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Spanish naming customs
Spanish naming customs
from Wikipedia

José García TorresMaría Acosta Gómez
Pablo García Acosta

Spanish names are the traditional way of identifying, and the official way of registering a person in Spain. They are composed of a given name (simple or composite)[a] and two surnames (the first surname of each parent). Traditionally, the first surname is the father's first surname, and the second is the mother's first surname. Since 1999, the order of the surnames of the children in a family in Spain is decided when registering the first child, but the traditional order is nearly universally chosen (99.53% of the time).[2][b] Women generally do not change their name with marriage.

The practice is to use one given name and the first surname generally (e.g. "Penélope Cruz" for Penélope Cruz Sánchez); the complete name is reserved for legal, formal and documentary matters. Both surnames are sometimes systematically used when the first surname is very common (e.g., Federico García Lorca, Pablo Ruiz Picasso or José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero) to get a more distinguishable name.[5] In these cases, it is even common to use only the second surname, as in "Lorca", "Picasso" or "Zapatero". This does not affect alphabetization: "Lorca", the Spanish poet, must be alphabetized in an index under "García Lorca", not "Lorca" or "García".

Spanish naming customs were extended to countries under Spanish rule, influencing naming customs of Hispanic America and Philippines to different extent.

Basic structure

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Currently in Spain, people bear a single or composite given name (nombre in Spanish) and two surnames (apellidos in Spanish).

A composite given name is composed of two (or more) single names; for example, Juan Pablo is considered not to be a first and a second forename, but a single composite forename.[6]

The two surnames refer to each of the parental families. Traditionally, a person's first surname is the father's first surname (apellido paterno), while their second surname is the mother's first surname (apellido materno). For example, if a man named Eduardo Fernández Garrido marries a woman named María Dolores Martínez Ruiz (note that women do not change their name with marriage) and they have a child named José, there are several legal options, but their child would most usually be known as José Fernández Martínez.

Spanish gender equality law has allowed surname transposition since 1999,[7] subject to the condition that every sibling must bear the same surname order recorded in the Registro Civil (civil registry), but there have been legal exceptions. Since 2013, if the parents of a child were unable to agree on the order of surnames, an official would decide which is to come first,[8][9][10] with the paternal name being the default option. The only requirement is that every son and daughter must have the same order of the surnames, so they cannot change it separately. Since June 2017, adopting the paternal name first is no longer the standard method, and parents are required to sign an agreement wherein the name order is expressed explicitly.[11][12][13] The law also grants a person the option, upon reaching adulthood, of reversing the order of their surnames. However, this legislation only applies to Spanish citizens; people of other nationalities are issued the surname indicated by the laws of their original country.[13]

Each of these two surnames can also be composite in itself, with the parts usually linked by:

  • the conjunction y or e (and),
  • the preposition de (of), or
  • a hyphen.

For example, a person's name might be Juan Pablo Fernández de Calderón García-Iglesias, consisting of a forename (Juan Pablo), a paternal surname (Fernández de Calderón), and a maternal surname (García-Iglesias).

Forms of address

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A man named José Antonio Gómez Iglesias would normally be addressed as either señor Gómez or señor Gómez Iglesias instead of señor Iglesias, because Gómez is his first surname. Furthermore, Mr. Gómez might be informally addressed as

  1. José Antonio
  2. José
  3. Pepe (nickname for José)
  4. Antonio
  5. Toño (nickname for Antonio)
  6. Joselito, Josito, Joselillo, Josico or Joselín (diminutives of José)
  7. Antoñito, Toñín, Toñito, Ñoño or Nono (diminutives of Antonio)
  8. Joseán (apocopation).

Very formally, he could be addressed with an honorific such as don José Antonio or don José.

It is not unusual, when the first surname is very common, like García in the example above, for a person to be referred to formally using both family names, or casually by their second surname only. For example, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (elected President of the Spanish Government in the 2004 and 2008 general elections) is often called simply Zapatero, the name he inherited from his mother's family since Rodríguez is a common surname and may be ambiguous. The same occurs with another former Spanish Socialist leader, Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, with the poet and dramatist Federico García Lorca, and with the painter Pablo Ruiz Picasso. As these people's paternal surnames are very common, they are often referred to by their maternal surnames (Rubalcaba, Lorca, Picasso). It would nonetheless be a mistake to index Rodríguez Zapatero under Z or García Lorca under L. (Picasso, who spent most of his adult life in France, is normally indexed under "P".)

In an English-speaking environment, Spanish-named people sometimes hyphenate their surnames to avoid Anglophone confusion[clarification needed] or to fill in forms with only one space provided for the last name:[14] for example, U.S. Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who is of Puerto Rican heritage, is named "Ocasio-Cortez" because her parents' surnames are Ocasio-Roman and Ocasio-Cortez (née Cortez). She has publicly corrected people who referred to her as "Cortez" rather than "Ocasio-Cortez".[15][relevant?]

In Spanish-speaking countries, hyphenated surnames arise when someone wants both the paternal and maternal surnames passed to future generations, and the next generation receives the two, hyphenated, as a single (paternal) surname. Occasionally the two are fused into a simple (unhyphenated) name, such as Jovellanos (from Jove and Llanos). Rarely, the two names are left unhyphenated, such as López Portillo, which may lead to confusion.

Forenames

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Parents choose their child's given name, which must be recorded in the Registro Civil (Civil Registry) to establish their legal identity.[16] With few restrictions, parents can now choose any name; common sources of names are the parents' taste, honouring a relative, the General Roman Calendar nomina (nominal register), and traditional Spanish names. Legislation in Spain under Franco's dictatorship legally limited cultural naming customs to only Christian (Jesus, Mary, saints)[17] and typical Spanish names (Álvaro, Jimena, etc.). Although the first part of a composite forename generally reflects the gender of the child, the second personal name need not (e.g. José María Aznar). At present, the only naming limitation is the dignity of the child, who cannot be given an insulting name. Similar limitations applied against diminutive, familiar, and colloquial variants not recognized as names proper, and "those that lead to confusion regarding sex";[18] however, current law[19] allows registration of diminutive names.[20]

María, José and Jesús in composite given names

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Spanish provincial surname concentrations: percentage of population born with the ten most-common surnames for each province (source: Instituto Nacional de Estadística 2006)

Girls are often named María,[21] honouring the Virgin Mary, by appending either a shrine, place, or religious-concept suffix-name to María. In daily life, such women omit the "Mary of the ..." nominal prefix, and use the suffix portion of their composite names as their public, rather than legal, identity. Hence, women with Marian names such as María de los Ángeles (María of the Angels), María del Pilar (María of the Pillar), and María de la Luz (María of the Light), are normally addressed as Ángeles (Angels), Pilar (Pillar), and Luz (Light); however, each might be addressed as María. Nicknames such as Maricarmen for María del Carmen, Marisol for "María (de la) Soledad" ("Our Lady of Solitude", the Virgin Mary), Dolores or Lola for María de los Dolores ("Our Lady of Sorrows"), Mercedes or Merche for María de las Mercedes ("Our Lady of Mercy"), etc. are often used. Also, parents can simply name a girl María, or Mari without a suffix portion.

It is common for a boy's formal name to include María, preceded by a masculine name, e.g. José María Aznar, Juan María Vicencio de Ripperdá or Antonio María Rouco Varela. Equivalently, a girl can be formally named María José, e.g. skier María José Rienda, and informally named Marijose, Mariajo, Majo, Ajo, Marisé or even José in honour of St. Joseph. María as a masculine name is often abbreviated in writing as M. (José M. Aznar), Ma. (José Ma. Aznar), or M.ª (José M.ª Morelos).[22] It is unusual for any names other than the religiously significant María and José to be used in this way except for the name Jesús that is also very common and can be used as Jesús or Jesús María for a boy and María Jesús for a girl, and can be abbreviated as Sus, Chus and other nicknames.

Registered names

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The Registro Civil (Civil Registry) officially records a child's identity as composed of a forename (simple or composite) and the two surnames; however, a child can be religiously baptized with several forenames, e.g. Felipe Juan Froilán de Todos los Santos. Until the 1960s, it was customary to baptize children with three forenames: the first was the main and the only one used by the child; if parents agreed, one of the other two was the name of the day's saint. Nowadays, baptizing with three or more forenames is usually a royal and noble family practice.

Marriage

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In Spain married people keep their original surnames (unlike in some near cultures in which they may adopt the spouse's family name as a married name). In some instances, such as high society meetings, the partner's surname can be added after the person's surnames using the preposition de (of). An example would be a Leocadia Blanco Álvarez, married to a Pedro Pérez Montilla, may be addressed as Leocadia Blanco de Pérez or as Leocadia Blanco Álvarez de Pérez. This format is not used in everyday settings and has no legal value.[23]

Similarly, a widow may be identified using "viuda de" ("widow of" in Spanish) or its abbreviation "vda." for, as in Leocadia Blanco vda. de Pérez.

Generational transmission

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Surname distribution: the most common surnames in Spain, by province of residence

In the generational transmission of surnames, the paternal surname's precedence eventually eliminates the maternal surnames from the family lineage. Contemporary law (1999) allows the maternal surname to be given precedence, but most people observe the traditional paternal–maternal surname order. Therefore, the daughter and son of Ángela López Sáenz and Tomás Portillo Blanco are usually called Laura Portillo López and Pedro Portillo López but could also be called Laura López Portillo and Pedro López Portillo. The two surnames of all siblings must be in the same order when recorded in the Registro Civil. Spanish naming customs include the orthographic option of conjoining the surnames with the conjunction particle y, or e before a name starting with 'I', 'Hi' or 'Y', (both meaning "and") (e.g., José Ortega y Gasset, Tomás Portillo y Blanco, or Eduardo Dato e Iradier), following an antiquated aristocratic usage.

Patrilineal surname transmission was not always the norm in Spanish-speaking societies. Prior to the mid-eighteenth century,[citation needed] when the current paternal-maternal surname combination norm was adopted, Hispanophone societies often practised matrilineal surname transmission, giving children the maternal surname and occasionally giving children a grandparent's surname (borne by neither parent) for prestige – being perceived as gentry – and profit, flattering the matriarch or the patriarch in hope of inheriting land. A more recent example can be found in the name of Francisco de Asís Franco y Martínez-Bordiú (born 1954), who took first the name of his mother, Carmen Franco, rather than that of his father, Cristóbal Martínez-Bordiú, 10th Marquis of Villaverde, in order to perpetuate the family name of his maternal grandfather, the Caudillo Francisco Franco.[24]

Not every surname is a single word; such conjoining usage is common with doubled surnames (maternal-paternal), ancestral composite surnames bequeathed to the following generations – especially when the paternal surname is socially undistinguished. José María Álvarez del Manzano y López del Hierro is an example, his name comprising the composite single name José María and two composite surnames, Álvarez del Manzano and López del Hierro. Other examples derive from church place-names such as San José. When a person bears doubled surnames, the means of disambiguation is to insert y between the paternal and maternal surnames.

In case of illegitimacy – when the child's father either is unknown or refuses to recognize his child legally – the child bears both of the mother's surnames, which may be interchanged.[25]

Occasionally, a person with a common paternal surname and an uncommon maternal surname becomes widely known by the maternal surname. Some examples include the artist Pablo Ruiz Picasso, the poet Federico García Lorca, and the politician José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. With a similar effect, the foreign paternal surname of the Uruguayan writer Eduardo Hughes Galeano (his father was British) is usually omitted. (As a boy, however, he occasionally signed his name as Eduardo Gius, using a Hispanicized approximation of the English pronunciation of "Hughes".) Such use of the second last name by itself is colloquial, however, and may not be applied in legal contexts.

Also rarely, a person may become widely known by both surnames, with an example being a tennis player Arantxa Sánchez Vicario – whereas her older brothers Emilio and Javier, also professional tennis players, are mainly known only by the paternal surname of Sánchez in everyday life, although they would formally be addressed as Sánchez Vicario.

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Where Basque and Romance cultures have linguistically long coexisted, the surnames denote the father's name and the (family) house or town/village. Thus the Romance patronymic and the place-name are conjoined with the prepositional particle de ("from"+"provenance"). For example, in the name José Ignacio López de Arriortúa, the composite surname López de Arriortúa is a single surname, despite Arriortúa being the original family name. This can lead to confusion because the Spanish López and the Basque Arriortúa are discrete surnames in Spanish and Basque respectively. This pattern was also in use in other Basque districts, but was phased out in most of the Basque-speaking areas and only remained in place across lands of heavy Romance influence, i.e. some central areas of Navarre and most of Álava. To a lesser extent, this pattern has been also present in Castile, where Basque-Castilian bilingualism was common in northern and eastern areas up to the 13th century.

A notable example of this system was Joaquina Sánchez de Samaniego y Fernández de Tejada, with both paternal and maternal surnames coming from this system, joined with an y ("and").

Nominal conjunctions

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The particle "de" (of)

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In Spanish, the preposition particle de ("of") is used as a conjunction in two different surname styles, and also used in a kind of placeholder role to disambiguate surnames that might be mistaken as additional forenames. The first style is in patronymic and toponymic surname formulæ,[26] e.g. Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba, Pedro López de Ayala, and Vasco Núñez de Balboa, as in many conquistador names.[27]

In names of persons, the prepositional particle de is written in lower-case when the forename has been included, e.g. José Manuel de la Rúa ("of the street") and Cunegunda de la Torre ("of the tower"); when the forename has been omitted, the de is capitalized, e.g. doctor De la Rúa and señora De la Torre.[citation needed]

Without a patronymic
Juan Carlos de Borbón. Unlike in French names such as d'Alembert, in Spanish orthography "de" is written out in full (not replaced by a contraction) when the surname begins with a vowel. The exception is de el ("of the"), which becomes del, e.g. Carlos Arturo del Monte (Charles Arthur of the Mountain).
The patronymic exception
The current (1958) Spanish name law, Artículo 195 del Reglamento del Registro Civil (Article 195 of the Civil Registry Regulations) does not allow a person to prefix de to their surname, except as the clarifying addition of de to a surname (apellido) that might be misunderstood as a forename (nombre);[28] thus, a child would be registered as Pedro de Miguel Jiménez to avoid the surname Miguel being mistaken as the second part of a composite name, as Pedro Miguel.

Bearing the de particle does not necessarily denote a noble family; especially in names from eastern Castile, Alava, and western Navarre, the de usually meant simply "from", and was applied to the place-name (town or village) from which the person and his or her ancestors originated. This differs from another practice established in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in which de could be applied to one's own name as a way of denoting the bearer's noble heritage, to avoid the misperception that he or she was either a Jew or a Moor. In that time, many people, regardless of their true origins, used the particle, e.g. Miguel de Cervantes, Lope de Vega, etc.; moreover, following that fashion, a high noble such as Francisco Sandoval Rojas called himself Francisco de Sandoval y Rojas. During the eighteenth century, the Spanish nobility fully embraced the French custom of using de as a nobility identifier; however, since many commoners also bore the same particle, the use of de became unclear. Thus, nobility was emphasised with the surname's lineage.

The particle "y" (and)

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In the sixteenth century,[citation needed] the Spanish adopted the copulative conjunction y ("and") to distinguish a person's surnames; thus the Andalusian Baroque writer Luis de Góngora y Argote (1561–1627), the Aragonese painter Francisco José de Goya y Lucientes (1746–1828), the Andalusian artist Pablo Diego Ruiz y Picasso (1881–1973), and the Madrilenian liberal philosopher José Ortega y Gasset (1883–1955). In Hispanic America, this spelling convention was common among clergymen (e.g. Salvadoran Bishop Óscar Arnulfo Romero y Galdámez), and sanctioned by the Ley de Registro Civil (Civil Registry Law) of 1870, which required birth certificates to indicate the paternal and maternal surnames conjoined with y – thus, Felipe González y Márquez and José María Aznar y López are the respective legal names of the Spanish politicians Felipe González Márquez and José María Aznar López; however, unlike in Catalan, this usage is infrequent in Spanish. In the Philippines, y and its associated usages are retained only in formal state documents such as police records, but is otherwise dropped in favour of a more American-influenced naming order.

The conjunction y avoids denominational confusion when the paternal surname might appear to be a (first) name: without it, the physiologist Santiago Ramón y Cajal might appear to be named Santiago Ramón (composite) and surnamed Cajal, likewise the jurist Francisco Tomás y Valiente, and the cleric Vicente Enrique y Tarancón. Without the conjunction, the footballer Rafael Martín Vázquez, when referred to by his surnames Martín Vázquez mistakenly appears to be forenamed Martín rather than Rafael, whilst, to his annoyance, the linguist Fernando Lázaro Carreter occasionally was addressed as Don Lázaro, rather than as Don Fernando (Lázaro can be either forename or surname).

When the conjunction y is used and the maternal surname begins with an i vowel sound — whether written with the vowel I (Ibarra), the vowel Y (Ybarra archaic spelling), or the combination Hi + consonant (Higueras) — Spanish euphony substitutes e in place of the word y; thus the example of the Spanish statesman Eduardo Dato e Iradier (1856–1921).

Denotations

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To communicate a person's social identity, Spanish naming customs provide orthographic means, such as suffix-letter abbreviations, surname spellings, and place names, which denote and connote the person's place in society.

Identity and descent

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p. (father of): A man named like his son may add the lower-case suffix p. (denoting padre, father) to his surname. An example of this is José Luis Lorena, p., to distinguish him from his son José Luis Lorena; the English analogue is "Sr." (senior).

h. (son of): A man named like his father may append the lower-case suffix h. (denoting hijo, son) to his surname, thus distinguishing himself, Juan Gómez Marcos, h., from his father, Juan Gómez Marcos; the English analogue is "Jr." (junior).

The suffix -ez

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Following the Visigothic invasion of the Iberian peninsula, the local population adopted to a large extent a patronymic naming system: the suffix -icī (a Latin genitive meaning son of) would be attached to the father's forename to create a patronymic for the son.[29][30] This suffix gradually evolved into different local forms, depending on the language. For example, the son of Fernando would be called:

This system was most common in, but not limited to, the central region of Castile. Bare surnames, i.e. the father's name without the suffix -itz/-ez/-is/-es, can also be found, and are especially common in Catalonia. This said, mass migration in the 20th century has led to a certain levelling of such regional differences.

In Catalan speaking areas, the suffixed surname Ferrandis is most common in the South (the Valencian Country) while in the North (Catalonia) the bare surname Ferran is more common. Furthermore, language contact led to the creation of multiple hybrid forms, as evidenced by the multiple Catalano-Castillan surnames, found especially in the Valencian Country: Fernàndez, Fernandis, Fernàndiz, Ferrandez, Ferràniz, Ferranis, etc.

Not every surname that resembles this pattern is patronymic. Due to the letters z and s being pronounced alike in American dialects of Spanish, many non-patronymic surnames with an -es have come to be written with an -ez. In American Spanish, the -ez spellings of Chávez (Hugo Chávez), Cortez (Alberto Cortez) and Valdez (Nelson Valdez) are not patronymic surnames, but simply variant spellings of the Iberian Spanish spelling with -es, as in the names of Manuel Chaves, Hernán Cortés and Víctor Valdés. For more on the -z surnames in Spanish see Influences on the Spanish language.

A number of the most common surnames with the patronymic suffix -ez:

  • Álvarez – the son of Álvar, Álvaro
  • Antúnez – the son of Antón, Antonio
  • Benéitez, Benítez – the son of Benito
  • Díaz, Díez, Diéguez – the son of Diego
  • Domínguez – the son of Domingo
  • Enríquez – the son of Enrique
  • Estévez – the son of Esteve, Estevo, Esteban
  • Fernández – the son of Fernando
  • Giménez, Jiménez, Ximénez – the son of Gimeno, Jimeno, Ximeno
  • Gómez – the son of Gome, Gomo
  • González – the son of Gonzalo
  • Gutiérrez – the son of Gutierre, Gutier
  • Hernández – the son of Hernando
  • Ibáñez – the son of Iván, Juan
  • López – the son of Lope
  • Márquez – the son of Marco, Marcos
  • Méndez – the son of Mendo
  • Míguez, Miguélez – the son of Miguel
  • Martínez – the son of Martín
  • Muñoz – the son of Munio
  • Núñez – the son of Nuño
  • Peláez – the son of Pelayo
  • Pérez – the son of Pedro
  • Rodríguez – the son of Rodrigo
  • Ruiz – the son of Ruy, Roy
  • Ramírez – the son of Ramiro
  • Sánchez – the son of Sancho
  • Suárez – the son of Suero
  • Téllez – the son of Tello
  • Vásquez, Vázquez – the son of Vasco, Velasco
  • Velázquez, Velásquez – the son of Velasco
  • Vélez – the son of Vela

Foundlings

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Anonymous abandoned children were a problem for civil registrars to name. Some such children were named after the town where they were found (toponymic surname). Because most were reared in church orphanages, some were also given the surnames Iglesia or Iglesias (church[es]) and Cruz (cross). Blanco (with the meaning "blank", rather than "white") was another option. A toponymic first surname might have been followed by Iglesia(s) or Cruz as a second surname.

Nameless children were sometimes given the surname Expósito/Expósita (from Latin exposĭtus, "exposed", meaning "abandoned child"), which marked them, and their descendants,[32] as of a low caste or social class. Due to this, in 1921 Spanish law started to allow holders of the surname Expósito to legally change their surname.[33] In the Catalan language, the surname Deulofeu ("made by God") was often given out to these children, which is similar to De Dios ("from God") in Castilian.

Furthermore, in Aragón abandoned children would receive the surname Gracia ("grace") or de Gracia, because they were thought to survive by the grace of God.

Foreign citizens

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In Spain, foreign immigrants retain use of their cultural naming customs,[34] but upon becoming Spanish citizens, they are legally obliged to assume Spanish-style names (one forename and two surnames).[35] If the naturalized citizen is from a one-surname culture, either their current surname is doubled or their mother's maiden name is adopted as the second surname. For example, a Briton with the name "Sarah Jane Smith" could become either "Sarah Jane Smith Smith" or "Sarah Jane Smith Jones" upon acquiring Spanish citizenship. Formally, Spanish naming customs would also mean that the forename "Sarah" and middle name "Jane" would be treated as a compound forename: "Sarah Jane".

Flamenco artists

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Historically, flamenco artists seldom used their proper names. According to the flamenco guitarist Juan Serrano, this was because flamenco was considered disreputable and they did not want to embarrass their families:

We have to start with the history of the gypsies in Spain. They gained a bad reputation because of the minor crimes they had to commit to survive. They did not have any kind of jobs, they had to do something to live, and of course this created hostility. And Flamenco was the music of the Gypsies, so many high society people did not accept it – they said Flamenco was in the hands of criminals, bandits, et cetera. And the girls, that maybe liked dancing or singing, their parents said, "Oh no, you want to be a prostitute!".

— Juan Serrano, interview in Guitar International, Nov 1987

This tradition of not using one's proper name has persisted to the present day, even though flamenco is now legitimate. Sometimes the artistic name consists of the home town appended to the first name (Manolo Sanlúcar, Ramón de Algeciras); but many, perhaps most, such names are more eccentric: Pepe de la Matrona (because his mother was a midwife); Perico del Lunar (because he had a mole); Tomatito (son of a father known as Tomate (tomato) because of his red face); Sabicas (because of his childhood passion for green beans, from niño de las habicas); Paco de Lucía, born Francisco ("Paco") Gustavo Sánchez Gomes, was known from infancy after his Portuguese mother, Lucía Gomes (de Lucía = [son] of Lucía). And many more. When referring to these artists by their assumed names, it makes no sense to shorten the name to its qualifier, such as "Lucía" or "de Lucía"; Paco, or perhaps "el de Lucía", are the only options.

Spanish hypocoristics and nicknames

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Many Spanish names can be shortened into hypocoristic, affectionate "child-talk" forms using a diminutive suffix, especially -ito and -cito (masculine) and -ita and -cita (feminine). Sometimes longer than the person's name, a nickname is usually derived via linguistic rules.[36] However, in contrast to English use, hypocoristic names in Spanish are only used to address a person in a very familiar environment – the only exception being when the hypocoristic is an artistic name (e.g. Nacho Duato born Juan Ignacio Duato). The common English practice of using a nickname in the press or media, or even on business cards (such as Bill Gates instead of William Gates), is not accepted in Spanish, being considered excessively colloquial. The usages vary by country and region; these are some usual names and their nicknames:

  • Adelaida = Ade, Adela
  • Adelina = Deli, Lina
  • Adrián (Male) or Adriana (Female) = Adri
  • Alberto = Alber, Albertito, Beto, Berto, Tico, Tuco, Tito, Albi
  • Alejandra/Alexandra = Sandra, Ale, Álex, Alexa, Lexa, Aleja, Jandra, Chandra, Jana, Lala
  • Alejandro = Ale, Álex, Alejo, Jandro, Jano, Cano, Sandro, Pando
  • Alfonso = Alfon, Fon, Fonso, Fonsi, Poncho, Loncho
  • Alfredo = Fredi, Fredo
  • Alicia = Ali, Licha
  • Ana Isabel = Anabel
  • Anacleto = Cleto
  • Apolinar = Polo
  • Andrea, Andreo, Andrés, Andressa = Andi, Andresito, Andresita
  • Agustín = Agus, Gusto, Tin
  • Antonia = Toña, Tona, Toñi, Toñita, Tonia, Antoñita
  • Antonio = Antón, Tonio, Toni, Tono, Nono, Tonino, Tonito, Toño, Toñín, Antoñito, Antuco, Antuquito
  • Antonino = Nino
  • Anunciación = Chona, Nunci
  • Apolinar = Polo
  • Ariadna = Ari
  • Arturo = Arturito, Turito, Art, Archie, Lito
  • Arcángel = Ángel
  • Arcenio/Arsenio = Arcenito, Cheno
  • Armando = Mando, Mandi
  • Ascensión = Ascen, Choni
  • Asunción = Asun, Susi, Suni, Suza
  • Aurelio = Yeyo, Aure
  • Bartola = Tola, Barta
  • Bartolomé = Bartolo, Barto, Tomé, Tolo
  • Beatriz = Bea, Beti (o Betty), Betina
  • Begoña = Bego
  • Benjamín = Ben, Benja, Benjas, Benji, Jamín
  • Berenice = Bere
  • Bernabé = Berna
  • Bernardino = Bérnar, Nino
  • Bernardo = Bérnar, Ber, Nardo
  • Basílio = Silio
  • Basília = Sília
  • Basílica = Biqui
  • Bonifacio = Boni
  • Buenaventura = Ventura, Ventu, Venturi
  • Candelaria = Can, Cande, Candi, Candelita, Canda, Candela
  • Cándido/a = Candi
  • Caridad = Cari, Carita, Caruca, Cuca
  • Carla = Carlita
  • Carlos = Carlito, Carlitos, Carlo, Calo, Calín, Carlines, Litos, Charli, Chepe
  • Carmen = Mamen, Carmita, Carmenchu, Menchu, Carmencha, Carmencita, Carmelita, Carmela, Carmina, Mecha, Mencha
  • Carolina = Caro, Cárol, Caroli, Carito
  • Catalina = Cata, Lina, Cati, Catina, Caty
  • Cayetano = Caye, Tano, Cayo
  • Cecilia = Ceci, Cece, Cilia, Chila, Chili
  • Celestino = Celes, Cele, Tino
  • César = Checha, Cesito, Cesítar
  • Ciro = Cirino
  • Claudia = Clau, Claudi
  • (Inmaculada) Concepción = Conchi, Conchita, Concha, Conce, Ciona, Cione, Chon, Choni, Inma, Macu
  • Consolación = Conso
  • Constantino = Tino
  • Consuelo = Consu, Chelo, Coni, Conchi, Conchis
  • Covadonga = Cova, Covi
  • Cristian = Cris, Cristo
  • Cristina = Cris, Cristi, Crista, Tina
  • Cristóbal = Cris, Cristo, Toba
  • Cristóforo = Cuco, Chosto
  • Cruz = Crucita, Chuz
  • Dalia = Dali
  • Dalila = Lila
  • Daniel (Male) or Daniela (Female) = Dani
  • David = Davo, Davilo
  • Diego = Didi, Dieguito
  • Dolores = Lola, Loli, Lolita, Loles
  • Eduardo = Edu, Lalo, Eduardito, Duardo, Guayo
  • Eladio = Lalo, Yayo
  • Eliana = Eli, Elia, Liana
  • Elena = Nena
  • Eloísa = Elo
  • Encarnación = Encarna, Encarni, Encarnita
  • Enrique = Quique, Quico, Kike, Kiko
  • Ernesto = Neto, Netico, Tito
  • Esmeralda = Esme, Mera, Lala
  • Esperanza = Espe, Pera, Lancha, Pancha, Peri
  • Esteban = Estebi
  • Estefanía = Estefa, Estefi
  • Eugenia = Genita, Kena
  • Eugenio = Genio, Genín, Genito
  • Eulalia = Lali, Lala, Leya
  • Eva = Evita
  • Facundo = Facu
  • Federico = Fede, Fico, Quico
  • Felícita = Feli, Felacha
  • Felipe = Fele, Pipe, Lipe
  • Faustino = Tino, Tinín, Fausto
  • Fermín = Mincho, Fermo
  • Fernanda = Fer, Nanda, Feña
  • Fernando = Fer, Nando, Nano, Ferni, Feña, Fercho
  • Florencia = Flor, Flora, Florci, Florcita, Florchi, Florchu, Lencha
  • Florencio = Floro, Lencho
  • Francisca = Fran, Paqui, Paquita, Sisca, Cisca, Pancha, Curra, Paca, Quica, Panchita, Panchi
  • Francisco = Fran, Francis, Paco, Sisco, Cisco, Chisco, Curro, Quico, Kiko, Franco, Frasco, Frascuelo, Pacho, Pancho, Panchito
  • Gabriel = Gabo, Gabri
  • Gabriela = Gabi, Gabrielita
  • Gerardo = Gera, Yayo, Lalo
  • Germán = Mancho
  • Gertrudis = Tula
  • Gloria María = Glorimar
  • Gonzalo = Gonza, Gon, Gonzo, Gonchi, Lalo, Chalo, Talo, Tali
  • Graciela = Chela
  • Gregorio = Goyo, Gorio
  • Griselda = Gris, Celda
  • Guadalupe = Lupe (female & male), Guada, Pupe, Lupita, Lupilla (female) & Lupito, Lupillo (male), Pita (female)
  • Guillermo = Guille, Guíller, Guillo, Meme, Momo, Memo
  • Gustavo = Gus
  • Gumersindo = Gúmer, Gume, Sindo.
  • Héctor = Tito, Torín, Hertico
  • Hermenegildo = Hildo
  • Hipólito = Polo
  • Hortensia = Horten, Tencha
  • Humberto, Huberto, Adalberto = Berto, Beto
  • Ignacia = Nacha, Nacia, Ina
  • Ignacio = Nacho, Nacio, Nachito, Naco, Iñaqui, Iñaki
  • Inocencia = Chencha, Checha
  • Inocencio = Chencho, Checho
  • Isabel = Bela, Beli, Belica, Sabel, Sabela, Chabela, Chavela, Chavelita, Chabelita, Isa
  • Ismael = Isma, Mael, Maelo
  • Israel = Irra, Rai
  • Iván = Ivi, Ivo
  • Jacobo = Cobo, Yaco, Yago
  • Jaime = Jaimón, Jimmy
  • Javier = Javi, Javo, Javito
  • Jorge = Jorgecito, Jorgis, Jorgito, Gorge, Jecito, Coque, Koke
  • Jerónimo = Jero, Jeronimillo
  • Jesús = Jesu, Chus, Xus, Chuso, Chusi, Chucho, Chuchi, Chuy, Suso, Susi, Chuyito
  • Jesús Alberto = Jesusbeto, Chuybeto
  • Jesús Manuel = Jesusma
  • Jesús María = Chumari, Chusma, Jesusmari
  • Jesús Ramón = Jerra, Jesusra, Chuymoncho, Chuymonchi
  • Jesusa = Susi, Sus, Chusa, Susa, Chucha, Chuy, Chuyita
  • Jimena/Ximena = Jime, Mena
  • Joaquín = Joaco, Juaco, Quin, Quim, Quino, Quincho, Chimo/Ximo
  • José = Jose, Pepe, Chepe, Pepito, Chepito, Pito, Pepín, Pepu, Chechu, Cheo
  • José Ángel/José Antonio = Josean, Josan
  • José Carlos = Joseca, Seco
  • José Luis = Joselo, Joselu, Pepelu, Selu
  • José Manuel = Josema, Chema/Xema, Chemita/Xemita, Chemanu/Xemanu
  • José María = Chema/Xema, Chemari/Xemari, Josemari, Josema
  • José Miguel = Josemi, Jomi, Chemi
  • José Ramón = Peperramón, Joserra, Cherra
  • Josefa = Pepa, Pepi, Pepita, Pina, Fina, Fini, Finita
  • Josefina = Jose, Fina, Pepa, Pepita, Chepina, Chepa, Chepita
  • Juan = Juanito, Juanín, Juancho, Juanelo, Juampi, Juanci
  • Juan Andrés = Juanan
  • Juan Camilo = Juanca, Juancho, Juanqui, Juanquis
  • Juan Carlos = Juanca, Juáncar, Juanqui
  • Juan Cristóbal = Juancri, Juancris
  • Juan Ernesto = Juáner
  • Juan Esteban = Juanes
  • Juan Felipe = Juanfe, Pipe
  • Juan Fernando = Juánfer
  • Juan Francisco = Juanfran
  • Juan Ignacio = Juancho
  • Juan Javier = Juanja
  • Juan José = Juanjo, Juancho
  • Juan Leonardo = Juanle
  • Juan Luis = Juanlu
  • Juan Manuel = Juanma
  • Juan Miguel = Juangui, Juanmi
  • Juan Pablo = Juampa, Juampi, Juampis
  • Juan Rafael = Juanra
  • Juan Ramón = Juanra
  • Juan Salvador = Juansa
  • Juan Vicente = Juanvi
  • Julián = Juli, Julianito, Julianillo
  • Julio = Julín, Julito, Juli
  • Laura = Lalita, Lala, Lauri, Lauris, Lau, Laurita
  • Leticia = Leti
  • Leonardo = Leo, León, Leoncito
  • Libertad = Libby, Libia, Berta, Beta
  • Liborio = Libo, Borio, Boro
  • Lorena = Lore, Lora
  • Lorenzo = Lencho, Enzo, Renzo
  • Lourdes = Lourditas, Lulú
  • Lucía = Luci, Lucita, Chía, Chita
  • Luciano = Chano, Ciano, Lucho
  • Luis = Lucho, Luisito, Güicho, Luisín, Sito
  • Luis Felipe = Luisfe
  • Luis Manuel = Luisma
  • Luis María = Luisma
  • Luis Mariano = Luisma
  • Luis Miguel = Luismi
  • Luisa = Lisa, Lía, Luisita, Luchita
  • Luz Ángela = Luzán, Lusán
  • Luz Maria = Luzma
  • Macarena = Maca, Cara
  • Magdalena = Magda, Mada, Malena, Mane, Manena, Lena, Leni, Lenita, Nena
  • Manuel = Manu, Lolo, Mano, Meño, Manuelito, Lito, Lillo, Mani, Manué, Manel, Mel, Nel, Nelo
  • Manolo = Lolo, Manolito, Mano, Manolillo, Lito, Lillo, Manolín
  • Marcelina = Lina, Marce, Celina, Chela
  • Marcelo = Chelo, Marce
  • Margarita = Marga, Margari, Magui, Rita, Mague
  • María = Mari, Maruja, Marujita, Marica, Marita, Mariquita, Mariquilla, Iah
  • María Aurora = Marora
  • María Auxiliadora = Chilo, Mauxi, Mausi, Mauchi, Dori, Dora, Madora
  • María de Dolores = Lola, Loles, Loli, Lolita, Mariló
  • María de Jesús = Marichúy, Marichusa
  • María de la Cruz = Maricruz
  • María de la Luz = Mariluz, Luz, Malú
  • María de las Nieves = Marinieves, Nieves
  • María de los Ángeles = Marielos, Marian, Ángeles, Ángela, Angie, Angy, Mariángeles
  • María de Lourdes = Malula, Marilú, Lulú
  • María del Carmen = Maricarmen, Mamen, Mai, Maica, Mayca, Mayka, Mari
  • María del Mar = Marimar, Mar
  • María del Rosario = Charo, Chari, Charito, Chayo
  • María del Refugio = Cuca, Cuquis
  • María del Socorro = Maricoco, Coco, Socorro
  • María del Sol/María de la Soledad = Marisol, Sol, Sole, Sola, Chole, Chola
  • María Engracia = Graci, Gracita
  • María Elena = Malena, Marilena
  • María Eugenia = Maru, Marugenia, Maruja, Yeni, Kena, Kenita
  • María Fernanda = Mafe, Mafer, Marifer
  • María Fuensanta = Mari Santi, Tanti, Fuen
  • María Isabel = Maribel, Mabel, Marisabel, Marisa, Risa
  • María José/María Josefa = Cote, Coté, Jose, Josefa, Mai, Ajo, Majo, Mariajo, Marijó, Marijose, Maripepa, Maripepi, Pepa, Pepi, Pepita
  • María Laura = Malala
  • María Luisa = Marisa, Mariluisa, Malu, Maluli, Magüi
  • María Milagros = Mila, Milagritos, Mili, Mimi, Marimili
  • María Paz = Maripaz, Paz, Pacita
  • María Pilar/María del Pilar = Pilar, Pili, Mapi, Maripí, Maripili
  • María Teresa = Maritere, Maite, Mayte, Teté, Mari, Mariate, Marité
  • María Victoria = Mariví, Mavi
  • Marina = Marita, Ina, Mari
  • Mario = Marito, Mayito
  • Marta = Martuqui, Tuqui
  • Martina = Tina, China, Tinita
  • Mauricio = Mau, Mauro, Mauri
  • Máximo = Maxi, Max, Maximino, Mino
  • Mayra = Mayrita, Mayris
  • Mayola = May, Maya
  • Melissa = Meli, Melo,
  • Mercedes = Merce, Merche, Merchi, Merceditas, Meche, Meches, Mechas
  • Micaela = Mica
  • Miguel = Migue, Míchel, Miki
  • Miguel Enrique = Ige, Ike, Mige, Mike, Migo, Miko
  • Minerva = Mine, Míner
  • Míriam = Miri
  • Mónica = Moni, Mona, Nona, Mo, Niquita
  • Montserrat = Monse, Montse, Moncha, Mon, Serrat, Cherra, Rat, Rateta, Tat or Tóna
  • Natalia = Nati/Natis, Nata/Natas, Talia,
  • Natividad = Nati, Tivi, Nava
  • Nestor = Teto
  • Nicanor = Cano, Nico, Nica, Niqui
  • Nicolás = Nico, Coco, Colás
  • Nicolasa = Nico, Nica, Colasa
  • Norberto = Nórber, Berto, Bertín
  • Norma = Normi, Normita, Tita
  • Olimpo = Limpo, Limpio
  • Oriana = Ori, Nana, Nanita, Ana, Anita
  • Orlando = Lando
  • Pablo = Pablete, Pablín, Pablito, Blete, Blin, Blito
  • Pacificación = Paz
  • Paloma = Palo
  • Paola = Pao, Paolita, Payoya
  • Paula = Pau
  • Paulina = Pau, Pauli
  • Patricia = Patri, Tricia, Pato, Pati
  • Patricio = Pato, Patri
  • Pedro = Perucho, Pedrito, Perico, Peyuco, Peret, Pedrín
  • Pilar/María del Pilar = Pili, Pilarín, Piluca, Pilarica, Petita, Maripili
  • Presentación = Presen
  • Primitivo = Pivo, Tivo
  • Purificación = Pura, Puri, Purita
  • Rafael = Rafaelito, Rafa, Rafi, Rafita, Rafo, Fael, Falo, Fali, Felo, Fefo, Fefi
  • Ramón = Mon, Moncho, Monche, Monchi, Mongo, Monguito, Ramoncito
  • Raúl = Rauli, Raulito, Raulillo, Rul, Rulo, Rule, Ral, Rali
  • Refugio = Cuca, Cuquita
  • Reinaldo = Rey, Naldo
  • Remedios = Reme
  • Reposo = Repo
  • Ricardo = Rica, Rícar, Richi, Rici, Rocho, Ríchar
  • Roberto = Robe, Róber, Berto, Robertito, Tito, Beto
  • Rocío = Roci, Chio, Ro, Roco
  • Rodolfo = Fito, Fofo, Rodo, Bofo, Rudi
  • Rodrigo = Rorro, Rodriguito, Rodri, Ruy, Roy, Ro
  • Rogelio = Roge, Coque
  • Rosalía = Chalia, Rosa, Rosi, Rosita
  • Rosalva/Rosalba = Chava, Rosa
  • Rosario = Charo, Chayo, Chayito, Rosa
  • Salomé = Salo
  • Salomón = Salo
  • Salvador = Salva, Chava, Chavito, Chavita, Salvita, Salvi, Chavi, Salvidor
  • Santiago = Santi, Yago, Diego, Chago, Tiago
  • Sara = Sarita
  • Sebastián = Sebas, Seba
  • Serena = Sere, Siri
  • Sergio = Chucho, Checo, Chejo, Checho, Chencho, Keko, Yeyo
  • Simón = Monsi
  • Sofía = Sofi, Fía
  • Soledad = Sol, Sola, Solita, Sole, Chole, Chol
  • Susana = Susi, Sus, Su, Susa, Chucha
  • Teodoro = Teo, Doro
  • Teófilo = Teo
  • Teresa = Tere, Teresita, Teresica, Teresina
  • Timoteo = Timo, Teo, Teín, Tín
  • Trinidad = Trini, Trina
  • Tomás = Tomi, Tomasito, Tomasín
  • Valentina = Val, Vale, Valen, Tina, Tinita, Valentinita
  • Valentino = Val, Vale, Valen, Tino, Tinito, Valente, Valentinito
  • Verónica = Vero, Nica, Verito, Veru
  • Vicente = Chente, Vicen, Vicho, Sento
  • Víctor, Victorio = Vítor, Vis, Vico, Vito
  • Victoria = Vico, Viqui, Vicky, Tori, Toria, Toya
  • Visitación = Visi
  • Xiomara = Xiomi, Chomi, Mara
  • Yolanda = Yola, Yoyi, Yoli

Spain's other languages

[edit]

The official recognition of Spain's other written languagesCatalan, Basque, and Galician – legally allowed the autonomous communities to re-establish their vernacular social identity, including the legal use of personal names in the local languages and written traditions; these had been banned since 1938.[37] This has sometimes been accomplished by re-spelling names to change Castilian Spanish forms into their original languages.

Basque names

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The Basque-speaking territories (the Basque Autonomous Community and Navarre) follow Spanish naming customs (given names + two family names, the two family names being usually the father's and the mother's).

The given names are officially in one language or the other (Basque or Spanish), but often people use a translated or shortened version. A bilingual Basque-Spanish speaker will not necessarily bear a Basque name, and a monolingual Spanish speaker can use a Basque name or a Basque hypocoristic of an official Spanish name; e.g. a Francisco (official Spanish name) may be known as Patxi (Basque hypocoristic).

Some Basque-language names and surnames are foreign transliterations into the Basque tongue, e.g., Ander (English: "Andrew"; Spanish: Andrés), Mikel (English: "Michael"; Spanish: Miguel), or Ane (English: "Anne"; Spanish: Ana). In some cases, the name's original-language denotation is translated to Basque, e.g., Zutoia and Zedarri denote the Spanish Pilar (English: "Pillar"). Moreover, some originally Basque names, such as Xabier and Eneko (English "Xavier" and "Inigo"), have been transliterated into Spanish (Javier and Íñigo).

Recently, Basque names without a direct equivalent in other languages have become popular, e.g. Aitor (a legendary patriarch), Hodei ("cloud"), Iker ("to investigate"), and Amaia ("the end"). Some Basque names without a definable meaning in Spanish are unique to the Basque language, for instance, Eneko, Garikoitz, Urtzi. After Franco's death and the restoration of democracy in Spain, many Basque adults changed their Spanish names to their Basque equivalents, e.g. from Miguel to Mikel.

A source for modern Basque names is Sabino Arana's Deun-Ixendegi Euzkotarra ("Basque saint-name collection", published in 1910). Instead of the traditional Basque adaptations of Romance names, he proposed others he made up, and which in his opinion were truer to the originals and adapted better to Basque phonology. For example, his brother Luis became Koldobika, from Frankish Hlodwig. The traditional names Peru (from Spanish "Pedro"), Pello or Piarres (from French "Pierre"), all meaning "Peter", became Kepa from Aramaic כיפא (Kepha). He believed that the suffix -[n]e was inherently feminine, and new names like Nekane ("pain"+ne, "Dolores") or Garbiñe ("clean"+ne, "Immaculate [Conception]") are frequent among Basque females.

Basque surnames usually denote the paternal house (in its literal sense of a dwelling place) of the bearer; e.g. Etxebarria – "the new house", from etxe (house) + barri (new) + a (the), denotes "related to a farmhouse of that name"; in the same way, Garaikoetxea – "the house in the heights", garai ("height") + etxe ("house") + a (the). Sometimes, surnames denote not the house itself but a characteristic of the place, e.g. Saratxaga – "willow-place", from saratze ("willow") + -aga ("place of"); Loyola, from loi ("mud") + ola ("iron smithery"); Arriortua – "stone orchard", from harri ("stone") + ortua ("orchard"). Before the 20th century all Basque men were considered nobles (indeed, some Basque surnames, e.g. Irujo or Medoza, were related to some of the oldest Spanish noble families), and many of them used their status to emigrate with privileges to other regions of the Spanish Empire, especially the Americas; thus some Basque surnames became common in the Spanish-American world, e.g. Mendoza – "cold mountain", from mendi ("mountain") + hotza ("cold"); Salazar – "old hall", from sala ("hall") + zahar ("old"). Until 1978, Spanish was the single official language of the Spanish civil registries, and Basque surnames had to be registered according to the Spanish phonetical rules (for example, the Spanish "ch" sound merges the Basque "ts", "tx", and "tz", and someone whose surname in Standard Basque would be "Krutxaga" would have to write it as "Cruchaga", the letter "k" also not being used in Spanish). Although the restoration of democracy ended this policy and allowed surnames to be officially changed into their Basque orthography, surnames of Basque origin now often have more than one spelling, even within the same family: a father born before 1978 would be surnamed "Echepare" and his children, "Etxepare". This policy even changed the usual pronunciation of some Basque surnames. For instance, in Basque, the letter "z" maintained a sibilant "s"-like sound, while Spanish changed it; thus, a surname such as Zabala in Basque is properly read similar to "sabala" (Basque pronunciation: [s̻abala]), but in Spanish, where the "z" denotes a "th" sound ([θ]), it would be read as "Tha-bala" (Spanish pronunciation: [θaˈβala]). However, since the letter "z" exists in Spanish, the registries did not force the Zabalas to transliterate their surname.

In the Basque provinces of Biscay and Gipuzkoa, it was uncommon to take a surname from the place (town or village) where one resided, unless one was a foundling; in general, people bearing surnames such as Bilbao (after the Basque city of Bilbao) are descendants of foundlings. However, in the Basque province of Alava and, to a lesser extent, in Navarre, it was common to add one's birth village to the surname using the Spanish particle de to denote a toponymic, particularly when the surname was a common one; for instance, someone whose surname was Lopez and whose family was originally from the valley of Ayala could employ Lopez de Ayala as a surname. This latter practice is also common in Castile.

Basque compound surnames are relatively common, and were created by combining two discrete surnames, e.g. ElorduizapaterietxeElordui + Zapaterietxe, a practice denoting family allegiances or the equal importance of both families. Since compound surnames could themselves be used to create new compounds, this custom sometimes resulted in incredibly long surnames. For example, the longest surname recorded in Spain is the compound Basque name Burionagonatotoricagageazcoechea,[38] formed by Buriona+ Gonatar + Totorika + Beazcoetxea.

Basque nationalist leader Sabino Arana pioneered a naming custom of transposing the name-surname order to what he thought was the proper Basque language syntax order; e.g. the woman named Miren Zabala would be referred to as Zabala'taŕ Miren – the surname first, plus the -tar suffix denoting "from a place", and then the name. Thus, Zabala'taŕ Miren means "Miren, of the Zabala family". The change in the order is effected because in the Basque language, declined words (such as Zabala'taŕ) that apply to a noun are placed before the noun itself; another example of this would be his pen name, Arana ta Goiri'taŕ Sabin. This Basque naming custom was used in nationalist literature; in formal official documents, the Castilian naming order is observed.

Catalan names

[edit]

The Catalan-speaking territories mainly abide by Spanish naming customs, though discrete surnames are usually joined with the word i ("and") instead of the Spanish y; this practice is very common in formal contexts. For example, the former president of the Generalitat de Catalunya (Government of Catalonia) is formally called El Molt Honorable Senyor Pere Aragonès i Garcia. The national language policy enumerated in article 19.1 of Law 1/1998 stipulates that "the citizens of Catalonia have the right to use the proper regulation of their Catalan names and surnames and to introduce the conjunction between surnames".[citation needed]

The correction, translation, and change of surnames are regulated by the Registro Civil (Civil Registry) in decree 138/2007 of 26 June, modifying decree 208/1998 of 30 July, which regulates the accreditation of the linguistic correctness of names. Decree 138/2007 of 26 July regulates the issuance of language-correction certificates for translated Catalan names by the Institut d'Estudis Catalans (Institute of Catalan Studies) in Barcelona. Nevertheless, there are Catalan surnames that conform to neither the current spelling rules nor the traditionally correct Catalan spelling rules; a language-correction certification can be requested from the institute, for names such as these:[39]

  • Aleñá→Alenyà
  • Caballé→Cavaller
  • Cañellas→Canyelles
  • Casas→Cases
  • Corominas→Coromines
  • Fábregas→Fàbregues
  • Farré→Ferrer
  • Figueras→Figueres
  • Gabarra→Gavarra
  • Gafarot→Gaferot
  • Gumbau→Gombau
  • Doménech→Domènec
  • Jufré→Jofré
  • Junqueras→Jonqueres
  • Mayoral→Majoral
  • Montañà→Montanyà
  • Perpiñán→Perpinyà
  • Pijuan→Pijoan
  • Piñol→Pinyol
  • Puyol→Pujol
  • Roselló→Rosselló
  • Rusiñol→Rossinyol
  • Tarradellas→Tarradelles
  • Viñallonga→Vinyallonga
  • Viñes→Vinyes

Catalan hypocoristics and nicknames

[edit]

Many Catalan names are shortened to hypocoristic forms using only the final portion of the name (unlike Spanish, which mostly uses only the first portion of the name), and with a diminutive suffix (-et, -eta/-ita). Thus, shortened Catalan names taking the first portion of the name are probably influenced by the Spanish tradition. The influence of Spanish in hypocoristics is recent since it became a general fashion only in the twentieth century and especially since Francisco Franco's dictatorship[citation needed]; example Catalan names are:

  • Antoni/Antònia = Toni, Tònia, Tonet/a
  • Bartomeu = Tomeu
  • Concepció = Concep, Ció
  • Cristina = Cris, Cristi, Tina
  • Dolors = Lloll, Dolo, Loles
  • Elisabet/h = Bet, Beth, Eli, Lis
  • Eulàlia = Laia, Olaia, Lali
  • Francesc/a = Cesc, Quico/a, Xesco/a, Xisco/a, Cisco/a, Sisquet/a
  • Gabriel = Biel
  • Helena = Lena
  • Ignasi = Igna, Nasi
  • Isabel = Bel, Bet
  • Jacint = Cinto
  • Joaquim/a = Quim/a, Ximo/a (in Valencia)
  • Jordi = Toti
  • Jordina = Jordi
  • Josefina = Fina, Fineta
  • Josep Maria = Pemi
  • Josep/a = Pep/o/a, Pepet/a, Pepito/a
  • Magdalena = Talena, Magda
  • Manel = Nel, Nelo, Nel·lo
  • Maria del Mar = Mar, Marimar
  • Maria dels Àngels = Mariàngels, Àngels, Màngels
  • Maria Lluïsa = Marissa
  • Maria Soletat = Marissol
  • Mariona = Ona, Miona
  • Meritxell = Txell, Meri
  • Montserrat = Serrat, Montse, Munsa, Muntsa
  • Narcís/isa = Narciset/a, Ciset/a, Ciso/a
  • Núria = Nuri
  • Onofre = Nofre
  • Oriol = Uri
  • Rafel = Fel, Feló, Rafa
  • Salvador = Salva, Vadó, Voro (in Valencia)
  • Sebastià/ana = Tià/ana, Sebas
  • Sergi = Keki, Xexi
  • Vicent = Vicentó, Cento, Cinto
  • Xavier = Xavi, Xevi, Javi (the J is pronounced as in English)

Galician names

[edit]

The Galician-speaking areas also abide by the Spanish naming customs. The main differences are the usage of Galician given names and surnames.

Galician surnames

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Most Galician surnames have their origin in local toponymies, including Galician regions (Salnés < Salnés, Carnota, Bergantiños), towns (Ferrol, Noia), parishes or villages (as Andrade). Just like elsewhere, many surnames were also generated from jobs or professions (Carpinteiro 'carpenter', Cabaleiro 'Knight', Ferreiro 'Smith', Besteiro 'Crossbowman'), physical characteristics (Gago 'Twangy', Tato 'Stutterer', Couceiro 'Tall and thin', Bugallo 'fat', Pardo 'Swarthy'), or origin of the person (Franco and Francés 'French', Portugués 'Portuguese').

Although many Galician surnames have historically been adapted to Spanish phonetics and orthography, they are still clearly recognizable as Galician words: Freijedo, Spanish adaptation of freixedo 'place with ash-trees'; Seijo from seixo 'stone'; Doval from do Val 'of the Valley'; Rejenjo from Reguengo, Galician evolution of local Latin-Germanic word Regalingo 'Royal property'.

Specially relevant are the Galician surnames that originated from medieval patronymics, present in local documentation since the 9th century, and popularized from the 12th century on. Although many of them were historically adapted to Spanish orthography,[40] phonetics and traditions, many are still characteristically Galician; the most common ones are:

  • Alonso (medieval form Afonso, from the latinicized Germanic name Adefonsus).
  • Álvarez (from medieval Alvares, from the Germanic name Halvar(d), latinicized as Alvarus).
  • Ares (from the name Arias or the town of Ares).
  • Bermúdez (medieval form Vermues, from the latinicized Germanic name Veremodus + suffix -ici-).
  • Bernárdez (from the Frankish name Bernard + suffix -ici-).
  • Vieitez, Vieites (from the name Bieito, from Latin Benedictus + suffix -ici-).
  • Diz, Díaz (from the name Didacus + suffix -ici-).
  • Domínguez (medieval form Domingues, derived of the name Domingo, from Dominicus, + suffix -ici-).
  • Enríquez (medieval form Anrriques, from the Frankish name Henric + suffix -ici-).
  • Estévez (medieval form Esteves, from the name Estevo, derived of Stephanus + suffix -ici-).
  • Fernández (medieval form Fernandes, from the name Fernando, derived from the Germanic name Fredenandus + suffix -ici-).
  • Froiz (medieval form Froaz, from the Germanic name Froila 'Lord' + suffix -ici-).
  • García (medieval form Garçia, from the name Garcia).
  • Giance (from the name Xian, old orthography Jiam, derived of Latin Iulianus + suffix -ici-).
  • Gómez (medieval form Gomes, from the name Gomes).
  • González (medieval form Gonçalves, from the latinicized Germanic name Gundisalvus + suffix -ici-).
  • López (medieval form Lopes, from the Latin nickname Lupus 'wolf').
  • Lourenzo, Lorenzo (medieval form Lourenço, from the Latin name Laurentius).
  • Martínez, Martín, Martís (from the Latin name Martinus + suffix -ici-).
  • Méndez (medieval form Meendes, from the name Mendo, from Menendus + suffix -ici-).
  • Miguéns (from the name Miguel, derived of Michael + suffix -ici-).
  • Núñez (medieval form Nunes, derived from the name Nunnus + suffix -ici-).
  • Paz, Paes, Pais (from the name Paio, derived from Pelagius + suffix -ici-).
  • Pérez (medieval form Peres, from the name Pero, derived of Petrus, + suffix -ici-).
  • Raimúndez (from the Frankish name Raimund + suffix -ici-).
  • Rodríguez (from the name Rodrigo, from the latinicized Germanic form Rodericus + suffix -ici-).
  • Rois (from the name Roi, nickname of Rodrigo + suffix -ici-): Spanish 'Ruiz'.
  • Sánchez (medieval form Sanches, from the name Sancho, derived from Latin Sanctius + suffix -ici-).
  • Sueiro, Suárez (medieval forms Sueiro, Suares, from the name Suarius, with and without suffix -ici-).
  • Vázquez (medieval form Vasques, from the name Vasco, from Velasco, + suffix -ici-).
  • Yanes (medieval forms Eanes, Ianes. from Iohannes, Yohannes + suffix -ici-).

Some of them (namely Páez, Méndez, Vázquez) show characteristic Galician dropping of intervocalic -l-, -d-, -g- and -n- (although Lugo is the only province in Spain with a majority of people surnamed López).

Galician given names and nicknames

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Some common Galician names are:[41]

  • Afonso [m]: nicknames Fonso, Pocho.
  • Alberte [m] Alberta [f]: Berto, Berta.
  • Alexandre [m]: Xandre, Álex.
  • Anxo [m]: Xeluco.
  • Antón [m], Antía [f]: Tonecho.
  • Artai [m].
  • Brandán [m], Brenda [f] (Celtic origin, "distinguished warrior)
  • Baldomero [m]: Mero
  • Brais [m]
  • Breogán [m] (name of a mythological Galician Celtic warrior).
  • Carme [f]: Carmiña, Mela, Carmela, Carmucha, Carmuxa.
  • Catarina [f]: Catuxa.
  • Cibrao,Cibrán [m] (Greek origin meaning "Cypriot")
  • Edelmiro, Delmiro [m]: Edel, Miro.
  • Erea [f] (Greek origin meaning "peace")
  • Estevo [m]
  • Fernán [m]
  • Francisco [m]: Farruco, Fran.
  • Icía [f]
  • Iago [m]
  • Loaira [f] (Galician for "first sun rays that peep through the clouds after the rain")
  • Lois [m]: Sito
  • Lúa [f] (moon)
  • Maeloc [m] (brythonic origin)
  • María [f]: Maruxa, Marica.
  • Manuel, Manoel [m]: Manolo, Lolo.
  • Olalla, Baia [f]
  • Paio [m]
  • Paulo [m], Paula [f]
  • Roi [m]
  • Sabela [f]: Beluca
  • Tareixa [m]
  • Uxío [m] Uxía [f]
  • Xavier [m]
  • Xacobe [m]
  • Xaquín [m]: Xocas.
  • Xela [f]
  • Xián [m]
  • Xoán, Xan [m]
  • Xosé [m]: Che, Pepe.
  • Xurxo [m]

Nicknames are usually obtained from the end of a given name, or through derivation. Common suffixes include masculine -iño, -ito (as in Sito, from Luisito), -echo (Tonecho, from Antonecho) and -uco (Farruco, from Francisco); and feminine -iña, -ucha/uxa (Maruxa, Carmucha, from Maria and Carme), -uca (Beluca, from Isabeluca), and -ela (Mela, from Carmela).

Ceuta and Melilla

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As the provincial Surname distribution map (above) indicates, Mohamed is an often-occurring surname in the autonomous Mediterranean North African cities of Ceuta and Melilla (respectively registered 10,410 and 7,982 occurrences),[42] Hispanophone Muslims use the Spanish "Mohamed" spelling for "Muhammad". As such, it is often a component of Arabic names for men; hence, many Ceutan and Melillan Muslims share surnames despite not sharing a common ancestry. Furthermore, Mohamed (Muhammad) is the most popular name for new-born boys,[43] thus it is not unusual to encounter a man named Mohamed Mohamed Mohamed: the first occurrence is the given name, the second occurrence is the paternal surname, and the third occurrence is the maternal surname.[44]

Indexing

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In English, the Chicago Manual of Style recommends that Spanish and Hispanophone names be indexed by the family name. When there are two family names, the indexing is done under the father's family name; this would be the first element of the surname if the father's and mother's or husband's family names are joined by a y. Depending upon the person involved, the particle de may be treated as a part of a family name or it may be separated from a family name. The indexing of Hispanophone names differs from that of Portuguese or Lusophone names, where the final element of the name is indexed because the Portuguese custom is for the father's surname to follow, rather than precede, the mother's. The effect is that the father's surname is the one indexed for both Spanish and Portuguese names.[45]

See also

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Footnotes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Spanish naming customs require that every individual possess at least one and exactly two , with the first surname customarily inherited from the and the second from the mother, though parents have held the legal right to determine the sequence since a 1999 reform aimed at . This dual-surname structure, rooted in the Spanish , preserves distinct paternal and maternal lineages without alteration upon , as neither spouse adopts the other's surnames. Given names may be simple or compound (limited to one compound or two simples to avoid excess), but are restricted from including diminutives, colloquial variants without widespread use, or any that objectively harm the bearer, such as those implying ridicule or contrary to dignity. These conventions, formalized in the Civil Registry Law and subsequent updates, reflect a historical system—evident in common suffixes like -ez denoting "son of"—adapted through legislative changes to balance tradition with contemporary principles of parental autonomy and non-discrimination.

Historical Origins

Development of Patronymic Surnames

Patronymic surnames in evolved from the medieval practice of deriving identifiers from the father's , a system that emphasized paternal lineage to distinguish individuals in growing communities. This convention, using the "-ez" to indicate " of," appeared in records from the , forming names such as (from ) or (from ), which directly appended the marker to truncated paternal names by dropping typical masculine endings like "-o." The practice drew from earlier Visigothic influences, where Germanic naming prioritized descent, but crystallized in Iberian Romance contexts amid feudal organization. By the 12th to 15th centuries, population expansion during the —spurring urban growth, land grants, and military levies—necessitated more permanent identifiers, transforming fluid patronymics into hereditary fixed across generations. Administrative demands in royal charters, tax rolls, and frontier settlements drove this causal shift, as single given names proved insufficient for tracking inheritance and obligations in kingdoms like Castile and . Historical surname analyses reveal this aligned with political consolidation, embedding patronymics as core to Spanish . Empirical evidence from late medieval parish registers and censuses underscores the endurance of ; for example, in 15th-century Castilian documents, roughly 10% of male surnames retained simple patronymic structures, while broader patterns show their prevalence before toponymic or occupational variants proliferated. These records, preserved in diocesan archives, illustrate how patronymics served causal functions in lineage verification, resisting dilution until supplemented by other forms for social differentiation.

Influence of Christianity and Medieval Practices

The veneration of saints in medieval profoundly shaped naming customs, as parents and priests frequently selected forenames honoring local or universal to invoke spiritual protection and affirm familial piety. Church tradition from the encouraged names derived from Visigothic saints such as Félix and Cipriano, reflecting the integration of Germanic Christian practices with Roman influences following the conversion of the in the . By the , the further promoted names like , alongside names tied to feast days, with priests often assigning rare forenames based on the commemorated on a child's birth date to ensure sacramental alignment. Baptismal records from medieval monasteries, such as those at in the 11th–12th centuries, demonstrate the dominance of Christian forenames, with over 75% consisting of biblical or hagiographic names like , , and María, underscoring how naming reinforced social hierarchy by linking individuals to ecclesiastical authority and divine . María emerged as the preeminent female name from the 9th–10th centuries onward, often compounded later to evoke Marian devotion, while male names drew from the , such as , embedding theological symbolism in personal identity. The (1545–1563) amplified these practices by mandating standardized parish registers for baptisms and promoting canonized saints' names to combat Protestant influences and deepen Catholic piety, leading to widespread adoption of biblical composites like Jesús in Iberia during and after the . This emphasis, distinct from taboos in other Christian regions, neutralized perceived by framing the name as an assertion of devotion amid religious conflict, as evidenced in Inquisition-era documentation where Christian forenames overwhelmingly predominated to signal and cultural continuity. Such naming customs causally sustained family allegiance to the Church, with oversight via sacraments ensuring deviation risked .

Core Components of Spanish Names

Given Names and Their Variations

In Spanish naming conventions, individuals are assigned one or more given names (nombres propios or prenombres) at birth, recorded in the Civil Registry to establish legal identity. These names precede the surnames and serve as the primary personal identifiers, often reflecting familial, religious, or cultural ties without altering surname inheritance patterns. A single given name suffices legally, but multiple names—typically two or three—are prevalent, forming compound structures treated as a unified forename in official contexts. Composite given names, such as José María or María Dolores, are customary to commemorate saints, deceased relatives, or dual family honors, enhancing personal distinction within extended kin networks. This practice underscores the cultural value placed on layered identity, where the full sequence (e.g., Juan Carlos Alfonso) conveys heritage while remaining concise for everyday use; legally, up to three given names are permitted without fragmentation into separate fields on documents. Such composites avoid redundancy, as Spanish law prohibits assigning an identical to living siblings sharing the same surnames, except in cases of a prior sibling's death, to prevent administrative confusion and preserve unique identification. This restriction, codified in Article 54 of Ley 20/2011 del Registro Civil, applies strictly to the exact name sequence, allowing variations like translations (e.g., Miguel vs. Michael) but rejecting near-identical forms deemed equivalent. Empirical data from the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) reveal a dominance of traditional given names in Spain's resident population as of 2022, with (held by over 700,000 individuals), (approximately 650,000), and Manuel (around 550,000) topping male frequencies, while María Carmen (over 600,000), María (about 580,000), and (roughly 450,000) lead for females. These classics outnumber modern or invented names, reflecting intergenerational continuity over fleeting trends; for instance, newborn preferences in 2023 favored Hugo (3,126 registrations) and Mateo, yet they constitute a minor fraction of the overall name stock, underscoring resistance to novelty in favor of established conventions. This pattern aligns with cultural emphasis on enduring identity markers, where deviations risk registry rejection if deemed extravagant or contrary to dignity.

Surname Structure and Dual Inheritance

In traditional Spanish naming customs, a person inherits two surnames, with the first (apellido paterno) taken from the father's primary surname and the second (apellido materno) from the mother's primary surname. This arrangement incorporates paternal and maternal patrilines, as both derive ultimately from male ancestors, while establishing patrilineal primacy through the sequential order, where the paternal surname functions as the principal marker for clan affiliation, legal identity, and social reference. The system originated in the nobility of 16th-century Castile and generalized across society by the early modern period, prioritizing the paternal line for continuity of family prestige and inheritance claims. This dual structure excels in preserving genealogical precision over single-surname models by providing dual identifiers that mitigate homonymy—common in populations with frequent given names like María or —and enable clearer lineage reconstruction, as each surname traces a distinct patriline. Isonymy analyses of Spanish surname distributions, drawing from historical records including 19th-century municipal padrónes ( registers), reveal persistent regional surname clustering that underscores how the system maintained genetic and , with surnames serving as proxies for medieval movements and avoiding the total loss of rare lineages that occurs in unilineal transmission when branches fail without male heirs. In contrast to Anglo-Saxon or Northern European single-surname traditions, where extinction rates for uncommon names exceed 20% per in isolated studies of surname persistence, the Spanish approach distributes risk across two surnames, empirically supporting greater long-term viability as evidenced by the survival of over 100,000 distinct surname combinations in contemporary registries versus fewer consolidated forms elsewhere. Historically, this framework reinforced unambiguous descent tracking in agrarian and noble societies reliant on for and alliances, with the paternal 's precedence ensuring clan cohesion amid high mobility and . While post-1999 legal reforms permitting surname order selection or consolidation have introduced flexibility, potentially diluting traditional patrilineal emphasis and complicating automated genealogical matching in databases, the unaltered demonstrably outperforms alternatives in resolving ambiguities, as dual markers reduce false positives in pedigree linkage by up to 50% in forensic and demographic reconstructions.

Linguistic Particles and Connectors

The Role of "de" in Indicating Origin or Nobility

In Spanish surnames, the preposition de ("of" or "from") historically served as a marker of geographic or possessive origin, linking the bearer to a specific location, feature, or property, with roots in medieval naming practices that emerged during the 11th to 15th centuries amid feudal land organization and the Reconquista. Surnames such as de la Torre ("from the tower") or del Olmo ("from the elm tree") exemplify this toponymic function, denoting proximity to natural landmarks, structures, or estates rather than abstract descent. Analysis of late 15th-century census data from Seville indicates that locative surnames prefixed with de comprised over 50% of recorded family names among both men and women, reflecting widespread adoption for practical identification in agrarian societies. Among the nobility, de often signified ties to granted territories or manors, as monarchs awarded lands to or loyal vassals, embedding place-based identifiers into hereditary lineages; for example, noble houses like those of de la Cueva traced their designations to fortified estates in Castile, documented in royal charters from the 13th century onward. Heraldic armorials, which cataloged elite lineages, disproportionately feature such constructions to assert proprietary claims, yet comparative and tax rolls reveal parallel usage among non-noble peasants for similar locative or occupational reasons, such as de la Iglesia ("from the church") implying clerical ties without aristocratic status. This duality underscores that de functioned causally as a descriptor of origin rather than an exclusive noble emblem, with inferred contextually from accompanying titles or estates rather than the particle alone. In contrast to the French de, where inclusion typically denoted noble extraction tied to fiefdoms under strict ancien régime conventions, the Spanish variant extended to commoner contexts without legal nobility implications, as evidenced by its prevalence in untitled regional populations of eastern Castile and . Spanish civil registry norms, governed by the Ley del Registro Civil since 1957, preserve de as an integral surname component today, irrespective of historical prestige, allowing transmission without mandatory alteration unless petitioned for simplification.

The Conjunction "y" for Compound Surnames

In Spanish naming customs, the conjunction "y" serves as a linker between two distinct to form a compound surname, emphasizing the equal preservation of both paternal and maternal lineages without subordination or fusion into a single unit. This practice is particularly employed when alone might cause , such as when the first surname resembles a or when one surname is itself compound, thereby clarifying the division for administrative, legal, and identificatory purposes. For instance, in surnames like García y López, the "y" explicitly connects the two elements, ensuring both are retained intact in official records and proceedings, as verified in historical documents where such constructions appear in wills and registries to trace dual heritage. Legally, compound surnames linked by "y" are recognized in as a cohesive single for purposes of , succession, and property transmission, distinct from separately listed surnames that might imply optional usage. This treatment stems from the standardization of dual-surname inheritance formalized in the under the Spanish Civil Code, where the full compound form—treated as indivisible—passes to descendants unless judicially altered. The mechanism supports equal representation of family lines, especially in cases of remarriage or blended families, where a might inherit surnames from multiple parental sources without prioritizing one over the other, as evidenced by registry practices that prohibit fragmentation of the linked unit in legal contexts. While functional, the use of "y" remains controlled to prevent excessively lengthy names; the Real Academia Española advises restraint, noting that overuse is rare, with civil registries showing that fewer than 5% of compound surnames incorporate it, favoring simple in modern practice to maintain conciseness. This limitation aligns with empirical patterns from national data, where the vast majority of —over 95%—employ unlinked dual surnames, reflecting a balance between lineage preservation and practical .

Traditional Generational Transmission

In traditional Spanish naming practices, prior to reforms in the late , children automatically inherited their father's first surname as their primary (paterno) followed by their mother's first surname as the secondary (materno), establishing a fixed patrilineal order that prioritized paternal lineage in official . This system, codified through civil registry practices from the onward, ensured consistent transmission across legitimate offspring, with the paternal surname serving as the enduring family identifier in multi-generational contexts such as deeds and disputes. The structure fostered causal stability in family units by linking identity to paternal descent, facilitating verifiable continuity in historical estate where surnames traced unbroken lines of succession and , thereby reinforcing social and economic cohesion without reliance on individual choice. Exceptions applied to illegitimate births, where children—termed hijos naturales—typically received only the maternal unless paternity was legally acknowledged, at which point the father's could be incorporated, often retroactively through judicial proceedings. This default maternal transmission for unacknowledged offspring underscored the system's emphasis on proven , as legitimacy proofs under 19th- and early 20th-century civil codes required paternal recognition to override the mother's line and integrate the patrilineal . Spanish laws from the Civil Code era, while not exhaustively detailing surname order in early articles, upheld descent-based assignment through registry mandates, prioritizing biological and legal paternity over parental preference to maintain lineage integrity amid rising administrative standardization. This approach, evident in jurisprudence up to the mid-20th century, aligned with broader European patrilineal norms but adapted via dual surnames to preserve maternal traces, though the paternal element dominated for purposes of and identity verification.

Impact of Marriage on Naming

In Spanish naming customs, has no legal effect on an individual's surnames, with both spouses retaining the dual surnames assigned at birth. This contrasts with practices in many English-speaking countries, where women traditionally adopt their husband's surname upon . Spanish law explicitly excludes surname alterations due to matrimony, as confirmed in official consular guidance stating that registrations reflect only the birth surnames of the spouses without modification. Women thus preserve their paternal and maternal surnames indefinitely, ensuring continuity in legal identity for matters such as , property ownership, and official documentation. For instance, a woman bearing the surnames López who marries a man with surnames Rodríguez remains legally María López, without automatic hyphenation, adoption, or transposition of the husband's surnames. Informally and socially, she may append "de" followed by her husband's primary (e.g., García de ) to indicate , a convention rooted in courtesy rather than legal requirement, though this usage has declined with modern norms. This retention supports precise matrilineal tracing in civil registries and , reducing ambiguities in descent verification that could arise from surname assimilation, as evidenced by the structure of Spain's centralized birth and marriage records since the 1870 Civil Registry Law. It aligns with the Civil Code's emphasis on fixed personal names tied to rather than , promoting administrative clarity in domestic proceedings. Nonetheless, challenges emerge in cross-border contexts, such as spousal visa applications or international banking, where foreign systems presuming married-name convergence may demand additional affidavits or translations to reconcile discrepancies.

Modern Reforms to Surname Selection and Order (1999–2025)

In 1999, enacted Ley 40/1999, de 5 de noviembre, sobre nombre y apellidos y orden de los mismos, which for the first time permitted parents to select the order of their child's dual surnames, with the paternal surname no longer mandated to precede the maternal one, though all siblings were required to share the same sequence to ensure familial consistency. This marked a departure from the Civil Code's longstanding patrilineal default, rooted in article 109, which had prioritized the father's lineage since 1889, ostensibly to facilitate and identity tracking but critiqued in reform debates for embedding . The law's architects framed it as advancing equality, yet implementation data reveal restrained uptake, as parental agreements often retained traditional ordering. Building on this, reforms in the addressed residual defaults and expanded adult flexibility. A amendment to the via Ley 20/2011, del Registro Civil, initially deferred but with key provisions activating by April 2021, authorized surname inversions and changes for adults upon proof of habitual use, orthographic correction, or adaptation to , while barring alterations deemed harmful, confusing, or contrary to public order. Concurrently, a resolution supplanted the paternal-first with alphabetical precedence in parental disputes, effective from mid-2018, aiming to neutralize without judicial intervention. These steps culminated in full parental over ordering, yet empirical patterns from Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) records indicate minimal erosion of convention: as of 2024, the top first surnames— (1,449,151 bearers), Rodríguez (935,440), and González (928,024)—align with historically patrilineal dominants, comprising over 68% of the population's primary identifiers and signaling cultural inertia against frequent maternal prioritization. Such persistence underscores a causal tension between reform-driven and surname systems' role in preserving verifiable lineage chains, which first-principles analysis posits as essential for genealogical continuity and legal clarity in patrilineal societies; equality rationales, while legislatively potent, show no correlated gains in familial stability or identity metrics per available demographic trends, potentially risking diluted paternal traceability without offsetting benefits. Adoption rates of inverted orders remain low, with fewer than 5% of post-1999 registrations deviating per registry analyses, reflecting not but endogenous preference for amid exogenous legal options. This slow evolution, tracked through INE's longitudinal frequencies up to 2025, affirms the reforms' procedural success but questions their substantive impact on entrenched practices.

Regional and Co-Official Language Variations

Basque Naming Customs

Basque naming practices adhere to Spain's national civil registry system, requiring double surnames—the father's followed by the mother's—while incorporating elements derived from Euskera, the . This integration reflects the Basque Autonomous Community's co-official status for Euskera alongside Spanish, allowing names in either language provided they meet registry criteria for clarity and non-offensiveness. Unlike broader Spanish customs, frequently draw from topographic or habitational origins rooted in Euskera vocabulary, such as etxe (house), mendi (mountain), or ibaia (valley), yielding forms like Etxebarria ("new house") or Aranburu ("valley head"). These non-patronymic structures predominate, comprising a significant portion of the over 25,000 distinct documented in historical and genealogical records, emphasizing geographic features over paternal lineage indicators common in Romance-language traditions. Given names in Basque contexts often derive from Euskera mythology or lexicon, such as Aitor, a 19th-century literary by Augustin Chaho symbolizing a primordial Basque meaning "good father" or "father of the people," now widely used despite its modern origins. Other examples include Endika (from Henry, adapted as "home-ruler") or Aingeru ("angel"), selected for cultural resonance but subject to national approval to avoid confusion or ridicule. Official registries in the Basque Country, managed under Spanish law, historically enforced ; for instance, Etxe was rendered as Eche until mid-20th-century reforms enabled Euskera . This compliance persists, with the (Royal Academy of the ) maintaining an approved list like EODA for traditional names to ensure orthographic consistency. The absence of prevalent -ez suffixes in Basque surnames underscores their pre-Indo-European linguistic substrate, distinguishing them from patronymic forms like or that dominate Spanish nomenclature through Romance evolution. Basque onomastics favor agglutinative compounds over such suffixes, reflecting Euskera's isolate status and resistance to Indo-European influences. Historical records from the Basque provinces (, , ) show hybrid usage: approximately 20.6% of residents bear two Basque-origin surnames, 25.4% one Basque and one Castilian, and 54% two Castilian, per analyses of civil registries and parliamentary demographics, with higher Basque surname concentrations among cultural nationalists. This pattern stems from centuries of resistance to Castilianization, including a 16th-century ban on Euskera names in official documents post-Nafarroa conquest, which endured until the 20th century and spurred revival efforts tied to linguistic preservation.

Catalan Naming Customs

In Catalonia, where Catalan coexists as a co-official language with Spanish under Spain's 1978 Constitution, naming practices adhere to the national dual-surname system but feature distinct Catalan elements in form and usage. Compound surnames link the paternal and maternal lines with the Catalan conjunction "i" (meaning "and"), as exemplified in names like Cèlia Puig i Torà, where or sequential surnames incorporate this particle to maintain clarity in lineage. This contrasts with the Spanish "y" while preserving the legal requirement for two surnames, reflecting Catalonia's bilingual administrative framework since the 1980s Statute of Autonomy. Given names in Catalan often employ vernacular forms rooted in the language's Romance evolution, such as "" as the standard equivalent to George, derived from the Latin Georgius and tied to Saint George as Catalonia's since medieval times. Following Franco's death in and the lifting of linguistic suppression, civil registries documented a revival of such authentic Catalan given names, with increased registrations from the late 1970s onward amid broader cultural normalization efforts. This resurgence aligned with policies promoting Catalan in education and public life, boosting names like in frequency through the and into the 21st century. Hypocoristics, or affectionate diminutives, in Catalan naming preferentially draw from the name's terminal syllables, adapting to the language's phonetic patterns—such as softer consonants and —unlike the initial-syllable focus in Spanish. For example, "Quim" emerges as a common for "Joaquim," truncating the ending to fit colloquial speech rhythms prevalent in Catalan-speaking communities. This end-derived formation underscores regional linguistic identity within Spain's unified registry system.

Galician Naming Customs

Galician surnames are predominantly patronymic, formed by adding suffixes such as -ez or -es to a father's given name, as in Rodríguez ("son of Rodrigo") and Fernández ("son of Fernando"), which together account for a significant portion of the population's nomenclature. Toponymic surnames, deriving from place names like Castro or Piñeiro, are also common, reflecting the region's geography and settlement patterns. These patterns stem from the medieval consolidation of hereditary surnames in the Galician-Portuguese linguistic area, where shared historical dialects fostered similar naming conventions across what is now Galicia and northern Portugal. Given names in Galicia traditionally employ phonetic adaptations rooted in the , such as Xoán for the Latin-derived Iohannes () and Xosé for Iosephus (), which have persisted since the . This linguistic variation underscores Galician , particularly in rural communities where traditional forms endure due to the society's historical rural orientation and resistance to rapid modernization. Urban areas show greater adoption of standardized Spanish variants, but Galician orthography for names gained official recognition following the 1983 linguistic norms. Although Galician mythology invokes a Celtic substratum through legendary figures like , purported ancestor of the Milesians, empirical analysis of reveals limited direct Celtic survivals in personal names, with the majority tracing to post-Roman Iberian and Christian Latin origins. Occupational surnames, less prevalent than patronymics or toponyms, include derivations like Fariñas (from "," denoting millers or bakers), as evidenced in historical and civil records. Data from the Instituto Galego de Estatística illustrate the uneven distribution of these surnames, with higher concentrations of traditional forms in rural provinces like and .

Naming in Ceuta and Melilla

In Ceuta and Melilla, Spanish civil law governs naming practices, mandating the use of one or more given names followed by two surnames, with registration in the Civil Registry ensuring compliance with prohibitions against extravagant or dignity-compromising names. However, the demographic composition—where of Berber and Arab descent constitute a majority—results in a pronounced prevalence of Arabic-origin given names and surnames, reflecting North African cultural influences while adhering to Spanish legal frameworks. Data from the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) for residents indicate that Mohamed is the most frequent in both autonomous cities as of 2023–2025, followed closely by Ahmed, Abdeselam, and Spanish-origin names such as and . This distribution arises from mid-20th-century to 1980s practices among Muslim families, where newborns were routinely assigned the father's as the first and the paternal grandfather's as the second, leading to high concentrations of common Islamic names like Mohamed in official records. Given names similarly exhibit strong Arabic influences, with Mohamed topping the list for males in per 2024 INE-derived analyses, alongside Ahmed and traditional Spanish names like and ; for females, María Carmen predominates amid other Islamic variants. Such naming fosters hybrid forms in informal usage, including Spanish diminutives applied to Muslim names (e.g., Kemalito for Kemal), though formal registration retains the patrilineal structure without dual citizenship allowances, as prohibits it with . Administrative historical processes, particularly during nationality acquisitions post-1956 Statute of Autonomy, often simplified or standardized nomenclature, prompting later rectification efforts; for example, in 2017, Ceuta's government urged the Ministry of Justice to streamline recoveries of lost maternal or clan-based surnames for , addressing cases of repetitive naming derided as "Mohamed cubed." Spanish authorities apply naming restrictions uniformly, yet exhibit practical tolerance for Islamic elements, provided they align with public order and do not evoke ridicule, enabling cultural retention without mainland equivalents in regional linguistic adaptations.

Special Designations and Exceptions

Indicators of Descent and Identity (e.g., -ez Suffix)

The -ez suffix in Spanish surnames denotes paternal filiation, meaning "son of" and derived from medieval adaptations of Latin genitive forms like -icī, which were attached to the father's given name to form patronymics that later became hereditary. Common examples include González ("son of Gonzalo," from Visigothic Gundisalvus incorporating the Germanic root gunþ for "battle") and Rodríguez ("son of Rodrigo"), reflecting a system prevalent in Castilian territories from the 10th century onward. These markers encoded direct descent, distinguishing individuals in an era when single given names dominated and lineage proof was essential for feudal obligations, such as vassalage or inheritance claims in manorial courts. In historical contexts, -ez patronymics facilitated identity verification amid territorial reconquests and noble disputes, where surnames fixed ancestral ties to specific lineages or , often originating from northern Iberian Visigothic-influenced elites rather than broader populations. Their persistence into the reveals regional concentrations—such as higher incidences of García (a related Basque-Castilian form) in northern —indicating migratory patterns and historical that preserved class-based origins, countering narratives of undifferentiated equality by evidencing stratified descent from medieval landholders. Genetic analyses of surname distributions corroborate this, showing -ez bearers clustering with haplogroups tied to pre-Islamic migrations, though overall Visigothic admixture remains low (typically 2-4% in Iberian Y-DNA), emphasizing surnames' role as cultural rather than purely biological descent proxies. Archaic variants, such as explicit "hijo" (son) notations in early records, occasionally supplemented -ez to clarify immediate in duplicate-name scenarios, but these were supplanted as patronymics standardized by century. Today, -ez indicators retain utility in and forensics, enabling probabilistic tracing of patrilineal paths via isonymy studies that map surname variance across provinces, underscoring causal links between medieval naming and enduring identity markers.

Naming for Foundlings and Non-Traditional Births

In cases of foundlings—infants discovered abandoned with unknown parentage—Spanish Civil Registry procedures prioritize legal identifiability and administrative order, inscribing the birth under "hijo de padres desconocidos" to denote unknown origins without implying illegitimacy. Historically, such children received surnames like Expósito (exposed) or evocative terms such as Tirado (cast away) and Diosdado (God-given), reflecting their circumstances, but the 1870 Civil Registry Law explicitly banned assigning surnames that disclosed abandonment or unknown parentage to avert . Contemporary practice, governed by the 2011 Civil Registry Law (Law 20/2011), assigns a first name via the discovering authority or , often neutral or sequential (e.g., incorporating the date or location of discovery) to ensure uniqueness without emotional connotation, while surnames use provisional forms like municipal references until resolved. Protective names such as Ángel de la Guarda () or De la Providencia (Of Providence) have been employed in some registries for symbolic administrative clarity, but changes from residual indicators like Expósito are facilitated free of charge through judicial expedited processes to normalize identity. Post-2000 legal developments, including 15/2003 on judicial DNA testing and provisions (arts. 131–137), enable biological determination via court-ordered genetic analysis, which achieves over 99.9% accuracy, thereby eroding prior anonymity for foundlings upon parental claims or adoption inquiries. This shift supports causal tracing of parentage while maintaining registry safeguards against identity duplication, such as provisional unique codes. Official data indicate low incidence of outright abandonments amid broader ; in 2020, Spain's public system handled 49,171 minors overall, with anonymous foundling cases forming a minimal subset due to reporting mandates and social service interventions emphasizing immediate provisional registration to prevent documentation voids. Strict protocols, including cross-registry verification, underscore administrative precision over individualized sentiment in naming.

Adaptations for Foreigners and Naturalized Citizens

Upon acquiring Spanish nationality, foreigners must be inscribed in the Civil Registry with one and two , aligning with the standard Spanish naming convention. If the foreigner's original documentation features fewer than two surnames, the second is typically derived from under Spanish law, such as adopting the surname of the other . This requirement applies regardless of the applicant's , ensuring conformity with domestic registration norms. Under Article 56 of Ley 20/2011 del Registro Civil, individuals naturalizing as Spanish citizens may retain their foreign in their original form by declaring so during the nationality acquisition process, provided it does not contravene public order. The Spanish legal equivalent of such may be annotated marginally in the registry for reference. A 2021 resolution from the Dirección General de Seguridad Jurídica y Fe Pública further permits marginal annotations of variant foreign surname forms if proven customary in the origin , via consular certification or equivalent evidence, easing integration for naturalized persons from diverse linguistic backgrounds. Foreign given names and surnames are transcribed into the Latin alphabet for registry purposes; non-Latin scripts (e.g., , Chinese, or Japanese) undergo , often using established systems like for Mandarin names. For Latin-script names, the original is generally preserved, though applicants may request orthographic adaptations to approximate Spanish phonetics and simplify pronunciation, such as adjusting diacritics (e.g., retaining "Müller" with umlaut where feasible or noting "Mueller" variant). These adaptations are discretionary and aimed at practical usability in official documentation. Phonetic mismatches pose challenges, particularly for immigrants from single-surname traditions like those in or parts of , where assigning a second surname may require arbitrary selection from , potentially distorting . Latin American applicants, familiar with dual-surname systems, face fewer issues, as their names often align directly (e.g., "Juan Pérez López" retained intact). In contrast, cases from recent Asian immigration waves, such as Vietnamese or Indian naturalizations post-2010s, have prompted registry annotations to mitigate confusion in administrative contexts like taxation or voting. procedures emphasize verification against origin-country usage to balance fidelity and functionality.

Professional and Artistic Pseudonyms (e.g., Flamenco Artists)

In , professional and artistic pseudonyms serve as distinct identifiers for performers in fields like and , enabling the creation of marketable personas without modifying the individual's civil registry name. These aliases are legally treated as commercial brands rather than replacements for official , often registered with the Spanish and Office (OEPM) under class 41 for and artistic services to secure exclusive usage rights. A prominent example is singer , whose birth name was José Monje Cruz; born on December 5, 1950, in , he adopted the —evoking his fair skin and coastal origins—for his career, yet official documents, including his from July 2, 1992, in Badalona, Barcelona, recorded his civil name. Similarly, bullfighters frequently employ such names; Manuel Laureano Rodríguez Sánchez, known as , performed under his artistic moniker during the mid-20th century, but legal proceedings and records adhered to his full civil identity. This separation ensures pseudonyms do not confer inheritable status, as evidenced by biographical accounts where successors reference only civil surnames for familial or legal continuity, with no documented cases of artistic aliases passing via succession under Spanish civil law. Historical precedents in 20th-century , including press regulations permitting pseudonymous publications and performances, fostered their cultural prominence while maintaining civil name primacy for administrative and patrimonial matters.

Informal and Practical Aspects

Hypocoristics, Nicknames, and Forms of Address

Hypocoristics in Spanish naming customs refer to affectionate shortenings or diminutives of given names, employed in everyday social contexts to foster familiarity while preserving the individual's formal identity. These forms often arise through phonetic processes such as , where syllables are truncated, or syllable repetition, distinct from legal . For instance, the name commonly yields "Pepe," derived from the archaic variant Josepe, with "Pepe" emerging as a fossilized shortening via iterative of the final syllables. Similarly, shortens to "Paco," reflecting historical phonetic evolution rather than direct diminutive suffixes like -ito, which appear in forms such as Carlitos for Carlos. Regional linguistic diversity influences these variations, maintaining gendered distinctions inherent to Spanish onomastics. In Catalan-speaking areas, may become "Toni," adapting to local phonology while retaining affectionate intent. Galician and Basque contexts similarly adapt pan-Hispanic forms, such as Xosé (Galician for ) yielding localized hypocoristics like Suso for Jesús, underscoring how such nicknames signal intimacy without supplanting biological or cultural identity markers. Unlike emerging naming practices in some Western societies, Spanish hypocoristics typically reinforce through suffixal endings or phonetic patterns, avoiding erosion of sex-based categorization. Forms of address like Don and Doña function as honorifics denoting respect, historically tied to social standing but now applied more broadly to elders or figures in informal settings. These titles precede the , as in Don , to convey without implying . Usage has declined since the mid-20th century amid and informalization of Spanish society, yet persists in rural, conservative, or intergenerational interactions, particularly in regions like or Castilla where traditional hierarchies endure. This evolution reflects causal shifts toward egalitarian norms, but the titles' retention in protocol-heavy contexts—such as family or professional respect—highlights their role in modulating independent of legal naming conventions.

Indexing, Registration, and Official Documentation

In , births must be registered in the Registro Civil within 24 hours (extendable to 8 days in practice), where the full —comprising one or more given names followed by two surnames—is declared by the parents or guardians. The order of the two surnames, typically the paternal followed by the maternal unless otherwise chosen, has been selectable by parents since Ley 40/1999, de 5 de noviembre, sobre el nombre y apellidos, to reflect familial preferences while ensuring dual lineage representation. Each registration generates a unique personal code under Ley 20/2011, de 21 de julio, del Registro Civil, serving as a lifelong identifier for cross-referencing in national databases and preventing duplication or ambiguity. Official identification documents, including the Documento Nacional de Identidad (DNI) and passports, transcribe the complete registered name verbatim, with (s) preceding the compound (e.g., "Juan García López"), separated by spaces or hyphens only if specified at inscription. Bureaucratic indexing in government systems, such as those of the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) or tax registries, primarily uses the full legal name and personal code, with initial sorting by the first for traditional compatibility in searches, though digital protocols prioritize the unique code for precision. This approach maintains verifiability, as alterations to name order or composition require judicial approval and Registro Civil annotation, prohibiting retroactive impacts on prior records. Amendments to registered names, including surname order inversions, are governed by Ley 20/2011 and processed electronically since the law's operational rollout on April 30, 2021, via the centralized DICIREG system, which digitizes inscriptions and enables real-time updates across municipalities while preserving historical integrity through immutable audit trails. Unlike some Hispanic American jurisdictions where documentation may condense to a single for simplicity, enforces the dual-surname compound in all legal contexts to uphold causal lineage traceability and reduce risks. Non-compliance with registration, such as delayed filings, incurs fines up to €300, reinforcing mandatory adherence for administrative validity.

References

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