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Vestal Virgin
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In ancient Rome, the Vestal Virgins or Vestals (Latin: Vestālēs, singular Vestālis [wɛsˈtaːlɪs]) were priestesses of Vesta, virgin goddess of Rome's sacred hearth and its flame.
The Vestals were unlike any other public priesthood. They were chosen before puberty from several suitable candidates, freed from any legal ties and obligations to their birth family, and enrolled in Vesta's priestly college of six priestesses. They were supervised by a senior vestal but chosen and governed by Rome's leading male priest, the pontifex maximus—in the Imperial era, this meant the emperor.
Vesta's acolytes vowed to serve her for at least thirty years, study and practise her rites in service of the Roman State, and maintain their chastity throughout. In addition to their obligations on behalf of Rome, Vestals had extraordinary rights and privileges, some of which were granted to no others, male or female.
The Vestals took turns to supervise Vesta's sacred hearth so that at least one Vestal was stationed there at all times. Vestals who allowed the sacred fire to go out were punished with whipping. Vestals who lost their chastity were guilty of incestum and were sentenced to living burial, a bloodless death that must seem voluntary. Their sexual partners, if known, were publicly beaten to death. These were infrequent events; most Vestals retired with a generous pension and universal respect. They were then free to marry, though few of them did. Some appear to have renewed their vows.
In 382 AD, the Christian emperor Gratian confiscated the public revenues assigned to the cult of Vesta in Rome. Soon after, the Vestals vanished from the historical record.
History
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Priesthoods with similar functions to the Vestals of Rome had an ancient and deeply embedded religious role in various surrounding Latin communities.[1] According to Livy, the Vestals had pre-Roman origins at Alba Longa, where Rhea Silvia, a virgin daughter of the king, forced by her usurper uncle to become a Vestal, miraculously gave birth to twin boys, Romulus and Remus. The twins were fathered by Mars. They survived their uncle's attempts to kill them through exposure or drowning, and Romulus went on to found Rome.[2] In the most widely accepted versions of Rome's beginnings,[3] the city's legendary second king, Numa Pompilius, built its first Temple of Vesta, appointed its first pair of Vestals, and subsidised them as a collegiate priesthood. He then added a second pair. Rome's sixth king, Servius Tullius, who was also said to have been miraculously fathered by the fire god Vulcan or the household Lar with a captive Vestal, increased the number of Vestals to six.[4] In the Imperial era as attested by Plutarch, the college had six Vestals at any given time. Claims by Ambrose and others that the college comprised seven Vestals in the late 4th century rest on "very unsatisfactory evidence".[5][6]
The Vestals were a powerful and influential priesthood. Towards the end of the Republican era, when Sulla included the young Julius Caesar in his proscriptions, the Vestals interceded on Caesar's behalf and gained him pardon.[7] Caesar's adopted heir Augustus promoted the Vestals' moral reputation and presence at public functions and restored several of their customary privileges that had fallen into abeyance. They were held in awe and attributed certain mysterious and supernatural powers and abilities. Pliny the Elder tacitly accepted these powers as fact:[8]
At the present day, too, it is a general belief that our Vestal virgins have the power, by uttering a certain prayer, to arrest the flight of runaway slaves and to rivet them to the spot, provided they have not gone beyond the precincts of the City. If then these opinions be once received as truth, and if it be admitted that the gods do listen to certain prayers or are influenced by set forms of words, we are bound to conclude in the affirmative upon the whole question.
The 4th-century AD urban prefect Symmachus, who sought to maintain traditional Roman religion during the rise of Christianity, wrote:
The laws of our ancestors provided for the Vestal virgins and the ministers of the gods a moderate maintenance and just privileges. This gift was preserved inviolate till the time of the degenerate moneychangers, who diverted the maintenance of sacred chastity into a fund for the payment of base porters. A public famine ensued on this act, and a bad harvest disappointed the hopes of all the provinces [...] it was sacrilege which rendered the year barren, for it was necessary that all should lose that which they had denied to religion.[9]
Dissolution of the Vestal College would have followed soon after the emperor Gratian confiscated its revenues in 382 AD.[10] The last epigraphically attested Vestal is Coelia Concordia, a Virgo Vestalis Maxima who in 385 AD erected a statue to the deceased pontiff Vettius Agorius Praetextatus.[11] Zosimos claims that when Theodosius I visited Rome in 394 AD, his niece Serena insulted an aged Vestal, said to be the last of her kind.[12] It is unclear from Zosimos's narrative whether Vesta's cult was still functioning, maintained by that single Vestal, or moribund.[13] Cameron is skeptical of the entire tale, noting that Theodosius did not visit Rome in 394.[14]
Term of service
[edit]The Vestals were committed to the priesthood before puberty (when 6–10 years old) and sworn to celibacy for a minimum period of 30 years.[15] A thirty-year commitment was divided into three decade-long periods during which Vestals were students, servants, and teachers, respectively. Vestals typically retired with a state pension in their late 30s to early 40s and thereafter were free to marry.[16] The pontifex maximus, acting as the father of the bride, might arrange a marriage with a suitable Roman nobleman on behalf of the retired Vestal, but no literary accounts of such marriages have survived. Plutarch repeats a claim that "few have welcomed the indulgence, and that those who did so were not happy, but were a prey to repentance and dejection for the rest of their lives, thereby inspiring the rest with superstitious fears, so that until old age and death they remained steadfast in their virginity". Some Vestals preferred to renew their vows.[17][18] Occia was vestal for 57 years between 38 BC and 19 AD.[19]
Selection
[edit]To obtain entry into the order, a girl had to be free of physical, moral, and mental 'defects'; have two living parents; and be a daughter of a free-born resident of Rome. From at least the mid-Republican era, the pontifex maximus chose Vestals by lot from a group of twenty high-born candidates at a gathering of their families and other Roman citizens.[20](pp 426–427)
Under the Papian Law of the 3rd century BC, candidates for Vestal priesthoods had to be of patrician birth. Membership was opened to plebeians as it became difficult to find patricians willing to commit their daughters to 30 years as a Vestal, and then ultimately even from the daughters of freemen for the same reason.[20](pp 426–427)[20]
The choosing ceremony was known as a captio (capture). Once a girl was chosen to be a Vestal, the pontifex pointed to her and led her away from her parents with the words, "I take you, amata (beloved), to be a Vestal priestess, who will carry out sacred rites, which it is the law for a Vestal priestess to perform, on behalf of the Roman people, on the same terms as her who was a Vestal 'on the best terms'" (thus, with all the entitlements of a Vestal). As soon as she entered the atrium of Vesta's temple, she was under the goddess' service and protection.[21]
If a Vestal died before her contracted term ended, potential replacements would be presented in the quarters of the chief Vestal to select the most virtuous. Unlike normal inductees, these candidates did not have to be prepubescent, nor even virgins; they could be young widows or even divorcées, though that was frowned upon and thought unlucky.[22] Tacitus recounts how Gaius Fonteius Agrippa and Domitius Pollio offered their daughters as Vestal candidates in 19 AD to fill such a vacant position. Equally matched, Pollio's daughter was chosen only because Agrippa had been recently divorced. The pontifex maximus (Tiberius) "consoled" the failed candidate with a dowry of 1 million sesterces.[23]
Vestalis Maxima
[edit]The chief Vestal (Virgo Vestalis Maxima or Vestalium Maxima, "greatest of the Vestals") oversaw the work and morals of the Vestals and was a member of the College of Pontiffs. The chief Vestal was probably the most influential and independent of Rome's high priestesses, committed to maintaining several different cults, maintaining personal connections to her birth family, and cultivating the society of her equals among the Roman elite. The Vestalis Maxima Occia presided over the Vestals for 57 years, according to Tacitus. The Flaminica Dialis and the regina sacrorum also held unique responsibility for certain religious rites, but each held office by virtue of their standing as the spouse of a male priest.[24][25]

Duties and festivals
[edit]
Vestal tasks included the maintenance of their chastity, tending Vesta's sacred fire, guarding her sacred penus (store-room) and its contents; collecting ritually pure water from a sacred spring; preparing substances used in public rites, presiding at the Vestalia and attending other festivals.[26] Vesta's temple was essentially the temple of all Rome and its citizens; it was open all day; by night it was closed to men.[27] The Vestals regularly swept and cleansed Vesta's shrine, functioning as surrogate housekeepers, in a religious sense, for all of Rome, and maintaining and controlling the connections between Rome's public and private religion.[28][29] So long as their bodies remained unpenetrated, the walls of Rome would remain intact. Their flesh belonged to Rome, and when they died, whatever the cause of their death, their bodies remained within the city's boundary.[30]
The Vestals acknowledged one of their number as senior authority, the Vestalis Maxima, but all were ultimately under the authority of the pontifex maximus, head of his priestly college. His influence and status grew during the Republican era, and the religious post became an important, lifetime adjunct to the political power of the annually elected consulship. When Augustus became pontifex maximus, and thus supervisor of all religion, he donated his house to the Vestals. Their sacred fire became his household fire, and his domestic gods (Lares and Penates) became their responsibility. This arrangement between Vestals and Emperor persisted throughout the Imperial era.[31][32]
The Vestals guarded various sacred objects kept in Vesta's penus, including the Palladium – a statue of Pallas Athene which had supposedly been brought from Troy – and a large, presumably wooden phallus, used in fertility rites and at least one triumphal procession, perhaps slung beneath the triumphal general's chariot.[33][34]
Festivals
[edit]Vesta's chief festival was the Vestalia, held in her temple from June 7 to June 15, and attended by matrons and bakers. Servius claims that during the Vestalia, the Lupercalia and on September 13, the three youngest Vestals reaped unripened far (spelt wheat, or possibly emmer wheat). The three senior Vestals parched the grain to make it edible, and mixed it with salt, to make the mola salsa used by priests and priestesses to consecrate (dedicate to the gods) the animal victims offered in public sacrifices. The Vestals' activities thus provided a shared link to various public, and possibly some private cults.[35]
The Fordicidia was a characteristically rustic, agricultural festival, in which a pregnant cow was sacrificed to the Earth-goddess Tellus, and its unborn calf was reduced to ashes by the senior Vestal. The ashes were mixed with various substances, most notably the dried blood of the previous year's October horse, sacrificed to Mars. The mixture was called suffimen. During the Parilia festival, April 21, it was sprinkled on bonfires to purify shepherds and their flocks, and probably to ensure human and animal fertility in the Roman community.[36] On May 1, Vestals officiated at Bona Dea's public-private, women-only rites at her Aventine temple. They were also present, in some capacity, at the Bona Dea's overnight, women-only December festival, hosted by the wife of Rome's senior magistrate; the magistrate himself was supposed to stay elsewhere for the occasion. On May 15, Vestals and pontiffs collected ritual straw figures called Argei from stations along Rome's city boundary and cast them into the Tiber, to purify the city.[37][38]
Privileges
[edit]
Vestals were lawfully personae sui iuris – "sovereign over themselves", answerable only to the pontifex maximus.[a][39] Unlike any other Roman women, they could make a will of their own volition, and dispose of their property without the sanction of a male guardian. They could give their property to women, something forbidden even to men, under Roman law. As they embodied the Roman state, Vestals could give evidence in trials without first taking the customary oath to the State. They had custody of important wills and state documents, which were presumably locked away in the penus.[40] Their person was sacrosanct; anyone who assaulted a Vestal was (in effect) assaulting an embodiment of Rome and its gods, and could be killed with impunity.[41] As no magistrate held power over the Vestals, the lictors of magistrates who encountered a Vestal had to lower their fasces in deference.
The Vestals had unique, exclusive rights to use a carpentum, an enclosed, two-wheeled, horse-drawn carriage; some Roman sources remark on its likeness to the chariots used by Roman generals in triumphs.[42] Otherwise, the Vestals seem to have travelled in a one-seat, curtained litter, or possibly on foot. In every case, they were preceded by a lictor, who was empowered to enforce the Vestal's right-of-way; anyone who passed beneath the litter, or otherwise interfered with its passage, could be lawfully killed on the spot.
Vestals could also free or pardon condemned persons en route to execution by touching them, or merely being seen by them, as long as the encounter had not been pre-arranged.[43]
Vestals were permitted to see things forbidden to all other upper-class Roman women; from the time of Augustus on, they had reserved ring-side seating at public games, including gladiator contests, and stage-side seats at theatrical performances.[44]
Prosecutions and punishments
[edit]

If Vesta's fire went out, Rome was no longer protected. Spontaneous extinction of the sacred flame for no apparent reason might be understood as a prodigy, a warning that the pax deorum ("peace of the gods") was disrupted by some undetected impropriety, unnatural phenomenon or religious offence. Romans had a duty to report any suspected prodigies to the Senate, who in turn consulted the pontifex maximus, the pontifices and the haruspices to determine whether the matter must be tried or dismissed. Expiation of prodigies usually involved a special sacrifice (piaculum) and the destruction of the "unnatural" object that had caused divine offence.[45]
Extinction of Vesta's sacred fire through Vestal negligence could be expiated by the scourging or beating of the offender, carried out "in the dark and through a curtain to preserve their modesty".[46] The sacred fire could then be relit, using the correct rituals and the purest materials. Loss of chastity, however, represented a broken oath. It was permanent, irreversible; no piaculum or expiation could restore it or compensate for its loss.[45]
A Vestal who committed incestum breached Rome's contract with the gods; she became a contradiction, a visible religious embarrassment.[47] By ancient tradition, she must die, but she must seem to do so willingly, and her blood could not be spilled. The city could not seem responsible for her death, and burial of the dead was anyway forbidden within the city's ritual boundary, so she was immured alive in an underground chamber within the city's ritual boundary (pomerium) in the Campus Sceleratus ("Evil Field") near the Colline Gate.[48][49] That Vesta did not intervene to save her former protege was taken as further divine confirmation of guilt.[50]
When condemned by the college of pontifices, [the Vestal] was stripped of her vittae and other badges of office, was scourged, was attired like a corpse, placed in a close litter, and borne through the forum attended by her weeping kindred, with all the ceremonies of a real funeral, to a rising ground called the Campus Sceleratus just within the city walls, close to the Colline gate. There a small vault underground had been previously prepared, containing a couch, a lamp, and a table with a little food. The pontifex maximus, having lifted up his hands to heaven and uttered a secret prayer, opened the litter, led forth the culprit, and placing her on the steps of the ladder which gave access to the subterranean cell, delivered her over to the common executioner and his assistants, who conducted her down, drew up the ladder, and having filled the pit with earth until the surface was level with the surrounding ground, left her to perish deprived of all the tributes of respect usually paid to the spirits of the departed.[51]
If discovered, the paramour of a guilty Vestal was publicly beaten to death by the pontifex maximus, in the Forum Boarium or on the Comitium.[52]
Trials for Vestal incestum were "extremely rare"; most took place during military or religious crises.[53] Some Vestals were probably used as scapegoats; their political alliances and alleged failure to observe oaths and duties were held to account for civil disturbances, wars, famines, plagues and other signs of divine displeasure.[49][47] The end of the Roman monarchy and the beginnings of the Republic involved extreme social tensions between Rome and her neighbours, and competition for power and influence between Rome's aristocrats and the commoner majority. In 483 BC, during a period of social conflict between patricians and plebeians, the Vestal Oppia, perhaps the earliest of several historic Vestals of plebeian family, was executed for incestum merely on the basis of various portents, and allegations that she neglected her Vestal duties.[54] In 337 BC, Minucia, another possible first plebeian Vestal, was tried, found guilty of unchastity and buried alive on the strength of her excessive and inappropriate love of dress, and the evidence of a slave.[55]

In 123 BC the gift of an altar, shrine and couch to the Bona Dea's Aventine temple by the Vestal Licinia "without the people's approval" was refused by the Roman Senate.[56] In 114 Licinia and two of her colleagues, Vestals Aemilia and Marcia, were accused of multiple acts of incestum.[57] The final accusations were justified by the death, in 114 BC, of Helvia, a virgin girl of equestrian family, killed by lightning while on horseback. The manner of her death was interpreted as a prodigy, proof of inchastity by the three accused.[58] Aemilia, who had supposedly incited the two others to follow her example, was condemned outright and put to death.[59] Marcia, who was accused of only one offence, and Licinia, who was accused of many, were at first acquitted by the pontifices, but were retried by Lucius Cassius Longinus Ravilla (consul 127), and condemned to death in 113.[60][61] The prosecution offered two Sibylline prophecies in support of the final verdicts. Of the three Vestals executed for incestum between the first Punic War (216) and the end of the Republic (113–111), each was followed by a nameless, bloodless form of human sacrifice seemingly reserved for times of extreme crisis, supposedly at the recommendation of the Sibylline Books; the living burial or immurement in the Forum Boarium of a Greek man and woman, and a Gaulish man and woman, possibly to avert divine outrage at the ritual killing of the Vestal priestesses involved. According to Erdkamp, this may have also been intended to restore divine support for Rome's success on the battlefield, evidenced by later successful auguries.[62] The initial charges against the Vestals concerned were almost certainly trumped up, and may have been politically motivated.[63][64]
Pliny the Younger believed that Cornelia, a Virgo Maxima buried alive on the orders of emperor Domitian, may have been an innocent victim. He describes how she sought to keep her dignity intact when she descended into the chamber:[65]

As they were leading her to the place of execution, she called upon Vesta, and the rest of the gods, to attest her innocence; and, amongst other exclamations, frequently cried out, "Is it possible that Cæsar can think me polluted, under the influence of whose sacred functions he has conquered and triumphed?" Whether she said this in flattery or derision; whether it proceeded from a consciousness of her innocence or contempt of the emperor, is uncertain; but she continued exclaiming in this manner, til she came to the place of execution, to which she was led, whether innocent or guilty I cannot say, at all events with every appearance and demonstration of innocence. As she was being lowered down into the subterranean vault, her robe happening to catch upon something in the descent, she turned round and disengaged it, when, the executioner offering his assistance, she drew herself back with horror, refusing to be so much as touched by him, as though it were a defilement to her pure and unspotted chastity: still preserving the appearance of sanctity up to the last moment; and, among all the other instances of her modesty, "She took great care to fall with decency." [The quotation is from Euripides, Hecuba.]
Dionysius of Halicarnassus claims that long before Rome's foundation, Vestals at ancient Alba Longa were whipped and "put to death" for breaking their vows of celibacy, and that their offspring were to be thrown into the river.[66] According to Livy, Rhea Silvia, mother of Romulus and Remus, had been forced to become a Vestal Virgin, and was chained and imprisoned when she gave birth.[67] Dionysius also writes that the Roman king Tarquinius Priscus instituted live burial as a punishment for Vestal unchastity, and inflicted it on the Vestal Pinaria;[68] and that whipping with rods sometimes preceded the immuration, and that this was done to Urbinia in 471 BCE, in a time of pestilence and plebeian unrest.[69]
Postumia, though innocent according to Livy,[70] was suspected and tried for unchastity on grounds of her immodest attire and over-familiar manner. Some Vestals were acquitted. Some cleared themselves through ordeals or miraculous deeds; in a celebrated case during the mid-Republic, the Vestal Tuccia, accused of unchastity, carried water in a sieve to prove her innocence; Livy's epitomator (Per. 20) claims that she was condemned nevertheless but in all other sources she was acquitted.[71]

House of the Vestals
[edit]The House of the Vestals was the residence of the vestal priestesses in Rome. Located behind the Temple of Vesta (which housed the sacred fire), the Atrium Vestae was a three-storey building at the foot of the Palatine Hill, "very large and exceptionally magnificent both in decoration and material".[72]
Attire
[edit]Vestal costume had elements in common with high-status Roman bridal dress, and with the formal dress of high-status Roman matrons (married citizen-women). Vestals and matrons wore a long linen palla over a white woollen stola, a rectangular female citizen's wrap, equivalent to the male citizen's semi-circular toga.[73] A Vestal's hair was bound into a white, priestly infula (head-covering or fillet) with red and white ribbons, usually tied together behind the head and hanging loosely over the shoulders.[74][75]
The red ribbons of the Vestal infula were said to represent Vesta's fire; and the white, virginity, or sexual purity. The stola is associated with Roman citizen-matrons and Vestals, not with brides. This covering of the body by way of the gown and veils "signals the prohibitions that governed [the Vestals'] sexuality".[76] The stola communicates the message of "hands off" and asserts their virginity.[77] The prescribed everyday hairstyle for Vestals, and for brides only on their wedding day, comprised six or seven braids; this was thought to date back to the most ancient of times.[78][79][80][81] In 2013, Janet Stephens recreated the hairstyle of the vestals on a modern person.[81][82]
High-status brides were veiled in the same saffron-yellow flammeum as the Flamenica Dialis, priestess of Jupiter and wife to his high priest. Vestals wore a white, purple-bordered suffibulum (veil) when travelling outdoors, performing public rites or offering sacrifices. Respectable matrons were also expected to wear veils in public. One who appeared in public without her veil could be thought to have repudiated her marriage, making herself "available".[83]
Named Vestals
[edit]From the institution of the Vestal priesthood to its abolition, an unknown number of Vestals held office. Some are named in Roman myth and history and some are of unknown date. The 1st-century BC author Varro, names the first four, probably legendary Vestals as Gegania, Veneneia, Canuleia, and Tarpeia. Varro and others also portray Tarpeia, daughter of Spurius Tarpeius in the Sabine-Roman war, as a treasonous Vestal Virgin. Most Vestals named in Roman historical accounts are presented as examples of wrongdoing, threats to the well-being of the state, and punishment. While Tarpeia's status as a virgin is common to most accounts, her status as a vestal was likely the mythographer's invention, to cast her lust, greed and treason in the worst possible light.[84]
Dionysius of Halicarnasus names Orbinia, a Vestal put to death in 471.[85] Livy names a Vestal Postumia, tried for inchastity in 420, but acquitted with a warning to take her position more seriously:[86] Minucia was put to death for inchastity in 337:[87] and Sextilia, put to death for adultery in 273.[88] Some Vestals are said to have committed suicide when accused; Caparronia did so in 266:[89] essential trial details are often lacking. Livy states that two Vestals, Floronia and Opimia, were convicted of unchastity in 216. One committed suicide, the other was buried alive - he does not say which.[90]
Vestals could exploit their familial and social connections, as well as their unique, untouchable status and privileges, taking the role of patron and protector. Cicero describes how the Vestal Claudia, daughter of Appius Claudius Pulcher, walked beside her father in his triumphal procession, to repulse a tribune of the plebs, who wanted to veto the triumph.[91] Cicero also records a Vestal Fonteia, present during the trial of her brother in 69.[92][93][94] Fabia, admitted to the order in 80 and made chief Vestal around 50, was half-sister of Terentia (Cicero's first wife), and full sister of Fabia the wife of Dolabella who later married her niece Tullia; she was probably mother of the later consul of that name.[95] In 73 she was acquitted of incestum with Lucius Sergius Catilina.[96] The case was prosecuted by Cicero.
The 1st century Vestal Licinia was supposedly courted by her kinsman, the so-called "triumvir" Marcus Licinius Crassus – who in fact wanted her property. This relationship gave rise to rumours. Plutarch says: "And yet when he was further on in years, he was accused of criminal intimacy with Licinia, one of the Vestal virgins and Licinia was formally prosecuted by a certain Plotius. Now Licinia was the owner of a pleasant villa in the suburbs which Crassus wished to get at a low price, and it was for this reason that he was forever hovering about the woman and paying his court to her until he fell under the abominable suspicion. And in a way, it was his avarice that absolved him from the charge of corrupting the Vestal, and he was acquitted by the judges. But he did not let Licinia go until he had acquired her property."[97] Licinia became a Vestal in 85 and remained a Vestal until 61. The Vestals Arruntia, Perpennia M. f., and Popillia attended the inauguration of Lucius Cornelius Lentulus Niger as Flamen Martialis in 69. Licinia, Crassus' relative, was also present.[98]

Imperial Vestals
[edit]- Junia Torquata (1st century), vestal under Tiberius, sister of Gaius Junius Silanus.[99]
- Rubria (1st century), said by Suetonius to have been raped by Nero.
- Aquilia Severa (3rd century), whom Emperor Elagabalus married amid considerable scandal.
- Clodia Laeta (3rd century).
- Flavia Publicia (mid-3rd century).
- Coelia Concordia (4th century), the last head of the order.
Outside Rome
[edit]Inscriptions record the existence of Vestals in other locations than the centre of Rome.
- Manlia Severa, virgo Albana maxima,[100] a chief Alban Vestal at Bovillae whose brother was probably the L. Manlius Severus named as a rex sacrorum in a funerary inscription. Mommsen thought he was rex sacrorum of Rome, but this is not considered likely.[101]
- Flavia (or Valeria) Vera, a virgo vestalis maxima arcis Albanae, chief Vestal Virgin of the Alban arx (citadel).[102]
- Caecilia Philete, a senior virgin (virgo maior) of Laurentum-Lavinium,[103] as commemorated by her father, Q. Caecilius Papion. The title maior means at Lavinium the Vestals were only two.
- Saufeia Alexandria, Virgo Vestalis Tiburtium.[104]
- Cossinia L(ucii) f(iliae), a Virgo Vestalis of Tibur (Tivoli).[105]
- Primigenia, Alban vestal of Bovillae who had forsaken her vows of celibacy, mentioned by Symmachus in two of his letters.[106]
In Western art
[edit]-
Two starkly different views by two French Academic painters of the Vestals in their front-rows seats at the Roman Colosseum: Pollice Verso (Thumbs Down), 1874, by Jean-Léon Gérôme (detail; Phoenix Art Museum), and the Vestals in a painting by Hector Leroux, c. 1890 (private collection).

The Vestals were used as models of female virtue in allegorizing portraiture of the later West. Elizabeth I of England was portrayed holding a sieve to evoke Tuccia, the Vestal who proved her virtue by carrying water in a sieve.[107] Tuccia herself had been a subject for artists such as Jacopo del Sellaio (d. 1493) and Joannes Stradanus, and women who were arts patrons started having themselves painted as Vestals.[108] In the libertine environment of 18th century France, portraits of women as Vestals seem intended as fantasies of virtue infused with ironic eroticism.[109] Later, Vestals became an image of republican virtue, as in Jacques-Louis David's The Vestal Virgin.
Excavations in Rome and Pompeii, as well as translation of Latin sources, made Vestals a popular subject for artists in the 18th century and the 19th century. The French painter Hector Leroux, who lived and worked in Italy for seventeen years, became famous for meticulously researched images of Vestals in all aspects of their daily life and worship, making some thirty paintings of Vestals between 1863 and 1899.[110]
Procol Harum's famous hit "A Whiter Shade of Pale" (1967) contains the lyrics "One of sixteen vestal virgins/ Who were leaving for the coast".[111]
Portraits as Vestals
[edit]-
Sieve Portrait of Queen Elizabeth I (1583) by Quentin Metsys the Younger
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Vestal Virgin (1677–1730) by Jean Raoux
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Portrait of a Woman as a Vestal Virgin (1770s) by Angelica Kauffman
Notes
[edit]- ^ This might reflect his authority as paterfamilias over the life and death of Vestals as "daughters of Rome", though this is inconsistent with their legal independence from their birth family's control.
References
[edit]- ^ Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, Volume I, illustrated, reprint, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 51–54, 323. ISBN 0-521-31682-0.
- ^ Livy, Ab urbe condita, 1,20.
- ^ By the Imperial era authors Livy, Plutarch, and Aulus Gellius: see Cornell, T., The beginnings of Rome: Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000 – 264 BC), Routledge, 1995. pp. 57–63. ISBN 978-0-415-01596-7.
- ^ Life of Numa Pompilius 9.5–10; Archived 2012-12-03 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Ambrose. "Letter #18". Letter to Emperor Valentianus. Newadvent.org. Archived from the original on 2012-10-22. Retrieved 2012-11-19.
- ^ Ramsay, William, 'Vestales', Smith, William, A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, John Murray, London, 1875, p. 1189: Ramsay is citing Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptiones. vol. IV p.167; Ambrose, Epistles V.31, cf. Symmachus and the remarks of Lipsius [1]
- ^ Suetonius, Julius Caesar, 1.2.
- ^ Pliny the Elder (translated by Bostock and Riley, 1855), The Natural History of Pliny, Volume 5, p. 280.
- ^ Ambrose of Milan. "The Memorial of Symmachus". The Letters of Ambrose. Tertullian.org. Archived from the original on 2012-08-12. Retrieved 2012-11-19.
- ^ Undheim, Sissel (2017). Borderline Virginities: Sacred and Secular Virgins in Late Antiquity. Routledge. p. 32. ISBN 978-1472480170.
- ^ Conti, Stefano (2003). "Tra Integrazione ed Emarginazione: Le Ultime Vestali". Studia Historica. 21: 209–222. ISSN 0213-2052., p. 217
- ^ Conti 2003, p. 218.
- ^ Conti 2003, p. 219.
- ^ Alan Cameron, Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford UP), pp. 46–47
- ^ Lutwyche, Jayne (2012-09-07). "Ancient Rome's maidens – who were the Vestal Virgins?". BBC. Archived from the original on 2012-10-01. Retrieved 2012-11-23. Lutwyche is citing Professor Corey Brennan
- ^ Plutarch. "Life of Numa Pompilius". Stoa.org. 9.5–10. Archived from the original on 2012-12-03. Retrieved 2012-11-19.
- ^ Lindner, Molly M., Portraits of the Vestal Virgins, Priestesses of Ancient Rome, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbour, 2015, p. 34
- ^ Plutarch, Life of Numa, 10.1, translation, Loeb edition, 1914, University of Chicago
- ^ Broughton, vol. II, p. 395.
- ^ a b c Kroppenberg, Inge (2010). "Law, religion, and constitution of the Vestal virgins" (PDF). Law & Literature. 22 (3): 418–439. doi:10.1525/lal.2010.22.3.418. ISSN 1541-2601. S2CID 144805147. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-04-25. Retrieved 2011-10-20 – via University of Regensburg.
- ^ Aulus Gellius. "Vestal Virgins". Attic Nights. Vol. 1. p. 12. Archived from the original on 2012-12-03 – via STOA.org.
- ^ Cornell, Tim. "Some observations on the crimen incesti". In: Le délit religieux dans la cité antique. Actes de la table ronde de Rome (6–7 April 1978). Rome: École Française de Rome, 1981. (Publications de l'École française de Rome, 48).
- ^ Tacitus. Annales. ii. 86.
- ^ DiLuzio, M. J., A Place at the Altar. Priestesses in Republican Rome. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016, pp. 47–48
- ^ Schultz, C. E., Women's Religious Activity in the Roman Republic. The University of North Carolina Press, 2006, pp. 80–81
- ^ Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, Volume I, illustrated, reprint, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 51–53, ISBN 0-521-31682-0
- ^ Parker, Holt N. "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". The American Journal of Philology, vol. 125, no. 4, 2004, p. 568. JSTOR 1562224. Accessed 16 December 2022.
- ^ Wildfang, R. L. (2006), Rome's Vestal Virgins: A Study of Rome's Vestal Priestesses in the Late Republic and Early Empire, Routledge, p.17 ISBN 9780415397964
- ^ Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, Volume I, illustrated, reprint, Cambridge University Press, 1998, p. 51 ISBN 0-521-31682-0
- ^ Parker, "Why Were the Vestals Virgins?" 2004, p. 568.
- ^ Lott, John. B., The Neighborhoods of Augustan Rome, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 14,15, 81–117, 230 (note 127) ISBN 0-521-82827-9
- ^ Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, Volume I, illustrated, reprint, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 191, 382 ISBN 0-521-31682-0
- ^ Beard, Mary. The Roman Triumph. Cambridge, Massachusetts & London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007, pp. 223–224. ISBN 978-0-674-02613-1
- ^ Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, Volume I, illustrated, reprint, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp.53–54 ISBN 0-521-31682-0
- ^ Wildfang, R. L. (2006), Rome's Vestal Virgins: A Study of Rome's Vestal Priestesses in the Late Republic and Early Empire, Routledge, p.14 ISBN 9780415397964
- ^ Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, Volume I, illustrated, reprint, Cambridge University Press, 1998, p.53 ISBN 0-521-31682-0
- ^ Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Roman Antiquities. University of Chicago. i.19, 38.
- ^ William Smith (1875). A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray – via University of Chicago.
- ^ Andrew B. Gallia. "Vestal Virgins and Their Families". Classical Antiquity, vol. 34, no. 1, 2015, pp. 74–120. JSTOR 10.1525/ca.2015.34.1.74. Accessed 13 December 2022.
- ^ Beard, M., North, J., Price, S., Religions of Rome, Volume I, illustrated, reprint, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 51–54 ISBN 0-521-31682-0
- ^ Beard, Religions of Rome, Volume I, pp. 51–54
- ^ Beard, Mary (2007), The Roman Triumph, Cambridge, Massachusetts & London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, pp. 223–224. ISBN 978-0-674-02613-1
- ^ Plutarch, Life of Numa, 10.5, translation, Loeb edition, 1914, University of Chicago
- ^ Inge Kroppenberg (2010) "Law, Religion, and Constitution of the Vestal Virgins", Law & Literature, 22:3, p. 420, doi:10.1525/lal.2010.22.3.418
- ^ a b Cornell, Tim. "Some observations on the crimen incesti". In: Le délit religieux dans la cité antique. Actes de la table ronde de Rome (6–7 April 1978). Rome: École Française de Rome, 1981. p. 38. (Publications de l'École française de Rome, 48).
- ^ Culham, Phyllis (2014). Flower, Harriet I. (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 143. ISBN 9781107669420.
- ^ a b Cornell, Tim. "Some observations on the crimen incesti". In: Le délit religieux dans la cité antique. Actes de la table ronde de Rome (6–7 April 1978). Rome: École Française de Rome, 1981. pp. 27-37. (Publications de l'École française de Rome, 48).
- ^ Mueller, Hans-Friedrich, Roman Religion in Valerius Maximus, p. 51; Rasmussen, Susanne William, Public Portents in Republican Rome, L'Erma di Bretschneider, 2003, p. 41.
- ^ a b Eckstein, Arthur M. (2012). "Polybius, the Gallic Crisis, and the Ebro Treaty". Classical Philology. 107 (3): 214–217. doi:10.1086/665622. ISSN 0009-837X. JSTOR 10.1086/665622. S2CID 162395205.
- ^ Parker, N., Holt, "Why were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the safety of the Roman State," American Journal of Philology, 125, (2004) p.586. See also Staples, Ariadne, From Good Goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and Category in Roman Religion, Routledge, (1998), p.133
- ^ Ramsay, William, Vestales, in Smith, William, in A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, John Murray, London, 1875, pp. 1189–1191.
- ^ Howatson, M. C. (1989). Oxford Companion to Classical Literature. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-866121-4.
- ^ Quotation from Cornell, 1981, p. 27
- ^ Livy. Ab urbe condita. 2.42.
- ^ Livy. "History of Rome". Marquette University. 8.15. Archived from the original on 2012-09-14. Retrieved 2012-11-19.
- ^ Wildfang 2006, pp. 92–93, citing Cicero, De Domo Sua, 53.136.
- ^ Beard, Mary; North, John; Price, Simon (9 July 1998). Religions of Rome: Volume 1, A History. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521304016 – via Google Books.
- ^ Erdkamp, Paul, "War, Vestal Virgins, and Live Burials in the Roman Republic", in M. Dillon and C. Matthews, eds., Religion and Classical Warfare. II: The Roman Republic, Barnsley: Pen & Sword, 2020, p.9
- ^ Chrystal, Paul (17 May 2017). "Roman Women: The Women who influenced the History of Rome". Fonthill Media – via Google Books.
- ^ Wildfang, Robin Lorsch, Rome's vestal virgins: a study of Rome's vestal priestesses in the late Republic and early Empire, Routledge/Taylor & Francis, 2007, p. 93ff.
- ^ Lightman, Marjorie; Lightman, Benjamin (17 December 2018). A to Z of Ancient Greek and Roman Women. Infobase Publishing. ISBN 9781438107943 – via Google Books.
- ^ Erdkamp, 2020, pp. 22-25
- ^ Phyllis Cunham, in Harriet Flower (ed), The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic, Cambridge University Press, 2004, p. 155. The accusations against Licinia included fraternal incest. She was a contemporary and possible political ally of the Gracchi brothers. In 123 BC the Roman Senate had annulled her attempted rededication of Bona Dea's Aventine Temple as illegal and "against the will of the people". She may have fallen victim to the factional politics of the times.
- ^ Broughton, vol. I, p. 534.
- ^ Pliny the Younger, Letters. XLIII. To Cornelius Minicianus The Harvard Classics
- ^ The Roman Antiquities of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Loeb Classical Library, 1937, Book 1, 78.
- ^ Livy (1844). History of Rome. Vol. 1. Translated by Baker. New York: Harper & Brothers. p. 22.
- ^ The Roman Antiquities of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Loeb Classical Library, 1937, Book 3, 68.
- ^ The Roman Antiquities of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Loeb Classical Library, 1937, Book 1X, 40–41.
- ^ Livy. History of Rome. Vol. 4. Marquette University. 4.44. Archived from the original on 2012-09-15. Retrieved 2012-11-19.
- ^ Cornell, Tim. "Some observations on the crimen incesti". In: Le délit religieux dans la cité antique. Actes de la table ronde de Rome (6–7 April 1978). Rome: École Française de Rome, 1981. p. 28. (Publications de l'École française de Rome, 48).
- ^ Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Vesta", Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 27 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 1055.
- ^ Valerius Maximus, Factorum ac dictorum memorabilium, I.1.7; Dionysus of Halicarnassus, Roman Questions. II.68; Pliny the Younger, Letters, IV.11; cited in William Ramsay, Vestales, article in Smith, William, pp.1189‑1191 in "A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities", John Murray, London, 1875.
- ^ Wildfang, R. L. (2006) Rome's Vestal Virgins: A Study of Rome's Vestal Priestesses in the Late Republic and Early Empire, Routledge, p. 54. ISBN 9780415397964
- ^ Croom, Alexandra, Roman Clothing and Fashion, Amberley Publishing, The Hill, Stroud, Gloucestershire, 2010, p.135, ISBN 978-1-84868-977-0
- ^ Gallia, Andrew B. (2014-07-01). "The Vestal Habit". Classical Philology. 109 (3): 222–240. doi:10.1086/676291. hdl:11299/214959. ISSN 0009-837X. S2CID 162840383.
- ^ Beard, Mary (1980-01-01). "The Sexual Status of Vestal Virgins". The Journal of Roman Studies. 70: 12–27. doi:10.2307/299553. JSTOR 299553. S2CID 162651935.
- ^ Festus 454 in the edition of Lindsay, as cited by Robin Lorsch Wildfang, Rome's Vestal Virgins: A Study of Rome's Vestal Priestesses in the Late Republic and Early Empire (Routledge, 2006), p. 54
- ^ Laetitia La Follette, "The Costume of the Roman Bride", in The World of Roman Costume (University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), pp. 59–60 (on discrepancies of hairstyles in some Vestal portraits)
- ^ "Recreating the Vestal Virgin Hairstyle" video. Archived 2016-12-13 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ a b Pesta, Abigail (7 February 2013). "On Pins and Needles: Stylist Turns Ancient Hairdo Debate on Its Head". Wall Street Journal. Archived from the original on 6 April 2018. Retrieved 7 May 2018 – via www.wsj.com.
- ^ "Ancient Rome's hairdo for vestal virgins re-created". NBC News. 10 January 2013. Archived from the original on 2 November 2017. Retrieved 7 May 2018.
- ^ Sebesta, Judith Lynn, Bonfante, Larissa (editors), "The World of Roman Costume: Wisconsin Studies in Classics", The University of Wisconsin Press, 1994, p.49, isbn 9780299138509
- ^ Neal, Jaclyn (2019). "Tarpeia the Vestal". The Journal of Roman Studies. 109: 103–130. doi:10.1017/S0075435819000911. S2CID 203500956.
- ^ Dionysius of Halicarnassus, ix. 40.
- ^ Livy, iv. 44.
- ^ Livy, viii. 15.
- ^ Livy, Periochae, 14.
- ^ Orosius, iv. 5 § 9.
- ^ Livy, xxii. 57.
- ^ Cicero, Pro Caelio, (14).34.
- ^ Cicero, Pro Fonteio (21).46–49
- ^ Aulus Gellius 1.12.2
- ^ T. R. S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic (American Philological Association, 1952), vol. 2, pp. 24–25.
- ^ Wildfang, Robin Lorsch, Rome's vestal virgins: a study of Rome's vestal priestesses in the late Republic and early Empire, Routledge/Taylor & Francis, 2007, p. 96
- ^ Lewis, R. G. (2001). "Catalina and the Vestal". The Classical Quarterly. 51 (1): 141–149. doi:10.1093/cq/51.1.141. JSTOR 3556336.
- ^ Plutarch. "Life of Crassus". University of Chicago. Retrieved 2012-11-19.
- ^ Broughton, vol. II, pp. 135-137 (note 14).
- ^ Tacitus, Annales, iii. 69.
- ^ CIL XIV, 2140 = ILS 6190, found in 1728 at the XI mile of the Via Appia, now in the Lapidary Gallery of the Vatican Museums: it mentions the dedication of a clipeus by her brother.
- ^ CIL XIV, 2413 = ILS 4942 presently no longer reperible[clarification needed] in the palazzo Mattei in Rome.
- ^ CIL VI, 2172 = ILS 5011, found in Rome near the basilica of St. Saba, now in the Lapidary Gallery of the Vatican Museum. It is a dedicatory inscription on a little base, possibly of a statuette that was housed in the home of the same vestal on the Little Aventine. M. G. Granino Cecere, "Vestali non di Roma", in Studi di epigrafia latina 20 2003 p. 70-71.
- ^ Virgo maior regia Laurentium Lavinatium, CIL XIV, 2077, as read by Pirro Ligorio, now housed in the Palazzo Borghese at Pratica di Mare. Cecere above p. 72.
- ^ CIL XIV, 3677 = ILS 6244 on the base of an honorary statue, now irreparable. Possibly also mentioned in CIL XIV, 3679. Cecere above p. 73–74
- ^ Inscription It. IV n. 213. Inscription on funerary monument discovered at Tivoli in July 1929. On the front, the name of the Vestal is incised within an oak wreath onto which adheres the sacred infula, knot of the order; with the name of the dedicant (L. Cossinius Electus, a relative, probably brother or nephew) on the lower margin. Cecere above p. 75.
- ^ Mitchell, Jill (2021). The Religious World of Quintus Aurelius Symmachus. Trivent Publishing.
- ^ Marina Warner, Monuments and Maidens: The Allegory of the Female Form (University of California Press, 1985), p. 244 ; Robert Tittler, "Portraiture, Politics and Society," in A Companion to Tudor Britain (Blackwell, 2007), p. 454; Linda Shenk, Learned Queen: The Image of Elizabeth I in Politics and Poetry (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), p. 13.
- ^ Warner, Monuments and Maidens, p. 244.
- ^ Kathleen Nicholson, "The Ideology of Feminine 'Virtue': The Vestal Virgin in French Eighteenth-Century Allegorical Portraiture," in Portraiture: Facing the Subject (Manchester University Press, 1997), p. 58ff.
- ^ Couëlle, Colombe (2008). "Hector Leroux (1829-1900). Un peintre du XIXe voué à l'Antique", Journée de l'Antiquité 2008, April 2008, Université de La Réunion, Saint-Denis, La Réunion, pp. 210-245.
- ^ "Behind the Song: Procol Harum, "A Whiter Shade Of Pale"". American Songwriter.
Bibliography
[edit]- Wildfang, Robin Lorsch (2006). Rome's Vestal Virgins. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-203-96838-3.
Further reading
[edit]- Bätz, Alexander (2012). Sacrae virgines. Studien zum religiösen und gesellschaftlichen Status der Vestalinnen [Sacrae virgines. Studies on the religious and social status of the Vestal Virgins]. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, ISBN 978-3-506-77354-8.
- Beard, Mary, "The Sexual Status of Vestal Virgins," The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 70, (1980), pp. 12–27.
- Beard, Mary (1995). "Re-reading (Vestal) virginity." In: Hawley, Richard; Levick, Barbara (eds). Women in Antiquity. New Assessments. London/New York: Routledge, ISBN 0-415-11368-7, pp. 166–177.
- Kroppenberg, Inge, "Law, Religion and Constitution of the Vestal Virgins," Law and Literature, 22, 3, 2010, pp. 418–439. [2] Archived 2012-04-25 at the Wayback Machine
- Mekacher, Nina (2006). Die vestalischen Jungfrauen in der römischen Kaiserzeit [The vestal virgins in the Roman imperial period]. Wiesbaden: Reichert, ISBN 3-89500-499-5.
- Parker, Holt N. "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State", American Journal of Philology, Vol. 125, No. 4. (2004), pp. 563–601.
- Saquete, José Carlos (2000). Las vírgenes vestales. Un sacerdocio femenino en la religión pública romana [The Vestal Virgins. A female priesthood in Roman public religion]. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.
- Sawyer, Deborah F. "Magna Mater and the Vestal Virgins." In Women and Religion in the First Christian Centuries, 119–129. London: Routledge Press, 1996.
- Schalles, Christiane (2002/2003). Die Vestalin als ideale Frauengestalt. Priesterinnen der Göttin Vesta in der bildenden Kunst von der Renaissance bis zum Klassizismus [The Vestal Virgin as the ideal female figure. Priestesses of the goddess Vesta in the visual arts from the Renaissance to Classicism]. Göttingen: Cuvillier, ISBN 3-89873-624-5.
- Staples, Ariadne (1998). From Good Goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and Category in Roman Religion. London/New York: Routledge, ISBN 0-415-13233-9.
- Wildfang, Robin Lorsch. Rome's Vestal Virgins. Oxford: Routledge, 2006 (hardcover, ISBN 0-415-39795-2; paperback, ISBN 0-415-39796-0).
- Wyrwińska (2021). The Vestal Virgins' Socio-political Role and the Narrative of Roma Aeterna. Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa, 14(2), 127–151. https://doi.org/10.4467/20844131KS.21.011.13519
External links
[edit]- Rodolfo Lanciani (1898) "The Fall of a Vestal" Chapter 6, in Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries. Houghton, Mifflin and Company, Boston and New York, 1898.
- article Vestales in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities
- House of the Vestal Virgins Archived 2008-03-08 at the Wayback Machine
Vestal Virgin
View on GrokipediaOrigins and Historical Role
Mythological and Early Foundations
The institution of the Vestal Virgins traces its legendary origins to Numa Pompilius, Rome's second king, who reigned approximately from 715 to 672 BC. Ancient accounts, including Plutarch's Life of Numa, credit Numa with formally organizing the priesthood dedicated to Vesta, the goddess of the hearth, home, and state perpetuity, by appointing virgin priestesses to maintain her sacred fire in a dedicated shrine within the early Forum Romanum.[8] This establishment is portrayed as Numa's effort to instill religious discipline and pacify the martial tendencies inherited from Romulus, emphasizing rituals of purity and continuity over aggressive cult practices.[9] While Numa did not originate the worship of Vesta—evidenced by parallels in pre-Roman Italic and Etruscan hearth cults—his reforms centralized it in Rome, potentially adapting existing traditions from Alba Longa or neighboring regions to symbolize the city's enduring vitality.[10] Mythologically, the Vestals' vow of virginity embodied Rome's uncorrupted genesis, mirroring the foundational legend of Rhea Silvia, mother of Romulus and Remus. According to Livy and Plutarch, Rhea, daughter of Numitor and a Vestal Virgin imposed by the usurper Amulius to thwart heirs, conceived the twins via the god Mars while ostensibly upholding chastity, thus linking divine intervention with virginal sanctity as the causal origin of Roman sovereignty.[11] This narrative underscores virginity not as mere abstinence but as a symbolic bulwark against dynastic disruption, ensuring the state's legitimacy through ritual purity that paralleled the hearth's unextinguished flame—extinction of which ancient sources augured calamity, as in the fall of Troy. The motif reflects first-principles reasoning in Roman piety: perpetual fire and chaste guardians causally preserved communal cohesion and warded existential threats. Archaeological traces in the Forum Romanum, including early hut-like structures and hearth remnants predating the Republic, suggest proto-Vestal fire cults tied to domestic and civic worship, though direct evidence for organized virgin priestesses remains literary rather than material.[12] Epigraphic and structural findings indicate Vesta's shrine evolved from simple enclosures housing sacred flames, aligning with myths of Numa's foundational role in stabilizing Rome's religious framework amid monarchical transitions.[13] These elements collectively positioned the Vestals as mythic anchors for Rome's endurance, predating empirical Republican expansions.Development in the Roman Republic and Empire
During the Roman Republic, the Vestal Virgins' institution adapted to underscore the interdependence of religious observance and military prowess, with lapses in their duties interpreted as omens of impending calamity. In 206 BC, amid the Second Punic War against Carthage, a novice Vestal negligently permitted the sacred fire to extinguish, an event chronicled by Livy as requiring ritual expiation through flogging and relighting via traditional friction methods, symbolizing threats to Rome's endurance during Hannibal's campaigns.[14][6] Such incidents prompted reinforcements to the Vestals' status, including expanded legal autonomies like testamentary rights and exemptions from guardianship, formalized progressively from the mid-Republic onward to bolster institutional stability amid existential threats like the Punic Wars.[15] The transition to the Empire under Augustus in 27 BC marked a pivotal integration of the Vestal order into imperial ideology, leveraging Vesta's hearth symbolism to legitimize the principate as guardian of republican piety. Augustus spearheaded restorations of sacred sites, including the Temple of Vesta, as part of broader religious reforms that appropriated the Vestals' eternal flame to evoke the perpetual vitality of his regime, evident in state propaganda linking the cult to dynastic continuity.[16] This adaptation preserved the college's republican framework while subordinating it to imperial oversight, enhancing its role in ceremonies that fused traditional rites with ruler worship. Into the Empire's turbulent 3rd century AD, amid the Crisis of the Third Century, the Vestals symbolized resilience through epigraphic dedications emphasizing the eternal flame's endurance against anarchy and invasion. Inscriptions from this era, such as those honoring priestesses for safeguarding aeternos ignes, portrayed the order as a bulwark of traditional religion, countering existential threats with invocations of timeless Roman perpetuity and reinforcing causal ties between cultic fidelity and state survival.[17][18]Organization and Membership
Number, Hierarchy, and the Vestalis Maxima
The college of the Vestal Virgins comprised six priestesses, a number fixed during the Roman monarchy and preserved through the Republic and Empire to safeguard ritual continuity. Tradition attributes the initial establishment of two Vestals to King Numa Pompilius (r. ca. 715–672 BCE), with subsequent increases to four under Ancus Marcius (r. ca. 640–616 BCE) and to six under Tarquinius Priscus or Superbus, reflecting deliberate scaling to match Rome's growing religious needs without excess. [9] This quota ensured a quorum for core functions, as vacancies from death, completion of the thirty-year term, or punishment were promptly filled by selection from eligible candidates by the pontifex maximus, the chief male priest overseeing the college.[19] Hierarchical order among the six emphasized seniority and accumulated piety, with the Virgo Vestalis Maxima—the chief priestess—exercising administrative authority as the most experienced member, her role attained automatically through length of service rather than formal election. [20] The Maxima, often the eldest or longest-serving, directed the others in operational matters, her precedence rooted in demonstrated fidelity to Vesta's cult, which Romans valued as meritocratic validation over patrician birth alone. This structure promoted disciplined division of responsibilities, with junior Vestals deferring to seniors in preparatory and supervisory tasks, thereby minimizing disruptions to the sacred order.[21] Deviations from the six-member standard were exceptional, typically during wartime or crises when the pontifex maximus authorized temporary expansions to avert ritual lapses, as seen in isolated imperial decrees, though the core number reverted post-crisis to uphold efficiency and symbolic restraint.[20] The pontifex maximus's veto power over internal disputes further reinforced hierarchy, subordinating the Maxima's autonomy to broader pontifical oversight while preserving the college's internal cohesion.Selection and Training Process
![Alessandro Marchesini - Dedication of a New Vestal Virgin][float-right] Vestal Virgins were selected from girls aged six to ten years, ensuring they were prepubescent and capable of long-term commitment to chastity. Candidates required both parents to be living and freeborn, excluding those of servile origin to maintain symbolic purity aligned with Roman elite values. Physical and mental health without defects was mandatory, with final choice often by lot from qualified nominees or direct appointment by the pontifex maximus.[9] The induction ritual involved the pontifex maximus symbolically seizing the girl from her father's lap, transferring paternal authority (patria potestas) to the state and the college of Vestals, underscoring the shift from familial to collective Roman obligations.[2] This act, performed with the words "I take you, priestess, for the ministry of Vesta," emancipated her legally while binding her to perpetual service under Vestal oversight.[16] The initial decade served as a novitiate, during which novices trained under senior Vestals in sacred rituals, fire maintenance, and preparation of substances like mola salsa, fostering expertise essential for institutional continuity.[22] This structured apprenticeship emphasized empirical mastery of rites over innate aptitude, ensuring reliability in preserving Rome's religious core.[20]Term of Service and Post-Service Life
The term of service for a Vestal Virgin lasted 30 years, during which she was required to maintain perpetual chastity as a vow to Vesta. This period was structured in three successive decennia: the first devoted to apprenticeship under senior Vestals, learning the rituals and observances; the second to active performance of priestly functions; and the third to instructing novices in the sacred traditions.[21] The division, attributed to King Numa Pompilius in ancient tradition, ensured continuity of knowledge and institutional stability, with the enforced virginity serving as a safeguard for ritual purity throughout. Upon completion of the 30 years, typically around age 40 given selection between 6 and 10, a Vestal was released from her vows and could marry, receiving a substantial state pension equivalent to her annual stipend—estimated at around 100,000 sesterces in the late Republic—as well as purification rites to reintegrate into civilian life.[2] However, ancient accounts indicate that few exercised this option; most elected to remain in the order, renewing their commitment voluntarily for the enduring privileges of status, independence, and influence denied to ordinary Roman women.[23] This preference is evidenced by epigraphic records of Vestals who served beyond the mandatory term, often into advanced age, suggesting the vow's duration aligned incentives such that the costs of defection outweighed potential gains, contributing to the cult's longevity from the monarchy through the Empire despite occasional scandals.[2] Those who did marry post-service, such as Licinia under Sulla in the 1st century BCE, frequently wed high-ranking men, leveraging their prior authority.[21]Duties and Religious Significance
Maintenance of the Sacred Fire
The Vestal Virgins maintained the sacred fire of Vesta in her temple in the Roman Forum, a perpetual flame symbolizing the enduring hearth of the Roman state and essential for the city's protection and prosperity.[9] The fire represented Vesta's presence as goddess of the hearth, home, and family, with its unbroken continuity believed to safeguard Rome from calamity.[24] Tending involved daily rituals using exclusively wooden implements, such as poking and adding fuel from sacred sources, to avoid any contact with metal that could pollute the purity of the rite; iron, linked to warfare, was particularly taboo in this domestic cult. If the fire accidentally extinguished outside the annual renewal, it was rekindled through friction of wood from the wild olive tree, replicating the primordial method without flint or steel to preserve ritual integrity. Such extinctions were interpreted as grave omens foretelling disaster for Rome, prompting expiatory measures and punishment of the negligent Vestal by flogging from the Pontifex Maximus. For instance, in 206 BC amid the Second Punic War, novice Vestal Opilia was scourged for allowing the fire to go out, an event heightening fears of divine disfavor during national crisis. The annual extinguishing and relighting occurred on March 1, marking the traditional Roman New Year, to ritually renew the flame and affirm the state's vitality.[24] In the Roman worldview, the fire's endurance directly paralleled the longevity of the empire, with the Vestals serving as causal intermediaries ensuring Vesta's favor through meticulous vigilance.[25] Romans attributed periods of prosperity to this unbroken ritual chain, viewing lapses as empirical harbingers of decline that necessitated immediate restoration to avert empirical consequences like military setbacks or civic unrest.[9]Preparation of Sacred Substances and Rituals
The Vestal Virgins prepared mola salsa, a coarse mixture of toasted emmer or spelt flour (far) and salt, which was sprinkled on the heads or backs of sacrificial animals and altars during all official Roman state sacrifices to consecrate the offerings.[26] This substance, produced exclusively by the Vestals, ensured the ritual purity and efficacy of sacrifices, as their virginity was believed to impart sanctity to the materials without male intervention or contamination.[2] The three senior Vestals harvested the first ears of prematurely ripened spelt with their hands, parched the grain to make it edible, ground it into flour, and combined it with salt, often using water fetched from a sacred spring that they carried without setting down until returning to the Temple of Vesta. The preparation occurred three times annually, yielding enough for public ceremonies throughout the year, and the resulting mola salsa was sometimes baked into salted cakes for distribution to priests.[5] In rituals like the Lupercalia, where goats were sacrificed to promote fertility, the mola salsa provided by the Vestals validated the rite's religious potency, underscoring the priestesses' indispensable role in maintaining Rome's pax deorum through their controlled, intra-college production process. This exclusivity reinforced the Vestals' status, as no other group could replicate the substance without compromising its sacral integrity, tying their chastity directly to the state's ritual apparatus.[9]Involvement in State Festivals and Ceremonies
The Vestal Virgins played essential roles in Roman state festivals, bridging domestic hearth worship with public religious observance. In the Vestalia, held from June 7 to 15, they prepared mola salsa—a sacred cake of parched spelt (far) and salt—from the first fruits of the harvest, which was distributed for use in sacrificial offerings at Vesta's temple and beyond.[2] [6] This preparation occurred three times annually, including during the Vestalia, emphasizing their function in sustaining ritual purity for communal rites.[17] On June 9, the temple's inner sanctum opened briefly to matrons for purification and baking, a rare public access highlighting the festival's focus on hearth sanctity.[6] During the Parilia on April 21, commemorating Rome's founding, the Vestals provided key purifying materials derived from the Fordicidia of April 15, where pregnant cows were sacrificed and their unborn calves burned under the chief Vestal's direction.[6] These ashes, combined with preserved blood from the October Horse sacrifice and dried bean stalks, were distributed by the senior Vestal to celebrants, who incorporated them into bonfires for ritual leaps symbolizing renewal and protection.[6] [2] The Vestals extended their ceremonial involvement to triumphs and other state events by supplying mola salsa for inaugural animal sacrifices, invoking Vesta's favor on military victories and civic endeavors.[2] [6] Their participation in these outward-facing rituals underscored the interdependence of private piety and state religion, with the Virgins' purity ensuring the efficacy of public invocations for Rome's prosperity.[2]Privileges, Status, and Societal Impact
Legal and Economic Privileges
Vestal Virgins were exempt from tutela mulierum, the legal guardianship imposed on Roman women, a privilege codified in the Law of the Twelve Tables that enabled them to conduct legal affairs independently of a male guardian.[27] This exemption allowed them to execute wills, enter contracts, buy and sell property, inherit estates, and testify in court without requiring approval from a paterfamilias or tutor, rights otherwise rare for women under Roman civil law.[28] [29] Economically, Vestals received a state stipend sufficient to support their maintenance and ceremonial duties, supplemented by gifts, bequests, and revenues from personal property holdings, which could include real estate as evidenced by legal dispositions returning unclaimed assets to the public treasury.[30] [31] Their financial autonomy extended to manumitting slaves—up to three at a time—simply by physical contact, a ritual act underscoring their sacral authority.[28] Additionally, Vestals held the unique prerogative to pardon condemned criminals encountered en route to execution, either by touch or mere sighting, provided the meeting was incidental rather than premeditated, reflecting the perceived sanctity of their presence as capable of averting misfortune.[32] These privileges, tied to their vows and ritual purity, elevated their status above that of ordinary women while reinforcing the interdependence of religious observance and civic order in Roman society.[28]Political Influence and Interactions with Elites
The Vestal Virgins exerted informal political influence by safeguarding vital state documents in the Temple of Vesta, including wills of elite Romans such as Julius Caesar and Mark Antony, as well as treaties and imperial testaments, which positioned them as custodians of Rome's legal and diplomatic continuity.[30] This responsibility granted them direct access to emperors and magistrates, who relied on the temple's secure penus for preserving secrets of state that could sway successions or alliances.[5] Their authority derived from a perceived divine mandate, as guardians of Vesta's sacred fire symbolizing Rome's perpetuity, enabling interventions in political crises where formal offices lacked leverage.[4] Vestals frequently petitioned for clemency on behalf of condemned prisoners, with emperors deferring to their intercessions due to the risk of divine displeasure if ignored, thus shaping judicial and executive decisions indirectly.[30][15] Interactions with elites were evident in cases like that of Licinia, a Vestal accused of unchastity circa 114 BC; Marcus Licinius Crassus, then a rising orator and future triumvir, delivered a defense speech that secured her acquittal, amid claims he had frequented her suburban villa under pretext to acquire it cheaply, highlighting how Vestal status drew elite suitors and defenders into entangled networks.[33] Such episodes underscored the Vestals' relational leverage, where accusations or alliances amplified their visibility in senatorial politics. After thirty years of service, Vestals could marry elites, leveraging accumulated prestige and pensions to forge connections that sustained influence beyond the priesthood, though most opted against it to retain independence and symbolic power.[30][2] This post-service option reinforced causal ties between their vows and elite deference, as unions with ex-Vestals carried connotations of auspicious continuity for Roman institutions.[25]Violations, Punishments, and Controversies
Prescribed Punishments for Neglect and Chastity Breaches
The Pontifex Maximus held authority to punish Vestal Virgins for lesser infractions, such as allowing the sacred fire to extinguish through negligence, by administering scourging with rods. This flogging occurred in a darkened chamber, sometimes with the offender partially stripped but shielded by a curtain to mitigate exposure and preserve ritual decorum, reflecting the institution's emphasis on purity even in correction. Breach of chastity, termed incestum, incurred the gravest penalty: immurement alive in a subterranean vault within the Campus Sceleratus, an enclosed field near Rome's Colline Gate designated for this rite. The convicted Vestal was first scourged by the pontiffs, then conveyed to the site in solemn procession; there, attendants opened the prepared cell containing a couch, a lit lamp, and sparse provisions—a small loaf of bread, a jug of water, a vial of oil, and diluted milk—before lowering her via ladder, withdrawing the ladder, sealing the entrance with a massive stone, and heaping earth over it as in a standard burial. This method ensured death by gradual starvation and deprivation, circumventing the religious prohibition against shedding the blood of a sacrosanct virgin, which would compound pollution rather than expiate it. The male paramour faced scourging unto death, typically by rods or whips, allowing bloodletting from a non-sacrosanct individual to ritually cleanse the offense.[9] These penalties embodied Roman causal logic in averting divine wrath: neglect or impurity threatened the state's pax deorum, with punishments structured to restore equilibrium through symbolic, non-violent termination of the Vestal's role while minimizing further sacral contamination. Their infrequent application—evidenced by sparse records over centuries—underscored the system's efficacy in upholding vows, thereby sustaining the Vestals' pivotal function in Roman religious continuity.Historical Cases and Political Motivations
In the Roman Republic, accusations of unchastity against Vestal Virgins were infrequent but often linked to broader political tensions. One notable case occurred in 114 BC, when Vestals Aemilia, Licinia, and Marcia faced trial for incestum (impurity, including unchastity). Aemilia was convicted and punished, while Licinia was acquitted following a defense by the orator Lucius Crassus, illustrating how elite advocacy could influence outcomes amid senatorial rivalries.[34] These proceedings, justified partly by Sibylline prophecies, reflected concerns over ritual purity during times of perceived divine disfavor, such as military setbacks. A contrasting Republican example is that of Tuccia, accused of unchastity around the 3rd or 2nd century BC. To prove her innocence, she reportedly carried water from the Tiber River to the Temple of Vesta in a sieve without spilling a drop, a miracle attributed to divine intervention by Vesta. This event, recorded by Pliny the Elder in Natural History (28.12), served to reaffirm the Vestals' sanctity and deter unfounded accusations, though its legendary nature underscores the blend of empirical trial and religious symbolism in such defenses.[9] Under the Empire, Emperor Domitian (r. 81–96 AD) orchestrated high-profile executions of Vestals, including Varronilla and the Oculata sisters circa 81–82 AD, and the chief Vestal Cornelia around 91 AD, on charges of unchastity. Cassius Dio reports that Domitian personally oversaw the trials and punishments, deviating from tradition by ordering floggings and burials alive to assert imperial authority over religious institutions. These actions, amid Domitian's consolidation of power following civil strife, suggest political motivations, as the Vestals' influence could challenge autocratic rule; Dio notes the emperor's harshness extended to elites, framing the scandals as pretexts for control. Historical records indicate that verified chastity violations were rare across the Vestals' millennium-long institution, with only a handful of documented cases despite extensive ancient historiography. The scarcity of attested incidents—primarily from periods of instability like the late Republic and Flavian era—implies that most Vestals fulfilled their vows without issue, as survival of negative accounts in sources like Plutarch and Dio points to exceptional rather than routine breaches.[2] This pattern counters interpretations exaggerating prevalence, aligning with the causal role of political expediency in amplifying accusations during power struggles.[28]Debates on Efficacy and Roman Piety
Ancient Roman sources regarded the severe punishments for Vestal chastity violations and ritual neglect as indispensable for preserving the city's pietas, which they causally linked to Rome's military and political endurance over centuries.[32] The belief held that the Vestals' ritual purity directly safeguarded the state's fortuna, with breaches threatening catastrophic divine retribution, thereby justifying entombment alive as a mechanism to avert blood pollution while enforcing discipline.[35] This perspective prioritized empirical outcomes, such as the cult's operational continuity from its legendary institution under Numa Pompilius around 715 BCE to its persistence amid Rome's expansions, over individual equity concerns.[36] Scholars affirming efficacy argue that the punishments' deterrent effect empirically correlated with low violation rates and sustained public reverence for the cult, countering interpretations of mere patriarchal coercion by highlighting its role in stabilizing state religion amid elite temptations.[16] For instance, the Vestals' embodiment of communal purity reinforced Roman identity and cohesion, contributing to the religion's adaptability from Republic to Empire without systemic collapse until external Christian pressures in the late 4th century CE.[6] Such views emphasize causal realism: the cult's millennium-long tenure, despite inherent human frailties, implies functional success in upholding piety as a perceived bulwark of Rome's hegemony, rather than incidental survival.[2] Critics, including some modern academics influenced by frameworks prioritizing gender dynamics, contend the regime exemplified oppressive control, potentially undermining genuine devotion through fear rather than fostering voluntary fidelity.[30] Ancient commentators like Dionysius of Halicarnassus described the penalties without explicit endorsement of their proportionality, noting their ritual framing as a concession to urban sanctity laws, which could imply underlying tensions between severity and civic norms. However, these narratives often overstate coercion while underplaying verifiable incentives—such as elite family prestige and post-service privileges—that aligned personal stakes with state imperatives, and they discount the cult's endurance as evidence against inefficacy claims.[5] Left-leaning scholarly biases in contemporary historiography tend to amplify "patriarchal" framings at the expense of Rome's demonstrable religious pragmatism, which yielded tangible stability.[37]Living Arrangements and Attire
The Atrium Vestae and Daily Life
The Atrium Vestae, situated in the Roman Forum adjacent to the Temple of Vesta at the foot of the Palatine Hill, served as the residence for the six to seven Vestal Virgins, facilitating their religious duties through a self-contained complex.[38][39] This cloister-like structure featured a large central peristyle courtyard surrounded by colonnaded porticos with cipollino and breccia corallina columns, encompassing multi-storied wings with individual living quarters, service rooms, kitchens, and offices.[39][38] Archaeological excavations revealed water basins and sophisticated hydraulic systems used for ritual purification, alongside an octagonal fountain structure and drainage features essential for maintaining purity in sacred activities.[39][38] Individual cells in the eastern, southern, and western wings provided private spaces for the Vestals, while communal areas supported collective responsibilities; over 80 statues of former Vestals with inscriptions, recovered from the site, underscored the house's role in commemorating their service.[39][17] Charred remains of wheat, barley, and legumes, along with animal bones from pigs and chickens, indicate on-site preparation of ritual offerings and feasting tied to hearth maintenance.[38] Daily routines centered on perpetual vigilance over the sacred fire in the adjacent temple, with Vestals conducting checks and tending from dawn through night using wood from sacred sources, a duty enforced by inscriptions detailing round-the-clock rituals.[17][38] The complex's kitchens and facilities enabled preparation of sacred substances like mola salsa, while communal meals likely occurred in shared spaces, balancing isolation—limited to essential visitors such as family or patrons evidenced by dedicatory inscriptions—with the site's urban centrality for oversight of state rites.[38][17] The residence underwent expansions during the imperial period, including reconstruction in brick-faced concrete after the Great Fire of 64 AD under Nero, with additional wings and enhancements in the 1st to 3rd centuries AD for administrative and residential grandeur, reflecting evolving state priorities in religious infrastructure.[39] These adaptations ensured the Atrium's functionality amid Rome's growth, linking the Vestals' secluded yet pivotal environment to the continuity of civic piety.[39]Distinctive Attire and Symbolic Elements
The Vestal Virgins wore a distinctive white stola, a long, pleated gown typically associated with Roman matrons, layered over a tunic and symbolizing modesty and sexual virtue.[9][40] This white attire underscored their perpetual virginity and ritual purity, distinguishing them from ordinary women while aligning with Vesta's sacred fire through unadorned simplicity.[9] Over the stola, they donned a palla or upper linen vestment during ceremonies, often secured without jewelry to emphasize austerity. A key element was the suffibulum, a short white woolen veil akin to a bride's, fastened with a fibula brooch and worn especially during sacrifices to signify chastity and dedication.[9][41] The headdress included the infula, woolen bands with hanging ribbons (vittae), framing the face and evoking both bridal and priestly roles.[40] Their hair was styled in the seni crines or sex crines, six braids arranged around the head, a archaic style reserved for brides and Vestals to symbolize enduring purity and separation from marital norms.[42][43] These elements differentiated Vestals from matrons, who adopted varied hairstyles post-marriage; the priestesses' uniform austerity reinforced state religious authority over personal adornment.[40] Reliefs and statues from the Atrium Vestae, such as those preserving consistent white drapery and braided coiffures, confirm the attire's standardized form across centuries.[44] Coins and inscriptions further depict the infula and veil in processional contexts, verifying symbolic ties to Vesta's hearth and the Vestals' custodial role.Notable Individuals
Prominent Republican Vestals
Tuccia, a Vestal Virgin of the third century BC, became renowned for demonstrating her chastity through a miraculous ordeal when accused of violating her vows. According to accounts preserved in Valerius Maximus and Pliny the Elder, Tuccia carried water from the Tiber River to the Temple of Vesta in a sieve without spilling a drop, an act interpreted as divine validation of her purity and a reinforcement of the Vestals' role in upholding Roman piety.[45][46] This event, dated around 145 BC in some traditions, exemplified individual devotion amid potential scandals that could undermine the college's prestige.[47] Aemilia, another Republican-era Vestal, is celebrated in legendary accounts for averting crisis when the sacred fire of Vesta accidentally extinguished due to a junior priestess's neglect. As chief Vestal, she reportedly prayed to Vesta, sacrificed, and placed her linen veil or sash upon the ashes, miraculously reigniting the flame and sparing punishment that could signal divine disfavor toward Rome.[48][49] This narrative, echoed in Plutarch and later sources, highlighted the Vestals' direct intervention in maintaining the eternal flame, symbolizing Rome's continuity and protection from calamity.[50] During the Gallic invasion and sack of Rome in 390 BC, the Vestals collectively preserved sacred traditions by evacuating the palladium, other holy relics, and the sacred fire to the allied Etruscan city of Caere. Livy's history records that the college, under its leader, fled the city as ordered, ensuring the fire's continuity en route and restoring it upon safer ground, an act credited with safeguarding Rome's spiritual core amid military defeat.[51][52] This preservation effort underscored the Vestals' institutional resilience, linking their piety to Rome's recovery and future victories over the Gauls.[53]Imperial-Era Vestals and Scandals
![Cornelia, the Vestal Virgin, entombed alive surrounded by bo Wellcome V0041753.jpg][center] In the imperial era, the Vestal Virgins maintained their pivotal role in Roman religion, yet their vows of chastity were repeatedly tested by imperial excesses and political intrigues, revealing strains within the institution. Emperor Nero (r. 54–68 AD) notoriously violated the Vestal Rubria, debauching her despite her sacred oath, as recorded by the contemporary biographer Suetonius, who highlighted this among Nero's broader sexual depravities. Such acts by rulers underscored the vulnerability of the Vestals to elite predation, potentially eroding public perceptions of their purity essential to Rome's welfare. Under Emperor Domitian (r. 81–96 AD), scandals escalated into systematic purges aimed at enforcing morality, though possibly serving political ends. Shortly after his accession around 81–82 AD, Domitian severely punished Vestals for unchastity previously overlooked under prior emperors, initially allowing choices of execution before resorting to traditional burial alive. In 91 AD, the chief Vestal Cornelia faced trial for incestum (sexual impurity), convicted in absentia, and entombed alive near the Colline Gate, an event chronicled by Suetonius as exemplifying Domitian's rigorous, if inconsistent, enforcement. Pliny the Younger detailed the grim procession, noting Cornelia's protests of innocence, suggesting the accusation may have been fabricated amid Domitian's authoritarian consolidation.[14] These episodes highlighted institutional tensions, with emperors exploiting Vestal trials to project piety or eliminate rivals, yet the order demonstrated resilience. Inscriptions from the Atrium Vestae, including dedications honoring Vestals, affirm their continued ritual activities and public veneration through the third-century crisis, providing epigraphic evidence of unbroken continuity amid empire-wide upheavals.[17] Such records indicate that, despite scandals, the Vestals retained symbolic potency into late antiquity, balancing breaches with persistent elite support until Christian suppression.[54]Vestals in Provincial Contexts
While the collegium of Vestal Virgins operated exclusively from Rome, the broader cult of Vesta extended to select provincial settings, particularly military colonies and legionary camps, facilitating the dissemination of Roman religious practices during the 1st to 3rd centuries AD. Epigraphic and archaeological evidence attests to Vesta's worship in these peripheral Roman strongholds, where she symbolized continuity of the empire's hearth and security amid frontier expansion. Inscriptions from military sites in Gaul, Hispania, and Germania indicate dedications to Vesta, often linked to altars or small shrines rather than monumental temples, underscoring a scaled-down adaptation that preserved core rituals like fire maintenance without replicating the virgin priesthood.[12][55] In Gaul, for instance, fragments of votive offerings and boundary markers invoke Vesta alongside other state deities in camps such as those along the Rhine frontier, dating to the Flavian and Trajanic periods (late 1st–early 2nd centuries AD), reflecting her role in legitimizing Roman presence among conquered peoples. Similar finds in Hispania's legionary bases, like those in Tarraconensis, include reliefs and dedications from the 2nd century AD, where local elites or auxiliaries participated in hearth rites to foster loyalty to Rome. These provincial expressions emphasized Vesta's protective function for soldiers and settlers, exporting Roman piety while adapting to non-urban contexts devoid of the Atrium Vestae's infrastructure.[12] Evidence from North African provinces, such as Proconsularis, reveals sporadic inscriptions honoring Vesta in municipal sanctuaries from the 2nd century AD, potentially serviced by local female attendants emulating Vestal chastity motifs, though without formal virgin selection or 30-year terms. This limited outreach highlights the cult's adaptability for cultural Romanization, yet its confinement to elite or military spheres prevented widespread replication, maintaining Rome's symbolic monopoly on the full Vestal order. Archaeological surveys confirm no equivalent priestesses titled virgines Vestales beyond Italy, with provincial roles likely filled by married priestesses (flaminicae) or ad hoc virgines in imperial cult hybrids.[56]Decline and Suppression
Challenges in Late Antiquity
During the Crisis of the Third Century (235–284 AD), marked by rapid imperial turnover, invasions, and economic collapse, the Vestal Virgins encountered pressures from societal disruption that threatened their institutional continuity, though surviving inscriptions from the Atrium Vestae demonstrate their efforts to project stability and eternal protection for Rome amid the turmoil.[17] These texts emphasized themes of time, eternity, and unbroken tradition, underscoring the Vestals' role in countering perceptions of decline, yet the era's broader epigraphic decline—reflecting reduced resources and patronage—signaled eroding public investment in such rituals.[57] Instances of the sacred fire's extinction, historically punished by scourging for negligence, likely increased under strained conditions, as maintaining vigilance became harder without consistent state backing.[2] By the fourth century, reliance on imperial patronage intensified challenges, as emperors post-Constantine (r. 306–337 AD) prioritized Christian institutions, leading to unfilled vacancies in the college of six Vestals and diminished recruitment from elite families wary of pagan commitments.[16] Epigraphic evidence post-300 AD dwindles, with fewer dedications to Vestals compared to earlier centuries, indicating waning traditional piety and institutional vitality independent of direct suppression.[58] The last documented Virgo Vestalis Maxima, Coelia Concordia, active around 385 AD, highlights sporadic persistence but underscores vacancies and isolation from fuller imperial endorsement.[2] Emperor Julian's brief pagan revival (361–363 AD) sought to reinvigorate state cults, including temple restorations and priestly hierarchies, but his untimely death after two years precluded comprehensive rebuilding of the Vestal order, leaving it vulnerable to ongoing attrition.[59] This failure exemplified the inability to reverse entrenched shifts in elite allegiance and resource allocation away from archaic priesthoods, setting the stage for further internal erosion.[60]Christian Suppression and Final Extinction
The suppression of the Vestal Virgins' cult culminated under Emperor Theodosius I, whose edicts from 391 to 394 AD systematically dismantled pagan institutions to enforce Nicene Christianity as the empire's sole religion. In February 391 AD, Theodosius promulgated Codex Theodosianus 16.10.10, banning all blood sacrifices and access to temples for superstitious purposes, which directly impacted the Vestals' maintenance of the sacred fire and ritual duties at Vesta's temple.[61] Subsequent decrees in August 391 AD (CTh 16.10.12) ordered the closure of rural temples used for idolatry, extending the policy to urban centers like Rome, where state subsidies for pagan priesthoods—including the Vestals—were revoked, echoing earlier restrictions under Gratian in 382 AD but now irreversibly enforced.[62] These measures reflected a deliberate causal strategy: redirecting imperial resources from polytheistic cults to Christian orthodoxy, viewing the Vestals' perpetual flame as emblematic of idolatrous continuity rather than civic piety. The Temple of Vesta's definitive closure occurred in 394 AD, following Theodosius' victory at the Battle of the Frigidus River over the pagan-backed usurper Eugenius and Arbogast, which eliminated the last organized resistance to Christian dominance. The sacred fire, tended by the Vestals for over a millennium since the Roman Kingdom, was extinguished as part of this crackdown, with no records of rekindling or new initiations thereafter.[63] Inscriptions such as CIL VI.2145 document Coelia Concordia as a late Vestal noted for her piety, active around the 380s AD, but the college dissolved without successors, its extinction verified in contemporary pagan chronicles like those of Zosimus, who lamented the edicts' role in severing Rome's ancestral religious ties.[64] Pagan elites, including senators who had earlier petitioned via Symmachus in 384 AD to restore the Altar of Victory and Vestal privileges, mounted no successful revival post-394 AD, as Theodosius' policies—upheld by successors—prioritized monotheistic uniformity over traditional pluralism. The Vestals' burial privileges and exemptions lapsed entirely, with the Atrium Vestae repurposed, marking the cult's unrevived end amid the empire's Christianization.[22] This terminal phase underscored the causal incompatibility between the Vestals' role in state-sanctioned polytheism and the exclusive demands of imperial Christianity, ending a institution integral to Roman identity since at least the 7th century BC.[41]Legacy and Interpretations
Role in Roman State Religion and Causal Realism
The Vestal Virgins served as the exclusive priestesses of Vesta, the goddess embodying the hearth, home, and continuity of the Roman state, with their primary duty being the perpetual maintenance of her sacred fire in the Temple of Vesta on the Forum Romanum. This flame, never allowed to extinguish, symbolized Rome's eternal vitality and the unbroken lineage of its people, requiring daily rituals of kindling and safeguarding that linked the priestesses directly to the city's foundational purity. They also prepared mola salsa, a sacred salted flour used in all major state sacrifices, thereby embedding their labor in every public rite from triumphs to expiations, ensuring the pax deorum—the harmony with the gods essential for communal prosperity.[2][65] In the Roman state religion, the Vestals' enforced chastity for a minimum of 30 years—extendable lifelong for many—functioned as a collective embodiment of ritual purity, believed to avert divine wrath and secure favor for agricultural fertility, military victories, and civic stability. Their vows, backed by severe penalties including live burial for violations, reinforced the notion that personal discipline causally sustained the res publica, with historical accounts linking lapses in their order to reported omens or defeats, such as during the Second Punic War when Vestal scandals prompted expiatory measures. This role extended to custodial duties over sacred objects like the palliadium (a Trojan relic purportedly ensuring Rome's invulnerability) and participation in key festivals, positioning them as guarantors of the gods' goodwill amid expansion from a 7th-century BCE city-state to a Mediterranean empire spanning over 5 million square kilometers by the 2nd century CE.[4][16][41] From a causal realist perspective grounded in the Roman worldview, the Vestals' regimen was not arbitrary superstition but a pragmatic mechanism in a pre-scientific context, where observable correlations between ritual adherence and outcomes—like sustained conquests under consistent cult observance from circa 717 BCE (traditional founding under Numa Pompilius) to the 4th century CE—fostered societal cohesion and elite commitment to state ends. The institution's endurance through republican upheavals, imperial transitions, and even partial adaptations under autocrats like Augustus, who tied Vesta's cult to his household for dynastic legitimacy, empirically stabilized religious practice as a unifying force, outweighing critiques of its patrician exclusivity or occasional scandals that prompted reforms rather than abolition. This longevity, evidenced by continuous archaeological traces in the Atrium Vestae and epigraphic records of over 80 named Vestals across centuries, underscores how their purity rites served as a first-principles hedge against existential risks, aligning human agency with perceived divine causality to undergird Rome's material ascendancy until external pressures like Christian ascendancy disrupted the equilibrium in 394 CE under Theodosius I.[32][5][6]Depictions in Art, Literature, and Modern Scholarship
Ancient Roman art frequently portrayed Vestal Virgins in sculptures and coins, emphasizing their ritual roles and symbolic purity. Marble portraits from the Atrium Vestae depict them in distinctive attire, such as the palla and stola, highlighting their priestly status and integration into imperial propaganda.[66] Coins, including those from the British Museum featuring a veiled Vestal bust alongside Vesta, and others illustrating trials for unchastity, underscore their public significance and accountability within Roman society.[67] [68] In classical literature, poets like Ovid extolled the Vestals' chastity as emblematic of Rome's enduring hearth. In the Fasti, Ovid describes Vesta as an unyielding virgin flame, incapable of generation or corruption, linking her priestesses to the state's perpetual vitality.[69] Virgil's Aeneid alludes to Vestal lineage through Rhea Silvia, a priestess impregnated by Mars, framing their virginity as foundational to Roman origins while invoking themes of divine intervention and piety. These depictions idealized the Vestals as guardians of sacred fire, with their purity ensuring communal prosperity. Post-Roman Western art revived Vestal imagery as allegories of virtue and chastity, particularly during the Renaissance and Rococo periods. Andrea Mantegna's The Vestal Virgin Tuccia with a Sieve (c. 1495) illustrates the legend of Tuccia proving her innocence by carrying water in a sieve, symbolizing miraculous purity and often invoked in portraits of elite women.[45] Quentin Metsys the Younger's Sieve Portrait of Queen Elizabeth I (1583) explicitly draws on this motif to assert the monarch's virginity and legitimacy, equating her rule with Vestal sanctity. Later works, such as Jean Raoux's Vestal Virgin (c. 1700s) and Angelica Kauffman's Portrait of a Woman as a Vestal Virgin (1770s), portrayed them in serene, contemplative poses, reinforcing Enlightenment ideals of moral fortitude amid domestic settings.[70] Modern scholarship has reassessed Vestal depictions, shifting from romanticized purity to analyses of their socio-political agency and disciplinary rigor. Studies emphasize their exceptional privileges, including legal pardons and property rights unavailable to other women, positioning them as active influencers in Roman governance rather than passive symbols.[2] [5] While some interpretations, influenced by contemporary gender frameworks, frame Vestals as victims of patriarchal control, primary evidence—such as their roles in will custody and public processions—demonstrates substantial autonomy and alignment with state interests.[6] Recent theses, like those examining the transition from Republic to Empire, highlight how Vestal scandals reflected political maneuvers, underscoring their power as a stabilizing force rather than mere ritual functionaries.[16] This empirical focus counters idealized narratives by affirming the causal link between their enforced discipline and Rome's perceived endurance.[65]
