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Coronation of Mary I of England
Coronation of Mary I of England
Coronation of Mary I of England
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Coronation of Mary I
Mary I of England as depicted on her seal, crowned and enthroned
Date1 October 1553; 472 years ago (1553-10-01)
LocationWestminster Abbey, London, England
Participants

The coronation of Mary I as Queen of England and Ireland took place at Westminster Abbey, London, on Sunday 1 October 1553. This was the first coronation of a queen regnant in England, a female ruler in her own right.[1] The ceremony was therefore transformed. Ritual and costume were interlinked. Contemporary records insist the proceedings were performed "according to the precedents", but mostly these were provisions made previously for queens consort.[2]

Proclamation on 19 July

[edit]

Mary I was proclaimed queen on 19 July 1553 by William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, setting aside the claims of Lady Jane Grey.[3][4] The proclamation was reported to have been well-received, and an Italian observer compared the shouts and applause to a volcano erupting.[5]

The Italian also wrote that in nearby streets, Sir John York, who was riding on horseback, was confused by the uproar, and shouted that rumours were untrue. York had to be rescued from the crowd by the Sheriff, William Garrett or Garrard. In fact, York was placed in the Sheriff's custody as a supporter of Lady Jane Grey.[6]

In the Tower of London, the Duke of Suffolk went to the hall used by Lady Jane Grey and removed the canopy or cloth of state that conferred royal status on his daughter. She was said to have gladly acknowledged Mary's rights to the crown.[7] A letter or order signed by Henry Nevill and others was sent to Nicholas Pelham and all the gentlemen of Sussex declaring Mary to be queen and denouncing Lady Jane Grey as "a quene of new and pretie invencion".[8]

The Oration gratulatory

[edit]

Richard Taverner wrote an Oration gratulatory made upon the joyfull proclayming of the most noble Princes Quene Mary Quene of Englande, a pamphlet published by John Day describing the legitimacy of Mary's succession.[9] Writers addressed the challenges to rule that Mary had overcome. Thomas Watertoune published a ballad, An Invective against Treason, and a ballad by Leonard Stopes compared her bloodless struggle to the biblical stories of Judith and Holofernes and Esther and Haman.[10]

There was no English publication describing the coronation ceremony.[11] A narrative description of the coronation was published in Italian and Spanish versions. These texts have many similarities with descriptions produced by diplomats.[12] A Spanish narrative also gave an estimated cost of all the coronation events at 100,000 ducats.[13]

Plays and drama at the coronation

[edit]
Mary I of England enthroned by angels depicted on a 1553 plea roll, with flowing hair.[14]

The revels accounts include fabric for costumes for a play to be performed during Mary's coronation feasts, which included a good and a bad angel with a personification of the Genus Humanum.[15] The troubles of the human race, Scarcity, Sickness, Feebleness and Deformity, were countered by Reason, Plenty, Verity, Self-Love, and Care.[16] These were probably understood as virtues residing in Mary's court and realm. No text of this morality play has yet been identified.[17] Mary made a warrant for the fabrics to Edward Waldegrave, Master of the Royal Wardrobe. His wife Frances dressed Mary after her anointing as queen.[18]

There is some doubt as to whether the Genus Humanum play was performed at the coronation. Mary gave Thomas Cawarden a warrant for performing a play at the coronation on 26 September, while she was at St James' Palace. The accounts for making the costumes include a note that the performance was deferred until Christmas.[19]

An anonymously authored play, Respublica, written for performance at Christmas presented some of issues in 1553 relating to Mary's accession and her relationship with Parliament.[20] Respublica has sometimes been attributed to Nicholas Udall, but its authorship and connection to court revels is disputed.[21] In the play, Mary is honoured as "Verity, the daughter of sage old Father Time". This echoes a motto used by Mary, Veritas Filia Temporis. The idea was of a "Truth" in opposition to Protestant reformers.[22]

Royal Entry to London

[edit]
Royal Entry of Queen Mary I with Princess Elizabeth into London in a 1910 painting by Byam Shaw

Mary had been at Kenninghall in Norfolk and Framlingham in Suffolk. At Ipswich children presented her with a golden heart.[23] She met her sister Princess Elizabeth at Wanstead.[24] Elizabeth had arrived in London on 29 August, with a large and armed household and retinue.[25]

Mary rode into London on 3 August 1553, in procession.[26] On this occasion, according to Estienne Perlin, she wore violet velvet, "velours violet".[27] Wriothesley says she changed her clothes in a house in Whitechapel, to a rich apparel of "purple velvet French fashion, with sleeves of the same, her kirtle of purple satin all thick set with goldsmith work and great pearl, with her foresleeves of the same set with rich stones".[28] The ambassador Simon Renard described this costume similarly, as violet velvet, with skirts and sleeves embroidered with gold.[29] She was followed by as many as 180 ladies and gentlemen.[30] The French ambassador, Antoine de Noailles, avoided attending the Entry. According to Renard, Noailles claimed to be busy deciphering letters in his lodging at the Charterhouse. Renard wrote that Noailles was spotted observing some of the proceedings from a window, and he was able to provide a description of the procession.[31]

On this occasion, she entered the city at Aldgate.[32][33] Renard describes around 100 poor children dressed in blue as being at the city gate. One of them asked the Queen to take care of them.[34] The incident appears in the chronicle of Edmund Howes and Charles Wriothesley, who mention a pageant at St Botolph's Aldgate involving the children of Christ's Hospital, a charity school founded by Protestants following the dissolution of the monasteries, arranged on a specially built stage.[35] John Howes, writing in 1582, relates that when the Queen "came near unto them she cast her eye another way, and never staied nor gave any countenance to them".[36] However, Robert Persons wrote that Mary listened appreciatively to an oration made by the young Edmund Campion.[37]

The funeral of Edward VI took place on 8 August at Westminster Abbey.[38] Mary would make a formal Royal Entry or procession through the city on 30 September as a preliminary to her coronation.[39] She gave Elizabeth a number of jewels on 23 September at St James's Palace, perhaps to wear on the day.[40]

Coronation eve

[edit]

Mary left St James' Palace by barge for the Tower of London on 28 September 1553.[41] She left with Elizabeth after dinner, or at 3 o'clock in order to "shoot" London Bridge at high tide.[42][43] As Mary passed down the Thames, she was followed by boats trimmed with streamers and banners which carried the Mayor, Thomas White, and the Aldermen.[44] Trumpets sounded, and minstrels and waits sang to the playing of shawms and regals. The garrison of the Tower fired a gun salute as she approached. After she alighted, and all was quiet, Mary turned and thanked the Mayor and aldermen in a loud voice.[45]

The wardrobe accounts include sumptuous costume for Mary and her ladies for the reception on the "eve" of the coronation. Mary's robe and mantle were of gold and silver tissue.[46] The phrase refers to a ceremony before the coronation when the Knights of the Bath made their preparations and bathed, which took place "according to the old usage of England" at the Tower of London on 29 September.[47] In the morning, new knights were dubbed in the queen's chamber of presence by the Earl of Arundel, steward of the queen's household.[48] He was given Mary's commission to make knights on this occasion, and to dub knight batchelors on 2 October at Westminster Palace.[49][50][51]

Edward VI's coronation accounts also include payments for a robe and mantle to wear at the creation of the Knights of the Bath.[52] The costume historian Janet Arnold proposed that Mary's tissue clothes were re-used by Elizabeth I at her coronation, after alterations, and may be depicted in a coronation portrait of Elizabeth.[53]

The coronation entry

[edit]

Mary made her royal entry on 30 September in the afternoon. She came from the Tower in a chariot or litter to the Palace of Westminster. The windows of houses along the route were decorated with tapestry or cloth of gold and cloth of silver, and the roads were strewn with grass and flowers.[54] There are several accounts of the procession, and these vary in detail, possibly confusing the colour of fabrics used for the caparisons of horses and to drape the vehicles with the colours of costume worn by the participants.[55] Robert Wingfield wrote that the number of her female attendants was uncountable and a novel sight, though the procession accorded to ancient custom.[56]

First on the route were heraldic officers, knights, the justiciary, the secretaries, the treasurer of the household Thomas Cheney, lords and barons, the ambassadors and their escorts, representatives of the Steelyard, the bishops, and the Mayor of London. The Earl of Arundel carried the sword, flanked by the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl Marshal.[57]

Mary wore a mantle and kirtle of cloth of gold, furred with miniver, or, according to the account of Antonio de Guarás, her litter was furbished with cloth of gold, and she was mantled in cloth of silver.[58] On her head was a gold circlet, a kind of crown, set with precious stones and pearls, with a jewelled caul or veil made of tinsel fabric. She also wore this newly-made circlet to the coronation.[59] Some chronicle accounts mention the weight of the circlet and caul, and that Mary had sometimes to support it with her hand.[60][61] These comments may imply misogynistic criticism of this unprecedented female coronation.[62]

Following behind was a procession, including the women of her household.[63] Princess Elizabeth and Anne of Cleves followed in another litter or "chariot",[64] with a covering "all of coth of silver all white".[65] According to the French ambassador Antoine de Noailles and other diplomats, Elizabeth and Anne were dressed in cloth of silver with robes or gowns in the French fashion.[66][67] Elizabeth's silver costume, although more elaborate than those of the women of the household, would have marked her status as lower than her elder sister's costume.[68]

Jane Lumley, Baroness Lumley rode in a chariot during the Royal Entry, then aged around 16
Elizabeth, Lady Rich, rode in the chariot with Lady Lumley

Four ladies in waiting rode on horseback beside the queen's litter, as the "ladies of Estate". These were the Duchess of Norfolk, the Marchioness of Exeter, the Marchioness of Winchester, and the Countess of Arundel. The women of the household followed, riding in three carriages called "chariots" or on horseback. Although English and Spanish accounts say the women were apparelled with crimson velvet, and their horses "trapped" with the same fabric,[69][70] Noailles wrote that the ladies and women of the household were all dressed in furred silver and gold gowns, also in the French fashion, and their horse mantles, couvertes, were of red cramoisy velvet.[71][72] The wardrobe account of Elizabeth I's coronation details similar fabrics for the chariots, and includes equivalent lengths of crimson velvet bought for the women's saddles.[73]

The second chariot carried four "ladies of Honour"; Dorothy, the "old" Countess of Oxford, the Countess of Oxford; the Countess of Shrewsbury; and the Countess of Derby.[74] The third chariot carried six ladies in waiting; Lady Stourton, Lady Lumley, Lady Wentworth, Lady Rich, Lady Paget, and Lady Mordaunt, followed by five ladies on horseback. Behind this group followed ten ladies and gentlewomen riding on horseback including Cecily, Lady Mansel, Elizabeth Kempe, Susan Clarencieux, Mary Finch, and "Mrs Sturley" (Frideswide Strelley).[75]

More noblewomen and gentlewomen with mantles of crimson satin followed on horseback with the maids of honour,[76] including Anne Bacon, Anne Basset, Anne Dormer, and the Mother of the Maids, Mistress Bayneham (perhaps, Cecily Gage, wife of George Baynham of Clearwell),[77] or, according to some sources, Mistress Anne Poyntz.[78] With the maids, riding behind the three chariots, were the serving gentlewomen known as chamberers, with mantles of crimson damask. There were 46 female riders in the procession,[79] and Noailles estimated seventy women in total including the passengers in the litters. Behind them rode the henchmen and their master, dressed in the green and white Tudor colours. These were young men of school age.[80]

There were pageants with music and speeches. At Fenchurch Street, Genoese merchants staged a welcome salutation given by a young actor portraying a girl in a chair or throne suspended in the air. There were four giants. Latin inscriptions on the triumphal arches were recorded by Giovanni Francesco Commendone, a Papal diplomat, and the French ambassador Noailles.[81]

Hanse merchants made their pageant at Gracechurch Corner, with a mount and fountain running with wine. and an actor "flied down a rope" as the queen passed by. At the other end of the street, the Florentine merchants had built an arch with three entries, six actors above welcomed Mary, and on top a statue of an angel dressed in green appeared to play a trumpet.[82] The Florentine pageant included Queen Tomyris and Judith, leaders who defeated and decapitated their enemies,[83] and seems to have celebrated Mary's recent triumph over the Duke of Northumberland.[84]

The City of London made a pageant at the Conduit in Cornhill. Aldermen stood at their pageant by the Conduit in Cheap, and the Recorder of London gave a speech. By St Paul's school, John Heywood made an oration in Latin and English.[85] At St Paul's Cathedral, "Peter, a Dutchman", danced with streamers on the steeple.[86]

Sympathetic reporters of Mary's accession proclamation and royal entry, like the Imperial ambassadors and Charles Wriothesley, wrote that the London streets were full of her supporters, who threw their caps in the air without any hope of recovering them in the crowds, crying 'Long live Queen Mary'.[87]

Coronation

[edit]
John Gage helped the Duchess of Norfolk carry Mary's train into Westminster Abbey
Edward Stanley, 3rd Earl of Derby carried the sword "curtana" symbolic of Mercy
Mary was crowned by Stephen Gardiner

On 1 October, Mary arrived by barge at the privy stairs of the Old Palace of Westminster.[88] As Mary walked from Westminster Hall to the Abbey in the morning, three naked swords were carried before her. Two of swords, carried by the Earls of Westmorland and Cumberland, represented Spiritual and Temporal justice. The third sword, the curtana, was carried by the Earl of Derby and represented Mercy. The great bearing sword was refurbished by the cutler John Ailande.[89] Anne of Cleves and Princess Elizabeth attended Mary as she processed into the Abbey. Countesses and noblewomen walked in pairs, holding their coronets.[90]

Mary was first seated in the Abbey in King Edward's chair

Mary's train was carried by the Lord Chamberlain, John Gage, and the Duchess of Norfolk. The quire of the Abbey was hung with tapestry and the floor was strewn with rushes. When Mary entered the Abbey, the Bishop declared the Queen's pardon for prisoners, excluding those in the Tower of London and some in the Marshalsea.[91] The exceptions included those who had supported Lady Jane Grey.[92]

The mount and St Edward's chair

[edit]

Mary was led to King Edward's chair by two noblemen. After a short repose, she was joined by Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester and Lord Chancellor, on the raised scaffold or mount in sight of the people. The chair was at the centre of the mount, draped with rich fabrics. According to Antonio de Guaras, the chair was placed on a higher platform with ten steps. A diagram of the stage used at the coronation of Elizabeth I shows the chair raised on an octagonal mount with five steps placed on the platform.[93] On the back of the "white chair" were two carved lions on the corner posts and a fleur-de-lis topping the centre.[94][95]

The "great white chair" was similarly described in an account of the Coronation of Edward VI.[96] The ambassador Simon Renard mentioned that Mary sat on a "stone chair covered with brocade" at the banquet after the coronation. The stone had been brought from Scotland as a token of victory, the Stone of Scone (now displayed at Perth Museum).[97][98]

Mary showed herself at the four corners of the mount, and Gardiner introduced her as queen, a part of the ceremony known as "recognition".[99] Edward VI had been carried to the corners of his dais on a little chair by ushers. The ushers who guarded Mary's chair were Masters George Tyrrel, John Norris, Dauncey and Roger Lyggens, men who served as daily waiters in the queen's household.[100] Norris later compiled a treatise on ceremonial for gentlemen ushers.[101]

Gardiner asked for the people's assent, and they cried out in one voice "God save Queen Mary".[102]

The traverse

[edit]

Mary then went to a richly draped chair at the high altar and made her offerings. George Day, Bishop of Chichester gave a sermon on the theme of obedience. Mary made her oaths, and the choir sang Veni Creator Spiritus.[103] When Mary was to be anointed,[104] according to some accounts, she went into a "traverse" on the right hand side of the high altar and was undressed by ladies of privy chamber. A traverse is usually a space curtained off under a canopy. A Spanish account calls it un lugar apartado, a space apart.[105] It has been suggested that the traverse was located in St Edward's Chapel.[106]

Mary was dressed in a different costume and, putting aside the mantle, was anointed by Stephen Gardiner within the traverse. Holy oil had been obtained by the Imperial ambassador Simon Renard from the Bishop of Arras.[107] The stock of oil left over from the Protestant reign of Edward VI was considered unhallowed.[108] William Paget, 1st Baron Paget and three other barons held silver staves supporting a "paill" or canopy over her during the anointing. The canopy was to be made of gold "cloth of baudekin" lined with silk sarsenet, but crimson satin embroidered with gold was used instead.[109]

Three crowns and two sceptres

[edit]

The Duke of Norfolk brought the three crowns, St Edward's Crown, the Imperial crown, and a crown newly made for Mary. Gardiner crowned Mary three times.[110] He gave her a ring for her "marrying finger" and the Master of the Jewelhouse brought a pair of bracelets set with precious stones and pearls.[111] The noblemen now put on their caps and coronets, which they had carried into the church.[112]

Gardiner and the earls made homage to Mary.[113] Mass was celebrated while Mary remained kneeling. She held the royal sceptre, which had been carried by the Earl of Arundel, and the consort's sceptre which was topped with a dove.[114][115] She entered the curtained traverse and reappeared in her coronation robe, carrying the sceptre and monde or orb. The ceremony in the Abbey was then complete and had lasted until nearly four or five o'clock.[116]

Banquet in Westminster Hall

[edit]

After the ceremonies, there was a banquet in Westminster Hall.[117] According to the diplomat Simon Renard, Mary sat in the Coronation Chair with the Stone of Scone in the hall and rested her feet on two of her ladies in waiting. This may reflect Renard's understanding of the physical marble king or queen's bench in the hall.[118]

The Earl of Derby, as High Steward of England, and the Earl of Norfolk, as Earl Marshal, rode into the hall on courser horses. Mary sat under a cloth of estate. during the feast four swords were held before her. Her first drink was served by Sir Giles Alington.[119] Mary of Hungary sent wild boar meat from Flanders for the banquet.[120]

The champion

[edit]

The Queen's Champion, Edward Dymoke, rode into the hall in full armour.[121] He threw down a glove and offered to challenge any who questioned Mary's right to rule.[122] No one took up the challenge, and he declared Mary "the true and rightful Queen of that Kingdom".[123]

Dymoke's fee was a gold cup, which Mary passed to him filled with wine.[124] He was also given the horse and armour, 18 yards of crimson satin for livery clothes, and the food allowance of a baron.[125] Dymoke made a claim in November for a few weapons and a pair of gilt spurs which he had not yet received.[126]

Proclamation

[edit]

The Garter Herald, Gilbert Dethick, proclaimed Mary as Queen in Latin, French and English. There was a cry of "Largesse". At the conclusion of the meal, hypocras and wafers were served, a final course known as a void. Mary washed her hands, and stood on the step known as the "hault place" with Elizabeth and Anne of Cleves. The Mayor of London brought a drink in a gold cup, which Mary tasted, and then gave the cup to the Mayor.[127]

Costume

[edit]

Details of fabrics bought or supplied for the coronation are known from records of the royal wardrobe and Mary's warrants or orders. There is also a list of fabrics and items with the order of ceremony prepared by the wardrobe.[128] Mary ordered velvet from Arthur Stourton, keeper of the wardrobe at Westminster.[129] The Queen's silkwoman, Marie Wilkinson, was paid £200 in September 1553 by order of the Privy Council.[130] Chronicle accounts and diplomatic dispatches also describe some textiles and costume. The costume historian Janet Arnold published some of the wardrobe documents.[131]

The ambassador Noailles wrote in August that Mary had put aside a "superstition" of the court of Edward VI and now her women wore brightly coloured clothes and jewellery, with wide sleeves in the French fashion.[132] In 1554, a Venetian diplomat, Giacomo Soranzo, reported that Mary, on state occasions, wore a gown and bodice, with wide hanging sleeves in the French fashion.[133] The wardrobe accounts record that her tailor, Edward Jones, made French-style gowns and kirtles and round farthingales for her in 1553.[134]

A Genoese merchant wrote that Lady Jane Grey had worn green and white in July 1553, Tudor colours asserting her right to rule.[135] The variety of sources, and changes of costume made during the ceremony, has led to some confusion over the use of fabrics and colour, and consequent symbolism. Crimson was a traditional colour for the coronation of English monarchs. At the height of the ceremony, Mary changed into purple, a colour referenced by the writer John Seton.[136]

Two squires of honour at the Entry and coronation wore mantles of crimson velvet, worn baldric-wise off the shoulder, and hats of crimson tissue. They represented the Duchy of Gascony and Guyenne.[137] Described in narratives as gentlemen wearing ducal robes,[138] their presence represented Mary's claim to these territories.[139] At the coronation of Edward VI these roles had been performed by two Gentleman Ushers, John Norris and William Rainsford.[140] Their hats and costume, as described at the coronation of Anne Boleyn, were deliberately old-fashioned in style.[141]

According to a chronicle, Mary wore a gown of blue velvet lined with powdered ermine on her way to the Abbey.[142] She owned a blue velvet gown at this time.[143] Other accounts say that she wore her Parliament robes of crimson velvet.[144] A manuscript listing her clothes for the day gives other details, and says that she wore her "common usual apparel" to go to her coronation at Westminster on the second day beneath her Parliament robes. Her collar was decorated with passamayne lace of Venice gold.[145] Passamayne was a kind of braid or woven lace, used as edging on garments or on the borders of skirts.[146]

Blue and ray cloth

[edit]

The route from Westminster Hall into the Abbey was spread with blue velvet or multi-coloured woollen "ray-cloth". The wardrobe account says the blue cloth was used between the hall and the Abbey quire door. The pulpit was draped with red worsted.[147][148]

The use of ray cloth on the route of the procession was traditional. The cloth used at the coronation of Anne Boleyn was described as "blue ray cloth".[149] At the coronation of Elizabeth of York on 25 November 1487, spectators rushed to cut pieces of the ray cloth with knives before her ladies had even finished passing by.[150] As the souvenir hunters struggled with each other there were fatalities.[151]

Anointing and a change of costume

[edit]
Elizabeth I used some of Mary's coronation clothes at her coronation in 1559

During the ceremony Mary withdrew into a traverse, a curtained space, using for robing and disrobing.[152] There she changed into a purple velvet mantle, and a purple velvet kirtle with a train furred with ermine, assisted by her ladies in waiting.[153] Mary was partly undressed for her anointing, during which she wore the Colobium Sindonis of silk taffeta. The newly made silk garment was described as a "tabard of white tarteryn", like that used at the coronation of her parents Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon in 1509,[154] or of white "sarsenet", worn over her gown.[155] After the anointing, she put on a purple velvet kirtle. Mistress Walgrave, (the wife of Edward Waldegrave), laced up her clothes, and Mary put on a mantle again. Lace with tags were provided for the kirtles and 24 yards of ribbon for girdles. Walgrave also handed linen gloves to the queen. Her shoes were "sabatons" of crimson cloth of gold lined with satin and dressed with Venice gold ribbon or gold passamyne lace.[156] The costume change was detailed in a schedule which describes this specially made "coronation mantle" and its lacework overmantle. This second mantle was mentioned in the published Spanish narrative accounts.[157]

Mary paid for the making of these new items furred with ermine and decorated with Venice gold lace, including the coronation mantle, from her own purse.[158] The earls and countesses in attendance wore crimson velvet and gold coronets.[159]

Gentlewomen and chamberers

[edit]
Some of Mary's gentlewomen and chamberers wore scarlet cloth gowns trimmed with "lettice", the winter fur of a weasel

The ladies of Mary's household were dressed in three kinds of fabric, according to status, having at the Royal Entry crimson damask, satin, and velvet. Noailles explains that these red fabrics were used for their horse mantles or cloths, and their gowns at the entry were silver and gold. The English chronicles mention the red fabrics only, Holinshed says the clothes of the riders, gentlewomen and maids, at the Entry and their caparisons were of crimson satin or velvet.[160][161] The differences between the accounts were first noted by James Planché, writing in 1838.[162][163]

Wardrobe accounts mention crimson velvet and crimson satin gowns for women for the eve of the Coronation, and for the Coronation day.[164] Rhys Mansel bequeathed Lady Mansel's crimson velvet gown to her daughter, Mary.[165] At the coronation, according to the French ambassador Noailles, the three grades of cloth worn were scarlet (a woollen cloth), satin, and crimson velvet.[166] Another narrative says her majesty's ladies in great numbers wore scarlet in the Abbey. An inventory of jewels mentions that twenty pairs of gold billiments (for head dresses), of sundry fashions, were issued to the ladies and gentlewomen, including Mistress Anne Poyntz née Sibelles. She was mother of the maids and the widow of John Poyntz of North Ockendon. Her granddaughter Anne Astley joined her at court.[167]

Costumes for gentlewomen and servants were ordered with a royal warrant dated 25 September. Scarlet gowns furred with "lettice" fur were made "against our coronation" for Susan Clarencieux, Mrs Jerningham (Elizabeth Jerningham,[168] or her niece, later Mary Southwell), Mary Finch, Mistress Jane Russell, Mistress Elizabeth Golbourne, Sibilla Penne (a former nurse of Edward VI), and Mistress Sydney (a sister of Henry Sidney). Lettice is a grey weasel fur.[169] The historian John Strype described some members of this group as chamberers and provided a slightly different list of names and ranking, for the riders at the Entry. He includes Jane Dormer and Jane Russell.[170] Further wardrobe records show that Jane Russell (died 1558) was a chamberer at the coronation and was later a gentlewoman of Mary's privy chamber. She was the wife of William Russell, Sergeant of the Wine Cellar, and was to be rewarded for her advocacy of Mary's marriage.[171] Elizabeth Golbourne married William Babington of Kiddington and continued as a chamberer.[172]

The September warrant also included clothes for Elizabeth, for "our dear and entirely beloved cousin the Lady Clifford", and the "Lady Marquess of Devonshire" (the Marchioness of Exeter), with costumes of tinsel for Will Somers and "Jane our woman foole".[173] It is not clear if costume ordered for Jane at this time was intended for wearing at the coronation.[174] Jane and Lucretia, a tumbler, had been members of Mary's household in 1542.[175]

Reuse of coronation clothes by Elizabeth I

[edit]

Several details of Mary's costume, the vocabulary used for fabrics, and the costume changes of Mary's coronation follow closely the order of her parents' coronation in 1509.[176] When Elizabeth I was crowned in 1559, she reused some of Mary's clothes,[177] which were altered by the tailor Walter Fyshe.[178]

The costume historian Janet Arnold described how items in Elizabeth's inventory correspond with those in Mary's coronation wardrobe accounts, including the cloth of gold and silver mantle and a matching kirtle trimmed with ermine used at the Royal Entry, and the purple velvet mantle, kirtle and surcoat worn in the Abbey after the anointing. One of the documents from 1553 describes the "mantle and kirtle of white cloth of silver, the mantle of estate with a long train, furred through all with powdered ermines and a mantellace of white silk and gold, a kirtle of the same" and the "kirtle of purple velvet with a train, the train furred with ermines, edged about the skirt ... a mantle of the same called a coronation mantle with a long train". These garments may not have been newly-made for Mary's coronation, as records mention enlarging a gown.[179]

Some of Mary's gowns remained in Elizabeth's wardrobe and were detailed in inventories, including purple gowns and one of crimson satin sewed with pearls and garnets. It was not recorded if any of these were used at Mary's coronation.[180] It has been suggested that Mary wore the crimson satin gown with pearls at her Winchester wedding to Philip of Spain.[181] Elizabeth also used some of Mary's clothes in court drama. A wardrobe book records that a purple velvet forequarter of a gown that had belonged to Mary was lost during the staging of a play at Oxford.[182][183]

References

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Coronation of Mary I of England

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The coronation of occurred on 1 October 1553 at , marking the formal investiture of Mary Tudor as the first undisputed of following her proclamation in July after the brief usurpation by . The ceremony, presided over by , , who anointed and crowned the 37-year-old monarch with the traditional regalia including , adapted precedents from earlier royal coronations while addressing the novelty of a sovereign's . Preceded by a grand procession through on 30 September, where Mary rode in state accompanied by her half-sister Elizabeth and , the event underscored her Catholic restoration agenda and reconciliation with , attended by peers, knights, and councillors such as the bearing the . Notable for its emphasis on continuity with medieval traditions amid recent Protestant reforms under , the coronation featured a banquet in and symbolized Mary's determination to reverse her father's and brother's religious changes, though contemporary accounts from Protestant-leaning chroniclers reflect underlying sectarian tensions.

Historical and Political Context

Succession Crisis and Proclamation

The death of King Edward VI on 6 July 1553 at Greenwich Palace precipitated an immediate succession crisis, as the young Protestant monarch had sought to exclude his Catholic half-sister Mary from the throne to preserve the Reformation's gains. Influenced by John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, Edward drafted "My Devise for the Succession" in late May or early June 1553, altering the line established by their father Henry VIII's will of 1546, which named Edward first, followed by Mary and then Elizabeth. The devise named Lady Jane Grey, Northumberland's daughter-in-law and a great-granddaughter of Henry VII, as heir, with provisions for her male heirs and then her sisters, explicitly bypassing Mary due to her adherence to Roman Catholicism. This document, signed by Edward and 102 notables but lacking parliamentary ratification, held limited legal force under English common law and precedent, which prioritized statutory succession over royal prerogative alone. News of Edward's death from or a related infection reached Princess Mary at her residence in , , by 7 July, prompting her to assert her rights decisively. On 8 July, Mary drafted and circulated letters proclaiming herself queen by hereditary right as Henry VIII's eldest surviving child, denouncing the devise as invalid and appealing to loyalty among nobles, , and municipalities; these missives emphasized her legitimacy under the Third Succession Act of 1543 and garnered rapid endorsements from East Anglian landowners wary of Northumberland's ambitions. She relocated to in by 12 July, where local forces proclaimed her queen amid growing defections from the regime; by this point, her household and regional supporters had mobilized around 20,000 men, outpacing Northumberland's efforts to enforce Jane's claim. In , the —dominated by Northumberland's allies—initially suppressed Edward's death and proclaimed Jane Grey queen on 10 July at the , framing her accession as fulfilling the late king's wishes to safeguard . Yet support eroded swiftly as key figures, including council members like William Paget and Henry Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, prioritized dynastic stability and personal survival over the untested Grey claim; Northumberland's march northward to confront Mary faltered amid desertions. On 19 July, the council reversed course, proclaiming Mary queen in streets, imprisoning Jane and her supporters, and issuing formal heraldic announcements that affirmed her inheritance per Henry VIII's unaltered parliamentary settlement. This shift reflected not merely legal arguments but pragmatic calculations of public sentiment and military imbalance, securing Mary's rule without bloodshed in the capital.

Significance as First Queen Regnant

Mary I's coronation on 1 October 1553 established her as England's first , a female monarch ruling in her own right rather than as consort to a king, thereby challenging longstanding traditions of male and setting a for female authority. This event followed her successful assertion of the throne against the nine-day regime of , whom her half-brother had nominated in a will deviating from Henry VIII's succession act of 1544, which had restored Mary to the line after her earlier declaration of illegitimacy. Her triumph, backed by widespread popular support and military loyalty, demonstrated the practical viability of female succession under English , despite contemporary misogynistic sentiments exemplified by reformer John Knox's decrying female rule as "repugnant to ." The ceremony itself was adapted to underscore her regal sovereignty while accommodating her gender, blending kingly precedents with innovations to affirm equality in monarchical power. Performed by , , in place of the imprisoned Archbishop , the five-hour rite at incorporated elements like three swords symbolizing justice, mercy, and the Gospel, and general pardons excluding only prisoners from the Tower and supporters of Jane . Mary opted for attire in purple velvet—colors associated with male monarchs—rejecting the white and gold traditionally worn by queen consorts, and utilized newly consecrated holy oil imported from the to avoid Protestant-tainted relics from Edward VI's era. These modifications, drawn from medieval rituals but tailored without prior queenly precedent, emphasized her independent rule and divine right, mirroring the and of kings to project unyielding authority. The coronation's significance extended to legal and cultural realms, culminating in the 1554 parliamentary act that explicitly equated the powers of a with those of a king, codifying her status and dispelling doubts about female capacity for absolute governance. By navigating rooted in religious divisions—Mary's Catholicism clashed with Edward's Protestant reforms—and gender-based skepticism, her enthronement validated female inheritance, influencing her successor Elizabeth I's own coronation in 1558, which reused adapted elements like and processions. This breakthrough shifted perceptions from viewing as anomalous to recognizing them as capable sovereigns, though Mary's reign's turbulent legacy, including failed alliances and religious persecutions, later overshadowed its foundational role in English constitutional history.

Religious Preparations and Catholic Restoration

Following her proclamation as queen on 19, 1553, Mary I promptly directed the restoration of Catholic liturgical practices, mandating the celebration of the in Latin and the use of traditional vestments and altars, thereby reversing key elements of her brother VI's Protestant reforms enacted through parliamentary statutes such as the Act of Uniformity of 1549 and 1552. These initial measures, enforced via royal proclamation rather than legislation, signaled her commitment to reestablishing papal authority and pre-Reformation orthodoxy, with churches beginning to reacquire crucifixes, images, and Eucharistic vessels stripped during the prior regime. By late , Mary attended conducted in the full Catholic rite at her court, excluding Protestant clergy and reinstating conservative bishops like , who had been imprisoned under for opposing doctrinal innovations. In preparation for the coronation on October 1, 1553, Westminster Abbey was readied for a ceremony adhering to the medieval Catholic ordo, distinct from the abbreviated Protestant form used for Edward VI in 1547, which omitted certain sacramental elements like extensive anointing and prayers invoking saints. Gardiner, newly restored as Bishop of Winchester on August 23, 1553, and appointed Lord Chancellor shortly thereafter, was selected to preside, underscoring the event's role in legitimizing Catholic revival; he had endured deprivation and house arrest for refusing the Edwardine oath of supremacy affirming royal headship over the church. Assisted by Edmund Bonner, Bishop of London—another figure rehabilitated from Edward's purges—the rite incorporated the presentation of regalia symbolizing divine-right monarchy under ecclesiastical sanction, with oaths pledging defense of the faith against heretics. These preparations intertwined with broader Catholic restoration efforts, as Mary leveraged her prerogative to sideline Protestant leaders, including imprisoning by early August 1553, while summoning Cardinal to facilitate reconciliation with , though his arrival postdated the coronation. By September, royal injunctions had compelled parish priests to reinstate Catholic doctrines on and , fostering public acquiescence to the shift evidenced by widespread resumption of traditional devotions without immediate widespread resistance. The coronation thus served not merely as personal but as a public liturgical affirmation of , with Gardiner's emphasizing the queen's duty to eradicate , aligning the throne with Rome's spiritual authority in a where Protestant adherence had been enforced top-down under rather than organically rooted. Formal parliamentary repeal of Edward's religious laws followed in late November 1553, but the pre-coronation actions established causal precedence for this legislative success by normalizing Catholic praxis among elites and populace.

Pre-Coronation Ceremonies and Public Events

Royal Entry into London

On 3 August 1553, Mary I entered London triumphantly at Aldgate, proceeding through the city to the Tower of London, accompanied by her half-sister Elizabeth and a large retinue that included over 800 nobles and gentlemen. The route passed key streets such as Leadenhall, Gracechurch Street, Fenchurch Street, and Mark Lane, with the city streets decorated with rich tapestries, arras, and banners; buildings hung with cloth of gold, silver, crimson, and velvet. This entry followed Mary's proclamation as queen on 19 July 1553 and marked a public affirmation of her accession amid the recent failure of Lady Jane Grey's nine-day claim to the throne. The procession was led by the bearing a scepter, followed by the carrying the , aldermen in scarlet, and representatives of London's crafts in their violet, red, and blue liveries. Mary rode on a richly caparisoned , dressed in purple velvet, with Elizabeth and other ladies such as the Duchess of Norfolk and Marchioness of Exeter immediately behind, supported by nobles including the , , and Sir Anthony Browne. Approximately 3,000 horsemen in various liveries, 400 guards in harness, and servants in the queen's livery swelled the ranks, emphasizing the scale of support. Public reception was enthusiastic, with citizens lining the streets in their finest attire, shouting "God save Queen Mary" and casting down caps in joy, some reportedly weeping. Children from greeted her at St. Botolph's Church near , while four stages along the route featured clerks, children from schools like St. Paul's, and musicians performing with tabrets, pipes, and drums. Conduits flowed with wine, money and sops were distributed to the crowd, church bells rang throughout the city, and over 500 guns fired from the Tower in salute, underscoring widespread popular backing for Mary's Catholic restoration. Eyewitness accounts, such as that of London merchant-taylor Henry Machyn, describe the event's pomp without noting significant opposition, reflecting the diarist's proximity to the proceedings. Pageants, though not as elaborate as those later staged for , included tableaux at locations like , , Leadenhall, and , with streamers bearing the Virgin Mary and St. George's cross symbolizing England's heritage. The entry concluded at the Tower, where Mary pardoned the lieutenant and released prisoners like the , further consolidating her authority. This ceremonial affirmation preceded formal coronation preparations, highlighting Mary's strategic use of public spectacle to legitimize her rule as England's first undisputed .

Eve of the Coronation

On the afternoon of Saturday, 30 September 1553, Queen Mary I departed from the at approximately 2 to 3 p.m. to commence her coronation through the streets of to Whitehall Palace in Westminster, where she would spend the night before the ceremony. The , stretching about a mile and a half, was led by heralds, sergeants-at-arms, gentlemen pensioners, knights of various orders including the newly created Knights of the Bath, judges, aldermen, bishops, privy councilors, and high-ranking nobles such as the and the bearing the . Mary followed in an open-sided draped in cloth of tissue with a gold canopy, drawn by six white horses caparisoned in matching gold-embroidered fabric; she wore a purple velvet gown edged in ermine, with her hair unbound beneath a of pearls and a gold circlet adorned with precious stones, signifying her royal authority in a manner traditionally associated with kings. Immediately behind her rode Sir Edward Hastings leading a spare horse, followed by a second carrying Princess Elizabeth in crimson velvet and in cloth of silver, accompanied by 46 gentlewomen in crimson satin; foreign ambassadors, merchants in velvet liveries, and additional nobles brought up the rear. The route proceeded from the Tower via Fenchurch Street, Gracechurch Street, Cornhill, Cheapside, St. Paul's Churchyard, Ludgate, and Fleet Street to Whitehall, with streets adorned in tapestries, banners, and floral arches; conduits flowed with wine, and crowds lined the paths, cheering amid gunfire salutes and bell ringing. Pageants sponsored by city livery companies and foreign merchants featured at key stations: at Fenchurch, a Genoese arch with giants; at Gracechurch Corner, a Hanseatic mount with a mechanical flying figure and wine fountain; at Cornhill, three maidens representing Grace, Virtue, and Nature reciting verses; at Cheapside's conduit, a gilded fountain and painted standards; and at St. Paul's, an oration by John Heywood invoking biblical and classical allusions to Mary's triumph, accompanied by choir and perfumed torches. Upon arrival at Whitehall after dusk, Mary addressed the and aldermen with thanks for the city's displays, retiring for the night amid final preparations that included donning specialized robes of gold and silver fabric woven for the occasion. These events, drawing on precedents from earlier Tudor coronations but adapted for the first , underscored public affirmation of her legitimacy following the recent .

Oration and Dramatic Entertainments

On 30 September 1553, as part of the pre-coronation procession from the to Whitehall Palace, the , Thomas Lee, halted the royal carriage in the city and delivered a formal speech affirming the loyalty of London's citizens to Queen Mary I. The address emphasized the city's devotion and presented a purse containing 1,000 marks in gold from the and aldermen, symbolizing civic following Mary's suppression of the challenge. At , the poet and John recited an oration in Latin, further honoring the queen's impending coronation and her restoration of traditional faith. Complementing these orations, dramatic entertainments unfolded along the route to celebrate Mary's queenship. Pageants were erected at key locations, such as the Conduit in , where aldermen oversaw theatrical displays featuring allegorical figures and biblical motifs to evoke divine sanction and national unity. Choirs of children sang hymns and verses extolling the queen, while performers enacted scenes of triumph, with streets adorned in tapestries and conduits flowing with free wine to engage the thousands of spectators. These spectacles, organized by the city guilds, drew on medieval traditions of royal entries but adapted to affirm Mary's Catholic legitimacy after years of Protestant reforms under . The entertainments served both ceremonial and propagandistic purposes, reinforcing Mary's image as a divinely appointed ruler amid recent political instability. Revels accounts from the period indicate expenditures on costumes and staging for masques or interludes around this time, though primary descriptions focus on the public processional pageants rather than private court dramas immediately tied to the eve. Eyewitness accounts, including those from diarist Henry Machyn, note the elaborate scale, with the mile-and-a-half route lined by cheering crowds witnessing these vivid, scripted performances that blended drama, music, and symbolism.

The Coronation Ceremony at Westminster Abbey

Arrival and Symbolic Setup

Mary I processed into at approximately 11 a.m. on Sunday, 1 October 1553, following the traditional route from the adjacent . She wore crimson velvet robes akin to those of preceding male monarchs, signifying continuity with monarchical precedent despite her unprecedented status as , and bore a gold coronet on her head. Her train was carried by the Duchess of Norfolk, supported by Sir John Gage, with her half-sister Elizabeth and stepmother following immediately behind in the entourage. The abbey interior had been prepared with opulent decorations to evoke sacred and royal authority, including swathes of cloth-of-gold draping from the to the high and enveloping the principal , alongside heraldic banners and Tudor on pulpits and scaffolds for enhanced visibility to the assembled and . A large raised platform, constructed in the 's lantern tower with 30 steps leading to the area, elevated the central ritual space, ensuring the ceremony's key elements were observable amid the crowded . Symbolically, the setup underscored Mary's commitment to Catholic restoration by diverging from her brother VI's Protestant-influenced precedents: the traditional , potentially viewed as tainted by its prior use, was supplanted by a newly commissioned throne, possibly dispatched from the , to affirm doctrinal purity. Similarly, fresh anointing oil, procured from the Catholic of rather than remnants associated with Edward's rite, awaited the investiture phase, reinforcing the ceremony's break from recent reforms. These alterations, overseen by Stephen of —who officiated in place of the imprisoned Protestant Archbishop —prioritized liturgical orthodoxy and monarchical legitimacy rooted in medieval Catholic traditions.

Internal Procession and Traverse

The internal procession into began shortly after 11 a.m. on 1 1553, following Mary's arrival by barge from Whitehall Palace to Westminster steps. The route from the palace to the abbey entrance was covered in blue cloth railed on both sides for order and protection, with the abbey's interior similarly prepared: rich hangings of cloth-of-gold draped from the choir stalls to the high altar, and a raised or theatre erected before the for the ceremony. Mary entered attired in traditional male-style coronation robes of crimson velvet lined with ermine, symbolizing continuity with prior monarchical precedents despite her unprecedented status as . Leading the procession were gentlemen ushers and other officers of the household, followed by the bearing the regalia on cushions. Bishops in came next, after which Mary advanced, supported on her right by , and , and on her left by , the senior available peer. Her mantle train, measuring some 25 feet, was carried by , her great-uncle. Princess Elizabeth and , former German , followed immediately behind Mary, underscoring familial and diplomatic alliances. The group traversed the nave's length amid acclamations from assembled clergy, nobility, and spectators, crossing the abbey's central area—referred to in some accounts as the traverse—to reach the before the high . Two noblemen then guided Mary to stand at each corner of the platform for recognition by the congregation in all directions, eliciting shouts of "Yea, yea, yea! God save Queen Mary!" from the throng. This procession, adapting the rite for a female sovereign while retaining its symbolic emphasis on divine-right legitimacy, lasted into the afternoon, transitioning seamlessly to the , , and phases.

Anointing, Investiture, and Regalia

Following the recital of the coronation oath, Mary I, attired in a petticoat of purple velvet, prostrated herself before the high altar of Westminster Abbey. There, Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester acting as officiant, anointed her with holy oil on the shoulders, breast, forehead, and temples, signifying divine consecration and the infusion of grace for rule. The chrism employed was freshly procured from the Bishop of Arras in Brussels, dispatched in unadorned vessels, as Mary deemed the oil used in Edward VI's 1547 coronation invalid due to its consecration by Protestant clergy she viewed as heretical. The anointing concluded, Mary proceeded to the investiture, receiving symbols of temporal and spiritual authority in sequence adapted from precedents for kings yet comprehensive to affirm her regnant status. The presented the orb, emblem of Christian dominion; the proffered a and the golden ball surmounted by a cross, denoting royal power and imperial sovereignty. Distinctively, Mary grasped two sceptres: the rod of royal justice and another topped by a dove, the latter a typically reserved for queen consorts but incorporated here to evoke continuity with medieval tradition while underscoring her dual role as sovereign and restorer of Catholic rites. A , symbolizing defense of the faith and realm, was also offered in homage, though not girded upon her person as with male monarchs. Clad thereafter in the —a full-length crimson velvet robe lined with ermine, mirroring the attire of her male forebears—Mary advanced to . She was crowned thrice: initially with the ancient crown of St. , invoking apostolic lineage; subsequently with her father Henry VIII's imperial crown, linking to Tudor patrimony; and finally with a bespoke crown fashioned for the occasion, carried processionally by Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk. These layered presentations, drawn from the Liber Regalis ritual yet executed without substantive gender-based abridgment, emphasized sacramental legitimacy over innovation, countering Protestant challenges to her title by embedding her authority in hallowed, pre-Reformation forms.

Post-Coronation Banquet and Formalities

Banquet in Westminster Hall

Following the coronation ceremony in on 1 October 1553, which concluded around 4 p.m., Mary processed to adjoining for the customary banquet. The hall, a medieval structure completed in 1097 and renowned for its , was decorated with rich tapestries depicting historical and biblical scenes, while banquet tables were draped in cloth of gold. Mary took her place in the —transported from the abbey for the occasion—covered in brocade, with the positioned beneath it, as observed by the Imperial ambassador Simon Renard in his dispatch to Charles V. A lavish dinner ensued, described by eyewitness Henry Machyn as a "grett dynner," emphasizing its scale and formality. Prior to eating, Mary washed her hands in a ceremonial basin and ewer borne by high nobles, including the Earls of and , with the Countess of assisting; the also participated in the service. The queen dined modestly, seated elevated on a , while lords, knights, ladies, , and officials feasted at lower tables, affirming feudal oaths of loyalty through their presence and service. Contemporary accounts highlight the event's opulence, with multiple courses of roasted meats, game, and confections typical of Tudor banquets, though precise menus remain unpreserved in surviving records. The banquet underscored the restoration of Catholic rites under Mary's reign, with participants including her half-sister Elizabeth and former Anne of Cleves, who had attended the abbey procession. Unlike prior male coronations, adaptations for a minimized martial displays during the meal itself, focusing instead on hierarchical service to symbolize divine-right legitimacy. Upon concluding the repast, Mary returned by chair to her abbey apartments, accompanied by attendants, marking the transition to further formalities.

The Champion's Challenge and Proclamation

Following the coronation service at on 1 October 1553, Mary I proceeded to for the banquet, where the hereditary office of Queen's Champion was enacted as part of the post-coronation formalities. Sir Edward Dymoke, who held the hereditary right to the championship through tenure of the manor of in , entered the hall mounted on a charger richly caparisoned in crimson velvet embroidered with gilt heraldic beasts and roses, while clad cap-à-pie in full armor bearing the royal arms. This ritual, originating from medieval customs affirming the monarch's uncontested title via , was adapted for the first coronation of an undisputed , with the challenge phrased to defend Mary's legitimacy as daughter of . Dymoke rode to the center of the hall before the high table, where Mary was seated under a canopy of state, and issued the traditional defiance three times: throwing down a gauntlet or bare right hand as gage, he proclaimed his readiness to any claimant disputing her , declaring words to the effect that "if any person, of what estate or degree soever he be, say or maintain that the said Lady Mary is not lawfully and rightfully born to be queen... let him come forth and try the battle with me." No challengers appeared, allowing to retrieve the gage each time amid heraldic trumpets and acclamations from the assembled , , and guests numbering over a thousand. Eyewitness diarist Henry Machyn noted the event's pomp, including "great melody" from minstrels and the scramble for canopy cloths among spectators. Upon completion of the challenge, affirming Mary's unchallenged accession amid recent dynastic turmoil including the brief claim of , the heralds—led by King of Arms—proclaimed her full styles: "Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of , , and , , and of the , and also of on earth, Supreme Head." Mary then drank to Dymoke from a gold cup as his fee for services, passing it to him filled with wine, a customary reward symbolizing royal favor and the resolution of any titular strife. This enactment underscored the ceremonial continuity of Tudor monarchy while publicly ratifying Mary's Catholic restoration and rejection of Protestant claims.

Costume, Regalia, and Symbolism

Design, Materials, and Ceremonial Changes

Mary I's coronation incorporated traditional items symbolizing sovereignty, with specific adaptations to affirm her status as the first , including the presentation of both the with the —representing justice—and the Ivory Rod with the Dove, emblematic of mercy and . The Ivory Rod, held in the left hand during the , featured an ivory shaft divided into three tapering sections for ergonomic design, surmounted by a enamelled with England's national symbols and crowned by a dove with spread wings to distinguish it from the folded-wing version used for consorts. This dual balanced martial authority with spiritual clemency, reflecting the ceremony's portrayal of the as both lord and bride. The garments emphasized imperial continuity through materials akin to those of male predecessors, such as the imperial mantle of purple velvet lined and powdered with ermine tails, evoking ancient Roman consular attire and royal purity. Beneath this, Mary wore a of gold and silver tissue fabric, woven for luster and durability, over a colobium sindonis of fine white linen or silk for the phase. These choices rejected the white-and-gold palette reserved for queen consorts, opting instead for the king's purple to project undiluted and deter perceptions of subsidiary rule. Ermine fur, sourced from pelts and marked by black tail tips, added weight and opulence, with the mantle's design allowing for a train borne by noblewomen to accommodate her without diminishing regal stature. Ceremonial alterations included the restoration of full Catholic sacramental elements, such as with freshly consecrated imported from to supplant oils deemed corrupted by VI's Protestant , ensuring validity under restored . The sequence thus innovated by integrating female attendants in handling—contrasting prior male-only precedents—while preserving the core structure from medieval ordines, as documented in contemporary liturgical adaptations that reconciled doctrine with a virgin queen's form. These changes, drawn from precedents like Matilda's aborted 1141 rite but executed fully in 1553, prioritized empirical assertion of legitimacy over innovation for its own sake.

Reuse and Legacy of Garments

The coronation garments worn by Mary I on 1 October 1553, including a and crafted from white cloth of tissue interwoven with gold and silver threads, were subsequently altered and reused by for her coronation on 15 January 1559. Costume historian Janet Arnold identified this reuse through examination of royal wardrobe warrants, inventories, and descriptive accounts, noting modifications such as adjustments to fit and potential additions to align with Elizabeth's preferences, a common practice given the exorbitant cost of such specialized fabrics produced via complex techniques involving metallic yarns. This symbolized monarchical continuity amid , as the garments' imperial purple and gold elements evoked Roman and biblical precedents of while affirming Tudor legitimacy. No physical remnants of Mary I's specific coronation attire survive, owing to the era's perishable materials and subsequent wear, though Elizabeth's wardrobe detail ongoing maintenance of these pieces, including repairs with and fur linings, until at least the 1560s. The legacy extended to influencing perceptions of female regnal attire, establishing a for queens regnant to employ adapted male-derived vestments like the —typically a full-length with wide sleeves—over kirtles and mantles, blending gender-specific modifications with traditional to project authority. Post-Elizabeth, such Tudor-era coronation fabrics were not directly reused in later English ceremonies, but the practice of recycling historic vestments persisted, as seen in subsequent monarchs' employments of medieval supertunicae from the onward.

Reception, Legacy, and Historical Interpretations

Contemporary Reactions and Political Symbolism

The coronation of Mary I on 1 October 1553 was met with enthusiastic public acclaim in , reflecting broad support for her accession following the nine-day tenure of and the restoration of monarchical continuity. Contemporary eyewitness accounts describe cheering crowds lining the procession routes from the to Westminster, with church bells ringing and guns firing in celebration, signaling popular endorsement of Mary's claim as Henry VIII's rightful heir. During the recognition ceremony within the coronation mass, when the congregation was asked to affirm her as queen, the response was a resounding "Yea," interpreted by observers as a collective validation of her legitimacy against recent Protestant challenges. This fervor was particularly pronounced among Catholic sympathizers, who viewed the event as a triumph over Edward VI's reforms, though Protestant factions expressed private reservations amid fears of religious reversal. Politically, the ceremony symbolized the reassertion of absolute divine-right monarchy, adapted for the unprecedented case of a while preserving masculine to underscore her full authority equivalent to a king's. Mary wore crimson velvet robes embroidered with gold and accepted the orb, scepter, and traditionally reserved for males, deliberately evoking her father's coronation to link her rule to Tudor patriarchal lineage and dispel doubts about female capacity for governance. The importation of holy oil from the Bishop of Arras, necessitated by the perceived invalidation of England's Protestant-consecrated , further signified a break from schismatic practices and a return to orthodox Catholicism, reinforcing her commitment to papal reconciliation. These elements served to consolidate Mary's power amid factional tensions, portraying her enthronement as a divinely ordained correction to Edward's deviations rather than innovation. Ambassadors like Simon Renard noted the banquet's opulence and her poised demeanor on the stone chair as projections of stability, countering narratives of illegitimacy propagated by Grey's supporters. Initial unity masked underlying divisions, as later Protestant historiography, such as John Foxe's Acts and Monuments, reframed the event within anti-Catholic polemics, but contemporaneous dispatches highlight its role in temporarily bridging conservative nobles and the populace through shared symbolism of restoration.

Adaptations for Female Monarchy and Long-Term Impact

Mary I's coronation on 1 October 1553 marked the first instance of a being crowned in , necessitating adaptations to the traditional rite derived primarily from precedents for kings and queens consort. Lacking a direct template for female sovereign rule, the ceremony largely mirrored the and regalia presentation accorded to male monarchs to underscore her absolute authority, including the anointing on the head, breast, and shoulders, followed by investiture with armills, a stole, and mantle. She was presented with gilt spurs and girded with the —elements typically masculine—before receiving , scepter with cross, and scepter with dove, culminating in crowning with , the imperial diadem, and a third crown symbolizing her dominion. To further align with kingly symbolism, Mary donned purple velvet robes, eschewing the white and gold attire conventional for consorts, thereby visually asserting equivalence to male predecessors. These modifications emphasized Mary's role as a unified —"a queen and king also"—rather than a consort, with the rite conducted by adapting VI's recent coronation form while incorporating female-specific processional elements, such as her train borne by noblewomen to highlight familial legitimacy. The public acclamation and homage from peers proceeded identically to royal custom, reinforcing her unchallenged right without diminishment for . formalized this parity in the 1554 Succession Act, which explicitly equated the powers of female and male monarchs, whether married or unmarried, codifying the ceremonial precedents into law and dispelling doubts over a woman's capacity for full regal authority. The coronation's structure profoundly influenced subsequent female accessions, serving as the blueprint for Elizabeth I's 1559 rite, which retained the core sequence of , , , and triple crowning while adapting religious elements to ; Elizabeth even repurposed elements of Mary's and robes. This established a enduring template for queen regnants, affirming female sovereignty's viability in and shifting inheritance norms toward absolute precedents, as evidenced by later rulers like Victoria. By demonstrating ceremonial and political resilience amid challenges like the 1554 Wyatt Rebellion, Mary's adaptations normalized female monarchy, enabling Elizabeth's transformative reign and embedding gender-neutral royal ritual in British tradition.

Modern Reassessments and Debunking Misconceptions

Modern scholarship has reevaluated the coronation of Mary I on October 1, 1553, as a deliberate fusion of tradition and adaptation that effectively asserted her authority as England's first , challenging earlier dismissals of it as a compromised or secondary due to her . Historians such as David Loades emphasize how the ceremony drew on the medieval doctrine of to portray Mary simultaneously as sovereign lord and virgin queen, blurring lines to project undivided royal power without subordinating her to male intermediaries. This innovative approach, including modifications to the anointing and investiture to suit a female monarch, demonstrated pragmatic ceremonial engineering rather than inherent weakness, countering Protestant-influenced narratives that downplayed her legitimacy in favor of emphasizing religious strife. A persistent misconception, propagated in Elizabethan-era chronicles like those of , frames the event as overly Catholic and thus divisive, presaging the persecutions that earned Mary her "" epithet; however, contemporary Catholic restoration efforts during the rite, led by Bishop , prioritized legitimist continuity after the brief Jane Grey interregnum, reflecting broad elite consensus on her Tudor inheritance over doctrinal purity. Loades and others debunk the idea of the as a harbinger of monarchical failure by highlighting its role in stabilizing the realm post-Edward VI's death, with parliamentary and noble support underscoring not rejection of reform but aversion to and illegitimacy. Such views, often amplified in academia by lingering anti-Catholic biases from Reformation-era sources, overlook of procedural fidelity to precedents like Henry VIII's, adapted only where gender necessitated—such as in regalia handling—without diluting sacramental efficacy. Further reassessments refute claims that the ceremony's pomp masked fiscal extravagance or popular indifference, noting documented costs aligned with Tudor norms (approximately £16,000-£20,000, per records) and processional accounts of widespread acclamation, which signified genuine restoration enthusiasm rather than coerced pageantry. By restoring Latin rites and imperial symbolism, the coronation repudiated Edwardian Protestant innovations like the 1552 ordinal, affirming causal links between kingship and —a perspective modern analysts like validate through archival reevaluation, contra earlier whiggish interpretations viewing it as retrograde. Ultimately, these interpretations position as a foundational model for Elizabeth I's 1559 coronation, influencing female regnal adaptations and underscoring Mary's agency in defining queenship beyond caricature.

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  23. https://janetwertman.com/2019/08/03/august-3-1553-mary-enters-london-as-queen/
  24. https://www.tudorsociety.com/3-august-1553-mary-i-enters-london/
  25. https://www.philippagregory.com/news/marys-procession-into-london
  26. https://www.tudorsociety.com/30-september-1553-the-coronation-procession-of-mary-i/
  27. https://tudorsandotherhistories.wordpress.com/2015/09/30/the-eve-of-mary-tudors-coronation/
  28. https://kids.kiddle.co/Coronation_of_Mary_I_of_England
  29. https://www.englandcast.com/2022/09/mary-i-coronation-procession/
  30. https://www.theanneboleynfiles.com/september-30-mary-is-coronation-procession-in-london/
  31. https://samanthawilcoxson.blogspot.com/2020/10/coronation-day-for-mary-i.html
  32. https://www.tudorsociety.com/30-september-a-coronation-procession-for-queen-mary-i/
  33. https://thetudorchronicles.wordpress.com/2015/09/30/on-this-day-in-1553-queen-mary-i-began-her-coronation-procession-from-the-tower-of-london-to-whitehall/
  34. https://tudorsandotherhistories.wordpress.com/2015/10/01/god-save-the-first-queen-of-england-france-and-ireland/
  35. https://royalcentral.co.uk/uk/the-coronation-of-mary-i-187179/
  36. https://www.elizabethfiles.com/the-coronation-of-mary-i/4347/
  37. http://mary-tudor.blogspot.com/2011/10/10-facts-about-mary-is-coronation.html
  38. https://ukparliament.shorthandstories.com/spectacle-ceremony/index.html
  39. https://janetwertman.com/2021/10/01/october-1-1553-mary-i-crowned-queen-of-england/
  40. https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/machyn/5076866.0001.001/1:8.4/--london-provisioners-chronicle-1550-1563
  41. https://www.historic-uk.com/CultureUK/The-Queens-Champion/
  42. https://images.hrp.org.uk/asset/6189/
  43. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/304792994_The_Coronation_of_a_Queen
  44. https://thetudortravelguide.com/coronation-robes-sensational-royal-dress-through-time/
  45. https://writeroyalty.substack.com/p/coronation-recycling-from-elizabeth
  46. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23541459
  47. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U3Woy7AKiCg
  48. https://www.historyextra.com/period/tudor/mary-i-a-highly-impressive-queen-cut-off-in-her-prime/
  49. https://tudortreasures.net/mary-i-and-the-corrupted-holy-oil/
  50. https://brill.com/downloadpdf/book/9789401205894/B9789401205894-s016.pdf
  51. https://tudorsdynasty.com/misremembering-mary-i-historys-largest-misconceptions-about-englands-first-crowned-queen/
  52. https://kingscoronation.com/british-coronations-1500-1600/
  53. https://thehistorypress.co.uk/article/mary-i-tyrant-or-trailblazer/
  54. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4049536
  55. https://www.historytoday.com/archive/reign-mary-tudor-reassessment
  56. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40264190
  57. https://artuk.org/discover/stories/mary-tudor-a-reassessment-of-bloody-mary
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