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Ancient Roman pottery
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Pottery was produced in enormous quantities in ancient Rome, mostly for utilitarian purposes. It is found all over the former Roman Empire and beyond. Monte Testaccio is a huge waste mound in Rome made almost entirely of broken amphorae used for transporting and storing liquids and other products – in this case probably mostly Spanish olive oil, which was landed nearby, and was the main fuel for lighting, as well as its use in the kitchen and washing in the baths.
It is usual to divide Roman domestic pottery broadly into coarse wares and fine wares, the former being the everyday pottery jars, dishes and bowls that were used for cooking or the storage and transport of foods and other goods, and in some cases also as tableware, and which were often made and bought locally. Fine wares were serving vessels or tableware used for more formal dining, and are usually of more decorative and elegant appearance. Some of the most important of these were made at specialised pottery workshops, and were often traded over substantial distances, not only within, but also between, different provinces of the Roman Empire. For example, dozens of different types of British coarse and fine wares were produced locally,[1] yet many other classes of pottery were also imported from elsewhere in the Empire. The manufacture of fine wares such as terra sigillata took place in large workshop complexes that were organised along industrial lines and produced highly standardised products that lend themselves well to precise and systematic classification.
There is no direct Roman equivalent to the artistically central vase-painting of ancient Greece, and few objects of outstanding artistic interest have survived, but there is a great deal of fine tableware, and very many small figures, often incorporated into oil lamps or similar objects, and often with religious or erotic themes. Roman burial customs varied over time and space, so vessels deposited as grave goods, the usual source of complete ancient pottery vessels, are not always abundant, though all Roman sites produce plenty of broken potsherds. "Fine" rather than luxury pottery is the main strength of Roman pottery, unlike Roman glass, which the elite often used alongside gold or silver tableware, and which could be extremely extravagant and expensive. It is clear from the quantities found that fine pottery was used very widely in both social and geographic terms. The more expensive pottery tended to use relief decoration, usually moulded, rather than colour, and often copied shapes and decoration from the more prestigious metalwork. Especially in the Eastern Empire, local traditions continued, hybridizing with Roman styles to varying extents. From the 3rd century the quality of fine pottery steadily declined, partly because of economic and political disturbances, and because glassware was replacing pottery for drinking cups (the rich had always preferred silver in any case).

Fired clay or terracotta was also widely employed in the Roman period for architectural purposes, as structural bricks and tiles, and occasionally as architectural decoration, and for the manufacture of small statuettes and lamps. These are not normally classified under the heading 'pottery' by archaeologists, but the terracottas and lamps will be included in this article. Pottery is a key material in the dating and interpretation of archaeological sites from the Neolithic period onwards, and has been minutely studied by archaeologists for generations.
Over the centuries the different manufacturing techniques have changed, from initial pottery modelled by hand, to the introduction of the tome and later the use of molds. The decorations as well as the backing techniques have been also changed over the centuries, making possible to use the pottery to date the age of an archeological area.[2] In the Roman period, ceramics were produced and used in enormous quantities, and the literature on the subject, in numerous languages, is very extensive.
Fine wares
[edit]Terra sigillata or red-gloss wares
[edit]
The designation 'fine wares' is used by archaeologists for Roman pottery intended for serving food and drink at table, as opposed to those designed for cooking and food preparation, storage, transport and other purposes. Although there were many types of fine pottery, for example drinking vessels in very delicate and thin-walled wares, and pottery finished with vitreous lead glazes, the major class is the Roman red-gloss ware of Italy and Gaul make, and widely traded, from the 1st century BC to the late 2nd century AD, and traditionally known as terra sigillata. These vessels have fine, fairly hard and well-fired buff to pink fabrics, with a naturally glossy surface slip ranging in colour from light orange to quite a bright red. The variations in the colour and texture of both body fabric and slip, as well as the vessel-shapes and the designs on the decorated forms can enable a trained student to identify source, date and often individual workshop quite accurately. Arretine ware, made at Arezzo in Tuscany, was the pre-eminent type of fine pottery in the 1st century BC and early 1st century AD, and was succeeded by samian ware, manufactured in a number of centres in Gaul, modern France and Germany. However the definition of all these terms has varied and evolved over the many generations during which the material has been studied.[3] Technically, red-gloss wares have much in common with earlier Greek painted pottery, but the decorated forms employ raised, relief decoration rather than painting.
African Red Slip (ARS) ware belonged to the same tradition, and continued to be made much later than Italian and Gaulish sigillata, right through to the Islamic conquest.[4] ARS in turn influenced the production of Phocaean red slip, which is common in the Eastern Mediterranean and also appeared occasionally as far west as Southern France and Britain.
The production of related types of wares existed in Asia Minor and in other eastern regions of the Empire (Eastern Sigillata wares), while the Iberian provinces also had local industries producing terra sigillata hispanica, which had some similarities with the Gaulish products.
Most of these wares were widely distributed and produced on an industrial scale (the largest kilns could fire up to 40,000 pieces at a time[5] ), and undoubtedly using a high degree of specialisation within the workshops. The names of many potters and factory-owners are known from the potters' marks frequently applied to fine wares, and can be highly informative. Cnaius Ateius was an especially prominent producer at Arezzo, but wares with his stamps can be shown by modern analysis of their clay to have been produced in Pisa in Tuscany, and at branch factories at both Lyon and La Graufesenque in modern France. However, the interpretation of name-stamps can be more complex than it appears at first sight. Bold name-stamps visible in decorated areas advertise the name of the factory, but the names of individual artisans working within the pottery, the bowl-makers, appear on plain vessels, while the moulds for decorated bowls were also sometimes signed freehand by the mould-makers, and their signatures also sometimes appear on finished vessels. Theoretically, a decorated vessel might bear the mould-maker's name, that of the bowl-maker or finisher (for example, on the rim), and the 'brand-name' of the factory in the decoration.[6] The use of slave labour in the Italian workshops is unproven, though some names are certainly of liberti (freedmen, that is, freed former slaves). The site of La Graufesenque in South Gaul, near Millau, has been extensively studied and excavated.[7] Its products had an immensely wide distribution in the later 1st century AD, and sherds have been found from India to the Sudan and Scotland.[8]

In 1895, the German scholar Hans Dragendorff produced a classification of vessel shapes in Roman red gloss pottery that is still used (as e.g. "Drag. 27" or "Dr.27" to refer to the small biconvex-profiled cup).[9] Other scholars added to his numbered forms, and some archaeologists working on the products of specific manufacturing sites, or the finds from important excavations, initiated their own typologies, so that there are now many other classification systems for Arretine and samian, as there are, indeed, for other classes of Roman pottery, such as the Hayes numbers for African Red Slip forms. Other numbering systems used with Italian and Gaulish sigillata include those of Déchelette, Knorr, Curle, Walters, Loeschcke, Ritterling and Ludowici, to name but a few.[10]
The most common method of making relief decoration on the surface of an open terra sigillata vessel was to throw a pottery bowl whose interior profile corresponded with the desired form of the final vessel's exterior. The internal surface was then decorated using individual positive stamps (poinçons), usually themselves made of fired clay, or small wheels bearing repeated motifs, such as the ovolo (egg-and-tongue) design that often formed the upper border of the decoration. Details could also be added by hand with a stylus. When the decoration was complete in intaglio on the interior, the mould was dried and fired in the usual way, and was subsequently used for shaping bowls. As the bowl dried, it shrank sufficiently to remove it from the mould, after which the finishing processes were carried out, such as the shaping or addition of a foot-ring and the finishing of the rim. The details varied according to the form.[11] The completed bowl could then be slipped, dried again, and fired. Closed forms, such as jugs and jars, were seldom decorated in relief using moulds, though some vessels of this type were made at La Graufesenque by making the upper and lower parts of the vessel separately in moulds and joining them at the point of widest diameter. Relief-decoration of tall vases or jars was usually achieved by using moulded appliqué motifs (sprigs) and/or barbotine decoration (slip-trailing). The latter technique was particularly popular at the East Gaulish workshops of Rheinzabern, and was also widely used on other pottery types.

Plain sigillata table vessels, which included large platters, shallow dishes in several sizes, slightly deeper bowls, and small cups, were made on the wheel using a range of templates to create very precise profiles. The sizes were also standardised, which would have facilitated the firing, storage and transport of the huge numbers that were made. The evolution in forms matches in many respects that seen in silver and glass table vessels of the same periods, and the precise forms can sometimes be closely dated. The forms archaeologically classified as 'plain' do sometimes bear decoration of a simple kind, often in the form of a ring of rouletting within the flat interior base of a dish. Plain wares also often bear name-stamps.[12]
ARS (African Red Slip) ware was the most widely distributed representative of the sigillata tradition in the late-Roman period. (Occasional imports of ARS have been found as far afield as Britain in the 5th–6th centuries.[13] It was manufactured in the province of Africa Proconsularis (approximately modern Tunisia), and similar forms and fabrics were made for more local distribution in Egypt, which had its own very active and diverse ceramic traditions in the Roman period. A wide range of bowls, dishes and flagons were made in ARS, but the technique of making entire relief-decorated vessels in moulds was discontinued.[14] Instead, appliqué motifs were frequently used where decoration in relief was required, separately made and applied to the vessel before drying and firing. Stamped motifs were also a favoured form of decoration, and in the later centuries, Christian subjects and symbols often appear.
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A South Gaulish samian bowl of form Dr.37. Late 1st century AD.
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Central Gaulish samian vessel, Dr.30, with the name-stamp of Divixtus. Late 2nd century AD.
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Display of South Gaulish samian plain vessels, illustrating standardisation of size
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Central Gaulish samian vessel with 'cut-glass' decoration
Other fine wares
[edit]Some of the shapes of Arretine plain wares were quite closely copied in the later 1st century BC and early 1st century AD in a class of pottery made in north-east Gaul and known as Gallo-Belgic ware.[15] Many of these plates and dishes in red-slipped (terra rubra) and black-slipped (terra nigra) fabrics bear potters' stamps. Other fine, thin-walled flagons, drinking beakers, bowls and dishes were made locally in most regions of the Roman Empire, including frontier provinces such as Britain: for example, Romano-British 'colour-coated' (slipped) wares made at Colchester and in the Nene Valley belong to that classification. Several of the pots to the right of the group photograph in the lead section of this article are Nene Valley wares, including the large black beaker decorated with a lively hunting scene of hounds and hares in the barbotine technique.[16] Many decorative techniques were used to beautify pottery tableware, including the use of coloured slips, painting, and various textured surfaces. Painted decoration did not, however, continue the Greek and Etruscan traditions as a specialised technique used for elaborate luxury tablewares, though simpler painted designs do appear on many pottery types, both coarse and fine, throughout the Empire. The dividing lines between 'fine' and 'coarse' wares, or tablewares and cooking wares, become a little blurred in the case of some of the local, provincial products, because pottery is often multi-purpose.

Lead-glazed pottery was made in many regions of the Roman Empire, including Gaul, Italy and the eastern provinces. This type of vitreous glaze was most often used for small, decorative items of tableware, including mould-made cups with relief decoration, lamps and zoomorphic containers.[17] The glazes vary in colour from amber to brown and many shades of green.
Tableware made of Egyptian faience, glazed in vivid blue, turquoise or green, continued to be manufactured in Egypt throughout the Roman period, and the shapes of some of these faience vessels in the 1st century BC and 1st century AD were directly influenced by Arretine ware. Very elaborate, decorated polychrome faience vessels were also produced. Egyptian faience, frit or 'glazed composition', as it is often termed by Egyptologists, has rather more in common technically with glass manufacture than with earthenware, since it is a non-clay ceramic material.[18]
The dividing line between pottery vessels and terracotta figurines is another that is not always sharp, since certain types of small container, such as oil-pourers, were sometimes moulded in representational forms.
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Romano-British beaker with barbotine decoration depicting chariot-racing
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Central Gaulish relief-decorated lead-glazed flagon. 1st century AD.
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A late-Roman painted beaker made in Britain
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Terra nigra relief-decorated vase from Cologne
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Colchester Vase (c. 175)
Coarse wares
[edit]
Cooking pots
[edit]Pottery was essential for cooking food in antiquity. Although metal utensils made of bronze or iron were widely available in the Roman period, simple, functional earthenware bowls, pans, casseroles and jars were an inexpensive and standard part of the equipment of every kitchen. From Britain to Egypt, from Spain to Syria, over the length and breadth of a vast Empire, local pre-Roman pottery traditions in simple cooking wares often continued without major changes for centuries. Roman cooking pots therefore have to be studied on a regional basis.[19] As well as the ordinary bowls and pans used for cooking, ceramic utensils were made for many specialised uses, such as the small cheese-press illustrated to the left of the group photograph of Roman pottery from Britain above. The two black jars to the left behind the cheese-press in the same photograph are examples of Romano-British black-burnished ware, first made in south-west England in the late Iron Age, before the Roman conquest: this ware continued to be popular throughout the Roman period, and was made in greater quantities, and marketed more widely, under Roman influence. Other wares made in Roman Britain were Crambeck Ware, Huntcliff ware, and Nene Valley Colour Coated Ware, which was often decorated.
Mortaria
[edit]However, one vessel type used in food preparation was closely linked with the spread of Roman culture and Roman cuisine: the mortarium. This was a robust shallow bowl with a thick, out-curved rim that made it easy to handle, often a pouring lip, and an internal surface deliberately roughened with a coating of grit or coarse sand during manufacture. It was used with a pestle to purée or pulverise ingredients in order to prepare elaborate and carefully seasoned Roman dishes; the Roman culinary tradition made extensive use of herbs and spices. The mortarium was the Roman equivalent of the food-processor, and is a real indicator of 'romanisation';[20] In Britain, the first mortaria were being imported from Gaulish sources more than a generation before Britain became a Roman province in AD 43, indicating the growing influence of Roman culture in late Iron Age southern Britain, and perhaps the actual presence of immigrants from Gaul. Later, locally made mortaria produced at specialised potteries in different areas of the province were available throughout Britain, in addition to imported products: Paul Tyers discusses mortaria from no fewer than 16 different manufacturing sources, Romano-British and Continental, that have been found in Britain.[21] Like so many other specialised Roman ceramic products, many mortaria also bore workshop or makers' stamps on their rims, and noting their chronology and distribution can help archaeologists understand trading patterns and the Roman economy.
Amphorae
[edit]
Description and function
[edit]Amphorae, or amphoras, were used during Roman times to transport food on long and short distances. The content was generally liquid, olive oil or wine in most cases, but also garum, the popular fish sauce, and fruit sauce. As a container, an amphora was supposed to be strong, not too heavy, shaped in a way suitable for easy storage in the ship, and, at the same time, convenient for handling once arrived to its final destination. Usually, amphorae are two-handled terracotta containers with a globular/cylindrical body, a rim of various shapes, and a spiked or, less commonly, flat base. The spike was suited for a stable storage arrangement in the ship and it worked as a third handle in the process of emptying the container.
Studies on amphorae
[edit]The first systematic classification of amphorae types was undertaken by the German scholar Heinrich Dressel. Following the exceptional amphorae deposit uncovered in Rome in Castro Pretorio at the end of the 1800s, he collected almost 200 inscriptions from amphorae and included them in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. In his studies of the amphorae deposit he was the first one to elaborate a classification of types, the so-called Dressel table,[22] which is still used today for many types. Subsequent studies on Roman amphorae have produced more detailed classifications which are usually named after the scholar who studied them. For the neo-Phoenician types see the work by Maña published in 1951,[23] and the revised classification by van der Werff in 1977–1978.[24] The Gallic amphorae have been studied by Laubenheimer in a study published in 1989,[25] whereas the Cretan amphorae have been analyzed by Marangou-Lerat.[26] Beltràn studied the Spanish types in 1970.[27] Adriatic types have been studied by Lamboglia in 1955.[28] For a general analysis of the Western Mediterranean types see Panella,[29] and Peacock and Williams.[30]
Production
[edit]
Key : 1 : rim - 2 : neck - 3 : handle - 4 : shoulder - 5 : belly or body - 6 : foot
Amphorae were wheel-thrown terracotta containers. During the production process the body was made first and then left to partially dry.[31] Then, coils of clay would be added to form the neck, the rim, and the handles.[32] Once the amphora was completed, the interior was treated with resin in order to ensure a better performance in liquid storage.[33] The reconstruction of these stages of production is based primarily on ethnographic data coming from the study of modern amphorae production in some areas of the eastern Mediterranean.[34] Amphorae are often marked with a variety of stamps and graffiti. The function of these stamps are related to the entire life of the vessel. Stamps, graffiti and inscriptions provided information from the production cycle to the content and the commercialisation. A stamp was usually applied to the amphora at a partially dry stage and it often indicated the name of the figlina (workshop) and/or the name of the owner of the workshop. Painted stamps, tituli picti, were executed when the amphora was completed and provided indications regarding the weight of the container and the content.
History
[edit]The first type of Roman amphora, Dressel 1, appears in central Italy in the late 2nd century BC.[35] This type had thick walls and a characteristic red fabric. It was very heavy, though also strong. Around the middle of the 1st century BC the so-called Dressel 2–4 starts to become widely used.[36] This type of amphora presented some advantages in being lighter and with thinner walls. It has been calculated that while a ship could accommodate approximately 4,500 Dressel 1, it was possible to fit 6,000 Dressel 2–4 in the same space.[37] Dressel 2–4 were often produced in the same workshops used for the production of Dressel 1 which almost suddenly ceased to be used.[38] At the same time in Cuma (southern Italy) the production of the cadii cumani type starts (Dressel 21–22). These containers were mainly used for the transportation of fruit and were used until the middle imperial times. At the same time, in central Italy, the so-called Spello amphorae, small containers, were produced for the transportation of wine. On the Adriatic coast the older types were replaced by the Lamboglia 2 type, a wine amphora commonly produced between the end of the 2nd and the 1st century BC. This type develops later into the Dressel 6A which becomes dominant during Augustan times.[39]
In the Gallic provinces the first examples of Roman amphorae were local imitations of pre-existent types such as Dressel 1, Dressel 2–4, Pascual 1, and Haltern 70. The more typical Gallic production begins within the ceramic ateliers in Marseille during the late Augustan times. The type Oberaden 74 was produced to such an extent that it influenced the production of some Italic types.[40] Spanish amphorae became particularly popular thanks to a flourishing production phase in the late Republican times. The Hispania Baetica and Hispania Tarraconensis regions (south-western and eastern Spain) were the main production areas between the 2nd and the 1st century BC thanks to the land distribution to the veterans and the founding of new colonies. The Spanish amphorae were widely spread in the Mediterranean during the early imperial times. The most common types were all produced in the Baetica and among these there was the Dressel 20, typical olive oil container, the Dressel 7–13, for garum, and the Haltern 70, for the defrutum, fruit sauce. In the Tarraconensis region the Pascual 1 was the most common type, a wine amphora shaped onto the Dressel 1, and imitations of Dressel 2–4.
North-African production was based on ancient tradition which could be traced back to the Phoenician colony of Carthage.[41] Phoenician amphorae had characteristic small handles attached directly onto the upper body. This feature becomes the distinctive mark of late-Republican/early imperial productions which are then called neo-Phoenician. The types produced in Tripolitania and Northern Tunisia are the Maña C1 and C2, later renamed van Der Werff 1, 2, and 3.[42] In the Aegean area the types from the island of Rhodes were quite popular starting from the 3rd century BC thanks to the local wine production which flourished for long time. This types developed into the Camulodunum 184, an amphora used for the transportation of the Rhodian wine all over the empire. Imitations of the Dressel 2–4 were produced in the island of Cos for the transportation of wine from the 4th BC until the middle imperial times.[43] Cretan containers were also popular for the transportation of wine and can be found in the Mediterranean from the Augustan times until the 3rd century AD.[44] During the late empire north-African types dominated the amphorae production. The so-called African I and II were widely used from the 2nd until the late 4th century AD. Other types from the eastern Mediterranean (Gaza), such as the so-called Late Roman 4, became very popular between the 4th and the 7th century AD, while Italic productions ceased to exist.
Other ceramics
[edit]Lamps
[edit]
Artificial lighting was commonplace in the Roman world. Candles, made from beeswax or tallow, were undoubtedly the cheapest means of lighting, but candles seldom survive archaeologically. Lamps fueled with olive oil and other vegetable oils survive in great numbers, however, and have been studied in minute detail.[45] Some Roman lamps were made of metal, and could be of highly elaborate forms incorporating statuettes and multiple nozzles, but fired clay was the most usual material, and the majority of small, probably inexpensive, clay lamps had a single nozzle for one wick, and therefore one flame.
Most of these clay lamps were shaped using moulds in workshops that turned out large numbers of standardised products. Some of the most popular forms incorporated a central discus, a circular area usually around 4–6 cm. in diameter, that incorporated the filling-hole and could be ornamented with pictorial motifs in low relief. The range of decoration included pagan deities, myths and legends, genre scenes from everyday life, animals, hunting, public entertainments such as gladiatorial combat and chariot-racing, erotic encounters, and in late-Roman times, some Christian symbolism: in short, the full range of subjects that occur in the Roman decorative arts (Jewish lamps with symbols such as the menorah are also found).[46] Types and decoration initiated at the centre of Empire, in Italy, were often imitated in products made in workshops located in other provinces. Lamps could be directly copied by the process known as surmoulage, using an existing lamp as the archetype for producing the mould, rather than creating a hand-modelled clay archetype.[47]
The highly organised manufacturing methods, usually using plaster (gypsum) moulds, the volume of production, and the trading and wide distribution all echo in some respects the production of red-gloss wares such as Arretine and samian, as does the existence of name-stamps on some of the lamps. Makers' or workshop names were normally placed on the underside of the lamp, and are common on the usually undecorated lamps known as Firmalampen ('factory lamps'), a type which was popular in the military zones of the north-west Roman provinces during the 2nd century AD. One well-known name is that of Fortis, and his products were evidently copied outside his own workshop in Italy – or perhaps Fortis had his own branch factories in the provinces. The Gaulish Firmalampe in the adjacent picture, found in London, is stamped on the base with the name of the maker Atimetus.
In addition to the many basic lamp-shapes, which consisted of a rounded or ovoid body, with one or more projecting nozzles, and sometimes a handle, terracotta lamps were also made in a variety of much more fanciful forms, moulded to represent animals, grotesque heads, feet and many other shapes. These are known traditionally as plastic lamps ('plastic' meaning 'modelled or moulded').
The close dating and distribution information that can be obtained from the detailed study of forms, makers' marks and decoration makes Roman lamps important and useful finds on archaeological sites. They are not found in quite as great profusion on Roman sites in Britain as on sites elsewhere in the Empire, including Gaul, quite possibly because imported olive oil would probably have been more expensive in Britannia.
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Italian lamp in the shape of a foot, with a siren or sphinx handle
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Two Roman Firmalampen. The one on the left was made in Colchester, and that on the right in Gaul. Both were found in Britain
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Erotic oil lamp
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Lamp from Tunisia with foliage decoration

Terracotta figurines
[edit]Italian styles exerted much less influence across the Empire in terracotta figurines or statuettes than in pottery vessels; here the longstanding traditions of Greek terracotta figurines, and those of Egypt and other Eastern provinces of the Empire, were the dominant influences. In some northern provinces, such as Gaul and Germany, there was no native Iron Age tradition of making terracotta figurines, but new industries developed under Roman influence manufacturing mould-made figures in fine white pipeclay. Like bronze statuettes, which would have been more expensive items, small terracotta figures were generally made for ritual or religious purposes, such as dedication at temples, display in household shrines, or as grave-goods to be deposited with the dead. However, some terracottas were also used as toys by children, even if they were not manufactured for that specific purpose.[48] Most of the small terracotta figurines were mould-made objects manufactured in quite large numbers, and most would have been painted in bright colours when new. These pigments, applied after firing, rarely survive burial except in small and faded patches.
Each region of the Empire produced terracottas in distinctive local styles, but all had rather similar ranges of subjects, above all the standard religious themes of gods, goddesses and their attributes; representations of birds and animals may often be linked with specific deities, though some animal figures may well have been made without any religious or ritual purpose. The religious subjects often include local traditions and cults: for example, the Romano-Egyptian repertoire of terracottas includes Egyptian deities, such as Harpocrates, the Graeco-Roman form of Horus, while Celtic gods appear amongst those made in the Central Gaulish industries, centred in the Allier Valley and the Rhineland industry at Cologne.
A Celtic mother-goddess nursing one, or sometimes two, infants, is one of the most popular Central Gaulish types,[49] though Venus was also very frequently represented in Gaul. The mother-goddess figurines are shown seated in high-backed basketwork chairs that seem to have been typical of Gaul and Britain. Figurines from the Allier Valley and Cologne sources sometimes bear the signatures of modellers and/or mouldmakers.[50] As in the case of the Gaulish samian industries, the makers' names and the styles and themes all illustrate the fusion of local and Mediterranean traditions.
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A terracotta figure of a small, fluffy dog, made in Italy in the 1st century BC – 1st AD
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Moulded pipeclay peacock made in Central Gaul, 2nd century AD
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East Gaulish pipeclay figurine of the goddess Fortuna, made at Cologne. 2nd century AD.
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Harpocrates with a cockerel and bunch of grapes
Brick, tile and other architectural ceramics
[edit]
Two manufactured materials were of great importance in Roman architecture: concrete and fired clay in the form of structural bricks and tiles, and to a lesser extent, in architectural decoration. These materials were used in buildings all over the Roman Empire, and in many areas, they fell out of use again after the Roman period, only to be rediscovered centuries later. Like other mass-produced Roman ceramic objects, bricks and tiles were often marked with inscriptions that indicate their manufacturer, or the organisation or authority, military or civilian, for which they had been made.[51]
The Roman bricks used for building walls are often referred to as 'tiles', because they are rather thin, flat squares, made in standard sizes, often related to the Roman foot (c. 11 inches or 280 millimetres), from around 20 cm to about 58 cm square, and about 5–7 cm thick.[52] Even stone-built walls frequently incorporated horizontal tile-courses. Brick-built walls were finished with various types of facing, rendering or plastering on both exterior and interior surfaces, so that the bricks themselves were not visible.
Tiles used for roofing were intended to be seen, however. Roof-tiles were of distinctive shapes, the tegula (pl. tegulae), which was a large, thin tile, almost square, with upturned flanges on its longer sides, and the imbrex (pl. imbrices), of slightly tapered half-cylindrical form. The imbrices, interlocking because of their tapered form, were laid over the raised flanges of the tegulae, and together formed the characteristic ridged tiled roof still to be seen in Italy and southern France today. The pitch of such a roof has to be fairly low, not more than about 30 degrees. The roof was finished with a series of plain ridge-tiles, and often with decorative finials, which could also be of terracotta, at the gable.
Some buildings also featured antefixes, vertical ornaments of triangular or rounded shape that were placed along the edge of the roof. They, too, were often made of terracotta, and could be decorated with pictorial motifs intended to avert ill-luck, or with inscriptions: those made in military tileries attached to legionary forts bore the number and symbol of the relevant legion.
Roman hypocaust heating systems made extensive use of fired clay elements: The space beneath the floor of a room to be heated was supported on robust pillars (pilae), usually made of small, square bricks mortared together, so that the heat from the adjacent furnace could circulate freely. In public and private bath-houses (essential to the Roman way of life), heat was also carried up through the walls in flues made of interlocking box-tiles. Though these were covered up by wall facings both inside and out, they were sometimes manufactured with quite elaborate geometric and even figural decoration. Pipes for water and drainage were also often made of fired clay.
Ceramic tiles were not normally used for flooring in Roman buildings, though opus signinum, a favoured flooring material, was composed of concrete and crushed tile, and carefully cut small squares from tiles were often used in mosaic floors, tesserae about 2–3 cm. square being used for plain borders, and smaller squares, about 1 cm., where a red colour was required in a pictorial mosaic with multi-coloured geometric or figural designs.
The edge of a roof might be embellished with plaques called antefixes, as mentioned above, and some pottery relief "revetment" panels with figurative scenes for setting into walls emulate the marble friezes of grand temples. These are still often called "Campana reliefs", after Giampietro Campana, the 19th-century Italian scholar and collector who first studied them. They were developed from about 50 BC and were used almost entirely in Italy between Tuscany and Campania – areas once in the ambit of the Etruscan culture of which they seem a continuation. Initially used on small temples, they are later found on a wide range of public and private buildings. Usually between 22 and 50 cm high and 27 to 48 cm wide, plaques were perhaps typically arranged in bands or friezes. Subjects are usually drawn from mythology. They cease to be found after the middle of the 2nd century; they had to compete with moulded stucco as well as wall-paintings.[53]
In archaeology, bricks and tiles, especially when encountered only in fragmentary form, are often classified under the generic term ceramic building material or CBM.
Gallery
[edit]-
1st-century AD fragment with head of Jupiter Ammon, of unusually fine quality, reflecting Hellenistic style
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Example and diagram of the terra sigillata shape ("Dragendorff 38")
Notes
[edit]- ^ Potsherd British coarse wares (accessed November 9, 2011)
- ^ lostcivilizations (2022-12-14). "Pottery in Archaeology". Neperos. Retrieved 2022-12-20.
- ^ Varying definitions of some of these terms are discussed at terra sigillata.
- ^ King, 181–185. Essential detailed works are: John P. Hayes, Late Roman Pottery, London 1972, and Supplement to Late Roman Pottery, London 1980
- ^ JP Hayes article from the Grove Dictionary of Art
- ^ Johns 1963, 288–289
- ^ Wisseman 1994, 37
- ^ Potsherd, La Graufesenque
- ^ Dragendorff 1895; Potsherd has a searchable database by Dragendorff and other classification systems.
- ^ Overviews of the most important types may be obtained by referring to the classic work by Oswald and Pryce in 1920. By far the most useful modern introduction in English to the study of Gaulish samian ware, applicable to all Roman provinces where it is found, not only to Britain, is Roman Samian pottery in Britain, by Peter Webster, (York 1996), ISBN 1-872414-56-7.
- ^ Webster 1996, 5–7
- ^ Arretine stamps are catalogued in Oxé and Comfort in 1968. Gaulish stamps were originally listed by Felix Oswald, Index of potters' stamps on terra sigillata, 'samian ware', privately published, 1931, now in process of revision and completion by the late Brian Hartley and Brenda Dickinson, Names on terra sigillata: an index of makers' stamps and signatures on Gallo-Roman terra sigillata (samian ware), Vol. 1 (A to AXO), Vol.2 (B to CEROTCUS), 2008 ISBN 978-1-905670-16-1 and ISBN 978-1-905670-17-8
- ^ Tyers 1996, 80–82
- ^ For the detailed typology and distribution maps, see Hayes 1972 and Hayes 1980
- ^ Tyers 1996, 161–166
- ^ Tyers 1996, 166–175. This reference work, much of which is also available online at Potsherd "Atlas of Roman pottery", gives a very full picture of the complexity of pottery studies in just one Roman province. That complexity is repeated in each and every region of the Empire.
- ^ There is a survey and typology of some of the Italian products by Roberts 2005.
- ^ For a very brief summary of the technology and history of Egyptian faience, see Nicholson 1993
- ^ e.g. Tyers 1996, as above, for Britain; for the Rhineland, see Gose 1950
- ^ Potter and Johns 2002, 141–142
- ^ Tyers 1996, 116–135
- ^ Dressel 1879, 36–112, 143–196
- ^ Maña 1951, 203–210
- ^ Amphores de tradition punique à Uzita, in BaBesch 52–53, 171–200
- ^ Laubenheimer 1986, 105–138
- ^ Marangou-Lerat 1995, 30
- ^ Beltràn 1970
- ^ "Sulla cronologia delle anfore romane di età repubblicana" in Rivista Studi Liguri 21, 252–60
- ^ Panella 2001, 177–275
- ^ Peacock and Williams 1986
- ^ Peacock and Williams 1986, 45
- ^ Peacock and Williams 1986, 45
- ^ Rizzo 2003, 141
- ^ Peacock and Williams 1986, 45
- ^ Panella 2001, 177
- ^ Panella 2001, 194
- ^ Bruno 2005, 369
- ^ Panella 2001, 194
- ^ Bruno 2005, 369
- ^ Panella 2001, 194
- ^ Panella 2001, 207
- ^ Van der Werff 1977–78
- ^ Bruno 2005, 374
- ^ Bruno 2005, 375
- ^ For a general, brief introduction, see Bailey 1997, 164–169. For detailed scholarly treatment, see Donald M. Bailey, A Catalogue of Lamps in the British Museum, II; Roman Lamps made in Italy, London 1980, and Donald M. Bailey, A Catalogue of Lamps in the British Museum, III; Roman Provincial Lamps, London 1988
- ^ For a close study of lamp production intended to draw conclusions about the emergence of Early Christian art, see Finney, Paul Corby, The Invisible God: The Earliest Christians on Art, Oxford University Press, 1997, ISBN 0195113810, 9780195113815
- ^ Bailey 1997, 168–169
- ^ Bailey 1983, 191–199
- ^ Rouvier-Jeanlin 1972, 156–186
- ^ Bailey 1983, 198
- ^ The methods and technology of manufacture are described in some detail by Middleton 1997, pp. 158–163. Although this paper focuses on the Roman province of Britain, the basic methods and organisation described applied all over the Empire.
- ^ For a very brief introduction, see Johns 2005, p. 8-9.
- ^ Boardman, 276-77, Price 191–192
References
[edit]- Bailey, Donald M. (1980). A Catalogue of Lamps in the British Museum, II; Roman Lamps made in Italy. London: British Museum Publications.
- Bailey, Donald M. (1983). "Terracotta Revetments, Figurines and Lamps". In Martin Henig. A Handbook of Roman Art. Phaidon Press. ISBN 978-0-7148-2214-3.
- Bailey, Donald M. (1988). A Catalogue of Lamps in the British Museum, III; Roman Provincial Lamps. London: British Museum Publications.
- Bailey, Donald M. (1997). "Roman Pottery Lamps". In Ian Freestone and David Gaimster. Pottery in the Making: World Ceramic Traditions. London: British Museum Press. ISBN 978-0-7141-1782-9.
- Beltràn Lloris, Miguel (1970). Las Ánforas romanas en España. Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Católico.
- Boardman, John, ed (1993). The Oxford History of Classical Art. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-814386-4.
- Bruno, Brunella (2005). "La anfore da trasporto". In Daniela Gandolfi. La ceramica e i materiali di età romana: classi, produzioni, commerci e consumi. Bordighera: Istituto internazionale di studi liguri.
- Dragendorff, Hans (1895). "Terra Sigillata. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der griechischen und römischen Keramik". Bonner Jahrbücher 96.
- Dressel, Heinrich (Enrico) (1879). "Di un grande deposito di anfore rinvenuto nel nuovo quartiere del Castro Pretorio". BullCom VII: 36–112, 143–196.
- Gose, E. (1950) (in German). Gefässtypen der römischen Keramik im Rheinland. Bonn.
- Hartley, Brian; Dickinson, Brenda (2008). Names on Terra Sigillata: an Index of Makers' Stamps and Signatures on Gallo-Roman Terra Sigillata (Samian Ware). Institute of Classical Studies, University of London.. Vol. 1 (A to AXO): ISBN 978-1-905670-16-1; Vol. 2 (B to CEROTCUS): ISBN 978-1-905670-17-8.
- Hayes, John P. (1972). Late Roman Pottery. London: British School at Rome.
- Hayes, John P. (1980). A Supplement to Late Roman Pottery. London: British School at Rome.
- Henig, Martin, ed (1983). A Handbook of Roman Art, Phaidon Press. ISBN 0-7148-2214-0
- Johns, Catherine (1963). "Gaulish potters' stamps". Antiquaries Journal 43: 288–289.
- Johns, Catherine (2005). "Fired clay tiles in Roman Britain". In Lynn Pearson. Tile Gazetteer: a Guide to British Tile and Architectural Ceramics Locations. Richard Dennis. pp. 8–9. ISBN 978-0-903685-97-9.
- King, Anthony (1983). "Pottery". In Martin Henig. A Handbook of Roman Art. Phaidon Press. ISBN 978-0-7148-2214-3.
- Lamboglia, N. (1955). "Sulla cronologia delle anfore romane di età repubblicana". Rivista Studi Liguri 21: 252–260.
- Laubenheimer, Fanette (1989). "Les amphores gauloises sous l'empire: recherches nouvelles sur leur production et chronologie". Amphores romaines et histoire économiqué: dix ans de recherche. Actes du Colloque de Sienne (22–24 mai 1986). Rome. pp. 105–138. ISBN 978-2-7283-0180-5.
- Maña (1951). VI Congreso Arqueologico del Sudeste Español, Alcoy, 1950. Cartagena. pp. 203–210.
- Marangou-Lerat, Antigone (1995). Le vin et les amphores de Crète de l'epoque classique à l'epoque impériale. Etudes Cretoises. 30. École française d'Athènes. ISBN 978-2-86958-073-2.
- Middleton, Andrew (1997). "Tiles in Roman Britain". In Ian Freestone & David Gaimster. Pottery in the Making: World Ceramic Traditions. British Museum Press. pp. 158–163. ISBN 978-0-7141-1782-9.
- Nicholson, Paul T. (1993). Egyptian Faience and Glass. Shire Publications. ISBN 978-0-7478-0195-5.
- Oswald, Felix; Pryce, T. D. (1920). An Introduction to the study of Terra Sigillata, Treated from a Chronological Standpoint. London.
- Oswald, Felix (1931). Index of potters' stamps on terra sigillata, 'samian ware'. Privately published.
- Oxé, August; Comfort, Howard; revised by Philip Kenrick (2000) [1968]. Corpus vasorum Arretinorum: a Catalogue of the Signatures, Shapes and Chronology of Italian Sigillata. Bonn: Habelt. ISBN 978-3-7749-3029-2.
- Panella, C. (2001). "Le anfore di età imperiale del Mediterraneo occidentale". In P. Leveque & J.-P. Morel. Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines III. Besançon: Presses universitaires franc-comtoises. pp. 177–275. ISBN 978-2-913322-37-0.
- Peacock D. P. S.; Williams, D. F. (1986). Amphorae and the Roman Economy: an Introductory Guide. London: Longman. ISBN 978-0-582-06555-0.
- Potter, T. W.; Johns, Catherine (2002) [1992]. Roman Britain. London. ISBN 978-0-7141-2774-3.
- Price, Jennifer (1983). "Glass". In Martin Henig. A Handbook of Roman Art. Phaidon Press. ISBN 978-0-7148-2214-3.
- Rizzo, Giorgio (2003). Instrumenta Urbis. I, Ceramiche fini da mensa, lucerne e anfore a Roma nei primi due secoli dell'impero. 307. Rome: École française de Rome. ISBN 978-2-7283-0658-9.
- Roberts, Paul (2005). Nina Crummy. ed. Image, Craft and the Classical World: Essays in Honour of Donald Bailey and Catherine Johns. M. Mergoil. pp. 23–38. ISBN 978-2-907303-91-0.
- Rouvier-Jeanlin, Micheline (1972). Les Figurines Gallo-Romaines en Terre Cuite au Musée des Antiquités Nationales. Paris: CNRS.
- Tyers, Paul (1996). Roman Pottery in Britain. London. ISBN 978-0-7134-7412-1. Much of this work is also available online at Potsherd "Atlas of Roman pottery".
- Van der Werff, J. H. (1977–1978). "Amphores de tradition punique à Uzita". BaBesch 52–53: 171–200.
- Webster, Peter (1996). Roman Samian Pottery in Britain. York: Council for British Archaeology. ISBN 978-1-872414-56-0.
- Wisseman, Sarah Underhill (1994). "From pots to people: ceramic production in the ancient Mediterranean". In Sarah Underhill Wisseman & Wendell S. Williams. Ancient Technologies and Archaeological Materials. Routledge. pp. 17–40. ISBN 978-2-88124-632-6.
Further reading
[edit]- Caminneci, Valentina. LRCW 6: Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean: Archaeology and Archaeometry. Land and Sea: Pottery Routes. Archaeopress. ISBN 9781803271484.
- Hayes, John W. 1972. Late Roman Pottery. London: British School at Rome.
- Hayes, John W. 1997. Handbook of Mediterranean Roman Pottery. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
- Peacock, D. P. S. 1982. Pottery In the Roman World: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach. London: Longman.
- Peña, J. Theodore. 2007. Roman Pottery In the Archaeological Record. Cambridge (UK): Cambridge University Press.
- Robinson, Henry Schroder. 1959. Pottery of the Roman Period: Chronology. Princeton, NJ: American School of Classical Studies at Athens.
- Allison, P., Pitts, M. and Colley, S. (Eds). 2018. Big Data on the Roman Table: new approaches to tablewares in the Roman world.Internet Archaeology 50.
External links
[edit]- Potsherd "Atlas of Roman pottery" – specialist site with much information
- JP Hayes article from the Grove Dictionary of Art
- Ceramics in the Roman World by Victor Bryant—very readable university course notes, though with a number of errors.
- RomQ Reference Collection – Ancient (mainly Roman) lamps
Ancient Roman pottery
View on GrokipediaOverview and Historical Development
Definition and Chronology
Ancient Roman pottery encompasses the diverse range of ceramic objects produced and utilized across the territories of the Roman Republic and Empire, dating from approximately the 6th century BCE to the 5th century CE. These artifacts include wheel-thrown, mold-made, and hand-built vessels, lamps, tiles, and other utilitarian and decorative items, primarily fashioned from clay and fired in kilns to create durable earthenware. While much of the production focused on everyday needs such as storage, cooking, and table service, pottery also served ritual, economic, and artistic purposes, reflecting the technological and cultural integration within Roman society.[5][6] The chronological development of Roman pottery aligns closely with the political phases of Roman history, beginning in the Republican era (509–27 BCE). During this period, production was heavily influenced by Etruscan traditions in central Italy, where early forms drew from indigenous hand-building methods and initial adoption of the potter's wheel from Greek colonists around the 7th–6th centuries BCE. The potter's wheel enabled greater efficiency and symmetry in vessel forms during the Republican period. Pottery remained largely local and varied, with black-gloss wares imitating Attic styles emerging as a hallmark of elite consumption.[6] The Imperial period (27 BCE–284 CE) represented the zenith of Roman pottery production, driven by territorial expansion that standardized manufacturing and facilitated mass distribution across provinces from Britain to Syria. Centralized workshops, particularly in Gaul and Italy, produced vast quantities of fine wares, exemplified by terra sigillata, a glossy red-slipped tableware that symbolized Roman technological prowess. This era saw innovations in molding and stamping for decorative reliefs, alongside a boom in amphorae for trade, underscoring pottery's role in the empire's economy.[7] In the Late Antique period (284–476 CE), Roman pottery exhibited increasing regionalism amid political fragmentation and economic shifts, with production centers adapting to local resources and tastes. Fine ware output declined in traditional hubs, giving way to coarser, wheel-thrown forms and new glazed styles in the eastern provinces, influenced by Byzantine and Sassanian contacts. Despite the empire's fall in the West, pottery continued to evolve, bridging classical traditions with medieval developments until around the 5th century CE.[8][9]Influences and Evolution
The development of ancient Roman pottery was profoundly shaped by pre-Roman cultural exchanges, particularly during the Republican period (c. 509–27 BCE). Etruscan bucchero, a distinctive black, glossy ware produced from the 7th to 5th centuries BCE, influenced early Roman ceramic traditions through its imitation of metal vessels and burnished surfaces, which Romans adapted in their impasto nero and early fine wares as Etruria was incorporated into Roman territory.[10] Concurrently, Greek black-figure and red-figure techniques, involving silhouetted figures incised or reserved against a glossy black background, were adopted via Etruscan intermediaries and direct imports from Greek colonies in southern Italy, leading to the production of painted wares like Campanian and Apulian red-figure pottery in the 4th–3rd centuries BCE.[11] These influences introduced refined wheel-throwing methods and figural decoration, transitioning Roman potters from coarse, hand-built impasto to more sophisticated tablewares.[12] As the Republic gave way to the Empire (27 BCE onward), Roman pottery evolved from these painted styles toward glossy slipped surfaces, marking a technological and aesthetic shift that prioritized mass-produced, uniform fine wares over intricate decoration. This transition culminated in the invention of terra sigillata around 30 BCE at Arretium (modern Arezzo), where a fine red slip was applied and fired to create a shiny, durable finish, effectively replacing the labor-intensive painted motifs of earlier Hellenistic-influenced wares with a simpler, more efficient gloss that evoked luxury metalwork.[13] Post-conquests in the eastern Mediterranean, Roman potters adapted Eastern sigillata forms, such as the platters and bowls of Eastern Sigillata A (produced from c. 140 BCE near Antioch), incorporating their thin-walled, red-slipped designs into imperial production to meet diverse regional demands.[14] Regional evolutions further diversified Roman pottery, with African Red Slip Ware (ARS) emerging in North African workshops around the mid-1st century CE as a direct successor to Italian terra sigillata. Initially copying Italian shapes like Dragendorff 29 bowls from Arezzo, ARS producers in Carthage applied a bright orange-red slip to evolve into distinct forms, such as large shallow dishes (Hayes 50), dominating Mediterranean tableware by the 2nd century CE and supplanting Italian imports across the empire.[15] This adaptation reflected broader imperial integration, where local innovations built on central Italian prototypes to enhance functionality and trade efficiency. Coarse wares, meanwhile, largely persisted from Iron Age traditions with minimal stylistic change.[15]Production and Materials
Raw Materials and Sourcing
The primary raw materials for Ancient Roman pottery were clays selected for their plasticity, purity, and firing properties, with fine clays predominantly sourced from volcanic regions in central and southern Italy. These included illitic clays rich in potassium and iron, often derived from weathered pyroclastic deposits associated with volcanic centers like the Phlegraean Fields near Naples and the Alban Hills in Lazio. Such clays, characterized by their fine particle size and mineral composition including quartz, feldspars, and volcanic glass fragments, were ideal for producing high-quality tablewares due to their ability to achieve a smooth texture after refinement. Clays for fine wares were refined through levigation, a process of suspending in water and allowing coarser particles to settle, isolating the finest illitic fractions for slips. In the Arezzo region of central Italy, for instance, K-rich illitic clays with 10-15% iron content were exploited for terra sigillata production, providing the base for the distinctive red slips. Pozzolana-rich soils, volcanic ashes and tuffs from areas like Pozzuoli, contributed to the geochemical signature of these materials, enhancing durability when incorporated.[16][17] Coarse clays, used for utilitarian vessels, were typically obtained from alluvial deposits in the provinces, such as riverine sediments in Gaul and Hispania, which provided abundant, coarser-grained materials with higher sand and silt content. In Narbonese Gaul, clays from Rhone Valley alluvium supported large-scale production of everyday wares, while in Hispania, deposits along the Guadalquivir and Ebro rivers supplied iron-rich, calcareous clays suitable for amphorae and storage pots. These regional sources allowed for localized manufacturing, reducing transport costs for bulk items, though their variability in composition required adjustments during preparation.[18][19] To improve workability and final strength, potters incorporated additives known as tempers, including sand, quartz grit, or chamotte—crushed fired pottery fragments—which prevented cracking during drying and firing by reducing shrinkage. Sand and grit, often locally sourced from riverbeds or beaches, added structural integrity to coarse fabrics, while chamotte was preferred in fine wares to maintain uniformity without introducing impurities. For terra sigillata slips, iron oxides naturally present in the clays or added deliberately produced the characteristic red hue through oxidation during firing, with hematite crystals forming in the surface layer.[20][21][16] Sourcing logistics involved both local exploitation and long-distance trade, as evidenced by isotopic analyses of strontium (Sr) and neodymium (Nd) ratios, which trace clay origins to specific geological formations. Geochemical and isotopic analyses trace clay origins to local geological formations, with production techniques transferred from Italy enabling similar fine wares in provinces like Gaul and Hispania using regional volcanic or illitic clays. This transport, while efficient, strained resources; pottery kilns required vast quantities of wood fuel, leading to localized deforestation and soil erosion in high-production areas like central Italy and North Africa. These materials were briefly processed and fired in oxidizing kilns to transform the clays into durable ceramics.[22][23][24]Manufacturing Techniques and Kilns
Roman potters employed a variety of shaping techniques depending on the type of vessel and its intended use, with wheel-throwing being predominant for achieving symmetry in fine wares such as terra sigillata.[25] This method involved centering a lump of prepared clay on a fast-spinning potter's wheel, typically foot- or stick-operated, to pull up walls and refine forms into uniform shapes like bowls and plates.[26] For coarse wares, such as storage jars and cooking pots, hand-building methods like coiling were more common, where ropes of clay were stacked and smoothed to build vessel walls, allowing for robust, irregular forms suited to utilitarian needs.[27] Relief decoration on terra sigillata, particularly in Arretine and South Gaulish varieties, utilized mold-pressing techniques to create intricate designs. Potters threw a plain bowl on the wheel to match the exterior profile of the desired mold, then pressed it into a clay mold stamped with motifs using poinçons (stamping tools) for patterns like figures, animals, or floral elements; the resulting mold was filled with clay slip to form the vessel.[26][25] Prior to firing, surfaces were often decorated through slipping—a process of applying a fine clay suspension, similar to those used in raw material preparation, to create a smooth, glossy red coating after oxidation.[25] Additional techniques included incising lines with tools for simple patterns, stamping motifs into wet clay, and rouletting with wheeled devices to produce repeating ridges or dots on both fine and coarse wares.[25] Firing was conducted in updraught kilns, characterized by a separate firebox below a ware chamber, allowing hot gases to rise through perforations in the floor for even heat distribution.[28] These kilns, often oval in plan with dimensions around 3 m by 2.5 m, featured brick arches supporting the chamber floor, niches for airflow, and a stoking hole for fuel insertion, constructed from local clay and mudbricks without stone reinforcement.[28] At major production sites like La Graufesenque in southern Gaul, large-scale updraught kilns enabled mass firing, with examples capable of processing up to 40,000 vessels per cycle through multi-stage oxidizing atmospheres reaching 900–1100°C to vitrify slips and harden bodies.[29] Archaeological remains, including ash layers and collapsed structures with waster sherds, confirm these designs supported efficient, high-volume operations for terra sigillata export across the empire.[29][28]Fine Wares
Terra Sigillata
Terra sigillata, a hallmark of Roman fine pottery, refers to a class of high-quality, wheel-thrown tableware characterized by its smooth fabric and glossy red slip, produced primarily for elite dining and display. Known in Britain as Samian ware, it encompasses several regional varieties distinguished by fabric, slip quality, and decorative styles: Italian sigillata (Arretine ware), South Gaulish, and Central Gaulish. These varieties share a common aesthetic but reflect local adaptations in production and form, with Italian types featuring more angular profiles influenced by metal prototypes, while Gaulish examples emphasize fluid, decorated shapes.[30][31] The typology of terra sigillata forms was systematized by Heinrich Dragendorff in 1895, providing a chronological framework based on vessel shapes and ornamentation that remains foundational for classification. Representative forms include Dragendorff 27, a small hemispherical cup with a simple everted rim suitable for drinking, prevalent in first-century contexts, and Dragendorff 29, a larger carinated bowl with a sharp angle at the shoulder, often decorated with molded reliefs in friezes depicting mythological or vegetal motifs, which evolved from earlier Arretine kraters. These forms highlight the ware's versatility, from plain utilitarian dishes to ornate pieces mimicking silverware, with decorated variants more common in Gaulish production.[30] Production of Italian terra sigillata centered at Arretium (modern Arezzo) in Etruria, beginning around 40 BCE during the late Republic and peaking in the early Imperial period through the mid-first century CE. Workshops there utilized pale buff clays with an orange-red slip applied thinly to wheel-thrown or mold-made vessels, often stamped with potters' names like Nicephorus or L. Calidius Strigo for quality control and branding. This center exported widely across the Empire, but output declined by the late first century CE as Gaulish rivals gained dominance due to superior gloss and scale.[31] In Gaul, the South Gaulish variety from La Graufesenque (near Millau, Aveyron) became the preeminent production hub from the late Augustan era (late first century BCE) through the second century CE, with peak activity between AD 40 and 100. The fabric is hard and pinkish-brown with fine limestone inclusions, covered by a glossy red slip (occasionally marbled yellow variants around AD 40–75), and vessels often bear stamped marks from over 600 identified potters, such as Cinnamus, Doeccus, or groups like the Iulii (e.g., C. Iulius Celer, active AD 50–75) and Flavii (e.g., Flavius Avitus, AD 69–96), indicating organized workshops and commercial export to sites like Britain. Central Gaulish production at Lezoux followed, sustaining the tradition into the third century with similar stamping practices reflecting Romanized and indigenous naming conventions.[32][33] The distinctive metallic sheen of terra sigillata arises from a fine clay slip, rich in iron oxides, applied to the leather-hard body and fired at high temperatures (around 1000–1050°C) to sinter the slip into a vitreous layer. Potters at key centers like La Graufesenque and Arretium controlled slip composition through deflocculation and sieving for ultra-fine particles, achieving optimal vitrification; Gaulish producers excelled in this, yielding a brighter, more durable gloss than northern Italian variants. Firing typically involved an initial oxidizing phase for body hardening, a reducing stage to develop the red hue via iron reduction, and a final oxidizing reheat to fix the shine without cracking, though strictly oxidizing atmospheres were emphasized in some Gaulish modes for consistent color.[34][35] By the second century CE, terra sigillata production began to wane across major centers, with La Graufesenque shifting to regional workshops and overall output fragmenting due to economic pressures and competition from cheaper alternatives. This decline coincided with the rise of lead-glazed ceramics in limited contexts, such as early first-century experiments at Lezoux where some Dragendorff 29 forms received lead glazes, though these did not broadly supplant the red-slip tradition until later regional adaptations in the third century.[36]Other Fine Tablewares
Other fine tablewares in ancient Roman contexts encompassed a range of non-sigillata ceramics designed for dining and display, characterized by their refined forms and regional variations that catered to elite preferences. These vessels, produced across the empire from the late Republic onward, often featured delicate constructions and slips that evoked luxury, serving as alternatives to the more standardized terra sigillata. Unlike the glossy red sigillata, these wares emphasized diversity in color, thinness, and occasional painted elements, reflecting local traditions and imports in high-status settings.[37][14] Thin-walled wares, originating in Italy during the 2nd–1st century BCE, exemplify early Roman innovation in fine tableware, with walls reduced to extreme thinness for an elegant, lightweight feel. These small vessels, such as carinated cups and beakers, were wheel-thrown from fine clays and typically left plain or lightly slipped, though some bore simple barbotine or dotted motifs. Produced in central Italian workshops like those near Cosa, they were exported widely and used in elite dining services, often imitating the slender profiles of metal prototypes to convey sophistication without the weight or cost of silver.[37] In the eastern provinces, Eastern Sigillata wares provided another category of fine tablewares, distinguished by their orange-red slips applied over fine, calcareous fabrics. Eastern Sigillata A, manufactured in northern Syria around the late 2nd century BCE to the 2nd century CE, included forms like open bowls, plates, and cups with a glossy, self-slipped surface that enhanced their table appeal. Eastern Sigillata B, from workshops near Tralles in western Asia Minor during the 1st–2nd centuries CE, featured similar platters and dishes with rouletted or stamped decoration, while Eastern Sigillata C, primarily produced in western Asia Minor (e.g., Pergamon and Çandarli) with some activity in Cyprus, from the 1st century BCE, offered comparable red-slipped vessels adapted to local tastes. These eastern variants shared basic throwing and firing techniques with Italian sigillata but diverged in slip tone and regional motifs.[14][38][39][40] Decoration on these fine tablewares was generally subdued compared to sigillata's molded reliefs, prioritizing functionality with occasional painted elements for added elegance. Motifs in black or brown paint over white-slipped backgrounds appeared on some thin-walled and eastern vessels, depicting simple geometric patterns or foliage to mimic high-end metalware designs. Overall, these wares underscored the Roman emphasis on refined, accessible luxury for banqueting, with forms scaled to imitate precious metal services in villas and military elite contexts.[37]Coarse Wares
Cooking and Household Pottery
Cooking and household pottery in ancient Rome encompassed a range of utilitarian coarse wares designed primarily for food preparation, storage, and serving in domestic environments, characterized by their robust construction to withstand repeated use over open hearths. These vessels were essential for everyday life, reflecting the practical needs of Roman households across the empire, from urban insulae to rural villas. Unlike finer tablewares, these items prioritized functionality over aesthetics, often produced locally to meet widespread demand. Common forms included casseroles, jars (such as dolia for storage and ollae for cooking), and matching lids, all featuring thick walls that provided excellent heat retention and resistance to thermal shock during boiling or baking. Casseroles, typically shallow and wide-mouthed, were used for stewing or baking breads and vegetables, while jars varied in size from small cooking pots to large storage amphorae-like forms adapted for household use. A notable regional variation was Pompeian red ware from Campania, which included specialized cooking pots with incurved rims and pedestal bases for stability over flames, produced in significant quantities during the late Republic and early Empire. These forms were often handmade or wheel-thrown, with simple rolled or modeled handles for easy manipulation. The fabrics of these wares were typically composed of coarse, grit-tempered clays sourced from local riverbeds or alluvial deposits, which enhanced durability and prevented cracking under high temperatures. These clays were often left unglazed, resulting in a porous surface that absorbed flavors but allowed for the accumulation of soot marks from direct exposure to hearth fires, a common indicator of their intensive use in cooking. The tempering materials, such as quartz sand or crushed pottery (grog), varied by region but consistently aimed to improve thermal properties and reduce breakage. Firing techniques for these coarse clays involved low-temperature oxidation in updraught kilns, adapted to achieve a hard, reddish-brown finish suitable for domestic wear. The evolution of Roman cooking and household pottery showed strong continuity from pre-Roman Samnite traditions in central Italy, where similar thick-walled jars and casseroles were used for communal cooking, transitioning seamlessly into the Republican period with minimal stylistic changes. By the Imperial era, particularly after the 1st century CE, production became more standardized due to expanding trade and centralized workshops, leading to uniform vessel shapes across provinces while retaining local fabric variations. This standardization facilitated mass production in areas like Gaul and Britain, where imported Italian forms influenced indigenous pottery traditions. Archaeological evidence from sites like Pompeii and Ostia illustrates this shift, with increased vessel uniformity correlating to urban growth and dietary changes under Roman rule.Mortaria and Grinding Wares
Mortaria were specialized coarse ware vessels in the form of deep, hemispherical or conical bowls, typically featuring a prominent flange or hooked rim, a pouring spout, and an interior surface embedded with abrasive grits such as flint, quartz, or iron slag to facilitate grinding. These design elements allowed for efficient pounding and mixing of ingredients, with diameters generally ranging from 15 to 30 cm and thin walls that distinguished them from heavier stone mortars.[41] The flange provided a gripping point during use, while the spout enabled the easy removal of ground pastes or liquids.[42] Production of mortaria became concentrated in Britain and Gaul starting from the 1st century CE, coinciding with Roman expansion and the establishment of local workshops to meet demand in military and civilian contexts.[43] Key centers included Mancetter-Hartshill in Britain, where output began in the early 2nd century AD (c. AD 100), and sites in northern Gaul such as those near the Rhine, with potters often stamping vessels for identification.[43][44] Fabrics varied regionally but commonly featured white-grained bodies with red rims, achieved through the use of iron-rich clays fired in oxidizing conditions, sometimes incorporating shared coarse clay sources from local deposits.[43] Manufacturing involved wheel-throwing the body, adding the flange and spout, and pressing in the grits before a final firing in updraught kilns at temperatures around 900–1000°C.[43] The primary function of mortaria was grinding and mixing foodstuffs, as evidenced by use-wear patterns and organic residue analysis revealing processing of grains into flour, spices, and other ingredients. Lipid residues frequently indicate plant-based fats and occasional dairy products, suggesting roles in preparing porridges, cheeses, or emulsions, while some examples show traces consistent with fish sauce components like garum production through spice grinding. Typologies such as those developed by Gillam classify regional forms, including early hooked-flange types (Gillam 236–240) in Britain and later flanged variants (Gillam 289–301) in northern provinces, reflecting adaptations to local preferences and materials.[45] These vessels underscore a practical adaptation of Roman culinary technology to provincial settings, with their specialized abrasion distinguishing them from general mixing bowls.Amphorae and Transport Vessels
Amphorae served as the primary transport vessels in the ancient Roman world, designed for the bulk shipment of liquid and semi-liquid commodities across extensive trade networks. These tall, two-handled jars, typically made from coarse earthenware, were optimized for stacking in ship holds and carts, with capacities varying by type and region to suit specific goods like olive oil, wine, and fish sauce (garum). Their robust construction allowed them to withstand long-distance voyages, from Mediterranean ports to frontier outposts, and they were often sealed to preserve contents during transit.[46] The typology of Roman amphorae evolved from earlier Punic forms introduced in the 3rd century BCE, which featured ovoid bodies and low handles attached to the shoulders, reflecting Carthaginian influences in the western Mediterranean. By the late Republic, Roman adaptations incorporated taller necks and more standardized shapes for efficiency, progressing through early Imperial globular designs to the cylindrical forms dominant in the late Roman period (3rd–5th centuries CE), which facilitated easier pouring and storage. This development is documented in key classifications, including Heinrich Dressel's 19th-century system based on shape and fabric from Monte Testaccio dumps, and the Peacock-Williams framework, which integrates petrographic analysis to link forms to production origins.[47][48][49] Prominent examples include the Dressel 20, a globular amphora produced in Baetica (modern Andalusia, Spain) from the 1st century CE onward, primarily for olive oil export. With an average capacity of 60–65 liters (ranging from 40–80 liters), it featured a thickened rim, solid foot, and two loop handles rising above the shoulder, enabling secure stacking and transport of up to 70 liters of oil per vessel in some standardized production runs. In contrast, the Gauloise 4, manufactured in Gaul (particularly Narbonensis) during the 1st–3rd centuries CE, was a flatter-based type suited for wine, with capacities typically between 26 and 37 liters, its lighter walls (10–12 kg empty) reflecting regional adaptations for overland and riverine shipment.[50][51][52] Amphorae were sealed post-firing with materials like pine pitch for waterproofing interiors against leakage, or cork and clay plugs for the mouth, ensuring the integrity of perishable contents such as wine, olive oil, and fish sauce during extended journeys. Handle stamps, impressed before or after firing, often bore the names of workshops (figlinae), magistrates, or producers, allowing traceability of origins— for instance, Dressel 20 stamps from Baetican sites like Axati indicate specific olive oil sources. These vessels were fired in large-scale kilns to produce uniform batches, supporting the empire's demand for reliable transport containers.[53][54][55]Other Ceramics
Lamps and Lighting
Ancient Roman ceramic lamps served as essential oil-burning devices for illumination in domestic, public, and ritual settings, typically fueled by olive oil with a fibrous wick inserted into a nozzle. These lamps were predominantly mold-made from terracotta, allowing for mass production and intricate decorations that enhanced their aesthetic and cultural appeal. Production involved pressing clay into two-part plaster molds to form a decorated discus (the top reservoir area) and a base, followed by firing in kilns; the fabrics were generally fine-grained with a red slip coating for a polished finish, often in hues like light red (2.5YR6/6). A prominent early type was the volute-nozzled lamp, exemplified by Loeschcke Type I, which emerged in central Italy during the late 1st century BCE and persisted into the early 1st century CE. These lamps featured a circular body, a triangular nozzle flanked by scroll-like volutes, and a central filling hole on the discus, sometimes with a ribbon handle; they marked the first widespread mass-produced Roman pottery lamps, evolving from Hellenistic precedents. Decorative motifs on the discus, such as gladiators in combat or deities like Augustus and Sol, catered to popular tastes and symbolized imperial or religious themes, making them suitable for both everyday use and votive offerings. From the 2nd century CE, African cylindrical lamps, particularly those from North African workshops in regions like Tunisia, introduced a distinct style with elongated, barrel-shaped bodies and prominent relief scenes on the discus. Classified under types like Bussière E I 4 or Loeschcke VIII variants, these mold-made lamps often had a heart-shaped or rounded nozzle, red slip (e.g., 10R5/6), and elaborate decorations depicting gladiators, deities such as Serapis or Isis, or mythological narratives like Europa and the bull, reflecting local cultural influences and export-oriented production. The wick rested in the nozzle's channel, drawing oil from the reservoir to produce steady light, while the motifs' mass-market appeal supported their distribution across the empire. The shared use of two-part molds in lamp production paralleled techniques for terracotta figurines.Terracotta Figurines
Terracotta figurines in ancient Rome encompassed a variety of mold-made clay sculptures primarily intended for votive, decorative, or toy purposes, emerging prominently from the 1st century BCE onward. Common types included votive statuettes representing deities such as Fortuna, often depicted with attributes like a cornucopia or rudder to symbolize fortune and prosperity, as well as theatrical masks inspired by comic and tragic performances, and animal figures like horses, birds, or fantastical creatures used in ritual or playful contexts. These figurines reflected the syncretic religious and cultural influences of the expanding Roman world, blending Hellenistic styles with local traditions.[56][57] Production techniques for these figurines involved multi-mold casting, where clay was pressed into two-part or multi-piece molds to create hollow or solid forms, often incorporating air holes to facilitate drying and even firing in kilns at relatively low temperatures around 600–800°C. Slipping techniques, similar to those used in fine wares like terra sigillata, were applied to smooth the surface before firing. Major production centers included Rome, where workshops catered to urban demand for religious and theatrical items, and Gaul, particularly in regions like the Rhineland and Tongeren, where local potters mass-produced series of figurines using imported molds or archetypes for export across the empire. This serial manufacturing allowed for affordable replication, making such objects accessible to a broad social spectrum.[56][58][59] Culturally, terracotta figurines served significant roles in domestic and funerary spheres, frequently placed in household shrines (lararia) for personal devotion or in graves as grave goods to accompany the deceased into the afterlife. Ranging in size from 5 to 30 cm, they were often painted post-firing with mineral-based pigments in reds, blues, and whites to enhance details like clothing, facial features, or attributes, though much of this color has faded over time. Votive examples, such as those of Fortuna, were dedicated in sanctuaries to seek divine favor, while masks and animal figures might adorn altars or serve as toys for children, underscoring their integration into everyday Roman life and belief systems.[56][60][58]Architectural Ceramics
Architectural ceramics in ancient Rome encompassed a range of fired clay products essential for construction, including floor tiles, roof tiles, and structural elements. Bipedales were large square floor tiles, typically measuring around 60 cm per side, used to cover heated floors in public and private buildings. Tegulae served as overlapping roof tiles, featuring raised side flanges that allowed them to interlock with curved imbrices for waterproofing; these were produced in standardized rectangular shapes, often approximately 60 cm long by 40 cm wide. Antefixae, placed at the lower ends of roof tile rows, provided decorative terminations, frequently molded with motifs like palmettes or theatrical masks to adorn eaves while preventing water infiltration.[61][62][63] Production of these ceramics involved shaping clay mixtures into molds, drying, and firing in kilns at temperatures around 800–1000°C to achieve hardness and weather resistance. Standardization emerged during the late Republic and intensified under imperial edicts, with common brick sizes including the bipedalis at roughly 60 cm square and smaller variants like the tetradorum near 30x30 cm, facilitating modular construction across the empire. Many pieces bore impressed stamps, such as those of legionary units (e.g., LEG II AUG) or private figlinae workshops, aiding in identification of origin and quality control; imperial oversight from the 2nd century CE further regulated production to ensure uniformity. Coarse clays, often mixed with sand for added durability, were commonly sourced and adapted for these robust building components.[64][65][66] These materials found widespread use in structural applications, particularly in walls where fired bricks formed facings for opus caementicium concrete cores, providing both aesthetic finish and load-bearing support. In hypocaust heating systems, stacks of smaller bricks (laterculi or pilae) elevated floors, with bipedales or tegulae placed atop to allow hot air circulation beneath, a technology prominent in baths and villas from the 1st century BCE onward. The evolution from sun-dried mud bricks, vulnerable to moisture, to fired variants occurred by the 2nd century BCE, influenced by Hellenistic techniques and enabling more ambitious architecture in humid climates.[62][61][65]Trade, Distribution, and Economy
Production Centers and Workshops
The production of ancient Roman pottery was concentrated in several key regional centers, each specializing in particular types of wares based on local resources and market demands. In central Italy, Arezzo (ancient Arretium) emerged as a primary hub for fine terra sigillata during the late Republic and early Empire, with output peaking from around 30 BCE to 30 CE using local calcareous-illitic clays fired at 850–1000°C under oxidizing conditions.[16] Archaeological evidence from sites like Santa Maria in Gradi and Cincelli includes workshop remains and fragments linked to prominent operations, such as those of Marcus Perennius and Ateius, identified through potter's stamps like those of Mera Bargathes and Creseni.[16] Similarly, Ostia served as a significant center for amphorae and coarse wares, with waster deposits indicating local manufacturing tied to the port's logistical needs for transport vessels.[67] In the northwestern provinces, Trier (Augusta Treverorum) became a major production site for Rhenish wares in the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE, producing fine black-slipped beakers and cups with rouletted or barbotine decoration using regional clays.[68] Evidence for these centers derives primarily from waster heaps—accumulations of deformed or overfired vessels discarded near kilns—and inscriptions such as ownership stamps on moulds and finished products, which reveal workshop identities and production scales. For instance, 19th-century excavations at Arezzo uncovered extensive waster deposits alongside mould fragments bearing names like Tigrani and P. Corne, confirming organized manufacturing sequences.[16] At Ostia, waster sherds of sigillata and amphorae fragments point to on-site firing facilities supporting the rapid turnover required for trade-related pottery.[67] In Trier, waster heaps and stamped diagnostics from the Mosel Valley further attest to specialized facilities exporting to Britain and the Rhine frontier.[68] Roman pottery workshops were typically organized around familia urbana units, comprising urban household slaves and freedmen under a master's oversight, which facilitated skilled division of labor in clay preparation, forming, and decoration. These operations often involved both enslaved and free artisans, with evidence from stamps indicating hierarchical roles, as seen in the Perennius workshop at Arezzo where slave potters like Bargathes signed products.[16] Workshops expanded horizontally by adding kilns rather than vertically, maintaining small to medium scales with 10–50 workers per site to manage seasonal demands tied to clay availability and firing cycles.[69] At peak periods, Gaulish production centers like La Graufesenque achieved remarkable output, with estimates of up to 1.5 million terra sigillata vessels annually, underscoring the industry's capacity for mass production across the Empire.[70] Such scales relied on efficient kiln designs, often updraught types with multiple chambers, as evidenced at these sites.[70]Trade Networks and Economic Role
Roman pottery, particularly amphorae used for transporting liquids like wine and olive oil, was distributed extensively through Mediterranean sea routes that connected production centers in Italy, Spain, and North Africa with ports across the empire, facilitating the movement of bulk goods over long distances. These maritime networks were vital for inter-regional exchange, with ships carrying amphorae from Baetica in Spain to Gaul and the eastern provinces, as evidenced by the widespread distribution of Dressel 20 amphorae. Overland routes supplemented sea trade, especially along the Rhine River, where northern wares such as Arretine terra sigillata reached frontier forts and settlements in Germania, demonstrating the integration of road and river transport systems into the broader distribution framework. Shipwreck evidence, such as the Grand Congloué site off Marseilles, underscores the scale of these operations; excavations revealed cargoes of approximately 4,000 amphorae from two vessels dated to the 2nd–1st centuries BCE, highlighting the risks and volumes involved in maritime commerce. In the 1st century CE, Roman shipwrecks off southern Gaul often comprised primarily Italian and Spanish wine amphorae like Dressel 2–4, indicating that these vessels formed the bulk of cargo, with pottery occupying a significant portion of hold space to stabilize and fill shipments of perishable goods. Beyond primary cargoes, pottery served as a trade filler in holds, where fine tablewares and cooking pots accompanied bulk commodities like grain or metals, effectively subsidizing transport costs by utilizing otherwise empty space and enabling diversified commerce. This practice contributed to the economic viability of long-distance voyages, as lower-value ceramics helped offset expenses for higher-value items. The economic role of Roman pottery extended to state revenue through the portorium, a customs duty typically levied at 2.5% (quadragesima) on imported goods including fine wares, collected at ports like Ostia to fund imperial infrastructure and military needs.[71] Such levies integrated pottery into the fiscal system and encouraged standardized production for export. Furthermore, pottery trade played a key part in monetizing rural economies by linking agricultural production—such as olive oil in Baetica, supported by over 70 kiln sites—with urban markets, allowing rural producers to participate in cash-based exchange networks through state contracts and commercial distribution. Stamps on amphorae occasionally traced these origins, aiding in the reconstruction of supply chains.Cultural and Symbolic Aspects
Daily Use and Social Significance
Roman pottery played a central role in reflecting and reinforcing social stratification within ancient Roman society. Fine wares, such as terra sigillata with its distinctive red glossy surface, were primarily employed in elite banquets and dining settings to display wealth and sophistication, often featuring molded relief decorations of mythological scenes or figures that impressed guests and underscored the host's status.[72] In contrast, coarse earthenware vessels, produced in large quantities for practical purposes, were ubiquitous in the households of lower classes and slaves, serving basic needs like cooking and storage without the ornamental flair associated with higher social echelons.[73] This dichotomy in pottery types highlighted class divisions, where elites accessed imported or specialized fine tableware, while slaves and laborers relied on locally made, utilitarian coarse pots often produced under exploitative conditions.[74] Gender roles in pottery production further illuminated social dynamics, with evidence indicating a division of labor that complemented male and female contributions in various tasks.[73] These practices integrated pottery deeply into everyday Roman life, where vessels were essential in kitchens for food preparation—such as mortaria for grinding spices—and in baths for personal hygiene items like oil containers, while breakage patterns reveal a typical use-life for tableware varying from 1 to 30 years depending on type and region before discard or reuse.[73][75] Pottery even extended to tombs, where grave goods mirrored household assemblages, providing continuity between daily routines and funerary rituals. Certain pottery forms served as overt status symbols, particularly customized amphorae bearing tituli picti—painted inscriptions detailing contents, origins, and owners—which allowed villa proprietors to assert economic prowess and personal branding through labeled transport vessels filled with wine or oil from their estates.[76] These inscriptions, often naming the villa owner or merchant, transformed utilitarian containers into markers of elite identity and control over trade resources.[77] Trade networks briefly enabled broader access to such luxury items, but their primary role remained in signifying social hierarchy within domestic spheres.[73]Artistic and Religious Contexts
Ancient Roman pottery served as a canvas for artistic expression, particularly through molded reliefs and painted decorations that drew heavily from Greek vase-painting traditions.[78] These vessels often featured mythological scenes, such as depictions of gods and heroes, reflecting the cultural reverence for classical narratives. For instance, Italian terra sigillata bowls from the 1st century BCE to the 1st century CE commonly portrayed episodes like the Fall of Phaethon or Alexander slaying a lion, using intricate reliefs to narrate epic tales on everyday tableware.[79] This influence from Greek art is evident in the adoption of figural motifs, where Roman potters simplified and localized Hellenistic styles to suit mass production, prioritizing narrative clarity over the finer detailing of Attic pottery.[80] Mythological iconography extended to smaller objects like oil lamps and terracotta figurines, where deities such as Venus (Aphrodite) appeared in intimate, devotional contexts. Roman lamps from the 1st to 4th centuries CE, produced in workshops across the empire, frequently molded scenes of Venus alongside other gods like Serapis, blending Greco-Roman and provincial elements to evoke themes of love, fertility, and protection.[81] These motifs not only adorned functional items but also hinted at personal piety, with Venus symbolizing beauty and divine favor in domestic settings. On sigillata ware, Venus appeared in scenes with gladiators, underscoring the pottery's role in conveying cultural ideals of heroism and sensuality.[82] In religious practices, Roman pottery played a vital role in rituals, particularly through votive deposits and libation vessels that facilitated offerings to deities. At sanctuaries like Aquae Sulis in Bath, Britain, excavators uncovered numerous pottery fragments in the hot springs, interpreted as deliberate votive offerings from the 1st to 4th centuries CE, where worshippers relinquished vessels to invoke healing or divine intervention from Sulis Minerva.[83] Libation bowls, known as paterae, were essential for pouring wine, milk, or honey during sacrifices; while often made of metal, ceramic versions were also used, their shallow forms allowing precise ritual gestures at altars across the empire. These ceramics, often plain or minimally decorated, embodied the act of surrender in worship, transforming mundane objects into sacred mediators between humans and gods. Symbolism in Roman pottery frequently incorporated color to enhance ritual and artistic meaning, with red hues evoking blood and life force in offerings. The glossy red slip of terra sigillata ware, achieved through iron-rich clay and firing techniques, mirrored the vital red of sacrificial blood, aligning with broader Roman associations of the color with vitality, power, and divine appeasement in ceremonies.[84] This chromatic choice amplified the pottery's role in blood-related rituals, such as animal sacrifices, where red vessels or pigments signified renewal and purification. By the 4th century CE, the rise of Christianity led to a marked decline in figurative mythological motifs on pottery, as imperial policies and cultural shifts suppressed pagan imagery in favor of abstract or Christian symbols. In regions like Sagalassos in Asia Minor, late Roman fine wares transitioned from shared pagan-Christian iconography to predominantly non-figural designs, reflecting the empire-wide Christianization that marginalized depictions of gods like Venus by the late antique period.[85] This evolution marked pottery's adaptation to a monotheistic framework, where once-vibrant mythological narratives gave way to simpler, symbolic forms suited to emerging religious norms.Modern Study and Preservation
Archaeological Methods and Typology
Archaeological methods for studying ancient Roman pottery emphasize careful excavation and analytical techniques to preserve contextual information and material integrity. Stratigraphic digging, which involves the systematic removal of soil layers to record the vertical and horizontal distribution of artifacts, is fundamental to understanding pottery deposition and site chronology.[86] This approach allows archaeologists to associate sherds with specific phases of Roman occupation, minimizing disturbance to fragile ceramics.[87] Residue analysis complements excavation by identifying organic traces absorbed into pottery fabrics during use. Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS) is widely employed to detect lipid biomarkers, such as fatty acids from olive oil or animal fats, revealing dietary practices and vessel functions in Roman households.[88] For instance, GC-MS has identified wine residues in amphorae, providing evidence of trade commodities.[89] Petrography, involving thin-section microscopy of ceramic fabrics, enables sourcing of clays and inclusions to trace production origins, distinguishing regional workshops like those in Gaul from Italian ones.[90] Typological classification systems standardize the identification and dating of Roman pottery forms and fabrics. The National Roman Fabric Reference Collection (NRFRC), developed by the Study Group for Roman Pottery and including Oxford fabrics, provides a benchmark for describing over 200 fabric types based on mineralogy and texture, facilitating comparisons across sites.[91] Digital resources like the Potsherd Atlas of Roman Pottery offer searchable databases of forms, such as Dragendorff types for terra sigillata, aiding in precise chronological attribution from the 1st to 4th centuries CE.[92] Amphorae stamps, often integrated into these typologies, support dating through epigraphic evidence.[93] Post-depositional alterations pose significant challenges to accurate analysis, as burial environments can chemically modify pottery compositions. In acidic soils, elements like calcium and potassium may leach out, altering fabric profiles and complicating petrographic sourcing.[94] Lead, present in some glazed Roman wares, can also migrate into surrounding soils, potentially contaminating residues and requiring careful sampling to distinguish original from secondary deposits.[95] These processes underscore the need for multi-proxy analyses to account for taphonomic biases.[96]Conservation and Recent Discoveries
Conservation efforts for ancient Roman pottery emphasize non-destructive and minimally invasive techniques to preserve fragile artifacts while revealing hidden features. X-radiography, a longstanding method since the 1930s, allows conservators to detect internal voids, inclusions, and manufacturing defects without damaging the ceramic, providing insights into production techniques such as coiling or wheel-throwing.[97] This approach is particularly valuable for Roman vessels, where voids can indicate structural weaknesses exacerbated by burial conditions.[98] For pottery recovered from shipwrecks, desalination is a critical step to remove soluble salts that cause deterioration like flaking and powdering through crystallization cycles. Studies on late-Roman cooking ware from submarine sites, such as Pantelleria in Sicily, have tested methods including water immersion with mechanical stirring, which proved most effective in extracting salts while preserving pore structures, as confirmed by SEM-EDS analysis.[99] This technique facilitates safe recovery and long-term musealization of amphorae and tableware from Mediterranean wrecks.[100] Advanced digital tools like 3D scanning enable virtual reconstruction of fragmented Roman pottery, allowing archaeologists to identify rotation axes and generate accurate profiles for typological analysis. Applied to thousands of sherds from ancient sites, this method supports non-contact documentation and reassembly, enhancing preservation by reducing physical handling.[101][102] Recent archaeological work in the 2020s has uncovered significant pottery assemblages from Vesuvius-buried sites, including the 2023 discovery of intact vessels at the Civita Giuliana villa near Pompeii, which reveal details of daily Roman life and trade, and a 2025 find of a nearly 2,000-year-old Egyptian ceramic vessel in a Pompeii canteen indicating long-distance imports.[103][104] In 2025, excavations at Bremenium Roman fort in northern England yielded Roman pottery, including an amphora from northern Spain, alongside military artifacts, shedding light on provincial trade and daily life.[105] These finds, preserved by the A.D. 79 eruption or provincial contexts, sometimes exhibit altered surface colors due to pyroclastic exposure or burial, offering clues to post-depositional taphonomy.[106] Innovative biomolecular analyses have transformed understandings of Roman pottery contents. A 2025 study used shotgun DNA sequencing on residues from amphorae at the Adro Vello site in northwestern Iberia to confirm the use of European sardines (Sardina pilchardus) in garum production, dating to the 2nd–4th centuries A.D., highlighting continuity in Atlantic fish trade networks despite acidic fermentation challenges.[107][108] Climate change poses escalating threats to coastal Roman sites, where rising sea levels, extreme storms, and erosion endanger pottery deposits. In the Middle East and North Africa, up to 34% of Roman harbors and settlements, such as those in eastern Libya, may face flooding or erosion by 2100, with 2025 studies indicating that 80% of UNESCO World Heritage sites, including Roman-era ruins like Carthage, are already experiencing climate stress from rising salinity and intensified storms.[109][110][111][112] New evidence underscores sub-Saharan African influences on the Roman world through 4th-century C.E. trade routes, with artifacts like gold, ivory, and spices reaching the empire via Garamantian intermediaries, potentially inspiring decorative motifs on imported North African pottery adapted in Roman workshops.[113] Recent analyses of Saharan sites reveal Roman ceramics exchanged southward, suggesting reciprocal cultural exchanges that extended pottery styles beyond the Mediterranean.[114]References
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