intervocalic /l/ but diverges in diphthongization processes. Languedocien occupies the central-southeastern area from to , serving historically as a prestige dialect due to its association with ; it exhibits innovations such as the reduction of unstressed vowels and merger of certain Latin finals. , in the southeast encompassing and parts of the Valley, is noted for its maritime influences and lexical borrowings from Italian, with characteristic /e/ to /i/ shifts in certain positions. Gascon, in the southwest from to the , stands out as the most divergent cluster, influenced by Basque substrate leading to unique like the /f/ to /h/ change (e.g., Latin filium > hilh) and retention of Latin /k/ before /a/. Vivaro-Alpine, straddling the southeastern into and (including Niçard varieties), bridges and northern dialects with alpine-specific terms and partial admixture. These clusters are not rigid, as transitional zones exist, and decreases from north to south and east to west, with Gascon often requiring adaptation for comprehension by other speakers. Linguist Pierre Bec's framework groups them into northern (Auvergnat-Limousin), median (Languedocien), and southern (Provençal-Gascon-Vivaro-Alpine) supradialects, emphasizing shared innovations over strict boundaries.

Peripheral and transitional varieties

Gascon represents a primary peripheral variety of Occitan, distinguished by its geographical position in southwestern and the in , where its subdialect Aranese holds co-official status since 2006. This dialect exhibits marked phonological divergences from core Occitan forms, including a Basque substrate influence evident in innovations like the /h/ aspirate (e.g., "hòr" for hour, contrasting with Latin hora) and retention of Latin /f/ in positions where other Romance varieties palatalize or lose it. classify Gascon as peripheral within Occitan due to these archaic and substrate-driven traits, which set it apart from central dialects like Languedocien, though persists with effort among speakers. Vivaro-Alpine constitutes a transitional variety in the eastern periphery, spanning southeastern France, northwestern Italy, and enclaves like Monaco's Mentonasc subdialect. Positioned between Occitan proper and Franco-Provençal, it displays hybrid features such as variable vowel nasalization patterns that align partially with northern Gallo-Romance traits, reflecting contact-induced evolution in Alpine border zones. This variety, also termed Alpine Provençal or Vivaro-Dauphinois, incorporates lexical and syntactic elements from neighboring Italo-Dalmatian and Gallo-Romance languages, contributing to its role as a bridge in the Occitano-Romance continuum. Other transitional zones occur in Pyrenean foothills, where Gascon varieties interface with or Catalan, yielding mixed speech forms with shared vocabulary for local and topography but divergent morphology. These peripheral and transitional forms underscore Occitan's dialectal diversity, shaped by historical isolation and substrate effects, with speaker estimates for Gascon at around 200,000 in as of 2010 and Vivaro-Alpine under 100,000, both facing assimilation pressures.

Judeo-Occitan subdialects

Judeo-Occitan subdialects designate the Occitan varieties employed by Jewish communities in , featuring Hebrew script for writing, alongside Hebrew or for religious and literary purposes, and lexical borrowings from Hebrew and integrated into the local Romance vernacular. These subdialects emerged from medieval Jewish settlements dating to antiquity, with speakers adapting regional Occitan forms while preserving distinct phonological and lexical traits reflective of communal isolation and religious needs. The primary subdialect, Judeo-Provençal (also termed Shuadit in some modern accounts, though the latter label derives from a 20th-century scholarly reconstruction of the Occitan word for "Jewish"), was spoken in the Comtat Venaissin papal enclave—encompassing towns such as Avignon, Carpentras, Cavaillon, and L'Isle-sur-Sorgue—and broader Provence. It exhibited unique sound shifts absent in non-Jewish Occitan, including the evolution of /y/ to [š] (as in Yehudit yielding Shuadit), intervocalic /d/ to , final /d/ to , and /t/, /s/, /ts/ sequences to [θ] then in certain contexts; these changes, combined with Hebrew loanwords like goya ("gentile woman") and kadoš barux hu ("holy, blessed be He"), distinguished it while maintaining mutual intelligibility with Provençal Occitan. Extant medieval texts, predating the 1394 expulsion of Jews from France, were penned in Hebrew characters, with later 18th–20th-century sources shifting to Latin script amid increasing French assimilation; the subdialect persisted post-1501 Provence expulsion due to papal protection but declined sharply after the French Revolution's emancipation, with the last fluent speaker, Armand Lunel, dying in 1977. Judeo-Gascon, a sociolect of the Gascon Occitan dialect, was used by Jews in Gascony, particularly Bayonne and Bordeaux, where communities reformed after 1550 readmissions. Documented through 19th- and 20th-century texts including poetry, private letters, and paraliturgical Purim songs, it mirrored Gascon phonology—such as aspirated stops and distinct vowel systems—while incorporating Hebrew elements for religious terminology; unlike Judeo-Provençal, fewer phonological innovations are attested, emphasizing instead lexical adaptations to local trade and liturgy. This subdialect faded by the early 20th century amid urbanization and mandatory French education. Judeo-Niçard, associated with Jewish populations in and surrounding areas, represented a transitional variety blending Occitan with Ligurian influences, attested in limited post-medieval sources; it shared the Hebrew-script tradition and religious of other Judeo-Occitan forms but succumbed earliest to Italianate pressures and later French dominance, with no speakers surviving into the . Across these subdialects, assimilation to , accelerated by 19th-century and the Holocaust's demographic toll, led to their , though residual "Jewish French" varieties like dabérage (with ~50–100 elderly speakers as of ) retain faint Occitan substrates in intonation and vocabulary.

Codification and Orthography

Historical writing traditions

The earliest surviving fragments of Occitan writing date to the mid- or late , consisting of marginal annotations in Latin manuscripts from regions like , such as those found in a . These initial attestations often blend Latin and vernacular elements, reflecting a transitional phase where Occitan emerged as a distinct written medium for legal, religious, and poetic purposes. By the early , more substantial prose and verse texts appeared, exemplified by the Boecis, an anonymous partial verse adaptation of Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy comprising 257 lines in rhythmic hexameters. Preserved in Orléans, Bibliothèque municipale 444 (fols. 269–75), this manuscript dates to the early 11th century and represents one of the oldest extended compositions, using a phonetic that prioritizes spoken forms over conventions. Such works indicate Occitan's early adaptation of the Latin alphabet for Romance , with innovations like distinct notations for nasal vowels and diphthongs to capture regional sounds. The 12th and 13th centuries marked the peak of Occitan's literary writing traditions, driven by poetry, which employed a supradialectal koiné blending southern and northern features for broader accessibility. Composed orally but increasingly committed to , these —numbering over 2,500 extant poems by some 460 authors—were gathered into chansonniers, illustrated codices like the Chansonnier Cangé (Paris, BnF fr. 846, c. 1280–1290) containing 191 folios of songs. Manuscript production centered in and post-Albigensian Crusade (1209–1229), with about 95 surviving volumes dedicated to troubadour works, often featuring rubricated initials, miniatures, and rasura (erasures) evidencing editorial interventions. Orthographic practices remained variable and scribe-dependent, favoring phonetic spelling that tolerated dialectal shifts (e.g., inconsistent rendering of /ts/ as z or c/ç), without unified norms until late-12th-century grammars like Uc Faidet's. Post-medieval traditions waned under French centralization, with Occitan texts shifting to administrative and devotional uses, such as 14th–15th-century notarial acts in and , where increasingly mirrored French influences while retaining medieval phonetic traits. This period saw fewer original compositions but preserved earlier canons through monastic and courtly copying, underscoring Occitan's role as a prestige vernacular before its marginalization.

Modern standardization proposals

The absence of a unified standard has historically impeded Occitan's use in , media, and administration, prompting 20th-century proposals centered on orthographic codification to accommodate dialectal variation while fostering a supradialectal written form. The classical norm, or graphie classique, emerged as the dominant proposal, prioritizing etymological spelling derived from medieval traditions to represent phonetic diversity across dialects without phonetic distortion. This system balances historical continuity with practicality, enabling writers to encode regional pronunciations (e.g., via digraphs like au for /ɔ/ in or /aw/ in Gascon) while maintaining lexical unity. Louis Alibert formalized the classical norm in his 1935 Gramatica occitana segon los parlars lengadocians, drawing on Languedocian phonology but extending it pan-Occitan scope; it gained institutional traction post-World War II through the Institut d'Estudis Occitans (IEO), founded in 1945, which adopted it as a basis for literary and pedagogical materials. By the 1970s, linguists like Pierre Bec advanced supradialectal refinements, conducting systematic analyses to standardize elements such as Aranese variants and publishing works like Manuel pratic d'occitan modern (1973), which integrated classical orthography with averaged morphology for broader accessibility. The Conseil de la langue occitane (CLO), established in 1997, further codified updates, including adaptations for alpine dialects in 1999, emphasizing empirical dialect mapping over prescriptive uniformity. Alternative proposals include regional systems like the Mistralian orthography, rooted in 19th-century Félibrige movement for Provençal dialects and influenced by French conventions, which prioritizes phonetic rendering but limits cross-dialectal . Debates persist over unity versus localism: proponents of classical norm argue it counters by linking to prestige and supporting revival (e.g., in Aran Valley's co-official status since 1990), while critics favor "oralisant" phonetic graphs to preserve subdialectal identity, though these have waned due to fragmentation. Dissident efforts, such as the Norman Orthography (PNO), reject etymologism for simplicity but achieve minimal adoption, as evidenced by their confinement to niche publications. The Congrès permanent de la langue occitane, formed in 2011, now oversees the classical norm's evolution, securing recognition from entities like France's Ministry of Education and Catalonia's Generalitat, facilitating its use in over 200 schools and digital corpora as of 2020. Despite this, full standardization remains contested, with no enforced spoken koine; empirical surveys indicate classical orthography's prevalence in 70-80% of contemporary Occitan texts, aiding preservation amid declining speakers (estimated at 200,000-800,000 fluent users in 2023), though causal factors like French dominance necessitate ongoing institutional support.

Orthographic systems and associated debates

The classical orthography, also known as grafia classica, draws from medieval Occitan writing traditions and represents a phonological diasystem accommodating dialectal variations across the language's spectrum. Codified by Louis Alibert in works such as his 1935 grammar (revised 1976), it prioritizes etymological consistency over strict phonetics, using digraphs like nh for palatal nasals and maintaining distinctions like versus o to reflect historical qualities. This system predominates in most Occitan dialects outside , serving as the reference for institutions like the Conselh de la Lenga Occitana, which endorses it for its continuity with troubadour-era texts dating back to the 11th–13th centuries. In contrast, the Mistralian orthography, developed by Provençal poet Frédéric Mistral around 1854, adapts traditional spellings with French-inspired conventions to enhance readability for French-proficient speakers, such as rendering the Provençal u sound as ou (e.g., louro for "light" instead of classical lumor). Popularized through Mistral's Félibrige movement and his Nobel Prize-winning works, it emphasizes phonetic approximation for the cluster, where it remains prevalent, but diverges from classical norms in vowel and consonant representations, leading to incompatibility with texts from Languedocian or Gascon varieties. Modern standardization efforts, including Alibert's refinements and post-1970s proposals for a "normalized" , aim to bridge dialectal gaps by basing conventions on central Languedocian forms while allowing optional dialect-specific adjustments, as outlined in linguistic councils' guidelines from the early onward. These seek a unified written form to facilitate inter-dialectal communication and education, yet adoption remains uneven due to regional attachments. Debates center on etymological fidelity versus phonetic accessibility, with classical advocates arguing it preserves historical authenticity and dialectal breadth, while Mistralian proponents favor its alignment with spoken and French literacy patterns to boost local usage. Conflicts arise in publishing and teaching, where inconsistent orthographies fragment audiences—e.g., materials often resist classical norms, exacerbating perceptions of Occitan as disjointed s rather than a cohesive —and hinder broader revitalization, as no single system holds official status in or elsewhere. pushes, like those from the Congrès Permanent de la Lenga Occitana since the , face resistance from dialect purists who view imposed unity as eroding cultural diversity, mirroring broader sociolinguistic tensions over French dominance. Empirical analyses of textual corpora reveal high orthographic variation correlating with dialect , underscoring how unresolved debates perpetuate non-.

Preservation Challenges and Initiatives

Factors contributing to decline

The decline of Occitan accelerated following the in 1539, which mandated the use of French (then Francien) in all official legal and administrative documents, effectively sidelining Occitan in public spheres and initiating its subordination to the emerging national language. This policy, enacted under King Francis I, reflected the French monarchy's growing centralization efforts, which viewed linguistic diversity as an obstacle to unified governance, particularly after the cultural prestige of Occitan—once the language of troubadours and courts—had already waned post-Albigensian Crusade (1209–1229). By the of 1789, revolutionary ideals of national unity further entrenched French as the sole vehicle for citizenship and progress, framing regional languages like Occitan as relics of feudal division. Educational policies in the Third Republic intensified suppression, with Occitan prohibited in schools from the late through the mid-20th century; children caught speaking it faced or , a practice known as la vergonha (the shame), which instilled intergenerational stigma and eroded domestic transmission. Compulsory schooling in French, formalized under Jules Ferry's laws starting in 1882, prioritized monolingual French proficiency, reducing Occitan's role to informal rural contexts and correlating with a sharp drop in speakers—from approximately 39% of France's population as native speakers in 1860 to under 10% by the late 20th century. France's refusal to ratify the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, despite regional advocacy, has perpetuated this marginalization by denying Occitan legal protections for use in education, media, and administration. In contemporary times, the primary driver of decline is the breakdown in intergenerational transmission, with fluent speakers predominantly elderly (average age around 66) and few children acquiring it as a due to French's dominance in urban economies, media, and . A 2020 sociolinguistic survey in Occitanie estimated only 7% of the (over 500,000 individuals) as speakers, a figure continuing to fall amid , , and the preference for French among younger generations seeking broader opportunities. UNESCO classifies major Occitan dialects such as , , and as severely endangered, reflecting limited domains of use confined to private or cultural settings rather than institutional support. These dynamics underscore a causal chain from state-imposed linguistic to self-reinforcing social attrition, where Occitan's hinges on reversing transmission failures absent stronger interventions.

Revitalization strategies and outcomes

Efforts to revitalize Occitan have centered on educational immersion programs, such as the Calandretas network of fully Occitan-medium schools established in the 1980s, which by 2023 operated around 50 schools across with enrollment growing modestly to approximately 2,000 students. Bilingual curricula in public schools, like those in offering equal hours in French and Occitan, have expanded voluntarily since the , though participation remains low at under 5% of eligible students in most regions. Teacher training initiatives by organizations like the Centre de Formació Professional Occitana provide certification for Occitan instruction, aiming to integrate the language into standard curricula, but these face resource constraints from limited state funding. Media strategies include private outlets like ÒCTele, launched in 2022 as France's first dedicated Occitan television channel, producing documentaries, talk shows, and content for all ages to increase visibility beyond niche audiences. Radio stations such as Ràdio País and broadcast music, news, and cultural programs in Occitan dialects, with Ràdio País emphasizing Gascon variants since the , though listenership is confined to regional pockets. Public broadcasters have introduced sporadic Occitan programming, including a 2023 series, but these are infrequent and lack sustained investment. Cultural organizations like the Institut d'Estudis Occitans promote standardization, literature publication, and festivals, while regional surveys indicate broad public support—92% favoring promotion in a 2025 Occitanie poll—but translation into policy has been inconsistent due to France's centralist language framework. Despite these initiatives, outcomes show limited reversal of decline; active speakers number between 100,000 and 200,000 as of recent estimates, predominantly elderly and rural, with intergenerational transmission failing as fewer than 10% of youth achieve fluency. Revitalization efforts since the 1850s Felibrige movement have not convinced most heritage speakers to prioritize Occitan over French, attributed to ontological mismatches between revivalist ideologies and traditional pragmatic uses of the language as a low-status . Bilingual schools opened decades after peak decline, yielding niche successes in awareness but insufficient scale to halt erosion, as evidenced by dropping self-reported proficiency in successive French censuses. State support, while present in regional quotas, has been critiqued as performative, failing to counter assimilation pressures, resulting in Occitan's continued classification as vulnerable by linguistic watchdogs.

Political and cultural obstacles

The assimilationist policies of the French state have posed the primary political obstacle to Occitan preservation, rooted in a centralized republican ideology that prioritizes national unity through linguistic uniformity. The 1539 mandated French for administrative and legal use, sidelining regional languages like Occitan in official domains. This was reinforced by the of 1881–1882, which established compulsory French-medium education while prohibiting regional languages in schools, leading to systematic punishment of Occitan-speaking children—a practice known locally as vergonha (shame). By 1860, Occitan dialects were native to approximately 39% of France's population, but these measures accelerated a sharp decline, with intergenerational transmission disrupted and speakers stigmatized. France's refusal to ratify the 1992 further entrenches this, as the state views regional language promotion as a threat to égalité (equality), contrasting with more pluralistic approaches in and . In Italy's Occitan-speaking alpine valleys and Spain's , where Aranese Occitan holds co-official status in , national languages still dominate education and media, limiting revival despite less overt suppression. Culturally, Occitan faces devaluation as a marker of rural or outdated identity, with French perceived as the prestige language of modernity, economy, and . and in French have eroded domestic use, as younger generations prioritize dominant-language proficiency for and integration, resulting in only 3–5% of Occitania's population actively speaking Occitan by the . This shift is compounded by internal fragmentation among Occitanist groups, divided over dialectal and political strategies, which dilutes coordinated efforts against state neglect. While sporadic initiatives like bilingual signage exist, persistent in public spheres—such as reluctance to accommodate Occitan in courts or —perpetuates its marginalization, with activists decrying ongoing "extermination" through underfunding rather than outright bans. In and , to Italian or Spanish/Catalan norms similarly subordinates Occitan to vehicular languages, hindering full despite pockets of recognition.

References

  1. https://handwiki.org/wiki/Help:IPA/Occitan
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