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A becak driver in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, smoking a kretek
A pack of Sampoerna A-Mild, a popular Indonesian brand of kretek manufactured by Sampoerna
Tobacco leaves sorting in Java. Tobacco was introduced by the Dutch during the colonial period.
Kreteks from the 1910s, containing resin, nutmeg, cumin, clove, and tobacco wrapped in banana leaves

Kretek (/ˈkrɛtɛk/) is a type of Indonesian cigarette made with a blend of tobacco, cloves and other flavors. They are available filtered or unfiltered. The word "kretek" is an onomatopoetic term for the crackling sound of burning cloves.[1]

Partly due to favorable taxation compared to filtered "white" cigarettes,[2] kreteks are by far the most widely smoked form of cigarettes in Indonesia, where they are preferred by about 90% of smokers.[3] In Indonesia, there are hundreds of kretek manufacturers, including small local makers and major brands. Most of the widely known international brands, including Sampoerna, Bentoel, Nojorono, Djarum, Gudang Garam, and Wismilak originate from Indonesia. Nat Sherman of the United States produced cigarettes branded as "A Touch of Clove" but they were not true kreteks, since there was clove flavoring infused into small crystals located inside the filter, rather than actual clove spice mixed with the tobacco.[4]

Kreteks often serve as a base for Indonesian herbal cigarettes manufactured by small local brands, by adding various herbs in addition to clove spice.

Compared with traditional cigarettes, studies have shown that kreteks contain significantly higher levels of nicotine, carbon monoxide and tar, as well as several more chemicals, thus making them much more harmful overall.[5][6]

History

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The origin of kretek cigarettes can be traced to 1880. The creator of kretek was Hajj Djamhari, a native of Kudus in Indonesia's Central Java region. Suffering from chest pains, Djamhari attempted to reduce the pain by rubbing clove oil on his chest. Djamhari sought a means of achieving a deeper relief and smoked his hand-rolled cigarettes after adding dried clove buds and rubber tree sap. According to the story, his asthma and chest pains healed immediately. Word of Djamhari's product spread rapidly among his neighbors, and the product soon became available in pharmacies as rokok cengkeh; clove cigarettes. First marketed as a medicinal product, kreteks became widely popular.

In those years, the locals used to hand-roll kreteks to sell on order without any specific brand, packing, or limits on ingredients used in production. A resident of Kudus named Nitisemito had the idea of starting serial production and selling kreteks under a proprietary brand name. Unlike other manufacturers, Nitisemito, who first created the Bal Tiga brand in 1906, enjoyed great success by implementing unprecedented marketing techniques, such as using embossed packs or offering free-of-charge promotional materials. Commercial manufacture did not start in earnest until the 1930s.[7]

Furthermore, he also developed a means of production called the abon system which offered opportunities for other entrepreneurs with insufficient capital. In this system, a person called an "abon" assumes the job of delivering finished products to the company which pays the price of piecework done whereas the company is liable to supply the necessary production materials to the "abons". Most manufacturers have since opted to have their workers working under the roof of their own factories, to maintain quality standards. Nowadays, only a few kretek manufacturers make use of the abon system.

Between 1960 and 1970, and the earlier days of the New Order regime, kreteks became a national symbol against "white cigarettes". In the mid-1980s, the number of machine-produced cigarettes exceeded that of hand-rolled ones. One of the largest income sources of Indonesia, the kretek industry comprises 500 large and small manufacturers employing a total of around 10 million people.[8]

Since 2009, kreteks are not legal for sale in the United States. A variation of the kretek is sold: "cigars" that are similar in size and shape to the original kreteks, also with a filter and the original tobacco/clove blend, but in a tobacco-based paper.

Structure and ingredients

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The quality and variety of tobacco play an important role in kretek production. One kretek brand can contain more than 30 types of tobacco.[9] Minced dried clove buds weighing about 1/3 of the tobacco blend are added. Sometimes the last process that machine-made or hand-rolled kreteks go through is the spraying of sweetener at the butt end of the cigarette.

Health effects

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See also: Health effects of tobacco

Djarum Black cigarettes sold in European, Southern African and South American countries have 10–12 mg tar and 1 mg nicotine, as indicated on the pack. This level of tar and nicotine is comparable to the majority of other regular or "full-flavor" cigarettes available. Djarum Black cigarettes produced for consumption in Indonesia contain a significantly higher quantity of tar and nicotine, 25 mg and 1.6 mg respectively. In Canada, Djarum Black cigarettes are listed as containing 44.2–86 mg of tar and 1.73–3.24 mg of nicotine, a significantly higher amount than most other cigarettes. Studies have also shown that kreteks contain much higher levels of carbon monoxide and several more chemicals not found in other cigarettes.[5]

The venous plasma nicotine and carbon monoxide levels from 10 smokers were tested after smoking kreteks and were found to be similar to non-clove brands of cigarettes, such as Marlboro.[10]

Rats were given equal inhalation doses of conventional tobacco cigarettes and kreteks over a short period. Those that had inhaled kreteks did not appear to show worse health effects compared to those that had inhaled conventional cigarettes.[11] The study was repeated with a 14-day exposure and kreteks again did not produce worse health effects than conventional cigarettes.[12]

The eugenol in clove smoke causes a numbing of the throat which can diminish the gag reflex in users, leading researchers to recommend caution for individuals with respiratory infections.[13] There have also been a few cases of aspiration pneumonia in individuals with normal respiratory tracts possibly because of the diminished gag reflex.

Daily kretek users are more likely to experience symptoms of malabsorption, anorexia, bone and muscle loss compared with regular tobacco users.[citation needed]

[edit]

In the United States, cigarettes were the subject of legal restrictions and political debate, including a proposed 2009 U.S. Senate bill that would have prohibited cigarettes from having a "characterizing flavor" of certain ingredients other than tobacco and menthol.[14]

A study by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control found kreteks account for a relatively small percentage of underage smoking, and their use was declining among high school students.[15] Critics of the bill argued that support of the bill by Philip Morris USA, which makes only conventional and menthol cigarettes, indicated that the bill was an attempt to protect the company from competition.[16]

Some U.S. states, including Utah, New Mexico, and Maryland, passed laws that prohibit the sale of kreteks.[17] On 14 March 2005, Philip Morris International announced the purchase of Indonesian tobacco company PT HM Sampoerna after acquiring a 40% stake in Sampoerna from a number of Sampoerna's principal shareholders.[18]

In 2009, the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act was introduced in the US Congress and signed into law by President Barack Obama, giving the FDA significantly more regulatory power over tobacco; one of the provisions in the law includes a ban on the use of flavors in tobacco, other than menthol. The ban includes kreteks. As of 22 September 2009, the clove cigarette was no longer legal to sell or distribute in the US, and cigarettes purchased overseas are subject to seizure by U.S. Customs.[19] There is an exception to this rule when receiving cigarettes as gifts through the USPS and is only allowed if certain guidelines are followed. This rule does not allow for purchase of tobacco products overseas but allows the receipt of gifts from domestic individuals and international individuals.[20] However, Kretek International Inc., importer of the Djarum brand, continued to offer the clove and tobacco products as little cigars, which have lower taxes (in some U.S. states) and looser restrictions than cigarettes.

On 12 April 2010 Indonesia filed a formal complaint with the World Trade Organization stating the ban on kreteks in America amounts to discrimination because menthol cigarettes are exempt from the new regulation. Trade Ministry Director General of International Trade Gusmardi Bustami has stated that the Indonesian government has asked the WTO panel to review US violations on trade regulations, including the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994, Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) and Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Agreement.[21] The TBT Agreement is of special importance as it defines clove cigarettes and menthol cigarettes as "like products". Claims of discrimination are enhanced when noting that 99% of kreteks were imported from countries other than the United States (chiefly Indonesia), while menthol cigarettes are produced almost entirely by American tobacco manufacturers.[22] Indonesia's case is further strengthened by comparing the number of young kretek smokers in America with the number of young menthol cigarette smokers. According to US health reports, 43% of young smokers smoke menthol cigarettes, which accounts for nearly 25% of the total cigarette consumption in the United States. Young smokers habituated to kreteks, however, account for less than 1% of cigarette consumption in the US, and <1% of the total cigarettes sold in the US. On April 4, 2012, the WTO ruled in favor of Indonesia's claim, though it is unclear how this will affect U.S. law.[23]

International sales

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Kretek cigarettes are among others sold in Australia, Brazil etc. In Europe only smaller packs and thinner cigarettes were sold to adhere to the EU established maximum amount of nicotine and tar levels. As of 2022, the sale of Kretek cigarettes has been outlawed in the EU, though the sale of Kretek cigarillos does not fall under this ban. Whether Indonesia will petition the WTO remains to be seen.

In South Africa they are also sold in smaller packs of 10 with between 10–12 mg tar, and 1-1.2 mg nicotine.

Indonesia is the world's largest producer of clove cigarettes, and exports up to US$500 million of the product a year.[24]

See also

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References

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Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Kretek

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from Grokipedia
Kretek are Indonesian cigarettes composed primarily of blended with ground , typically in proportions of 60-80% and 20-40% , often augmented with spices and sauces, producing a distinctive crackling sound—onomatopoeically termed "kretek"—from the combustion of clove fragments. Originating around 1880 in Kudus, , when Haji Jamhari experimented with clove- mixtures to alleviate chest pains, leveraging ' eugenol for its and expectorant effects, kretek transitioned from a folk remedy to commercial production in the 1890s under entrepreneurs like Nitisemito, who launched the first branded variant, Bal Tiga. In contemporary , the world's second-largest cigarette market, kretek constitute over 95% of domestic consumption, fueling an industry that directly employs hundreds of thousands in hand-rolling and machine production while generating substantial excise revenues and indirect jobs in and , though machine-made variants have increasingly displaced traditional labor-intensive methods. Culturally emblematic, kretek have inspired rituals, music, and , yet empirical studies reveal heightened hazards compared to conventional cigarettes, including greater yields of , , and , alongside clove-derived irritants like that, despite providing illusory throat numbing, exacerbate risks of , oral cancers, and in vulnerable users.

Definition and Characteristics

Origins of the Term and Basic Composition

The term "kretek" originates from Indonesian, specifically Javanese, and is onomatopoeic, imitating the distinctive crackling or popping sound—"krek-krek" or "kretek"—produced by burning buds within the . This auditory characteristic arises from the volatile oils in s igniting and creating small bursts during , a feature absent in conventional s. Kretek cigarettes consist primarily of a mixture of and ground cloves, with comprising 60% to 80% of the filler by weight and cloves accounting for the remaining 20% to 40%. The cloves are typically dried flower buds of Syzygium aromaticum, ground into a powder and blended with shredded leaves from various Indonesian varieties, often including up to 20-30 types for flavor balance. Additional components may include a "sauce" of natural flavorings such as cocoa, , or other spices, along with humectants like to maintain moisture, though these vary by manufacturer and do not alter the core tobacco-clove ratio. The blend is rolled into paper, sometimes with filters in modern variants, yielding higher content (up to 7% by weight from cloves) compared to pure products.

Distinct Features Compared to Conventional Cigarettes

Kretek cigarettes differ from conventional tobacco cigarettes primarily in their composition, incorporating ground cloves (Syzygium aromaticum) alongside tobacco, typically comprising 60-80% tobacco and 20-40% clove buds or clove oil, which imparts a characteristic spicy, aromatic flavor dominated by eugenol, the primary volatile compound in cloves constituting up to 85% of their essential oil. Conventional cigarettes, by contrast, consist almost entirely of processed tobacco without such herbal additives, resulting in a milder, less pungent smoke profile absent the clove-derived notes. The smoking experience of kretek is marked by a audible crackling during —originating from the term "kretek" itself, mimicking the clove's popping—along with denser, heavier smoke that lingers in the air due to the clove's influence on burn characteristics and particulate formation. contributes a numbing effect on the throat and airways, potentially allowing deeper compared to the harsher from pure tobacco smoke in conventional cigarettes, though this does not mitigate overall harm. Visually, kretek often feature brownish staining from clove oils and, in hand-rolled variants, tapered ends for easier drawing, distinguishing them from the uniform white-papered, filtered design of most conventional products. In terms of emissions, kretek generally yield higher levels of , , and per than American-blended conventional cigarettes, attributable to greater cut filler weight and clove's properties, despite perceptions in some markets of reduced harshness. transfer to mainstream smoke ranges from 2.8 to 33.8 mg per stick, adding unique bioactive compounds not present in tobacco-only cigarettes, which correlate with elevated risks of respiratory , exacerbation, and oral beyond those of standard . These differences underscore kretek's non-equivalence to conventional cigarettes in , with no evidence supporting claims of inherent safety advantages.

Historical Development

Invention and Early Medicinal Use

The originated in the late in Kudus, , , when Haji Jamhari, suffering from and chest pains, devised a remedy by mixing ground with tobacco and rolling it into a for . The in clove oil, transferred via the smoke, provided effects that reportedly eased his respiratory symptoms, leading Jamhari to produce the mixture for personal use and sharing with others. The distinctive crackling sound ("kretek") produced by the clove pieces igniting in the burning tobacco gave the product its name, distinguishing it from plain tobacco cigarettes. Initially crafted as a folk medicine, kretek gained local popularity for treating ailments like sore throats, coughs, and breathing difficulties, with cloves' traditional use in Indonesian healing practices lending credibility to its therapeutic claims. By the , the remedy's effectiveness spread through word-of-mouth in Kudus, prompting small-scale production and sale as a medicinal item before its transition to commercial recreation. Early formulations emphasized cloves' purported benefits over tobacco's addictive qualities, positioning kretek as a health aid rather than a mere smoke.

Commercialization and Industry Growth

![Sampoerna kretek factory][float-right] The commercialization of kretek began in the late , transitioning from a home remedy to a marketable product. In 1890, Noto Semito launched the first branded kretek, Bal Tiga, marking the initial step toward commercial production in Kudus, . By 1906, hand-rolled kretek were being commercially produced on a small scale, primarily by local entrepreneurs experimenting with and mixtures for broader appeal beyond medicinal use. Early manufacturers like Nitisemito formalized operations around this period, registering businesses and scaling output through manual labor-intensive processes. Mechanization in the and propelled industry growth, enabling and market expansion. Small firms in Solo and Kudus initiated machine-rolling in 1968, followed by major players importing European equipment in the 1970s and 1980s. Key companies such as (founded 1913), Djarum (modernized 1951), Gudang Garam (1958), and Bentoel drove this shift, with machine-made kretek surpassing hand-rolled volumes by the mid-1980s. This technological adoption responded to surging demand, fueled by post-independence economic policies and rising consumer incomes, transforming kretek from artisanal goods to an industrial staple comprising over 90% of Indonesia's market. Production volumes reflect the sector's rapid expansion, rising from 20 billion cigarettes in to 140 billion by 1993, underscoring kretek's dominance in the national economy. The industry, centered in districts like Kudus and Kediri, employs hundreds of thousands directly and supports millions indirectly through farming and supply chains, positioning it as Indonesia's second-largest employer after the . Despite regulatory challenges abroad, domestic growth persisted into the , with the kretek market valued at approximately $14.88 billion in 2022.

Evolution During Colonial and Post-Independence Periods

During the Dutch colonial era, kretek evolved from a localized home industry into a burgeoning commercial sector, with production spreading beyond Kudus through innovative marketing and branding efforts. In 1908, H.M. Nitisemito established NV Bal Tiga, the first kretek to adopt modern packaging inspired by Japanese styles and promotional strategies such as branded gifts, transforming kretek into a mass-market product by the . Chinese entrepreneurs increasingly dominated larger operations, founding key firms like in 1913, which capitalized on ethnic networks for distribution amid rising demand. Colonial regulations in 1932 introduced excise tax stamps (banderol) on kretek packs, imposing administrative burdens that disproportionately affected small-scale hand-rollers and accelerated industry consolidation toward fewer, larger producers capable of compliance. This fiscal measure, aimed at generation, inadvertently favored precursors and urban factories, though widespread hand-rolling persisted due to kretek's cultural embedding among Javanese Muslim communities. By the late 1930s, kretek output competed with imported white cigarettes, but Japanese occupation from 1942 disrupted supply chains, temporarily stalling growth. Following Indonesian independence in 1945, the kretek sector faced initial instability from revolutionary conflicts and nationalization pressures, yet expanded rapidly in the 1950s amid post-war economic recovery and booming demand fueled by events like the clove price surge. The number of kretek brands and producers proliferated, intensifying , while emerged in 1968 with initial adoptions in regions like Solo and Kudus, enabling higher volumes but sparking labor tensions. Major firms such as (1976), (1978), and (1983) scaled machine production, shifting from cornhusk wrappers to filtered variants and reducing reliance on manual labor, though government caps—initially limiting machine output to one-third of hand-rolled in 1979, revised to two-thirds in 1983—preserved employment for millions. Post-independence policies under Suharto's New Order further entrenched kretek's economic centrality, with 1987 tax hikes (35-37% on machine-made versus 5-7% on hand-rolled) and 1990 clove procurement monopoly via BPPC (controlled by the president's son) stabilizing supplies but disadvantaging smallholders until its 1998 dissolution amid IMF reforms. By the , four ethnic Chinese-owned conglomerates controlled approximately 80% of the market, diversifying into non-tobacco sectors while multinational entries, like Morris's 2005 stake in , introduced hybrid products and global marketing. This era marked kretek's maturation into Indonesia's second-largest employer after government, supporting clove farming for over 600,000 households despite volatile regulations.

Production and Ingredients

Key Components: Tobacco, Cloves, and Additives

Kretek cigarettes consist primarily of tobacco, which forms 60% to 80% of the total filler material by weight. The tobacco is typically derived from Indonesian varieties, often blended from multiple types to achieve desired flavor profiles and burn characteristics, with some brands incorporating over 30 distinct tobacco strains. This base provides the nicotine and combustible matrix essential for smoking, delivering tar and other combustion byproducts similar to conventional cigarettes. Ground clove buds from Syzygium aromaticum constitute 20% to 40% of the kretek filler, contributing the characteristic aroma and crackling sound during combustion. Cloves are minced and mixed directly into the tobacco blend, with their essential oil content—ranging from 15% to 20% by weight in the buds—dominated by eugenol (70% to 95% of the oil). This results in eugenol comprising up to 7% of the overall filler weight, influencing smoke inhalation through its local anesthetic properties that mask throat irritation. Additives in kretek include "sauces," proprietary mixtures of flavorings and plant-derived compounds applied to enhance and aroma beyond the s alone. These may incorporate oil, oleoresins, or other volatiles such as and , which appear in the smoke and can introduce additional toxicants. In some formulations, especially machine-made variants, synthetic or concentrated essences replace whole buds to standardize production, though traditional hand-rolled kretek prioritize natural integration. Empirical analyses confirm that these additives elevate levels of specific compounds like in mainstream smoke, potentially up to 23 mg per cigarette depending on proportion.

Manufacturing Techniques: Hand-Rolled vs. Machine-Made

Hand-rolled kretek, designated as sigaret kretek tangan (SKT), involve a manual production process where workers blend tobacco with ground cloves and additives, then roll the mixture into a conical shape using specialized hand tools such as wood-handled rollers equipped with canvas belts. The process includes pressing the blend into the roller, applying cassava-based glue to paper, shaping the cigarette to a narrower inhalation end (approximately 8 mm) and wider burn end (10 mm), trimming with scissors or push cutters, and packing into units of 12 or 16 without filters. Skilled laborers, predominantly women averaging 44 years old, produce 300 to 600 cigarettes per hour under strict quotas, with tasks like rolling (38% of labor time), cutting (38%), and packaging (31%) often multitasked in small-scale factories. Each SKT weighs about 2 grams, requiring substantially more tobacco and cloves per unit than automated alternatives, and takes roughly 30 minutes to smoke due to its density. Machine-made kretek, or sigaret kretek mesin (SKM), employ automated systems imported from , such as Comas and Garbuio for processing tobacco and cloves, Hauni for filter attachment, and Focke for packaging, enabling output of 10,000 to 20,000 cigarettes per minute. The technique processes materials into uniform, straight cigarettes weighing 1 gram or less, often incorporating cost-saving elements like puffed tobacco (treated with and then freeze-dried) or reconstituted from stems and dust, followed by synthetic filter addition and packing into 20-unit packs. Introduced in 1968 to meet rising demand, SKM production overtook hand-rolled volumes by the 1980s, shifting emphasis to large-scale operations with innovations like filters marketed for perceived modernity. These cigarettes burn faster, typically in about 10 minutes, reflecting their lighter construction and material efficiencies. The core distinctions lie in scale, labor intensity, and regulatory treatment: SKT production remains highly manual, employing 93% of Indonesia's 307,793 kretek workers as of 2014 (mostly full-time equivalents at 1,426–2,568 hours annually), favoring small firms under lower excise taxes of 20–33% of retail price. In contrast, SKM rely on mechanization for efficiency, commanding 80% market share by reducing material use and labor needs, though facing higher taxes (45–51%) that support government revenue but challenge smaller competitors. This evolution from manual dominance in the early 20th century to automated prevalence reflects economic pressures for volume, yet preserves SKT's cultural heft through conical form and traditional heft.

Variations and Regional Differences

Kretek cigarettes exhibit two primary production variations: hand-rolled (sigaret kretek tangan or SKT) and machine-made (sigaret kretek mesin or SKM). Hand-rolled kretek, traditional since the late 19th century, are typically conical in shape, weigh around 2 grams each, and may lack filters or include simple ones, relying on skilled artisans to blend tobacco, ground cloves, and proprietary sauces for a distinctive crackling burn and aroma. In contrast, machine-made kretek, introduced in the 1970s and surpassing hand-rolled production by the mid-1980s, are slimmer, lighter (often 1 gram or less), uniformly cylindrical, and frequently incorporate filters along with expanded or puffed tobacco for efficiency, allowing mass production by major firms. These differences affect taxation, with hand-rolled varieties facing lower excise rates (4-22%) compared to machine-made (26-40%), influencing market dynamics and consumer preferences for perceived authenticity in hand-rolled products. Additional subtypes include klobot kretek, wrapped in cornhusks rather than for a rustic, regional flavor profile, and filtered hand-rolled variants that emerged to compete with machine-made options. Sauce formulations, comprising flavorings like cocoa or extracts, vary by brand, contributing to subtle taste differences even within production types, with over 30 varieties sometimes blended in premium kretek. Regional differences in kretek are pronounced due to Indonesia's diverse cultivation and concentrated hubs, primarily in . Production is clustered in Central Java's Kudus district (home to ) and East Java's Kediri (Gudang Garam) and (Bentoel), where over 40% of kretek workers are based, fostering localized techniques and brand identities tied to Javanese entrepreneurial traditions, often led by Indonesian-Chinese families. sourcing varies geographically, with nearly 90% of leaves from , Central Java, and , where varieties are classified by growing season (e.g., temu for wet-season robustness) and blending roles, such as flue-cured types from Madura Island for strength or air-cured from for milder notes, though dominates kretek-specific blends. Clove content, sourced mainly from eastern Indonesia like Maluku, remains consistent, but regional profiles influence kretek's burn rate and delivery, with n outputs often punchier due to local vorstenlanden leaf strains. These factors underpin brand variations, such as Sampoerna's machine-made kretek from , emphasizing uniformity over Kudus-style artisanal depth.

Cultural and Economic Role in Indonesia

Social and Symbolic Importance

Kretek cigarettes hold profound social significance in , where they constitute approximately 95% of the market and are integral to male social interactions. Smoking kretek facilitates bonding and exchange during communal events such as weddings and funerals, serving as a of respect and hospitality. Among males, reaches 60%, reflecting its normalization as a daily practice that enhances group cohesion and emotional restraint aligned with Javanese cultural values. Symbolically, embodies and modern identity, having supplanted traditional chewing by the mid-20th century as a marker of social advancement and education under colonial influences. Non-smokers among men may face queries about their , underscoring its association with and self-confidence. Advertisements reinforce this by depicting smokers as decisive and strong, often blending traditional motifs like temples with contemporary progress to evoke national pride. In certain rituals, kretek carries spiritual weight; in interior Kalimantan, they form part of offerings to spirits or are placed at graves for the deceased's journey. Overall, kretek's fragrance is likened to the "aromatic soul" of , intertwining personal habit with collective heritage and identity. The industry leverages these symbols, funding community initiatives to bolster legitimacy and portraying kretek as a supporter of .

Contributions to National Economy and Employment

The kretek industry provides direct employment to approximately 308,000 workers in manufacturing, predominantly in hand-rolled production, which accounts for 93% of kretek jobs as of 2014. These positions are concentrated in Central Java and East Java, with 40% of workers in Kudus, Kediri, and Malang districts alone. The workforce is largely female (94%), with low educational attainment, offering stable income in regions with limited alternative opportunities. Tobacco , dominated by kretek, represents 5.3% of Indonesia's manufacturing sector and 0.6% of total economy-wide . Hand-rolled kretek factories sustain higher compared to machine-made variants, influencing policies to protect jobs amid pressures. Recent expansions, such as PT HM Sampoerna's new factories in and , added over 3,500 positions in , underscoring ongoing job creation in the sector. Kretek production generates substantial , with six major firms contributing 88% of excises, supporting government fiscal resources despite the industry's small overall GDP footprint. While direct economic output remains modest relative to health costs estimated at 0.1-0.2% of GDP, the sector bolsters local economies through clustered and ancillary activities in kretek hubs.

Impact on Clove Agriculture and Local Livelihoods

The kretek industry consumes approximately 90% of Indonesia's annual clove production, which totals around 100,000 metric tons as of the mid-2010s, driving extensive cultivation across roughly 500,000 hectares and involving over 1 million farmers primarily in regions such as Maluku, , and . This demand has transformed clove farming from a niche into a cornerstone of rural , providing a consistent domestic market that absorbs 80-90% of output for production rather than exports. By 2020, clove plantations spanned 561,724 hectares nationwide, underscoring the sector's expansion tied to kretek's dominance in the cigarette market, where clove-laced products constitute over 95% of sales. Despite this market stability, clove farming yields limited economic returns for local livelihoods, with household incomes from the crop averaging $439 to $2,576 annually depending on the region—far below subsistence needs in many cases—and often comprising less than 20% of total household resources. Surveys of clove-farming households reveal high rates, with 37% living below the national poverty line compared to 11% nationally, alongside prevalent food insecurity, substandard , and heavy reliance on government assistance. Profitability is further eroded by production costs exceeding revenues in key areas, such as losses of over $2 per kilogram in Minahasa after accounting for labor and inputs. Kretek manufacturers exacerbate these challenges through price suppression, importing 30-40% of cloves from sources like and to undercut domestic suppliers and procure at below-market rates via controlled traders, which heightens vulnerability to volatile . This dependency fosters a cycle where growers' economic fortunes are inextricably linked to kretek production, prompting industry-funded protests against hikes or controls that threaten output—as seen in demonstrations where farmers receive payments to participate, with threats of withheld purchases for non-compliance. While diversification into other crops or non-farm work is common, the kretek-driven limits resilience, as policy shifts like proposed increases in raised fears of reduced and collapse for farmers reliant on the sector. Overall, the industry's role sustains agricultural scale but perpetuates , with empirical data indicating negligible net profits and entrenched despite its pull.

Health Effects and Empirical Research

Chemical Profile: Role of Eugenol and Other Compounds

, the primary in kretek cigarettes, constitutes the dominant volatile from ground cloves (Syzygium aromaticum), which typically comprise 15-40% of the blend by weight alongside 60-85% . Derived from clove bud where it accounts for 70-85% of the total volatiles, (4-allyl-2-methoxyphenol) is released during and transferred to mainstream smoke at concentrations of 2.8-33.8 mg per , varying by brand and clove content. This compound defines kretek's signature spicy, aromatic profile, acting as the chief flavorant that masks 's bitterness and enhances sensory appeal through its phenolic structure interacting with olfactory receptors. In kretek smoke, exhibits mild anesthetic properties via local numbing of mucosal tissues in the oral cavity and throat, attributed to its inhibition of voltage-gated sodium channels and transient receptor potential vanilloid-1 () receptors, which reduces perceived harshness and facilitates deeper inhalation compared to tobacco-only smoke. This pharmacological role stems from eugenol's inherent and effects observed in non-inhaled contexts, though during smoking alters its yield and byproducts, including potential reactive metabolites like eugenol . Studies confirm eugenol's presence uniquely elevates kretek's phenolic fraction, distinguishing it from conventional cigarettes where it is negligible. Other notable compounds include β-caryophyllene, a (5-12% of clove oil) contributing woody undertones and anti-inflammatory modulation via agonism, alongside trace levels of and in mainstream smoke, which add licorice-like notes but occur at lower yields (e.g., at 0.1-1.5 μg per ). Additives such as (in hybrid variants) or synthetic flavor enhancers like may amplify cooling or sweet sensations, while tobacco-derived (typically 0.5-2 mg per stick) synergizes with clove volatiles for the overall alkaloid-flavonoid matrix. These interactions yield a smoke condensate richer in oxygenated than standard tobacco smoke, influencing products like polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons modulated by clove's antioxidants.

Comparative Toxicity with Regular Cigarettes

Kretek cigarettes typically deliver higher yields of , , and than conventional cigarettes under standardized machine-smoking protocols, with reported levels up to 2-3 times greater for and in some analyses. This elevated output stems from the combustion of components, which contribute additional particulate matter and gases during inhalation. Despite these metrics, the anesthetic properties of —a primary compound in cloves—may reduce perceived , potentially encouraging deeper or more frequent puffs and offsetting any subjective sense of reduced harm. In vitro and in vivo toxicological studies yield mixed results on relative harm. Some assessments, including repeat-dose exposures in animal models, indicate that kretek smoke induces comparable or slightly lower acute toxicity than American-blended cigarettes when normalized for delivery, attributed to eugenol's local numbing and effects. However, other evaluations highlight kretek-specific risks, such as elevated particulate emissions and the formation of additional toxins like and , which lack established safety thresholds in contexts. Acute human case reports link kretek use to severe pulmonary injuries, including , particularly in adolescents with underlying respiratory vulnerabilities, effects not commonly observed with regular cigarettes. A 2021 systematic review of available evidence concluded that kretek pose health risks similar to those of conventional cigarettes, with no substantiated basis for deeming them less toxic overall; higher tar and yields may amplify cardiovascular and respiratory burdens, while clove-derived compounds introduce unique cytotoxic potentials without mitigating core harms like . Epidemiological data remain limited due to kretek's regional prevalence, but cross-sectional comparisons in show comparable associations with and incidence, underscoring that additives do not confer meaningful protective effects against 's dominant toxicants. These findings challenge marketing claims of kretek as a milder alternative, emphasizing equivalent or compounded exposure risks.

Observed Health Outcomes and Epidemiological Data

Kretek smoking has been linked to acute respiratory illnesses, particularly in non-habitual users outside endemic regions. Between March 1984 and May 1985, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control reported 12 cases of severe symptoms among young adults aged 17–30, including , , , and milder issues like , , and , temporally associated with clove cigarette use; all hospitalized patients recovered rapidly with supportive treatment such as corticosteroids and bronchodilators, with no long-term sequelae observed. These cases occurred amid rising U.S. sales of kretek from 12 million in 1980 to 150 million in 1984, highlighting potential risks from higher tar, nicotine, and yields compared to regular cigarettes. In , where kretek dominates consumption (with male prevalence exceeding 60% as of recent surveys), epidemiological studies primarily cross-sectional have associated kretek use with elevated risks of chronic conditions, though causality remains unestablished due to methodological limitations like self-reported data, small samples, and . A 2021 systematic of 32 Indonesian studies found significant links to (odds ratio [OR] 1.91 for kretek vs. regular cigarette smokers, 95% CI 0.98–3.95; OR 2.08 vs. non-smokers, 95% CI 1.01–4.43), (OR 1.09 for kretek vs. non-smokers, 95% CI 1.02–1.117; OR 1.37 for mixed smokers vs. non-smokers, 95% CI 1.25–1.49), , (OR 1.3 vs. non-smokers, p < .001), and oral diseases including dental decay (OR 2.66–3.19 for 7–>18 kretek/day, p < .0001) and periodontal issues. No high-quality longitudinal data exist, and the review concluded kretek pose health risks at least equivalent to regular cigarettes, with evidence quality rated low across outcomes. Kretek contributes substantially to Indonesia's tobacco-attributable , estimated at 223,500 smoking-related deaths annually (83.2% of tobacco deaths), ranking tobacco as the second-leading for mortality and in 2021. Limited data on specifically show no reduced for kretek versus conventional cigarettes; instead, high kretek prevalence (31.5% crude adult rate in 2011, declining modestly to 28.6% by 2021) correlates with elevated national incidence, though subtype analyses (e.g., K-RAS/EGFR mutations) reflect general effects without kretek differentiation. models indicate kretek smoke induces lung histometric changes and even at low doses (1 /day equivalent for 3 months), suggesting genotoxic potential akin to tobacco smoke. Overall, epidemiological evidence underscores comparable harms to standard cigarettes, tempered by study deficiencies and regional confounding from near-universal kretek exclusivity in Indonesian cohorts.

Debates on Relative Harms and Methodological Critiques

Debates persist regarding whether kretek cigarettes pose comparatively reduced harms relative to conventional cigarettes, with some assessments highlighting potential mitigating effects from , the primary clove-derived compound, while epidemiological evidence indicates equivalent or elevated risks for certain conditions. exhibits anti-inflammatory properties in animal models, potentially lowering acute irritation and histopathological changes when present in kretek smoke, as observed in rat studies where eugenol addition to American-blend cigarettes reduced lung . However, these findings derive from controlled toxicological evaluations often linked to interests, which may emphasize and short-term endpoints over long-term human outcomes. In contrast, a 2021 of 32 studies associated kretek with heightened odds of coronary heart disease (p=0.0001) and (OR 5.174, p=0.006) compared to regular cigarette use, alongside similar risks for and . Acute toxicity concerns center on eugenol's role in rare but severe pulmonary injuries, particularly among adolescents, with U.S. reports from the 1980s documenting 13 cases of hemorrhagic and linked to kretek use, exacerbated by underlying respiratory infections. Industry-sponsored toxicological series counter that lacks genotoxic carcinogenicity in standard assays and does not elevate overall hazard potential beyond conventional cigarettes when normalized for particulate matter. Yet, broader consensus holds that kretek deliver comparable levels of tar, nicotine, and , with added compounds like potentially amplifying risks, undermining claims of inherent safety advantages. Indonesian cultural perceptions often frame kretek as less harsh due to eugenol's anesthetic throat-numbing effect, potentially altering depth, though this remains unverified in controlled human trials. Methodological critiques underscore the paucity of robust evidence, as most research comprises low-quality, cross-sectional surveys from —where kretek dominate 90% of the market—suffering from , unadjusted confounders like and co-exposures, and reliance on self-reported data without biochemical validation. The 2021 review applied the Newcastle-Ottawa scale, rating all included studies as poor due to absent sample size justifications, inadequate statistical reporting, and lack of blinding or longitudinal designs, rendering meta-analyses infeasible amid high heterogeneity. Toxicological studies, while methodologically rigorous in endpoints like and mutagenicity, prioritize surrogate biomarkers over real-world , potentially overlooking synergistic harms from chronic clove- combustion. Critics note systemic underfunding of independent kretek-specific research outside industry channels, compounded by regulatory biases favoring blanket prohibitions over nuanced product comparisons. Absent high-quality prospective cohorts, causal attributions remain tentative, with calls for standardized nicotine-adjusted comparisons to resolve discrepancies.

Regulatory Framework and International Trade

Policies in Indonesia: Taxation and Control Measures

Indonesia's tobacco excise tax system applies differentially to kretek cigarettes, distinguishing between machine-made kretek (sigaret kretek mesin, SKM) and hand-rolled kretek (sigaret kretek tangan, SKT), with rates tiered by production volume, cigarette length, and filter presence to account for varying market segments. As of September 2025, excise duties on kretek range from Rp 223 per stick for lower-tier hand-rolled variants to Rp 1,231 per stick for premium machine-made kretek, reflecting a structure that imposes lower rates on traditional hand-rolled products compared to machine-made ones. These specific excise rates are supplemented by an ad valorem component capped at 57% of the estimated consumer price (harga jual eceran), plus value-added tax at 8.4% and a local cigarette tax at 10% of the excise value. Tax increases have been implemented periodically to boost and discourage consumption, with a 10% average rise applied to products, including kretek, in both 2023 and 2024, following a presidential decision in November 2022. However, citing potential job losses in the kretek industry—which employs millions in production, clove farming, and related sectors—the government halted further hikes, maintaining rates unchanged through 2026. This policy reflects a causal prioritization of over aggressive escalation, as empirical analyses indicate that sharp rises could reduce consumption by 0.9–3.0% but risk amplifying illicit , which already erodes legitimate . To counter illicit kretek, which comprise a significant share of the market, the Finance Ministry has intensified , including programs for non-compliant producers and stricter licensing for manufacturers. Beyond taxation, control measures under Government Regulation No. 28 of 2024 impose packaging requirements, such as pictorial health warnings covering 50% of tobacco product surfaces (up from 40%), applicable to kretek packs to inform consumers of risks like nicotine and tar content. Production controls prohibit unapproved additives in kretek and mandate scientific validation for clove and tobacco formulations, while sales restrictions include raising the purchase age to 21 and banning single-stick vending to curb youth access. Advertising faces partial curbs, with tightened limits on promotion but no comprehensive ban, preserving kretek's cultural marketing amid resistance from industry groups emphasizing its national economic role. These measures balance public health aims with kretek's dominance—accounting for over 90% of Indonesia's cigarette market—while local ordinances in some districts extend smoke-free rules and point-of-sale display bans, though enforcement varies due to federal-provincial tensions.

Bans and Restrictions in Other Countries

In the , the sale, distribution, and importation of kretek s have been prohibited since September 22, 2009, under the Family Smoking Prevention and Tobacco Control Act, which banned all s with characterizing flavors other than tobacco or menthol. This measure targeted kretek due to their clove-derived content, deemed a flavoring agent appealing to youth, though manufacturers like Kretek International responded by reformulating and marketing clove-flavored products as cigars, which fall outside the ban's scope. The U.S. enforced the ban as its first major tobacco regulation, citing concerns over initiation of smoking among non-smokers. Australia implemented a ban on flavored cigarettes, including kretek, effective from April 1, 2010, as part of broader restrictions under the Tobacco Plain Packaging Act and prior flavor prohibitions, rendering their commercial sale unlawful. Importation for personal use remains limited, with travelers permitted only one unopened and one opened packet upon declaration, subject to seizure if undeclared or exceeding limits, enforced by the . Additional 2025 regulations further prohibit additives like in products, reinforcing the exclusion of kretek from the market. In the , a comprehensive ban on and other flavored cigarettes, encompassing kretek, took effect on May 20, 2020, prohibiting their manufacture, sale, and distribution across member states to reduce attractiveness to smokers. While thinner kretek variants or cigarillos occasionally circumvent strict cigarette definitions in some markets, the regulation explicitly targets as a characterizing flavor, aligning with recommendations. Enforcement varies by country, but the EU-wide directive has effectively curtailed legal kretek cigarette availability. Canada prohibited the manufacture, importation, and sale of flavored cigarettes, including kretek, starting October 2009 under amendments to the Tobacco Products Control Act, classifying as a prohibited additive in cigarettes. This extends to small cigars mimicking kretek, with maintaining oversight to prevent evasion through reclassification, though larger cigars with clove remain unregulated. Personal importation is restricted, with violations subject to seizure and penalties. Brazil enacted a nationwide ban on clove and other non-tobacco ingredients in cigarettes effective 2012, directly impacting kretek by prohibiting eugenol additives, as part of Anvisa's broader framework. Similar restrictions apply in countries like and , where flavored tobacco bans enacted post-2010 have excluded kretek from legal sale. These measures reflect a global trend prioritizing reduction in youth uptake over cultural or economic arguments for clove tobacco variants.

Trade Disputes and Economic Repercussions

In September 2009, the implemented a ban on flavored cigarettes, including kretek, under Section 907 of the Family Smoking Prevention and Act, which prohibited the manufacture and sale of cigarettes with characterizing flavors other than or tobacco. This measure effectively eliminated U.S. imports of kretek, previously a key market for Indonesian exporters. filed a formal complaint with the (WTO) on April 12, 2010 (DS406), contending that the ban violated national treatment obligations under GATT Article III:4 by treating imported clove cigarettes less favorably than like domestic cigarettes, despite comparable risks of youth initiation. A WTO panel ruled in Indonesia's favor on September 30, 2011, determining the U.S. ban created an unnecessary and discriminated against imported products on the basis of origin rather than objective risk differences. The U.S. largely upheld this in April 2012, affirming the likeness of and cigarettes under relevant criteria, though it critiqued aspects of the panel's youth appeal analysis. Compliance proceedings ensued, but the U.S. retained the ban; Indonesia settled via a 2014 , permitting limited exports reclassified as clove cigars to partially access the market while accepting the core prohibition. This resolution avoided retaliatory tariffs but underscored ongoing tensions over flavor-based regulations. Parallel restrictions proliferated globally, curtailing kretek's international footprint. The prohibited flavored cigarettes, including kretek, via Directive 2014/40/EU, with phased implementation culminating in a full ban on May 20, 2020, though exemptions for cigarillos allowed niche sales. Comprehensive bans also took effect in (2010), Canada (2009), , and others, often justified by goals to deter youth smoking but criticized by Indonesia for inconsistent application to menthol. These measures inflicted measurable economic strain on Indonesia's kretek sector, which generated exports valued at $433.8 million in 2010, with the U.S. comprising a substantial pre-ban share estimated at tens of millions annually. The U.S. ban alone precipitated a near-total collapse of , contributing to stagnant or declining volumes amid broader flavor restrictions, while domestic reliance buffered but did not offset lost foreign revenue for firms like and . Indirectly, reduced global demand pressured clove supplies and hand-rolling labor markets, though the industry's core of over 5 million—primarily domestic—mitigated widespread layoffs. Overall, barriers constrained industry expansion, exacerbating vulnerability to domestic tax hikes and underscoring kretek's outsized role in Indonesia's tobacco-dependent economy.

Contemporary Issues and Future Prospects

Youth Consumption and Marketing Practices

In , where kretek cigarettes account for approximately 92-95% of the market, youth consumption is overwhelmingly dominated by kretek products. The 2019 Global Youth Tobacco Survey (GYTS) reported a current tobacco use prevalence of 19.2% among students aged 13-17, with males exhibiting significantly higher rates than females. Earlier GYTS data from 2009 indicated 12.6% current cigarette smoking among similar age groups, rising to 24.5% among boys. typically occurs early, with many adolescents reporting first smoking between ages 12 and 13, though the average age for regular initiation stands at 16.8 years, the lowest in as of 2021. Approximately 78% of smokers begin before age 19, facilitated by kretek's flavored profile, which may lower the sensory barrier for novices compared to unflavored . Marketing practices for kretek brands, such as those from major producers like and , extensively utilize television, print, and , often embedding cultural motifs like and to appeal broadly, including to youth. Surveys show Indonesian youth frequently perceive these advertisements—featuring themes of adventure, social bonding, and sensory enjoyment—as encouraging initiation, with current young smokers more likely to interpret them positively than non-smokers. Tactics include point-of-sale displays near schools, online promotions via , and sponsorships of events accessible to adolescents, despite partial restrictions under Indonesia's health law prohibiting direct youth targeting. In response to elevated youth rates—among the world's highest— enacted a 2019 regulation banning online to curb exposure among minors, though enforcement challenges persist due to widespread digital access. Further measures in 2024, including prohibitions on ads within 10 meters of schools and playgrounds, aim to dismantle youth-oriented placements by firms like , which have historically saturated youth vicinities with kretek promotions. These efforts reflect recognition that aggressive correlates with earlier , yet kretek's cultural entrenchment and relatively low taxation continue to sustain high adolescent uptake.

Ongoing Scientific and Policy Debates

Scientific debate persists on the relative toxicity of kretek compared to conventional cigarettes, particularly regarding 's pharmacological effects. , comprising up to 40% of clove oil in kretek, provides throat-numbing that may reduce harshness and encourage deeper , potentially offsetting any perceived harm mitigation from its properties . However, a of 25 studies found kretek associated with elevated risks of , , , exacerbations, and , concluding they are at least as harmful as non-clove cigarettes despite methodological limitations like small sample sizes and variables in observational data. Animal models, including a 2024 rat study exposing subjects to one filtered kretek daily for three months, demonstrated lung histometric alterations such as increased alveolar wall thickness and upregulated expression, suggesting genotoxic potential even at low doses. Critiques of kretek research highlight inconsistent findings on respiratory outcomes; while some in vivo assessments on nicotine-equivalent bases report attenuated pulmonary from clove additives, others link eugenol inhalation to , including pulmonary and in case reports of young users. These discrepancies stem from challenges in isolating clove-specific effects amid tobacco's dominant carcinogens, with calls for longitudinal cohort studies controlling for usage patterns and clove content variability (typically 20-40% by weight). Proponents of , often aligned with Indonesian industry interests, argue eugenol's capacity could confer modest benefits absent in pure tobacco smoke, though empirical human data remains sparse and contested by toxicological evidence of additive pyrolysis products like . Policy debates center on reconciling kretek's cultural and economic centrality in —where they constitute over 90% of cigarette consumption and support millions in the kretek-rolling sector—with global imperatives. has delayed ratifying the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control since 2003, citing disproportionate impacts on domestic production amid taxes ranging 26-40% for machine-made kretek versus lower rates for handmade variants, which has fueled illegal markets and enforcement challenges as of 2025. Reforms proposed in 2019 faced five-year setbacks from industry-backed narratives minimizing risks and emphasizing , contrasting WHO advocacy for uniform flavor bans to curb youth appeal. Internationally, the 2010-2014 WTO dispute resolution against U.S. clove import bans underscored tensions between health-based restrictions and trade equity, with arguing discriminatory application absent similar prohibitions on cigarettes. Ongoing negotiations balance these via targeted taxation hikes, though critiques note insufficient progress on warnings and curbs tailored to kretek's aromatic profile. Stricter measures in major markets are poised to constrain kretek availability internationally. , prohibitions on flavored cigarettes—excluding —have curtailed kretek imports since , with ongoing FDA scrutiny of products likely to persist amid broader efforts to eliminate characterizing flavors by 2024 and beyond. Similarly, the maintains a ban on kretek cigarettes while permitting cigarillos, alongside escalating taxes and advertising restrictions that deter . These regulatory pressures, coupled with global anti-smoking initiatives aligned with WHO frameworks, signal a contraction in export volumes from , where kretek constitutes over 90% of domestic production but faces trade barriers in high-income countries. Consumption trends may diverge regionally, with Indonesia's market exhibiting resilience. Projections indicate the global kretek sector expanding from approximately USD 118 billion in 2024 to USD 187 billion by 2033, driven predominantly by Southeast Asian demand and 's economic growth of 5.1% in 2024, bolstering local . In 2022, Indonesia reported 79.3 million tobacco users aged 15 and older, reflecting entrenched cultural preferences for kretek despite rising awareness. However, youth-targeted campaigns and potential tax hikes could temper domestic growth, as evidenced by clove producers exploring alternative export markets amid price pressures. Innovations in product formulation offer pathways to circumvent restrictions. In February 2024, Kretek International introduced nicotine-free clove smokes under the Bliss brand, targeting the U.S. and Canadian markets to evade regulations while preserving flavor profiles. Such adaptations, alongside potential shifts toward heated variants incorporating , may sustain niche consumption abroad, though empirical data on their uptake remains limited. Overall, while international availability contracts under regulatory scrutiny, domestic Indonesian consumption—supported by industry lobbying and cultural norms—projects steady expansion, potentially widening the gap between global kretek hubs and restricted peripheries.

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