Robert II of Scotland
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Robert II of Scotland

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Robert II (2 March 1316 – 19 April 1390) was King of Scots from 1371 to his death in 1390. The son of Walter Stewart, 6th High Steward of Scotland, and Marjorie, daughter of King Robert the Bruce, he was named Robert Stewart. Upon the death of his uncle David II, Robert succeeded to the throne as the first monarch of the House of Stuart.

Key Information

Edward Bruce had been the heir presumptive for his older brother Robert the Bruce, but Edward had no children when he was killed in the Battle of Faughart on 14 October 1318. Marjorie Bruce had died probably in 1317 in a riding accident and Parliament decreed her infant son, Robert Stewart, as heir presumptive, but this lapsed on 5 March 1324 on the birth of a son, David, to King Robert and his second wife, Elizabeth de Burgh. Robert Stewart became High Steward of Scotland on his father's death on 9 April 1327, and in the same year Parliament confirmed the young Steward as heir should David die childless. In 1329 King Robert I died and his five-year-old son succeeded to the throne as David II under the guardianship of Thomas Randolph, 1st Earl of Moray.

Edward Balliol, son of King John Balliol — assisted by the English and those Scottish nobles who Robert I had disinherited — invaded Scotland inflicting heavy defeats on the Bruce party on 11 August 1332 at Dupplin Moor. In the early morning hours of 16 December 1332, then sixteen-year-old Robert fought with Sir Archibald Douglas at the Battle of Annan driving Edward Balliol out of Scotland. Balliol returned to Scotland with Edward and an English army the following year defeating Archibald Douglas at the Battle of Halidon Hill on 19 July 1333. Robert, who had fought at Halidon, joined his uncle David in refuge in Dumbarton Castle. David escaped to France in 1334 and Parliament, still functioning, appointed Robert and John Randolph, 3rd Earl of Moray, as joint guardians of the kingdom. The English captured Randolph in July 1335 and in the same year, Robert submitted to Balliol bringing about the removal of his guardianship. His former position was reinstated in 1338 until David returned from France in June 1341. Hostilities continued and Robert was with David at the Neville's Cross on 17 October 1346 and either escaped or fled the field. David, however, was captured and remained a prisoner until he was ransomed in October 1357.

Robert married Elizabeth Mure around 1348, legitimising their four sons and five daughters. His subsequent marriage to Euphemia de Ross in 1355 produced two sons and two surviving daughters. Robert rebelled against King David in 1363 but submitted to him following a threat to his right of succession. David died in 1371 and Robert succeeded him at the age of fifty-five. The border magnates continued to attack English-held zones in southern Scotland and by 1384, the Scots had re-taken most of the occupied lands. Robert ensured that Scotland was included in the Anglo-French truce of 1384 and that was a factor in the coup in November when he lost control of the country first to his eldest son, John, and then from 1388 to John's younger brother, Robert. Robert II died in Dundonald Castle in 1390 and was buried at Scone Abbey.

Heir presumptive

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Robert Stewart, born in 1316, was the only child of King Robert I's daughter Marjorie Bruce, who died either in childbirth or shortly afterwards, and Walter Stewart, 6th High Steward of Scotland.[2] Robert had the upbringing of a Gaelic noble on the Stewart lands in Bute, Clydeside, and in Renfrew.[2] In 1315, parliament revoked Marjorie Bruce's right as heir to her father in favour of her uncle, Edward Bruce.[3] Edward was killed at the Battle of Faughart, near Dundalk on 14 October 1318,[4] resulting in a hastily arranged Parliament in December to enact a new tailzie naming Marjorie's son, Robert, as heir should the king die without a successor.[5] The birth of a son, afterwards David II, to King Robert on 5 March 1324 cancelled Robert Stewart's position as heir presumptive, but a Parliament at Cambuskenneth in July 1326 restored him in the line of succession should David die without an heir.[3] This reinstatement of his status was accompanied by the gift of lands in Argyll, Roxburghshire, and the Lothians.[6]

High Steward of Scotland

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Renewed war for independence

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Dumbarton Castle on Dumbarton Rock where Robert Stewart and King David took refuge in 1333

The first war of independence began in the reign of King John Balliol.[7] His short reign was bedevilled by Edward I's insistence on his overlordship of Scotland. The Scottish leadership concluded that only war could release the country from the English king's continued weakening of Balliol's sovereignty and so finalised a treaty of reciprocal assistance with France in October 1295.[8] The Scots forayed into England in March 1296 — this incursion together with the French treaty angered the English king and provoked an invasion of Scotland taking Berwick on 30 March before defeating the Scots army at Dunbar on 27 April.[9] John Balliol submitted to Edward and resigned the throne to him before being sent to London as a prisoner. Despite this, resistance to the English led by William Wallace and Andrew Moray had emerged in the name of King John Balliol.[9] On their deaths, Robert the Bruce continued to resist the English and eventually succeeded in defeating the forces of Edward II of England and gained the Scottish throne for himself.[8]

David Bruce, aged five, became king on 7 June 1329 after the death of his father Robert. Walter the Steward had died earlier on 9 April 1327,[10] and the orphaned eleven-year-old Robert was placed under the guardianship of his uncle, Sir James Stewart of Durrisdeer,[3] who along with Thomas Randolph, Earl of Moray, and William Lindsey, Archdeacon of St Andrews were appointed as joint guardians of the kingdom.[11] David's accession kindled the second independence war which threatened Robert's position as heir.[12] In 1332 Edward Balliol, son of the deposed John Balliol, spearheaded an attack on the Bruce sovereignty with the tacit support of King Edward III of England and the explicit endorsement of "the disinherited".[13] Edward Balliol's forces delivered heavy defeats on the Bruce supporters at Dupplin Moor on 11 August 1332 and again at Halidon Hill on 19 July 1333, at which the 17-year-old Robert participated.[11] Robert's estates were overrun by Balliol, who granted them to David Strathbogie, titular earl of Atholl, but Robert evaded capture and gained protection at Dumbarton Castle where King David was also taking refuge.[12] Very few other strongholds remained in Scottish hands in the winter of 1333 — only the castles of Kildrummy (held by Christina Bruce, elder sister of Robert I and wife of Andrew Murray of Bothwell), Loch Leven, Loch Doon, and Urquhart held out against Balliol forces.[14]

Dairsie Castle where the 1335 Parliament was held

In May 1334, the situation looked dire for the house of Bruce and David II gained safety in France.[12] Robert set about winning back his lands in the west of Scotland.[11] Strathbogie came over to the Bruce interest after disagreements with his fellow "disinherited" but his fierce opposition to Randolph came to a head at a Parliament held at Dairsie Castle in early 1335 when Strathbogie received the support of Robert.[15] Strathbogie once again changed sides submitting to the English king in August and was made Warden of Scotland. Robert likely submitted to Edward in September 1335 relinquishing the guardianship by early December.[16]

The Bruce resistance to Balliol may have been verging on collapse in 1335 but a turn-round in its fortunes began with the appearance of Sir Andrew Moray of Bothwell as a potent war leader at the Battle of Culblean.[17] Moray had been captured in 1332, ransomed himself in 1334, and immediately sped north to lay siege to Dundarg Castle in Buchan held by Sir Henry de Beaumont, with the castle falling on 23 December 1334.[18] Moray was appointed guardian at Dunfermline during the winter of 1335–1336 while besieging Cupar Castle in Fife. He died at his castle in Avoch in 1338 and Robert resumed the guardianship.[19] Murray's campaign put an end to any chance of Edward III having full lasting control over the south of Scotland and Edward's failure in the six-month siege of Dunbar Castle confirmed this.[20] Balliol lost many of his major supporters to the Bruce side and the main English garrisons began to fall to the Scots — Cupar in the spring or summer of 1339, Perth taken by the combined armies of Sir William Douglas, Lord of Liddesdale, Robert Stewart and Maurice Murray of Drumsargard in June 1339.[21] Edinburgh was taken by stratagem by William Douglas of Liddesdale in April 1341.[22]

John Randolph was released from English custody in a prisoner exchange in 1341 and visited David II in Normandy before returning to Scotland. Just as Randolph was a favourite of the king, David II mistrusted Robert Stewart with his powerful positions of heir presumptive and guardian of Scotland.[23] At the beginning of June 1341, the kingdom appeared sufficiently stable to allow the king to return to a land where his nobles while fighting for the Bruce cause, had considerably increased their own power bases.[24] On 17 October 1346, Robert accompanied David into battle at Neville's Cross, where many Scottish nobles including Randolph, died — David II was wounded and captured while Robert and Patrick, earl of March had apparently fled the field.[11]

King David's captivity

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Petitions to the Pope, 1342–1419 [25]

The kings of France and Scotland, bishops William of St. Andrews, William of Glasgow, William of Aberdeen, Richard of Dunkeld, Martin of Argyle, Adam of Brechin, and Maurice of Dunblane. Signification that although Elizabeth Mor and Isabella Boutellier, noble damsels of the diocese of Glasgow, are related in the third and fourth degrees of kindred, Robert Steward of Scotland, lord of Stragrifis, in the diocese of Glasgow, the king's nephew, carnally knew first Isabella, and afterwards, in ignorance of their kindred, Elizabeth, who was herself related to Robert in the fourth degree of kindred, living with her for some time and having many children of both sexes by her; the above king and bishops, therefore, pray the pope that for the sake of the said offspring, who are fair to behold (aspectibus gratiose), to grant a dispensation to Robert and Elizabeth to intermarry, and to declare their offspring legitimate.

To be granted by the diocesan, at whose discretion one or more chapelries are to be founded by Robert.

Avignon, 10 Kal. Dec. 1347

With the king now imprisoned in England and Randolph dead, the guardianship once again fell to Robert.[26] In 1347 he took the important step of ensuring the legitimation of his four sons, John, Earl of Carrick (the future King Robert III), Walter, Lord of Fife (d. 1362), Robert (the future Duke of Albany) and Alexander, Lord of Badenoch (and future Earl of Buchan), and six daughters by petitioning Pope Clement VI to allow a canon law marriage to Elizabeth Mure.[27]

Even though an English prisoner, David retained influence in Scotland and Robert had his guardianship removed by parliament and given jointly to the earls of Mar and Ross and the lord of Douglas — this did not last and Robert was once again appointed guardian by the Parliament of February 1352.[28] The paroled David attended this Parliament to present to Robert and the members of the Three Estates the conditions for his release. These contained no ransom demand but required the Scots to name the English prince John of Gaunt as heir presumptive. The Council rejected these terms, with Robert opposing a proposal that threatened his right of succession.[29] The king had no option but to return to captivity — the English chronicler Henry Knighton wrote of the event:[30]

... the Scots refused to have their King unless he entirely renounced the influence of the English, and similarly refused to submit themselves to them. And they warned him that they would neither ransom him nor allow him to be ransomed unless he pardoned them for all their acts and injuries that they had done, and all the offences that they had committed during the time of captivity, and he should give them security for that, or otherwise, they threatened to choose another king to rule them.

By 1354 ongoing negotiations for the king's release reached the stage where a proposal of a straight ransom payment of 90,000 marks to be repaid over nine years, guaranteed by the provision of 20 high-ranking hostages, was agreed upon — this understanding was destroyed by Robert when he bound the Scots to a French action against the English in 1355.[31] The capture of Berwick together with the presence of the French on English soil jolted Edward III into moving against the Scots — in January 1356 Edward led his forces into the south-east of Scotland and burned Edinburgh and Haddington and much of the Lothians in a campaign that became known as the "Burnt Candlemas".[32] After Edward's victory over France in September, the Scots resumed negotiations for David's release ending in October 1357 with the Treaty of Berwick. Its terms were that in turn for David's freedom, a ransom of 100,000 marks would be paid in annual instalments over ten years — only the first two payments were completed initially and nothing further until 1366.[33] This failure to honour the conditions of the Berwick treaty allowed Edward to continue to press for a Plantagenet successor to David — terms that were rejected by the Scottish Council and probably by Robert himself.[34] This may have been the cause of a brief rebellion in 1363 by Robert and the earls of Douglas and March.[35] Later French inducements could not bring David to their aid and the country remained at peace with England during his reign.[36]

King of Scots

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Consolidation of Stewart power and personal rule

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David died childless on 22 February 1371 and was succeeded by Robert II.[37] David was buried at Holyrood Abbey almost immediately but an armed protest by William, Earl of Douglas delayed Robert II's coronation until 26 March 1371.[38] The reasons for the incident remain unclear but may have involved a dispute regarding Robert's right of succession,[39] or may have been directed against George Dunbar, Earl of March (also known as Earl of Dunbar) and the southern justiciar, Robert Erskine.[40] It was resolved by Robert giving his daughter Isabella in marriage to Douglas's son, James and with Douglas replacing Erskine as justiciar south of the Forth.[41] Robert's accession did affect some others who held offices from David II. In particular, George Dunbar's brother John Dunbar, the Lord of Fife who lost his claim on Fife and Sir Robert Erskine's son, Sir Thomas Erskine who lost control of Edinburgh Castle.[42]

The Stewarts greatly increased their holdings in the west, in Atholl, and in the far north: the earldoms of Fife and Menteith went to Robert's second surviving son, Robert; the earldoms of Buchan and Ross (along with the lordship of Badenoch) to his fourth son, Alexander; and the earldoms of Strathearn and Caithness to the eldest son of his second marriage, David.[43] King Robert's sons-in-law were John MacDonald, Lord of the Isles, John Dunbar, Earl of Moray and James who would become the 2nd Earl of Douglas.[43] Robert's sons John, Earl of Carrick, the king's heir, and Robert, Earl of Fife, were made keepers of the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling respectively, while Alexander, Lord of Badenoch and Ross, and afterwards Earl of Buchan, became the king's justiciar and lieutenant in the north of the kingdom.[11] This build-up of the Stewart family power did not appear to cause resentment among the senior magnates — the king generally did not threaten their territories or local rule and where titles were transferred to his sons the individuals affected were usually very well rewarded.[11] This style of kingship was very different from his predecessor's — David tried to dominate his nobles whereas Robert's strategy was to delegate authority to his powerful sons and earls and this generally worked for the first decade of his reign.[43] Robert was to have influence over eight of the fifteen earldoms either through his sons directly or by strategic marriages of his daughters to powerful lords.[43]

Robert the warrior and knight: the reverse side of Robert II's Great Seal, enhanced as a 19th-century steel engraving

In 1373, Robert ensured the future security of the Stewart dynasty by having Parliament pass entailments regarding the succession. At this time, none of his sons had heirs so it became necessary for a system to be devised to define precisely the circumstances in which each of his sons could inherit the crown—none of this would take precedence over normal succession by primogeniture.[44][45] By 1375, the king had commissioned John Barbour to write the poem, The Brus, a history intended to bolster the public image of the Stewarts as the genuine heirs of Robert I. It described the patriotic acts of both Sir James, the Black Douglas and Walter the Steward, the king's father, in their support of Bruce.[43] Robert's rule during the 1370s saw the country's finances stabilised and greatly improved due in part to the flourishing wool trade, reduced calls on the public purse and the halting of his predecessor's ransom money on the death of Edward III of England.[11] Robert — unlike David II whose kingship was predominantly Lothian and therefore lowland based — did not restrict his attention to one sector of his kingdom but frequently visited the more remote areas of the north and west among his Gaelic lords.[46]

Robert ruled over a country that continued to have English enclaves within its borders and Scots who gave their allegiance to the king of England — the important castles of Berwick, Jedburgh, Lochmaben and Roxburgh had English garrisons and controlled southern Berwickshire, Teviotdale and large areas in Annandale and Tweeddale.[47] In June 1371, Robert agreed to a defensive treaty with the French, and although there were no outright hostilities during 1372, the English garrisons were reinforced and placed under an increased state of vigilance.[48] Attacks on the English-held zones, with the near-certain backing of Robert, began in 1373 and accelerated in the years 1375–77. This indicated that a central decision had probably been taken for the escalation of conflict rather than the previous small-scale marauding attacks by the border barons.[49] In 1376, the Earl of March successfully recovered Annandale, but then found himself constrained by the Bruges Anglo-French truce.[50]

Dunfermline Abbey which received Coldingham Priory as daughter house from King Robert

In his dealings with Edward III, Robert blamed his border magnates for the escalating attacks on the English zones; regardless, the Scots retained the recaptured lands, often portioned out among minor lords, to secure their interest in preventing English re-possession.[51] Despite Robert's further condemnations of his border lords, all the signs were that Robert backed the growing successful Scottish militancy following Edward III's death in 1377.[11] In a charter dated 25 July 1378 the king decreed that Coldingham Priory would no longer be a daughter house of the English Durham Priory but was to be attached to Dunfermline Abbey.[52] In early February the Scots — apparently unaware of the conclusion of an Anglo-French truce on 26 January 1384 that included the Scots in the cease-fire — conducted an all-out attack on the English zones winning back Lochmaben Castle and Teviotdale.[53] John of Gaunt led a reciprocal English attack that took him as far as Edinburgh, where the burgesses bribed him to leave the town unharmed. Haddington, however, was destroyed.[54] Carrick and James, Earl of Douglas (his father William had died in April),[55] wanted a retaliatory strike for the Gaunt raid. Robert may have concluded that as the French had reneged on a previous agreement to send assistance in 1383 and then entered into a truce with England, any military action would have been met with retaliation and exclusion from the forthcoming Boulogne peace talks.[55][56] On 2 June 1384, Robert resolved to send Walter Wardlaw, Bishop of Glasgow to the Anglo-French peace talks, yet Carrick ignored this and allowed raids into the north of England to take place.[56] Despite this, by 26 July, the Scots were part of the truce that would expire in October. Robert called a Council in September probably to decide how to proceed when the truce concluded.[57]

Loss of authority and death

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A medieval miniature depicting the Battle of Otterburn where Carrick's close ally, James, Earl of Douglas was killed

Robert's son, John, Earl of Carrick, had become the foremost Stewart magnate south of the Forth just as Alexander, Earl of Buchan was in the north.[58] Alexander's activities and methods of royal administration, enforced by Gaelic mercenaries, drew criticism from northern earls and bishops and his younger half-brother David, Earl of Strathearn. These complaints damaged the king's standing within the Council leading to criticism of his ability to curb Buchan's activities.[59] Robert's differences with the Carrick affinity regarding the conduct of the war and his continued failure or unwillingness to deal with Buchan in the north led to the political convulsion of November 1384 when the Council removed the king's authority to govern and appointed Carrick as lieutenant of the kingdom — a coup d'état had taken place.[43][60] With Robert sidelined, there was now no impediment in the way of war. In June 1385, a force of 1200 French soldiers joined the Scots in a campaign that involved the Earl of Douglas and two of Robert's sons, John, Earl of Carrick and Robert, Earl of Fife.[61] The skirmishes saw small gains but a quarrel between the French and Scottish commanders saw the abandonment of an attack on the important castle of Roxburgh.[62]

Dundonald Castle, where Robert II died in 1390

The victory of the Scots over the English at the Battle of Otterburn in Northumberland in August 1388 set in motion Carrick's fall from power. One of the Scottish casualties was Carrick's close ally James, Earl of Douglas. Douglas died without an heir, which led to various claims upon the title and estate — Carrick backed Malcolm Drummond, the husband of Douglas's sister, while Fife sided with the successful appellant, Sir Archibald Douglas, Earl of Wigtown and Lord of Galloway who possessed an entail on the Douglas estates.[63] Fife, now with his powerful Douglas ally, and those who supported the king ensured a countercoup at the December Council meeting when the guardianship of Scotland passed from Carrick (who had recently been badly injured from a horse-kick) to Fife.[63][64] Many had also approved of Fife's intention to properly resolve the situation of lawlessness in the north and in particular the activities of his younger brother, Buchan.[64] Fife relieved Buchan of his offices of lieutenant of the north and justiciar north of the Forth. The latter role was given to Fife's son, Murdoch Stewart. Robert II toured the northeast in late January 1390, perhaps to reinforce the changing political scene in the north following Buchan's removal from authority.[65] In March, Robert returned to Dundonald Castle in Ayrshire where he died on 19 April and was buried at Scone on 25 April.[66]

Historiography

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The reign of Robert II has undergone a re-appraisal since the works of historians Gordon Donaldson (1967) and Ranald Nicholson (1974). Donaldson admitted to a lack of knowledge (at the time he was writing) regarding Robert's reign and accepts that the early chroniclers writing near his reign found little to criticise.[67] Robert's career before and after he succeeded to the throne is described by Donaldson as "to say the least, undistinguished, and his reign did nothing to add lustre to it."[68] Donaldson goes further and debates the legality of the canon law marriage of Robert and Elizabeth Mure following the papal dispensation, but acknowledges that the Acts of Succession in 1371 and 1372, although sealing the matter in the eyes of Parliament, did not end the generational feud of the descendants of Elizabeth Mure and Euphemia Ross.[69] Robert's earlier participation in combat at the battles of Halidon and Neville's Cross, according to Donaldson, had made him wary of sanctioning military expeditions against the English and that any such actions by his barons were concealed from him.[70] Similarly, Nicholson described Robert's reign as deficient and that his lack of the skills of governance led to internal strife. Nicholson asserts that the Earl of Douglas was bought off following his armed demonstration just before Robert's coronation, and associates this with the doubt surrounding the legitimacy of Robert's sons with Elizabeth Mure.[71]

In contrast, the historians Stephen Boardman (2007), Alexander Grant (1984 and 1992) and Michael Lynch (1992) give a more even-handed appraisal of Robert II's life.[71] Modern historians show a kingdom that had become wealthier and more stable, particularly during the first decade of his rule.[11] Boardman explains that Robert II was subjected to negative propaganda while he was High Steward — David II's followers denigrated his conduct during his lieutenancies and described them as "tyranny" — and again later as King when the supporters of his son John, Earl of Carrick said that Robert was a king lacking drive and accomplishments, weighed down by age and unfit to govern.[72][73] Robert II's association with Gaelic Scotland also drew criticism. He grew up in his ancestral lands in the west and was completely at ease with the Gaelic language and culture and possessed a potent relationship with the Gaelic lords in the Hebrides, upper Perthshire and Argyll. Throughout his reign, Robert spent long periods in his Gaelic heartlands and complaints at the time in Lowland Scotland seem to have been influenced by the view that the king was too much involved in Gaelic concerns.[74] Boardman also asserts that much of the negative views held of Robert II find their origins in the writings of the French chronicler Jean Froissart who recorded that '[the king] had red bleared eyes, of the colour of sandalwood, which clearly showed that he was no valiant man, but one who would remain at home than march to the field'.[75] Contrary to Froissart's view, the early Scottish chroniclers — Andrew of Wyntoun and Walter Bower (who both utilised a source that was nearly contemporary with Robert II) — and later 15th and 16th century Scottish chroniclers and poets showed "Robert II as a Scottish patriotic hero, a defender of the integrity of the Scottish kingdom, and as the direct heir to Robert I".[76]

Grant (1992) acknowledges that Robert II's reign in terms of foreign and domestic policy was "not so unsuccessful".[77] As far as William, Earl of Douglas's reaction was concerned when he staged an armed demonstration before Robert's coronation, Grant does not hold to the view that Douglas was in some way demonstrating against Robert's legitimate right to the throne, but more an assertion that royal patronage should not continue as in the time of David II. Grant also advocates that the demonstration was aimed at father and son Robert and Thomas Erskine, who held the castles of Edinburgh, Stirling and Dumbarton from Robert's predecessor.[77] Grant seriously called into question the dependability of Froissart's writings as an effective source for Robert II's reign.[78] Influential magnate coalitions headed by Carrick, having undermined the king's position, manipulated the Council of November 1384 to remove Robert II from any real power.[79] Grant gives little weight to the asserted senility of Robert and suggests that the deposition of Carrick in 1388, and then the resolution to join the Anglo-French truce of 1389, were both at the instigation of Robert II.[80] Yet authority was not handed back to Robert II but to Carrick's younger brother, Robert, earl of Fife; this once again saw the king at the disposition of one of his sons.[81] Despite this, the now unknown source whom both Wyntoun and Bower relied on made the point that Fife deferred to his father on affairs of state emphasising the difference in styles in the guardianships of his two sons.[82]

Michael Lynch points out that Robert II's reign from 1371 until the lieutenancy of Carrick in 1384 had been one exemplified by continued prosperity and stability — a time which Abbot Bower described as a period of "tranquillity, prosperity and peace".[83] Lynch suggests that the troubles of the 1450s between James II and the Douglases (which some historians have interpreted as the legacy of Robert II's policy of encouraging powerful lordships), was a continuation of David II's build-up of local lords in the Marches and Galloway — Robert was satisfied with government to leave alone the Douglas and the Stewart earls in their fiefdoms.[84] The weakening of government if anything, Lynch suggests, came not before the 1384 coup but after it, even though the coup had at its root Robert II's favouring of his third son, Alexander Stewart, Earl of Buchan (known as "the Wolf of Badenoch").[85]

Marriages and issue

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In 1336, he first married Elizabeth Mure (died 1355), daughter of Sir Adam Mure of Rowallan. The marriage was criticised for being uncanonical, so he remarried her in 1349 after receiving a papal dispensation in 1347.[86]

From this union, ten children reached adulthood:[87]

In 1355, Robert married his second wife Euphemia de Ross (died 1387), daughter of Hugh, Earl of Ross. They had four children:[87]

King Robert II also had many illegitimate children:

By Mariota de Cardeny, daughter of Sir John Cardeny, and widow of Alexander Mac Naugthon:

  • Alexander Stewart, of Inverlunan;
  • Sir John Stewart, of Cardeny;
  • James Stewart, of Abernethy and Kinfauna;
  • Walter Stewart.

By Moira Leitch (according to tradition):

Other issue born by unknown women:[88]

  • John Stewart, Lord of Burley (killed 1425);
  • Alexander Stewart, canon of Glasgow;
  • Sir Alexander Stewart of Inverlunan;
  • Thomas Stewart, Archdeacon of St Andrews, Dean of Dunkeld;
  • James Stewart of Kinfauns;
  • Walter Stewart;
  • Maria or Mary Stewart, wife of Sir John de Danielstoun and mother of Sir Robert de Danielstoun of that Ilk (ancestor of Cunningham of Kilmaurs, and Maxwell of Calderwood).[90]

Ancestry

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Fictional portrayals

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Robert II has been depicted in historical novels. They include:

  • The Three Perils of Man; or, War, women, and witchcraft (1822) by James Hogg. The tale takes place in the reign of Robert II whose "country enjoyed happiness and peace, all save a part adjoining to the borders of England." Part of the action takes place at Linlithgow Palace, where Robert promises to marry his daughter Margaret Stewart "to the knight who shall take that castle of Roxburgh out of the hands of the English". With Margaret adding her own terms, that "in case of his attempting and failing in the undertaking, he shall forfeit all his lands, castles, towns, and towers to me." In the absence of volunteers, Margaret vows to take the Castle herself, defeating Lord Musgrave and his mistress Jane Howard;[97]

References

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Sources

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Robert II (2 March 1316 – 19 April 1390) was King of Scots from 1371 until his death, inaugurating the royal House of Stewart that would rule Scotland for centuries.[1][2] The only child of Walter Stewart, 6th High Steward of Scotland, and Marjorie Bruce—eldest daughter of King Robert I—Robert's mother perished in a riding accident shortly after his birth near Paisley Abbey.[1][2] As hereditary High Steward, Robert acted as Guardian of the Realm during the minority and English captivity of his uncle David II, though their later relations soured, culminating in Robert's unsuccessful rebellion against David in 1362–1363.[3] He ascended the throne at age 55 following David's death without legitimate heirs, his succession affirmed by an assembly of nobles, clergy, and burgesses in line with the entailment established by Robert I's parliament prioritizing Marjorie's descendants after David's line.[4][1] Robert's reign emphasized consolidation of Stewart influence through extensive familial appointments and grants, often at the expense of broader noble support, while his advanced age prompted delegation of executive authority to sons such as Robert, Earl of Fife.[5] The era avoided major Anglo-Scottish wars but witnessed persistent border skirmishes and internal tensions, including failed plots against the crown.[3] Prolific in progeny, he fathered at least 21 children across two marriages—to Elizabeth Mure (legitimized after initial irregularity) and Euphemia de Ross—and several mistresses, ensuring dynastic continuity but complicating legitimacy disputes.[2][6] Robert died at Dundonald Castle in Ayrshire, succeeded by his eldest legitimate son as Robert III.[2]

Early Life and Inheritance

Birth and Family Background

Robert Stewart was born on 2 March 1316 at Paisley Abbey in Renfrewshire, Scotland, to Walter Stewart, the 6th High Steward of Scotland (c. 1296–1327), and Marjorie Bruce (c. 1296–1316), the eldest daughter and only child from King Robert I's first marriage to Isabella of Mar.[7][8] Walter, son of James Stewart, 5th High Steward, and Egidia de Burgh, held the hereditary office of High Steward, a position of administrative and military service to the Scottish monarchs dating back to the family's Norman progenitor Walter fitz Alan, appointed by David I around 1136 and confirmed as hereditary by Malcolm IV in 1157.[9][10] Marjorie Bruce died on the day of Robert's birth, likely from complications of childbirth, though some accounts suggest a riding accident contributed; she was buried at Paisley Abbey, the Stewart family foundation established by her grandfather-in-law Walter fitz Alan.[8][2] As Marjorie's sole surviving issue, Robert became the direct male-line grandson of Robert I (Robert the Bruce), positioning him as a key heir in the Bruce dynasty amid the Wars of Scottish Independence, with his maternal lineage securing proximity to the throne despite the Stewarts' non-royal status.[2] Raised under the guardianship of his father at the Stewart principal seat of Paisley and estates in Renfrewshire, Robert inherited the High Stewards' tradition of feal loyalty to the crown, exemplified by their consistent support for Scottish kings from David I onward, including military aid against English invasions and administrative roles in royal households.[9][11] This fidelity, rooted in land grants and oaths of service, elevated the Stewarts from Breton-Norman imports to indispensable allies of the Bruce regime.[12]

Youth Amid Wars of Independence

Robert Stewart was born on 2 March 1316 at Paisley Abbey in Renfrewshire, Scotland, to Walter Stewart, the 6th High Steward of Scotland, and Marjorie Bruce, daughter of King Robert I.[7] His mother's death shortly after his birth, reportedly induced by a fall from a horse that precipitated premature labor, left him in his father's sole custody amid the turbulent aftermath of the Battle of Bannockburn in 1314, which had temporarily secured Scottish independence but not ended English aggression.[1] Walter Stewart, a key supporter of Robert I, had participated in the Bannockburn campaign and continued to defend Scottish territories against English incursions, including raids and border skirmishes that persisted through the 1310s and early 1320s.[13] The young Robert's childhood unfolded against a backdrop of fragile peace and renewed threats, as Edward II of England launched an invasion in 1322, reaching as far as Edinburgh before Scottish forces under King Robert I repelled them at the Battle of Old Byland, reinforcing Scotland's defensive posture.[14] With his father managing estates and military obligations in Renfrewshire and beyond, Robert was likely raised in a martial environment emphasizing loyalty to the Bruce cause, though his tender age limited direct participation.[15] Diplomatic efforts, such as the 1320 Declaration of Arbroath appealing to the Pope for recognition of Scottish sovereignty, underscored the ongoing struggle for legitimacy amid these conflicts.[16] Walter Stewart's sudden death from fever on 9 April 1326 at Bathgate Castle elevated the ten-year-old Robert to the hereditary office of 7th High Steward of Scotland, a position entailing administrative and military leadership over significant royal lands.[17] A parliamentary confirmation in July 1326 acknowledged his succession, but guardians—likely relatives and Bruce loyalists—handled initial duties, including preparations for potential English violations of the fragile truce, as Edward III's accession in 1327 loomed with renewed invasion risks.[15] This early inheritance thrust Robert into the political orbit of Scotland's elite, fostering his familiarity with governance and warfare strategies essential for the stewardship's role in national defense.[18]

Role as Heir Presumptive

Service Under Robert the Bruce

In late 1318, following the death of Edward Bruce at the Battle of Faughart on 14 October, Parliament assembled at Scone on 3 December designated two-year-old Robert Stewart as heir presumptive to his grandfather, King Robert I, pending the birth of a male successor.[1] [19] This arrangement addressed the vulnerability of the Bruce succession, as Robert I had no surviving sons, and aimed to safeguard dynastic continuity amid the precarious consolidation of Scottish independence after Bannockburn.[19] The birth of Prince David on 5 March 1324 at Dunfermline temporarily superseded Robert's direct claim, but a parliamentary act of 1326 reaffirmed his position as heir should David die without male heirs, reflecting ongoing concerns over the fragility of the royal line.[20] Upon his father Walter's death on 9 April 1327, Robert succeeded as the seventh High Steward of Scotland at age 11, inheriting significant estates and administrative responsibilities that positioned him within the mechanisms of royal governance during Robert I's final years.[1] Though still a minor, Robert's dual status as Steward and heir presumptive integrated him into the court environment, where he observed the diplomatic efforts to secure peace, including the Treaty of Edinburgh-Northampton ratified in May 1328, amid persistent English threats and internal stabilization challenges.[20] This period of relative diplomatic respite following years of warfare allowed for the grooming of key figures like Robert to prepare for potential leadership in a kingdom still recovering from the Wars of Independence.[19]

Tensions with David II

David II's repeated absences due to captivity in England from 1346 to 1357 provided Robert Stewart with opportunities to consolidate authority as lieutenant of the realm, a role he first assumed in December 1347 following the king's defeat at the Battle of Neville's Cross.[21] During this period, Robert governed effectively, securing northern territories and fostering alliances among magnates wary of English influence, which enhanced his independent power base independent of the Bruce royal line.[20] However, upon David's release and return in 1357, facilitated by the Treaty of Berwick requiring a 100,000-mark ransom payable in installments, tensions emerged as the king prioritized repayment through heavy taxation and favored courtiers perceived as amenable to Anglo-Scottish reconciliation, sidelining Stewart loyalists from key councils.[22] David's diplomatic overtures to Edward III, including secret proposals in the 1360s to designate an English prince—such as Lionel, Duke of Clarence—as heir presumptive in exchange for ransom relief, directly undermined Robert's position as nearest male heir through his mother Marjorie Bruce.[23] These negotiations, rejected by parliament in 1364 amid noble opposition, exacerbated divisions, as Robert and allies viewed them as a betrayal of Bruce dynastic claims, compounded by the fiscal strain of ransom payments that alienated border lords and fueled perceptions of David's pro-English leanings.[24] Robert's exclusion from David's inner circle, where the king relied on figures like Robert Erskine and courtiers unaligned with Stewart interests, further strained relations, though Robert maintained formal loyalty while maneuvering to protect his succession rights.[25] These frictions culminated in the Earls' Rebellion of early 1363, a short-lived conspiracy involving Robert, the Earls of Douglas, March, and others, aimed at constraining David's authority and compelling adherence to traditional noble privileges amid ransom burdens and succession uncertainties.[3] The plot, lacking overt military action, collapsed upon discovery; Robert submitted, swearing fealty to David before Bishop William Landellis in March 1363, but was briefly imprisoned with four sons before release, underscoring the precarious balance of power without implying outright disloyalty to the crown.[25] The episode highlighted causal rifts from David's post-captivity policies—prioritizing fiscal recovery and English amity over magnate consensus—yet Robert's survival and continued influence as heir reflected his entrenched support among anti-war factions wary of renewed Bruce-Edward hostilities.[20]

High Stewardship

Campaigns Against English Incursions

Following the disastrous Scottish defeat at the Battle of Halidon Hill on 19 July 1333, where the seventeen-year-old High Steward Robert Stewart led a division of his followers in the army commanded by Guardian Archibald Douglas, suffering heavy losses against Edward III's forces, Stewart adopted defensive guerrilla strategies in western Scotland to counter ongoing English and Balliol incursions.[26] This shift preserved Scottish resistance in the west, where Stewart's control over ancestral Stewart lands and allies prevented the complete consolidation of English gains beyond the initial victories at Dupplin Moor and Halidon.[1] In late 1334, Stewart recaptured Dunoon Castle from pro-Balliol forces, initiating a localized uprising that spread resistance across Bute and Ayrshire, eroding Edward Balliol's fragile hold in southwestern Scotland and forcing English garrisons to divert resources.[1] [27] These tactical successes, achieved through targeted sieges and alliances with regional lords rather than large-scale confrontations, complemented broader Scottish efforts by figures like Andrew Murray in the north, contributing to the gradual recovery of territory by the late 1330s as Balliol's English-backed coalition fragmented amid supply strains and diplomatic distractions from the Hundred Years' War.[26] Stewart's campaigns exemplified pragmatic military realism, prioritizing the defense of defensible western strongholds and opportunistic strikes over ideologically driven assaults on superior English armies, which sustained Scottish sovereignty amid repeated border threats without expending irreplaceable noble leadership.[1] This approach laid early groundwork for diplomatic overtures to France under the Auld Alliance framework, seeking external pressure on England to alleviate incursions, though substantive French military aid materialized only later.[27]

Regency During David II's Captivity

Following David II's capture at the Battle of Neville's Cross on 17 October 1346, Robert Stewart, then High Steward, was appointed lieutenant of the kingdom by the Scottish estates later that month, granting him authority to govern in the king's absence.[28] This position, renewed periodically by parliament, allowed Robert to exercise de facto regency powers over administrative, military, and financial affairs from 1346 until David's release in 1357.[1] Under his oversight, parliamentary sessions addressed governance continuity, taxation for defense, and preparations for the royal ransom, demonstrating effective coordination amid ongoing border threats from England.[29] Robert directed negotiations culminating in the Treaty of Berwick, signed on 1 August 1357 and ratified in October, which stipulated David's freedom upon payment of a 100,000 merk ransom in ten annual installments of 10,000 merks, supplemented by temporary border concessions to England. His administration stabilized finances sufficiently to commence these payments without fiscal collapse, leveraging customs duties, feudal aids, and ecclesiastical contributions while sustaining military readiness against incursions like the 1355 English chevauchée that devastated southeastern Scotland. Internally, Robert quelled potential unrest from pro-English factions and Balliol adherents, enforcing order through sheriffdoms and forfeitures to prevent fragmentation during the prolonged vacancy at the throne. Throughout the lieutenancy, Robert upheld Scotland's obligations under the Auld Alliance, rejecting overtures for a separate peace with England and coordinating limited cross-Channel support to align with French campaigns in the Hundred Years' War.[30] Concurrently, he expanded Stewart territorial holdings via royal grants and confiscations of forfeited estates, particularly securing influence in northern regions like Atholl and associated lordships, which David II later ratified upon return. These acquisitions, often from disaffected or absentee landowners, fortified the family's economic base and administrative reach, positioning the Stewarts as indispensable to royal stability.[26]

Ascension and Early Reign

Succession Upon David II's Death

David II died on 22 February 1371 at Edinburgh Castle, aged 46, without legitimate male heirs to succeed him.[31][32] With the failure of the direct Bruce male line, the crown passed by hereditary descent to Robert Stewart, grandson of Robert I through his daughter Marjorie Bruce and thus the nearest qualifying relative in the royal lineage.[33][34] The Scottish nobility and estates assembled in parliament promptly acknowledged Robert's entitlement, endorsing his immediate accession and thereby preventing any outbreak of civil conflict amid lingering frictions from David II's reign.[32][35] At 55 years of age, Robert offered a seasoned presence capable of unifying a realm exhausted by decades of intermittent warfare with England, facilitating a seamless transfer of authority.[33]

Coronation and Initial Consolidation

Robert II was crowned King of Scots at Scone Abbey on 26 March 1371 by William de Landallis, Bishop of St Andrews, in a ceremony spanning two days that included enthronement on the Moot Hill the following day.[4][36][37] The location, the historic site of Scottish royal inaugurations since the 9th century, underscored the continuity of monarchical tradition and the legitimacy of the Stewart claim, rooted in Robert's designation as heir presumptive by parliamentary entail during David II's lifetime despite their mutual distrust.[38] In the coronation assembly, the kingdom's prelates, earls, barons, and other magnates promptly rendered homage and fealty to Robert, a critical step in binding the nobility to the new regime amid lingering uncertainties over the Bruce dynasty's extinction.[38] This collective affirmation, documented in contemporary records, helped mitigate risks of factional resistance from David II's courtiers or disinherited allies. To further entrench his authority, Robert swiftly redistributed lands, annuities, pensions, and offices to kin and supporters, elevating his illegitimate sons to strategic roles and forging marital alliances that extended Stewart influence over at least eight of Scotland's fifteen earldoms.[39][1] Such patronage targeted loyalists while effectively sidelining appointees favored by David II, including reallocations from figures like the Dunbars, thereby neutralizing potential sources of opposition through economic incentives and familial ties rather than overt confrontation. Early assemblies, functioning as proto-parliaments, ratified these measures and reaffirmed oaths of allegiance, prioritizing fiscal and administrative stability over expansive legislative reforms.[40]

Reign as King

Domestic Policies and Stewart Patronage

Robert II's domestic policies emphasized the consolidation of royal authority through targeted patronage, particularly favoring members of the Stewart family to build a loyal network amid competing noble interests. Upon his accession in 1371, he issued numerous charters granting lands and titles to his sons and cousins, such as elevating his son David to the earldom of Strathearn around 1378 and providing extensive holdings in the north and west to kin like Robert, earl of Fife (later Duke of Albany). These allocations, often drawn from forfeited or royal demesne lands, aimed to embed Stewart influence across key regions, fostering dynastic continuity by aligning local governance with family loyalties; however, they exacerbated tensions with established houses like the Black Douglases and Lindsays, who perceived the distributions as nepotistic encroachments on traditional power shares, contributing to underlying instability in noble councils.[41][1] This Stewart-centric approach yielded mixed causal outcomes: while it fortified the monarchy against fragmentation—evident in the family's enduring hold on high offices into the 15th century—it diluted broader noble buy-in, as non-relatives received comparatively fewer rewards, prompting sporadic defiance and reliance on conciliar checks rather than unilateral rule. Unlike David II's favoritism toward courtiers and lavish expenditures, Robert II practiced fiscal restraint, methodically fulfilling residual ransom obligations from the 1357 Treaty of Berwick (totaling 100,000 marks) through steady annual levies without incurring equivalent debts or alienating taxpayers via over-taxation. By the late 1370s, these measures had stabilized crown finances, averting the acute shortages that plagued David's later years and enabling sustained patronage without fiscal collapse.[34][42] Critiques of nepotism, voiced in contemporary chronicles and later analyses, highlight how the grants prioritized kinship over meritocratic distribution, potentially undermining long-term cohesion; yet empirical evidence from the dynasty's survival suggests the strategy's effectiveness in causal terms, as Stewart dominance curbed the baronial overmightyism seen in prior reigns, albeit at the cost of heightened factionalism that simmered into Robert III's era. Robert's governance thus reflected pragmatic realism: leveraging family ties to counterbalance powerful rivals like the Douglases, whose influence, though not overtly crushed through executions during his reign, was relatively eclipsed by Stewart expansions in the central and northern lowlands.[43][39]

Parliamentary Reforms and Governance

During the early years of Robert II's reign, the parliament of March 1373 passed key legislation entailing the crown upon his legitimate heirs male, thereby reinforcing primogeniture and curtailing potential challenges to the Stewart line from collateral claimants or those favoring female succession paths, as had been debated under David II.[44] This act built on a similar confirmation of succession in the 1371 coronation parliament, which had already affirmed Robert's position as heir-general from Robert the Bruce's line while prioritizing his sons over other kin.[45] These measures centralized monarchical authority by embedding statutory barriers against feudal fragmentation of royal inheritance, ensuring dynastic continuity amid lingering doubts from the childless David II's death.[44] Judicial administration saw enhancements through royal directives to local officials, with statutes issued in Robert II's name—such as those to the sheriffs and bailies of Aberdeen—mandating stricter enforcement of crown justice and fiscal duties, thereby diminishing hereditary local influences in favor of appointed royal agents.[46] By the 1380s, parliamentary declarations acknowledged the king's limited personal oversight, prompting delegations to loyal sheriffs who exercised broader judicial powers, including civil and criminal cases, to streamline governance and reduce baronial interference.[42] These appointments prioritized Stewart allies, fostering a more unified royal judiciary across sheriffdoms that had previously tolerated autonomous franchises.[47] Economic legislation in the 1370s parliaments addressed post-plague disruptions by imposing controls on key exports like wool and hides to stabilize domestic supplies and revenues during labor shortages and demographic recovery from the 1349 Black Death.[48] Such measures, enacted amid ongoing trade fluctuations documented in Berwick customs records up to 1373, aimed to bolster crown finances through regulated customs while preventing scarcity-driven inflation, reflecting a pragmatic centralization of trade policy.[49]

Foreign Relations and the Auld Alliance

Upon ascending the throne in 1371, Robert II promptly renewed the Auld Alliance with France through an embassy dispatched to Paris, comprising the Bishop of Glasgow and the Lord of Galloway, securing mutual defense commitments against England amid ongoing border threats.[50] This pragmatic renewal, formalized under Charles V of France, provided Scotland with potential French naval and military support without requiring immediate large-scale Scottish deployments, allowing Robert to prioritize domestic stabilization over active continental involvement.[51] The alliance's renewal underscored Scotland's strategic positioning in the Hundred Years' War, yet Robert's court evidenced caution, as Scottish forces remained largely defensive rather than expeditionary, reflecting resource constraints post-David II's ransom payments.[52] Diplomatic efforts with England emphasized negotiated truces to facilitate recovery from prior conflicts. In January 1384, Robert ensured Scotland's inclusion in the Anglo-French truce concluded that month, temporarily halting hostilities and enabling border respite, though the agreement proved short-lived amid renewed raids by summer.[1] This maneuvering highlighted a realist approach, balancing alliance obligations with England against overextension, as Robert delegated active border defense to lieutenants while focusing on internal governance.[40] Such truces, irregular in enforcement, aligned with broader European cease-fires but prioritized Scottish economic recuperation over ideological confrontation.[53] Limited outreach extended to papal and northern European courts for legitimizing Stewart rule. Robert sought Vatican acknowledgment of his succession, leveraging prior dispensations for his marriage to bolster dynastic validity, though no major excommunications impeded his reign as had earlier Bruce kings.[39] Diplomatic ties with Scandinavian realms, building on prior Norwegian treaties, involved nominal recognition exchanges but yielded minimal tangible aid, with focus remaining on Anglo-French dynamics rather than northern expansion.[54] Overall, Robert's foreign policy favored selective engagement, preserving sovereignty through alliances and pauses in warfare without romantic overcommitment to pan-European causes.

Border Conflicts and Military Actions

During the renewed hostilities with England commencing in 1378, Scottish forces under Robert II conducted opportunistic cross-border raids into northern England, targeting disputed border lands to seize livestock, goods, and captives for ransom while avoiding prolonged engagements.[20] These chevauchées emphasized mobility and surprise, leveraging the rugged terrain of the Anglo-Scottish marches to outmaneuver larger English responses and deter invasions by imposing economic costs on border counties like Northumberland and Cumberland.[55] A notable success occurred on 25 June 1380, when Scottish troops led by Archibald Douglas, Earl of Douglas, invaded England's West March, ambushing and defeating an English force under Ralph, Lord Greystoke, at the Battle of Horse Rigg (also known as Benrig) near Roxburgh.[55] [56] The engagement resulted in the capture of several English nobles, including Greystoke and John de Cresswell, yielding substantial ransoms that bolstered Scottish coffers without territorial commitments.[55] This victory exemplified Robert II's strategy of coordinated border warfare, coordinating with noble levies for limited offensives that disrupted English logistics while minimizing Scottish casualties from open-field battles.[55] Unlike David II's ill-fated deep invasions, such as the 1346 campaign ending in defeat at Neville's Cross, Robert II prioritized defensive consolidation and retaliatory strikes, refraining from major expeditions that could expose Scotland's heartland to counter-raids.[20] English incursions, including a 1385 chevauchée by Richard II that burned parts of Lothian, prompted no reciprocal large-scale pursuit, as Scottish responses focused on harassing retreating forces and protecting key strongholds like Berwick.[20] In his later years, Robert II increasingly delegated border defense to his sons, appointing John Stewart, Earl of Carrick (later Robert III), as lieutenant in 1384 to oversee military actions amid ongoing skirmishes.[1] Under this arrangement, Scottish commanders, including James Douglas, 2nd Earl of Douglas, executed a daring raid in August 1388, culminating in the Battle of Otterburn, where Douglas's forces routed an English army led by Henry Percy (Hotspur), capturing Percy for ransom despite Douglas's death in the melee.[57] This pyrrhic triumph, involving around 1,100 Scots against a larger English host, underscored the effectiveness of delegated aggressive tactics in sustaining border pressure and securing financial gains through prisoner exchanges.[57]

Criticisms of Favoritism and Authority Loss

Robert II faced accusations from contemporary Lowland chroniclers of excessive favoritism toward his Stewart kin, particularly through lavish land grants to his sons that alienated other nobles and undermined broader consensus among the Scottish aristocracy. For instance, he empowered his illegitimate son Alexander Stewart with lordships in Badenoch and the north by 1382, including strategic marriages to consolidate Stewart influence over rival affinities like the Lindsays and Leslies, which prioritized family aggrandizement over equitable distribution of patronage.[58] Similarly, grants to his son Robert Stewart, Earl of Fife (later Duke of Albany), expanded Stewart holdings in the central Lowlands and beyond, fostering perceptions of nepotism that eroded trust among non-Stewart magnates, though such policies arguably stabilized northern frontiers amid ongoing border threats.[59] Critics, often rooted in Lowland perspectives, lambasted Robert's prolonged sojourns in his ancestral Gaelic heartlands—such as extended stays on Bute in 1373 or at Kindrochit Castle in 1379—as absenteeism that neglected southern governance and exposed border regions to English raids, exemplified by the 1385 incursion under Richard II.[59] French chronicler Jean Froissart derided the king for dwelling in "la sauvage Escose" (the wild Scotland) rather than rallying Lowland lords for military action, reflecting a cultural bias against Gaelic influences that portrayed Robert's western ties—nurtured from youth in Stewart lands—as a dereliction favoring Highland customs over Lowland priorities.[59] These complaints, however, overlooked the relative domestic peace and territorial gains achieved under his rule, suggesting Lowland sources exaggerated Gaelic "otherness" to critique perceived royal detachment. In his later years, Robert's advancing age—reaching 74 by 1390—drew scorn as senility-induced paralysis, with chronicler Walter Bower describing him as "an old man in his deeds," implying ineffective leadership that allowed factional strife among his sons, notably rivalry between John, Earl of Carrick (future Robert III), and Robert of Fife, to paralyze decision-making from around 1384 onward.[60] This culminated in Fife's appointment as lieutenant in 1388 amid the king's frailty, enabling de facto delegation of authority and highlighting how kin favoritism exacerbated succession tensions, though the era's overall stability—marked by fewer major revolts than under David II—counters narratives of wholesale authority collapse.[61]

Death and Succession

Final Years and Health Decline

In the 1380s, Robert II, then in his seventies, experienced increasing infirmity that impaired his capacity for active rule, prompting greater reliance on delegated authority.[62] His deteriorating health culminated in 1384, when he transferred day-to-day governance to his son John, Earl of Carrick, as documented in contemporary records of royal administration.[61] This shift reflected the causal impact of advanced age on monarchical effectiveness, with the king withdrawing from direct oversight amid persistent border threats and internal factionalism.[41] Robert increasingly resided at Dundonald Castle in Ayrshire, a stronghold he had fortified upon his accession and which became his primary base in later years.[63] From this location, he focused on securing provisions for his family's dynastic continuity, though his physical limitations curtailed personal interventions in national affairs.[3] Parliamentary sessions in the late 1380s, such as those addressing governance lapses, underscored the diffusion of power, as barons exercised heightened autonomy under the king's diminished vigor.[64] Robert II died on 19 April 1390 at Dundonald Castle, aged 74, after a prolonged period of frailty that had eroded centralized control.[39] His final years thus marked a transition where age-related decline facilitated baronial assertiveness, setting precedents for Stewart kingship amid weakened royal prerogative.[65]

Immediate Succession Disputes

Robert II died on 19 April 1390 at Dundonald Castle in Ayrshire, aged 74. He was succeeded by his eldest legitimate son, John Stewart, Earl of Carrick (c. 1337–1406), who adopted the regnal name Robert III to evoke the lineage of Robert I and maintain dynastic continuity. John had been designated heir during his father's lifetime, with authority granted in 1384 to oversee law enforcement amid Robert II's failing health, reflecting the aging king's intent to secure the Stewart line through his first set of children.[66][15][67] The transition highlighted latent legitimacy quarrels rooted in the non-canonical status of Robert II's first marriage prior to its 1347 papal validation, rendering Robert III's birth initially illegitimate despite subsequent legitimization acts. These concerns theoretically opened avenues for challenges from Robert II's numerous illegitimate sons—estimated at eight, including figures like John Stewart of Bonkyl and James Stewart of Kinfauns—or alliances with magnate factions wary of Stewart dominance, such as the Douglases, who had contested Robert II's own 1371 accession. No overt rebellion materialized immediately, but the issues exacerbated internal tensions, underscoring vulnerabilities in the dynasty's foundational claims.[68][69][3] Parliament assembled in May 1390 to affirm the succession, granting Robert III permission for his name change and implicitly endorsing the legitimate heirs' precedence over potential rivals, as established in prior acts like the 1373 succession confirmation aimed at preempting marital offspring disputes. His coronation followed on 14 August 1390 at Scone Abbey, formalizing the transfer amid these resolutions. This parliamentary mechanism resolved acute flashpoints but presaged ongoing Stewart fractures, as Robert III's physical infirmity—resulting from a 1388 injury—prompted his brother Robert, Earl of Fife, to retain the lieutenancy, shifting de facto authority southward.[36][20]

Personal Life

Marriages and Legitimacy Concerns

Robert II entered into his first union with Elizabeth Mure, daughter of Sir Adam Mure of Rowallan, around 1336 through a handfast or irregular marriage not compliant with canon law, resulting in the birth of multiple children deemed illegitimate at the time.[70] To address this, Robert secured a papal dispensation from Pope Clement VI on 22 November 1347, which validated the marriage and legitimized their offspring via per subsequens matrimonium, though the process required formal remarriage in 1349.[71] Elizabeth died before 12 August 1355, but the initial irregularity persisted as a point of contention, with critics arguing that such legitimation did not fully erase barriers to royal inheritance under strict ecclesiastical or feudal interpretations.[3] Following Elizabeth's death, Robert married Euphemia de Ross, Countess of Moray and daughter of Hugh, Earl of Ross, on 2 May 1355, under a dispensation from Pope Innocent VI that acknowledged potential affinity issues from prior relations but permitted the union.[72] This marriage yielded fully legitimate heirs from the outset, prompting assertions of their precedence over the Mure children in the line of succession, as the latter's status relied on retrospective papal approval rather than birth within a canonical marriage.[70] The union dissolved amid acrimony by the mid-1360s, attributed to Robert's infidelity and favoritism toward his first family, with Euphemia retiring to a religious life around 1367; no formal annulment was granted, but the separation exacerbated legitimacy rivalries.[70] These canonical irregularities, despite multiple papal interventions in the 1350s, sowed seeds of dynastic instability by inviting challenges to the Stewart succession's purity, as feudal nobles and ecclesiastical authorities could invoke doubts over the Mure line's eligibility for the throne, fostering factionalism that weakened Robert's authority and foreshadowed later Stewart crises.[73][3]

Children and Dynastic Issue

Robert II fathered at least 21 children, comprising 14 legitimate offspring from his two marriages and at least seven illegitimate sons by various mistresses, a prolific output that saturated the Scottish nobility with Stewart kin and fortified the dynasty's territorial and marital networks.[1][5] His first union with Elizabeth Mure of Rowallan produced nine surviving legitimate children after papal dispensation legitimized them in 1347, including four sons—John (later Robert III), Robert (Duke of Albany), Alexander (Earl of Buchan), and possibly others like James or Malcolm—and five daughters such as Jean, who married Sir John Keith and strengthened ties to Aberdeenshire lords.[2][1] These progeny, initially disadvantaged by their parents' pre-legitimation concubinage, received extensive land grants in the 1370s, embedding Stewarts across central Scotland and diluting rival houses' influence through intermarriages.[5] His second marriage to Euphemia de Ross, Countess of Moray, yielded four legitimate children: sons David (Earl of Strathearn, died c. 1380 without issue) and Walter (Earl of Atholl), and daughters Mary (married Sir William Graham) and Egidia (married William Douglas, 1st Earl of Douglas in 1387), whose unions allied the crown with northern earldoms and the potent Black Douglas faction.[72][1] Euphemia's offspring, born of a union with clear royal precedence, posed inherent legitimacy challenges to the elder Mure-Stewarts, as canon law initially favored them for succession; Robert's favoritism toward his first family, however, marginalized these heirs, sowing seeds of intra-dynastic rivalry evident in later Albany regencies.[72] Illegitimate sons, including John Stewart of Bute, Thomas (Archdeacon of St. Andrews), and James (Earl of Menteith?), further expanded Stewart claims, often provisioned with ecclesiastical or sheriff roles that bypassed primogeniture strictures.[1] High survival rates among the progeny—nine from Mure and four from Ross reaching adulthood, per contemporary records—reflected medieval nobility's access to resources, enabling alliances like the Keith and Graham marriages that secured loyalties amid border threats. Yet this abundance bred vulnerabilities: the proliferation of cadet branches, such as Albany's descendants, fragmented authority and fueled civil strife, as disinherited or lesser-legitimized lines vied for power in the power vacuums following Robert's heirs.[5][42]

Legacy and Historiography

Contemporary Evaluations

Andrew of Wyntoun, in his Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland composed around 1420, portrayed Robert II as "an old man in his deeds," attributing the king's perceived ineffectiveness to his age of 55 at accession and subsequent physical decline, which limited decisive action amid growing noble influence.[43] This view aligned with Lowland chroniclers' broader discontent, exemplified by Jean Froissart's accusation that Robert favored remote Gaelic territories over border defenses, decrying his residence in "la sauvage Escose" (the wild Scotland) as neglectful of traditional military priorities against England.[59] Such criticisms reflected a cultural divide: Lowland sources emphasized Robert's Gaelic entanglements as eroding centralized authority, particularly through excessive grants to Stewart kin that alienated established families and prompted petitions in the mid-1380s decrying favoritism and administrative laxity.[59] Gaelic traditions, by contrast, depicted him positively, highlighting personal ties like alliances with Clann Donnchaidh and reputed healings by Highland figures, which bolstered his legitimacy among western lords and contributed to internal stability absent the minorities and captivities plaguing David II's era (1329–1371).[59] While some period accounts credited Robert with fiscal prudence—evident in sustained crown revenues despite territorial concessions—noble grievances underscored a perceived loss of royal vigor, culminating in delegated lieutenancies to sons like the Earl of Fife by 1388, signaling contemporaries' view of his rule as transitional rather than authoritative.[42]

Modern Scholarly Reassessments

Historians since the 1960s have increasingly challenged earlier narratives portraying Robert II as a feeble monarch, emphasizing instead his pragmatic governance and success in stabilizing the Stewart dynasty amid fiscal and factional pressures. Gordon Donaldson's Scottish Kings (1967) marked an initial shift by acknowledging an underestimation of Robert's administrative capabilities, highlighting his role in maintaining internal peace after David II's turbulent reign.[74] Ranald Nicholson's Scotland: The Later Middle Ages (1974) further positioned Robert as a consolidator who adeptly navigated noble rivalries, countering 19th-century romanticized accounts that exaggerated his senility and favoritism as signs of decline. Stephen Boardman's The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert III, 1371–1406 (1996) provides the most rigorous modern reassessment, drawing on contemporary charters and Exchequer Rolls to demonstrate that Scotland experienced economic growth and relative stability, particularly in the 1370s, with crown revenues rising through judicious land grants and avoidance of costly campaigns.[75] Boardman attributes negative tropes—such as tales of Robert's drunkenness or impotence—to retrospective embellishments in later chronicles like those of Andrew of Wyntoun and Blind Harry, which served Stewart propagandists under Robert III. Empirical evidence from parliamentary records shows Robert innovating governance by regularizing assemblies and leveraging lieutenants like his son Robert, Earl of Fife, to enforce royal will without direct confrontation, thus preserving resources depleted by prior Bruce-David wars. Debates persist on Robert's Highland policies, with Boardman defending their causal efficacy in dynasty-building through alliances with Gaelic lords, such as elevating the Lordship of the Isles via marriages and confirmations of MacDonald authority in 1372–1373, which secured northern frontiers against both internal revolt and English incursions.[76] Critics from Lowland perspectives, echoing older unionist historiography, have faulted this as cultural dilution favoring "barbarous" elements over anglicized reforms, yet Boardman counters with archival proof of pragmatic realism: these pacts averted rebellions that plagued David II and enabled fiscal recovery, as evidenced by increased customs yields post-1384 Anglo-Scottish truce. Such reassessments underscore Robert's causal success in transitioning Scotland from wartime exhaustion to Stewart consolidation, unmarred by the romantic biases of Victorian scholars like John Hill Burton.[77]

References

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