David Lange
David Lange
Main page
2228389

David Lange

logo
Community Hub0 subscribers

Wikipedia

from Wikipedia

Key Information

David Russell Lange ONZ CH PC (/ˈlɒŋi/ LONG-ee;[1] 4 August 1942 – 13 August 2005) was a New Zealand politician who served as the 32nd prime minister of New Zealand from 1984 to 1989. A member of the New Zealand Labour Party, Lange was also the minister of Education and the minister of Foreign Affairs alongside his term as prime minister. He was also the attorney-general of New Zealand from 1989 to 1990.

Lange was born and brought up in Ōtāhuhu, the son of a physician. He became a lawyer, and represented poor and struggling people in civil rights causes in the rapidly changing Auckland of the 1970s.[2] After serving as legal advisor to the Polynesian Panthers,[3][4] Lange was first elected to the New Zealand Parliament in the Mangere by-election of 1977. He became a prominent debater within parliament, and soon gained a reputation for cutting wit (sometimes directed against himself) and eloquence. Lange became the leader of the Labour Party and leader of the Opposition in 1983, succeeding Bill Rowling.

When Prime Minister Robert Muldoon called an election for July 1984, Lange led his party to a landslide victory, becoming, at the age of 41, New Zealand's youngest prime minister of the 20th century. Lange took various measures to deal with the economic problems he had inherited from the previous government. Some of the measures he took were controversial; the free-market ethos of the Fourth Labour Government did not always conform to traditional expectations of a social-democratic party. He also fulfilled a campaign promise to deny New Zealand's port facilities to nuclear-armed and nuclear-powered vessels, making New Zealand a nuclear-free zone. Lange and his party were re-elected in August 1987; he resigned two years later and was succeeded by his deputy, Geoffrey Palmer. He retired from parliament in 1996, and died in 2005 from renal failure and blood disease at the age of 63. Prime Minister Helen Clark described New Zealand's nuclear-free legislation as his legacy.[5]

Early life

[edit]

Lange was born on 4 August 1942 in Ōtāhuhu, a small industrial borough since absorbed into Auckland.[6] He was the oldest of four children of Eric Roy Lange, a general practitioner and obstetrician and grandson of a German settler, and Phoebe Fysh Lange, who trained as a nurse in her native Tasmania before she migrated to New Zealand. The family had lived in New Zealand for so long that the original pronunciation of their surname, lan-ge, "had all but been forgotten";[7] Lange himself would pronounce it as long-ee.

Lange's autobiography suggests that he admired his soft-spoken and dryly humorous father, while his demanding and sometimes overbearing mother tested his tolerance.[8] His cousin Michael Bassett reflected that Roy "knew how to avoid trouble rather than confront it", and David developed a similar aversion to conflict.[9]

Lange received his formal education at Fairburn Road Primary School, Papatoetoe Intermediate School and Otahuhu College, then at the University of Auckland in 1960, where he graduated in law in 1966.[10] He attributed his talents with oratory to the need to compensate for his clumsiness during his intermediate school days.[11][12]

Lange worked from an early age and held a number of jobs; in the third form, he performed a paper-round for The New Zealand Herald in Mangere East, and later changed from delivery-boy to collecting the money.[13] The following year, he delivered telegrams, before applying to work at the Westfield Freezing Works in the role that would initially pay his way through university. The poor work conditions at the freezing works provided an opportunity to identify with the misery of fellow workers and an appreciation for the impact of strikes on ordinary workers.[14]

In 1961, Lange started a job as a law clerk at Haigh, Charters and Carthy, a role that had varied work and clients, including the Communist Party.[15] On 13 March 1967, Lange was admitted as a barrister and solicitor of the High Court of New Zealand.[10] After his admission, he spent months travelling across Australia, Asia and Britain.[16] On 3 August 1968, he married Naomi Crampton. He gained a Master of Laws in 1970 with first-class honours, specialising in criminal law and medico-legal issues.[17] Lange practised law in Northland and Auckland for some years, often giving legal representation to the most dispossessed members of Auckland society – he assisted the Polynesian Panther Party (and, by extension, the Pacific Island community) to disseminate legal rights information and legal aid during the '70s dawn raids.[4]

In July 1976, Lange was involved in the legal defence of former cabinet minister Phil Amos after he protested the visit of the 20,000-tonne American cruiser USS Long Beach in his small yacht the Dolphin by impeding its entry to Auckland Harbour. The cruiser was forced to stop mid-stream to allow grappling hooks to be thrown to pull the Dolphin clear. Afterwards, Amos had been arrested and charged with obstruction. He was convicted, but the conviction was overturned on appeal by Lange. Amos' protest instantly became a headline-grabbing piece of political drama, bringing public attention to the anti-nuclear issue. Lange was inspired by Amos' stand and, following his example, would later pass a law banning the visit by nuclear-propelled or armed ships to New Zealand.[18]

Political career

[edit]
New Zealand Parliament
Years Term Electorate Party
1977–1978 38th Mangere Labour
1978–1981 39th Mangere Labour
1981–1984 40th Mangere Labour
1984–1987 41st Mangere Labour
1987–1990 42nd Mangere Labour
1990–1993 43rd Mangere Labour
1993–1996 44th Mangere Labour

Lange joined the Labour Party in 1963, and helped in the campaigns of Phil Amos in 1963 and Norman Douglas in 1966. In 1974 his cousin Michael Bassett suggested that Lange should stand on the Labour ticket for the Auckland City Council. The Council was dominated by conservative interests and the only Labour candidates elected were Jim Anderton and Catherine Tizard; Lange was "...halfway down the field .... which was better than I expected."[19] Lange's father, Roy, who was a doctor at Ōtāhuhu, had delivered Bassett. The two would later have strong disagreements, prompting Lange to remark, "My father had delivered him, and it became plain in later days that he must have dropped him."[20]

Lange then stood for Labour in Hobson in 1975, and came third.[21] In 1977, he entered the race for the Labour nomination in a by-election for the safer seat of Mangere. He saw off more experienced candidates (some of whom were former MPs) to win the Labour candidacy.[22][23] He won the Mangere by-election, retaining the area for Labour.

Lange then represented Mangere, a working-class Auckland electorate with a large Māori population, in the New Zealand Parliament. On becoming an MP, Lange quickly made an impression in the House as a debater, a wit, and the scourge of Prime Minister Robert Muldoon. In his maiden speech, he suggested that New Zealand children had fewer rights than animals received under the Animals Protection Act 1960, and complained of "appalling" rail service from Auckland to Mangere.[24]

After the 1978 election, Lange was elevated to the Shadow Cabinet. In December 1978, Labour leader Bill Rowling appointed Lange Shadow Minister for Social Welfare.[25] On 1 November 1979, Lange, after encouragement from parliamentary friends Roger Douglas and Michael Bassett, challenged Bob Tizard for the deputy leadership. Lange succeeded in the challenge, narrowly defeating Tizard 20 votes to 18.[26] In addition to becoming Deputy Leader of the Opposition, Lange became Shadow Attorney-General, Shadow Minister of Justice and Shadow Minister of Pacific Island Affairs.[27]

In 1980, Lange and a group consisting of Douglas, Bassett, Richard Prebble and Mike Moore tried to remove Rowling as leader of the Labour Party. Following the coup attempt, Lange resigned as deputy leader in January 1981 to offer himself for re-election as a vote of confidence.[28] At Labour's first caucus meeting of the year, he was re-elected as deputy leader.[29] After Labour lost the 1981 general election, the group, later known as the "Fish and Chip Brigade" (in reference to a picture published at the time showing the plotters eating fish and chips)[30] succeeded in their second attempt in 1983.[31]

Leader of the Opposition

[edit]
Lange in 1980

Lange succeeded Rowling as parliamentary leader of the Labour Party and as Leader of the Opposition on 3 February 1983. Significant debate emerged within the Labour Party on the party's economic direction, following a paper by Roger Douglas to the party's policy council. Eventually, a compromise was drafted by Geoffrey Palmer, which Lange described as "A manifesto which appealed to the right, the left, the centre and the totally bewildered. It was, in fact, anodyne."[31]

Muldoon unexpectedly called a snap election in 1984, as a result of Marilyn Waring voting for a member's bill introduced by Richard Prebble to introduce a nuclear-free zone.[32] The timing of the election prevented Labour from creating a proper election platform, instead using the Palmer draft. Lange commented that the party went into the election with an unfinished argument for an economic policy.[33]

Lange led Labour to a landslide victory, helped by vote splitting between the National Party and the New Zealand Party.[34] However, before Lange was sworn in as prime minister, a foreign exchange crisis arose, which led to a constitutional crisis. The New Zealand dollar was overvalued, and following the announcement of the snap election in June, traders started selling off the New Zealand dollar on the assumption that Labour would win the election and devalue the currency.[35]

Muldoon refused to follow Lange's instruction to devalue the currency, making the dollar's situation more untenable. Eventually, on 19 July, Muldoon relented, after his position as leader of the National Party was threatened by members of his caucus.[35]

Prime Minister (1984–1989)

[edit]
David Lange
Premiership of David Lange
26 July 1984 – 8 August 1989
MonarchElizabeth II
CabinetFourth Labour Government of New Zealand
PartyNew Zealand Labour Party
Election1984, 1987
Appointed byDavid Beattie

David Lange was sworn in as New Zealand's 32nd Prime Minister on 26 July 1984, becoming, at the age of 41, New Zealand's youngest prime minister of the 20th century, a record later surpassed by only one other, Mike Moore in 1990.

First term: 1984–1987

[edit]

During his first term of office as prime minister, Lange also held the position of minister of foreign affairs.[36]

Rogernomics

[edit]

The currency crisis and devaluation of the New Zealand dollar spurred on the reform drive of Roger Douglas, who Lange made minister of finance in the new government.[37] These reforms were soon dubbed 'Rogernomics', in a similar vein to Reaganomics.[38]

Upon coming to office, Lange's government was confronted by a severe balance of payments crisis, as a result of the deficits fuelled by Muldoon's imposition of a two-year freeze on wages and prices, and stubborn maintenance of an unsustainable exchange rate.[39] Such economic conditions prompted Lange to remark: "We ended up being run very similarly to a Polish shipyard".[40][41] Their first move was to hold an Economic Summit on 14 September 1984, similar to the one held in Australia by Bob Hawke the previous year, to create a feeling of consensus and to lay out the underlying problems in New Zealand's economy.[42] The summit however was dominated by advocacy of radical economic reforms similar to what had been proposed by the Treasury Department,[43] foreshadowing the Lange government's propensity to approach issues from a fundamentally economic standpoint.[44] Margaret Wilson, the Labour Party's president, was deliberately not invited to the summit,[45] a sign of the speed and intolerant approach to opposition that would characterise Rogernomics. Douglas himself saw the summit as a theatrical preparation for his first budget.[43]

Lange and Douglas engaged in a rapid programme of deregulation and the removal of tariffs and subsidies. The first sector affected was New Zealand's agricultural community, a traditionally National-supporting community. The loss of subsidies hit some farmers hard.[46] Other changes brought criticism from many people in Labour's traditional supporter base. The Labour Party also lost support from many elderly people by introducing a superannuation surcharge after having promised not to reduce superannuation.[47]

Douglas also deregulated the financial markets, removing restrictions on interest rates, lending and foreign exchange. In March 1985, with Lange's blessing, the New Zealand dollar was floated.[48] From 1 April 1987, several government departments were corporatised into state-owned enterprises, with massive loss of jobs.[49]

On the role of Government, Lange said, "It is there to be the securer of its citizens' welfare. Where the market works well, it should be given its head. Where the market results in manifest inequity or poor economic performance, the Government must get involved."[50]

International affairs and nuclear-free policy

[edit]
Lange addresses the Foreign Policy Association in New York City, 1984. His stand against nuclear weapons attracted international attention.

Lange made his name on the international stage with his steadfast leadership in the anti-nuclear weapons movement.[51] His government refused to allow nuclear-capable ships into New Zealand's territorial waters, a policy the country continues to this day. In February 1985, Lange famously rejected the arrival of the USS Buchanan, supported by a recommendation from the acting prime minister Geoffrey Palmer.[52][53] The ship was not armed with nuclear weapons but was capable of carrying them. This displeased the United States; in response, all intelligence flow to New Zealand was stopped and joint military exercises were cancelled. In 1985, there were 22 programmed exercises cancelled or restructured, resulting in approximately 6,000 man-days of training being taken away.[54]

External audio
audio icon Oxford Union debate on nuclear weapons (David Lange at the Oxford Union debate, 1 March 1985), from NZHistory[55]

During a televised Oxford Union debate in March 1985, Lange gained an extraordinary international reputation. Lange argued for the proposition that "Nuclear weapons are morally indefensible",[56] in opposition to the American televangelist Jerry Falwell.[56] Lange regarded his appearance at the Oxford Union as the high point of his career in politics.[57] His speech included the memorable statement:

"There is no humanity in the logic which holds that my country must be obliged to play host to nuclear weapons because others in the West are playing host to nuclear weapons. That is the logic which refuses to admit that there is any alternative to nuclear weapons, when plainly there is. It is self defeating logic, just as the weapons themselves are self defeating, to compel an ally to accept nuclear weapons against the wishes of that ally is to take the moral position of totalitarianism which allows for no self determination."[54]

His speech also included an often-quoted statement made in response to a question posed by another debater:[55]

"...I'm going to give it to you if you hold your breath just for a moment ... I can smell the uranium on it as you lean towards me!"

In 1987, Lange's government passed the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament, and Arms Control Act 1987.[58] This Act effectively declared New Zealand a nuclear-free zone and banned all nuclear-capable ships from entering New Zealand waters. The United States regarded this legislation as a breach of treaty obligations under ANZUS and announced that it would suspend its treaty obligations to New Zealand until the re-admission of U.S. Navy ships to New Zealand ports, characterising New Zealand as "a friend, but not an ally".[59]

Rainbow Warrior affair

[edit]
Rainbow Warrior in Auckland, 1985

Relations with France became strained when French agents of the DGSE bombed and sank the Greenpeace ship the Rainbow Warrior on 10 July 1985 while it lay moored in Auckland Harbour, killing photographer Fernando Pereira. In June 1986, Lange obtained a political deal with France over the Rainbow Warrior affair, presided over by United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar. France agreed to pay compensation of NZ$13 million (US$6.5 million) to New Zealand and also to apologise. In return, Lange agreed that French authorities could detain the convicted French agents Alain Mafart and Dominique Prieur at the French military base on Hao Atoll for three years. However, both spies were freed by May 1988, less than two years later, in violation of the agreement.[60]

Social reforms

[edit]

During Lange's first term in office, the Lange government implemented many social reforms. On 8 August 1986, the Lange government enacted the Homosexual Law Reform Act, which legalised consensual sex of males 16 years and older and allowed them to enter into sexual relationships with one another without the fear of being prosecuted.[61] On 1 August 1987, the Māori Language Act 1987 was enacted making te reo Māori an official language of New Zealand.[62]

1987 general election

[edit]

Lange's government was re-elected at the August 1987 general election, the first time a Labour government had won a second term since 1938. The government increased its share of the popular vote, although this may have been due to less vote splitting. Lange toured the country throughout the campaign and faced, for the first time, protests against his government, especially in provincial areas.[63] Unusually, Labour did not produce a manifesto for the election, primarily due to disagreement between Douglas and Lange over the direction the government would take if re-elected. Lange sought to focus on social services in the second term,[64] and declared in his victory speech, "I'm proud that we are now, in the next three years, going to seal those [economic] gains, in health and education and social welfare progress."[65]

On the night, Labour's candidate Judith Tizard came within 406 votes of winning the traditionally National-held seat of Remuera; she had been forecast as the winner by initial vote counting.[66] Labour had never come remotely close to winning the wealthy east Auckland seat before, even at its high-tide victories in 1972 and 1984. Tizard's near-win fuelled Lange's misgivings about the direction his government was taking. He commented, "That election night was a great revelation for me. That was an apprehension on my part that we had actually abandoned our constituency. And it set me to think what on earth have we done that we come within 400 votes of winning the true-blue [National] seat of Remuera. And that struck me as being a dangerous flirtation, and an act of treachery to the people we were born to represent."[67][68]

Second term: 1987–1989

[edit]

Following the 1987 election, Lange made himself Minister of Education. He stated that he gave himself the portfolio to "draw a line in the sand" against the influence of the "Treasury troika"[69] (Douglas, Prebble and David Caygill), and in accordance with his wishes to emphasise social policy in his second term.[70]

Fijian coups d'état

[edit]

Lange was criticised for his reaction to the coups d'état in Fiji in May and September 1987.[71] Later, in his autobiography, Lange stated:

There was never any question that New Zealand might use force to restore the democratically elected government, since we were not asked to intervene by its representatives and had we been, we did not have the military resources. I did however ask our military leaders to ready themselves to come to the assistance of any New Zealand citizens who might be endangered, and I met with considerable obstruction.[72]

Stock market crash

[edit]

The stock market crash of 19/20 October 1987 damaged confidence in the New Zealand economy, which went into a prolonged recession from December of that year, and remained so until June 1991.[73] During that time, unemployment skyrocketed 170%, and the unemployment rate rose from 4.2% in the September 1987 quarter to 7.5% in the June 1989 quarter.[73] Lange noted with bitterness that Douglas took advantage of the crash to "rubbish" his stated ambitions to have the government focus on social policy and push for more economic reforms.[74]

Tomorrow's Schools

[edit]

As Minister of Education, Lange pushed the introduction of Tomorrow's Schools, a radical restructure of New Zealand's primary and secondary school education system.[75] The Department of Education was downsized to become the Ministry of Education and have a supervisory role, education boards were abolished and parents at each school elected their own boards of trustees.[76]

The reforms were criticised for the influence of New Right ideas and their effect of introducing market mechanisms and notions of competition in the education system.[64] Lange's appointment of businessman Brian Picot to head a task force into educational reform was taken as a sign of the government giving too much priority to economic and competitive concerns over the social aspect of education.[77]

Leadership challenge and resignation

[edit]
The governor-general's letter accepting Lange's resignation

In 1988, consensus on economic policy amongst the Labour leadership finally broke down, with Douglas resigning after Lange overruled his radical flat income-tax and universal basic income proposal. Douglas continued his campaign against Lange through public statements, the unauthorised release of cabinet papers and on 21 December 1988 an unsuccessful challenge against Lange's leadership in the Labour caucus. To date, it is the only instance when a sitting prime minister has been challenged for leadership.[78]

The radical economic reforms had alienated much of the Labour Party, and it fractured; in April 1989, Jim Anderton, a backbench MP, formed a breakaway NewLabour Party, taking approximately one third of Labour's membership.[79]

However, the caucus re-elected Douglas to the Cabinet on 3 August 1989, and Lange interpreted this as a vote of no-confidence in his leadership. He tendered his resignation five days later on 8 August 1989.[80] Lange became the first elected Labour prime minister who neither died in office nor was voted out in an election.

Leadership

[edit]

Lange's leadership abilities were mixed and at times contradictory.[81] As one of the most media-capable New Zealand prime ministers, he was a quick-witted orator and able to speak inspirationally on topics, yet was sensitive to criticism and averse to conflict.[81][82] He often became caught up in how he was seen to perform and would often avoid confronting angry ministers by using a rear entrance.[81][83] Despite being media-savvy, Lange's political skills were judged to be poor by political scientist Stephen Levine.[84]

Motor racing

[edit]
Lange partaking in a motor race

During his tenure as prime minister, Lange engaged in competitive motor racing,[85] appearing in the New Zealand One Make Ford Laser Sport series.[86]

Post-premiership

[edit]

Cabinet minister: 1989–1990

[edit]

Geoffrey Palmer succeeded Lange as Labour Party leader and prime minister in 1989. Lange became attorney-general, minister in charge of the Serious Fraud Office and a minister of state. Palmer was then replaced by Mike Moore as prime minister shortly before the 1990 general election in November, which Labour lost by a landslide. Lange was re-elected at this election (and again in 1993) as the member for Mangere.

Opposition and resignation from parliament

[edit]
Lange with Jim Bolger, Sir Robert Muldoon and Mike Moore, at the 1992 valedictory dinner, Wellington Club

After the government was defeated in 1990, he was appointed Shadow Attorney-General by Moore.[87] After Moore led Labour to narrow loss in the 1993 general election, Lange backed deputy leader Helen Clark for the leadership against Moore. Clark replaced Moore as Labour leader and made Lange Shadow Minister of Foreign Affairs and Shadow Minister of Racing.[88] In 1991 and 1992 he wrote a Monday column in The Dominion, published alternately with Simon Upton who, Lange commented, "writes erudite obfuscation tempered by occasional attempts to explain the arcana of the health reforms."[89]

Lange was a supporter of changing New Zealand's flag, and wrote in 1994: "[a] stranger who saw the Australian flag and the New Zealand flag outside adjacent buildings would assume that some British hotel chain was advertising deluxe and standard rooms".[90] Lange also expressed support for a New Zealand republic, stating: "Do such things matter? They certainly do. We suffer in this country from a lack of emotional focus... New Zealand will become a republic just as Britain will be blurred into Europe".[90]

In failing health, Lange retired from Parliament before the 1996 general election. In his valedictory speech, he reflected on the pain caused by his government's economic reforms: "I want to thank those people whose lives were wrecked by us. They had been taught for years they had the right to an endless treadmill of prosperity and assurance, and we did them. People over 60 hate me. They hate me because I was the symbol of what caused that assurance of support and security to be shattered. That is something that has always been part of my burden."[91] His Labour Party colleague Taito Phillip Field succeeded him as the member for the Mangere electorate.

Life after politics

[edit]

Lange was a New Zealand Rugby League board member and served as the organisation's vice-president.[92]

In an interview[93] with The New Zealand Herald (published on 3 July 2004) the reporter asked Lange:

Do you think if the election of 1984 had not been a snap election, there would have been time for the opposing forces within the party to have successfully blocked the reforms or to have severely limited them?

Lange replied:

"You have to talk about why things happened the way they did. You can't actually explain my political life except by a series of situations rather than by some carefully constructed, rigidly progressed ascendancy. You could not imagine two more unlike rides to the top as I had and Helen Clark had: hers the principled, extremely hard-working, fearless really persistence in the face of all sorts of adversities and personal assaults. Whereas mine was some sort of divine roulette. Even entering into Parliament was not one of your created, structured planned-for episodes. I mean one minute I was a clapped-out two guinea legal-aid lawyer and the next minute I was in Parliament. The by-election of 77 saw to that ... I got there in terms of the Labour Party for all the wrong reasons, for all the reasons which weren't part of its tradition. I'd never been a tract writer; I'd never been a philosopher; I'd never taken part in extraordinary industrial dispute activism; I'd not been in any of that background, but I was able to mix it in what had become, conceived to be, the new front line of politics — the ability on television to convey confidence and assurance without saying anything. And that is very important...."

"[I was] plunged into this extraordinary awareness of a crisis in foreign exchange and reserves and having to take steps that were the absolute antithesis of anything that I would ever have expected the week before. If the people of New Zealand thought it was a bit odd, for me it was absolutely staggering.... I had thought of getting the agencies like the IMF, the World Bank to come in and do a de facto receivership. In fact I said so more or less publicly — let us get some external analysis of where we are rather than one which is tainted by my self-interest and by Muldoon's clear self-interest. But it was rendered unnecessary. He put on such an extraordinarily good performance of carrying on and saying I was introducing scorched earth policy. By the time Muldoon had finish[ed] a couple of television appearances, the general public was completely satisfied we were in a mess...."

Litigation

[edit]

In 1996, Lange sued the Australian Broadcasting Corporation over an alleged defamation that it broadcast about him. The ABC used the defence that there exists in the Australian Constitution an implied right to freedom of speech on political matters, but the High Court of Australia found against them, reversing the then existing law (see Lange v Australian Broadcasting Corporation). The case was later settled on terms favourable to Lange.[94]

In a key New Zealand defamation case (Lange v Atkinson [2000] 3 NZLR 385), Lange sued political scientist Joe Atkinson for representing him in the magazine North & South as a lazy prime minister. In a 1998 judgment, and on appeal in 2000, the courts affirmed a new qualified privilege for the media to discuss politicians when expressing criticisms as the "honest belief" of the author.[95]

Accidental release of secret report

[edit]

In January 2006, Archives New Zealand released to the Sunday Star-Times newspaper a box of David Lange's previously classified documents. They revealed New Zealand's ongoing involvement in Western alliance espionage, and a threat by the United States to spy on New Zealand if it did not back down from its ban on nuclear ships.[96] Archives New Zealand chief executive Dianne Macaskill said the paper did not have the authority to access or print the report, and wrote to the paper revoking permission to publish it. In response, the Sunday Star Times said the information had already been released into the public arena and hence could not be retracted.[97] The release of the document prompted a high-level inquiry to investigate how the top-secret report ended up in Lange's personal papers, in breach of security protocol.[98] A secret diplomatic cable leaked in 2010 covers the accidental release of the document.[99]

Personal life

[edit]

Lange was raised in a Methodist family.[100] In the 1960s he worked alongside Methodist theologian Donald Soper at the West London Methodist Mission in England. He was deeply influenced by Soper's interpretation of Christian socialism.[100] Lange later became a Methodist lay preacher.[101]

In 1989, Lange announced in a brief press statement on 10 November that he was separating from his wife of 21 years. On 12 November, Naomi Lange named his speech-writer, Margaret Pope,[102] as "the other woman" in a Sunday Times article, and said that she had been told by her husband five or six months beforehand that he planned to leave the marriage. Lange's mother, Phoebe, also publicly criticised him, but they later reconciled.[103] He had three children, Roy, Emily, and Byron, with his first wife Naomi, and one daughter, Edith, with his second wife Margaret. Lange married Margaret in Glasgow on 12 January 1992 while holidaying in Britain.[104]

Lange's brother Peter is a widely respected New Zealand potter.[105] He has won numerous arts awards and has exhibited widely in New Zealand and overseas.[106] Lange's third cousin Michael Bassett became a fellow Cabinet-minister. Bassett published a book in 2008 about the Lange government entitled Working With David: Inside the Lange Cabinet.[107]

Health issues and death

[edit]
A caricature sculpture of Lange highlighting his weight

Lange suffered all his life from obesity and the health problems it caused. By 1982, he weighed about 175 kilograms (27.6 stone; 386 pounds), and had surgery to staple his stomach in order to lose weight.[108][109]

In the 1990s, Lange's health declined, with diabetes and kidney disorders. In 2002, doctors diagnosed Lange as having amyloidosis, a rare and incurable blood plasma disorder. He underwent extensive medical treatment for this condition. Although initially told he had only four months to live, Lange defied his doctors' expectations and remained "optimistic" about his health. He entered the hospital in Auckland in mid-July 2005 to undergo nightly peritoneal dialysis in his battle with end-stage kidney failure. On 2 August, he had his lower right leg amputated without a general anaesthetic, as a result of diabetes complications.[110] It was reported that, during the 40-minute operation, a semi-conscious Lange jokingly asked the surgeon: "Have you got the right leg?"[111]

Lange's declining health resulted in the bringing-forward of the publication of his memoir My Life to 8 August 2005. TV3 broadcast on Campbell Live on the same day an interview;[112] John Campbell had interviewed him just before he went into hospital. In his last interview, given to the Herald on Sunday from his hospital bed, he made a potent intervention in New Zealand's 2005 election campaign by saying he "wanted to get out of bed and get a wheel-chair to Wellington" to stop any relaxation of his ban on nuclear ships.[113]

Lange died of complications associated with his renal failure and blood disease in Middlemore Hospital in Auckland on 13 August 2005, just five days after the publication and interview, and nine days after his 63rd birthday.[114] He is buried at Waikaraka Cemetery and the headstone has the simple inscription "David Lange 1942 ~ 2005".[115]

large metal sculpture of a vessel suspended above a courtyard
The David Lange Memorial (2008) in Ōtāhuhu features excerpts from Lange's 1977 maiden speech on its north side and from his 1985 Oxford Union debate on its south side.[116]

The David Lange Memorial Trust erected a memorial sculpture by Virginia King in Ōtāhuhu, which was unveiled by Governor-General Sir Anand Satyanand in 2008.[114][117]

Honours and awards

[edit]

Lange was bestowed with the mātai, or Samoan chiefly title, of Tagaloa, a title from the village of Le'auva'a.[118]

In the 1990 New Year Honours, Lange was appointed a Member of the Order of the Companions of Honour,[119] and later that year he received the New Zealand 1990 Commemoration Medal.[120] In the 2003 Queen's Birthday Honours, he was appointed a Member of the Order of New Zealand, the country's highest civil honour.[121][122] He turned down the knighthood that is customarily offered to former prime ministers.[123]

Lange received the Right Livelihood Award in 2003 for his strong fight against nuclear weapons.[124]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Sources

[edit]
  • Barber, David (1987). Gliding on the Lino: The wit and wisdom of David Lange. Auckland: Benton Ross. ISBN 0-908636-29-6.
  • Bassett, Michael (2008). Working with David: Inside the Lange Cabinet. Auckland: Hodder Moa. ISBN 978-1-86971-094-1.
  • Lange, David (18 July 1994). Cuttings – God Save Us All. Jonathan Hudson & Associates. ISBN 0-473-02953-7.
  • Lange, David (1992). Broadsides. Wellington: Jonathon Hudson & Associates; GP Print. ISBN 0-473-01754-7.
  • Lange, David (2005). My Life. Auckland: Viking. ISBN 0-670-04556-X.
  • McQueen, Harvey (1991). The Ninth Floor: Inside the Prime Minister's Office – A Political Experience. Auckland: Penguin Books.
  • Pope, Margaret (2011). At the turning point: my political life with David Lange. Auckland: AM Publications. ISBN 978-0-473-190255.
  • Russell, Marcia (1996). Revolution:New Zealand from Fortress to Free Market. Hodder Moa Beckett. ISBN 1869584287.
[edit]

Grokipedia

from Grokipedia
![David Lange](./assets/David_Lange_(cropped\ ) David Russell Lange ONZ CH (4 August 1942 – 13 August 2005) was a New Zealand lawyer and politician who served as the 32nd Prime Minister from 26 July 1984 to 8 August 1989.[1][2] Elected to Parliament in 1977 as MP for Māngere, he became leader of the Labour Party in 1983 and led it to a landslide victory in the 1984 general election, securing a 17-seat majority.[1][2] As Prime Minister, Lange oversaw the Fourth Labour Government's implementation of sweeping economic reforms, dubbed Rogernomics after Finance Minister Roger Douglas, which included floating the currency in March 1985, introducing a goods and services tax, removing agricultural subsidies, reducing tariffs, corporatizing state enterprises, and selling off assets to shift from a protected economy to a market-oriented one.[1][2] These measures dramatically transformed New Zealand's economy but sparked internal divisions, as Lange increasingly opposed the pace and extent of the liberalizations.[1][2] Lange also championed New Zealand's nuclear-free policy, enacting legislation in 1987 that banned nuclear-powered and nuclear-armed vessels from the country's ports, a stance that strained relations with the United States under the ANZUS alliance and led to the exclusion of New Zealand from full alliance participation.[1][3] He promoted the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty in 1986 and defended the policy internationally, notably winning a debate at the Oxford Union in 1985.[3] The policy gained global attention following the 1985 bombing of the Greenpeace ship Rainbow Warrior by French agents in Auckland Harbour, an incident Lange addressed by prosecuting the perpetrators and negotiating reparations.[1] His government enacted social reforms including legalizing homosexual acts, granting official status to the Māori language, expanding the Waitangi Tribunal's jurisdiction for historical claims, and restructuring education through the "Tomorrow's Schools" initiative.[2] Renowned for his sharp wit and oratorical skills, Lange secured a second term in 1987 but resigned in 1989 amid cabinet conflicts over economic policy, particularly Douglas's push for a flat tax.[1][2] In recognition of his nuclear disarmament efforts, he received the Right Livelihood Award in 2003.[3]

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Upbringing

David Lange was born on 4 August 1942 in Ōtāhuhu, a working-class suburb of Auckland, New Zealand.[1] [4] He was the eldest of four children to Eric Roy Lange, a general medical practitioner of German descent who actively supported the Labour Party, and Phoebe Fysh Lange (née Reid), a nurse of Australian origin noted for her outspoken and conservative nature.[1] [4] The family name, pronounced "Long-ee," reflected its German roots, and Lange's parents maintained a household shaped by their respective influences, with the father earning respect for his professional dedication and community involvement.[1] Lange's siblings consisted of brother Peter and sisters Margaret and Annette.[5] The family resided in Ōtāhuhu, where Lange experienced a childhood immersed in Methodist traditions; regular church attendance, Sunday school, Bible classes, singing in the "Merrymakers" choir, and participation in the Boys’ Brigade fostered early discipline and verbal skills that later aided his public speaking prowess.[1] His father's Labour sympathies provided an initial exposure to left-leaning politics, contrasting with his mother's more conservative outlook, though Lange later described an ambivalent relationship with her.[1] This environment, combining professional stability from his father's practice with religious and nascent political elements, formed the foundational influences of his upbringing in a modest suburban setting.[1] Lange enrolled at the University of Auckland in the early 1960s to study law, supporting himself through part-time work as a law clerk at the State Advances Corporation and the firm Haigh, Charters and Carthy.[1] He graduated with a Bachelor of Laws (LLB) in 1965 and was admitted to the bar of the New Zealand Supreme Court the following year.[1][6][4] While tutoring at the university, he pursued advanced studies, earning a Master of Laws (LLM) with first-class honours in 1970, with a focus on criminal law and medico-legal issues.[1][4] Following a period of overseas travel from 1966 to 1968, during which he worked at London's Methodist Central Mission under Donald Soper, Lange briefly took over a rural law practice in Kaikohe, Northland, in 1969 before relocating to Auckland.[1][4] In 1971, he assumed management of Allan Nixon's established practice on Victoria Street East, later shifting to Kitchener Street near the Auckland Magistrate's Court, where he concentrated on criminal defence work.[1] His practice emphasized legal aid for low-income clients, often providing services at minimal or no cost to the poor, Māori communities, and other disadvantaged groups, earning him a reputation as a quick-witted advocate skilled in mitigation pleas.[1][4][7] Lange's professional approach was shaped by familial and collegial influences, including his father's involvement in medico-legal cases, which sparked his interest in related legal fields, and shared professional values with Nixon, such as a strong conscience and dedication to client welfare over financial gain.[1] His early exposure to social justice through Methodist activities abroad further reinforced a commitment to representing the underprivileged, distinguishing his practice from more lucrative commercial law paths.[4] This focus persisted until 1977, when he entered politics, having built a career advocating for civil rights and criminal defence in Auckland's courts.[8][7]

Political Ascendancy

Entry into Labour Party Politics

Lange joined the New Zealand Labour Party in 1963 while practising as a barrister in Auckland.[1] His early membership involved limited activity, reflecting his primary focus on legal work amid personal challenges including health issues and family responsibilities.[1] Activity intensified in 1974, prompted by an invitation from his cousin Michael Bassett, then a Labour MP, to pursue candidacy.[1] That year, Lange contested the Auckland City Council elections as a Labour candidate but received insufficient votes to secure a seat.[1] In the 1975 general election, he stood for the Labour Party in the Hobson electorate—a safe seat for the opposing National Party—and placed third, failing to unseat the incumbent.[1] These initial forays honed his oratorical skills and party networking, positioning him for further selections despite the defeats.[1]

Parliamentary Career and Opposition Roles

Lange was elected to Parliament in a by-election for the Labour-held seat of Māngere on 26 March 1977, following the resignation of incumbent MP Colin Moyle amid a political scandal.[1] He secured substantial majorities in the safe urban electorate, retaining the seat through general elections in 1978, 1981, and beyond until his retirement in 1996.[1] As a backbench opposition MP during the National Party government of Robert Muldoon, Lange quickly distinguished himself through his sharp oratory and debating skills in the House of Representatives, earning recognition as one of Labour's most effective critics.[1][2] In December 1979, Lange was appointed deputy leader of the Labour Party and thus deputy leader of the opposition, succeeding Bob Tizard after internal party maneuvers.[1] Serving under leader Wallace Rowling, he aligned with a reformist faction within Labour—informally known as the "fish and chips brigade" for its informal meetings—comprising figures like Roger Douglas and Michael Bassett, who sought to modernize the party's economic policies and challenge Rowling's more traditional approach.[1] Lange took on shadow portfolios including attorney-general and justice, leveraging his legal background to scrutinize government legislation.[1] His tenure involved vocal opposition to Muldoon's economic interventions, such as wage and price freezes, though Labour's internal divisions limited unified frontbench effectiveness. Lange's ambitions for higher leadership surfaced in 1980, when he mounted an unsuccessful challenge against Rowling, losing a caucus vote 19–18.[1] Despite the narrow defeat, the bid highlighted growing dissatisfaction with Rowling's performance following Labour's 1978 and 1981 election losses, positioning Lange as a key contender amid the party's push for renewal.[1] Throughout his opposition years, he contributed to re-energizing the Labour caucus, though specific policy contributions remained secondary to his role as a parliamentary performer and party strategist.[2]

Leadership of the Opposition

Ascension to Party Leadership

David Lange entered the Labour Party's senior leadership ranks in 1979 when he was elected deputy leader under Bill Rowling, a position he held amid growing internal dissatisfaction with Rowling's tenure following electoral defeats in 1978 and 1981.[9] By late 1980, Lange mounted a challenge against Rowling in a party leadership ballot held on 12 December, driven by perceptions that Rowling's cautious style failed to energize the opposition or counter Prime Minister Robert Muldoon's assertive governance effectively; however, the bid narrowly failed by one vote, prompting Lange to briefly resign and seek re-election as deputy to reaffirm his support base.[4] This episode highlighted deepening factional tensions within Labour, particularly between traditionalists loyal to Rowling and reformers seeking a more dynamic figure to exploit public discontent with economic stagnation and Muldoon's wage-price freezes. Rowling's resignation in early 1983 stemmed from sustained low polling, the party's third consecutive loss under his leadership, and mounting pressure from caucus members who viewed him as unable to mount a credible challenge to National in the upcoming election cycle.[10] On 3 February 1983, Lange was formally elected as Labour leader at a caucus meeting, prevailing easily over Russell Marshall, the only other nominee, in a vote that reflected broad party consensus for change.[1] Lange's oratorical prowess, honed through his legal background and parliamentary debates, positioned him as a revitalizing force, appealing to voters weary of Muldoon's authoritarian image while signaling Labour's intent to blend social democratic traditions with pragmatic renewal.[11] His unopposed momentum underscored a strategic pivot toward a leader capable of unifying the party's disparate wings, including emerging economic liberals like Roger Douglas.

Policy Platform and 1984 Election Victory

David Lange, having assumed leadership of the New Zealand Labour Party on 18 February 1983 following Bill Rowling's resignation, steered the party toward a policy platform emphasizing economic stabilization amid the Third National Government's mounting crises of high inflation exceeding 20%, ballooning foreign debt, and unemployment. The manifesto outlined commitments to job creation through public works and export promotion, improvements in housing affordability, enhanced broadcasting access, and fisheries management reforms to bolster domestic industry. Central to the platform was a pledge to establish New Zealand as a nuclear-free zone by prohibiting port visits from nuclear-powered or nuclear-armed ships, reflecting widespread public sentiment against nuclear proliferation and aligning with Lange's vocal opposition to the 1981 Springbok rugby tour.[12][13][14] The 1984 campaign unfolded against the backdrop of Prime Minister Robert Muldoon's unexpected announcement of a snap election on 14 June 1984, intended to preempt Labour's momentum but instead galvanizing opposition amid perceptions of Muldoon's authoritarian style and economic missteps, including wage freezes and the failed "Think Big" infrastructure projects. Lange's campaign leveraged his rhetorical flair and personal appeal, contrasting with Muldoon's divisiveness, while highlighting Labour's promises of pragmatic change without foreshadowing the radical deregulation that would follow. Public discontent peaked as the election highlighted divisions, with the emergence of the centrist New Zealand Party siphoning votes from National but ultimately fragmenting the right-wing vote under the first-past-the-post system.[15][16] Labour secured victory in the 14 July 1984 general election, capturing 56 of the 95 parliamentary seats with 43.0% of the popular vote, compared to National's 37 seats and 35.9%. Social Credit won the remaining two seats with 7.6%, while the New Zealand Party garnered 12.3% but no representation. This outcome, despite closely matched vote shares, stemmed from Labour's efficient distribution of support in key electorates and the snap call's failure to consolidate National's base, enabling Lange to be sworn in as prime minister on 26 July 1984 and initiating the Fourth Labour Government.[17][18]

First Term as Prime Minister (1984–1987)

Implementation of Rogernomics

Following the Labour Party's victory in the July 14, 1984 general election, Finance Minister Roger Douglas initiated a rapid program of economic liberalization to address New Zealand's mounting fiscal crisis, characterized by high inflation exceeding 20%, foreign debt surpassing 50% of GDP, and a fixed exchange rate regime that had led to speculative pressures.[19] These reforms, termed Rogernomics after Douglas, emphasized market deregulation, fiscal restraint, and reduced government intervention, diverging sharply from the interventionist policies of the preceding National government under Robert Muldoon.[20] Prime Minister David Lange initially endorsed the agenda, viewing it as essential to avert economic collapse, though implementation proceeded with limited cabinet consultation and public forewarning.[21] Key early measures included the deregulation of financial markets in July 1984, which removed interest rate controls and entry barriers for new banks, allowing foreign competition and ending the previous oligopoly dominated by four domestic trading banks.[22] This was followed by the abolition of wage and price freezes inherited from the Muldoon era and the lifting of quantitative restrictions on bank lending.[19] On March 2, 1985, the New Zealand dollar was floated, transitioning from a controlled peg to a market-determined exchange rate, which initially depreciated by about 4% but facilitated adjustment to external imbalances.[19] Concurrently, agricultural subsidies—totaling around NZ$900 million annually and supporting over 40% of farm income—were slashed in the 1985 budget, exposing exporters to international prices and prompting widespread farm consolidations and bankruptcies.[20] Fiscal restructuring accelerated with the December 1984 mini-budget, which cut public spending by 4% of GDP and eliminated export incentives and import licensing, reducing tariff barriers from an average of 25% to phased reductions.[23] The cornerstone consumption tax reform came on October 1, 1986, with the introduction of a 10% goods and services tax (GST) on most goods and services, replacing progressive sales taxes and funding income tax cuts that lowered the top marginal rate from 66% to 48% while broadening the base.[24] State-owned enterprises underwent corporatization via the April 1986 State-Owned Enterprises Act, transforming 22 entities—including railways, telecommunications, and electricity—into profit-oriented companies with commercial boards, leading to over 100,000 public sector job losses by 1987 as redundant operations were streamlined.[20] These measures stabilized inflation to under 10% by 1987 and boosted productivity growth to 2.5% annually, though they triggered short-term unemployment peaking at 11% and regional economic distress, particularly in manufacturing and rural areas dependent on protectionism.[19] Lange's government framed Rogernomics as pragmatic necessity amid inherited distortions, with Douglas advocating acceleration despite growing internal Labour Party resistance to its egalitarian implications.[21] By the 1987 election, the reforms had reshaped New Zealand's economy toward openness, though Lange later expressed reservations about their social costs, signaling emerging tensions within his administration.[23]

Nuclear-Free Policy and International Realignment

Upon taking office in July 1984, Prime Minister David Lange's Labour government implemented a policy prohibiting visits by nuclear-powered or nuclear-armed warships to New Zealand ports, fulfilling a key election pledge amid strong domestic anti-nuclear sentiment.[25] This decision stemmed from long-standing public opposition to nuclear weapons, intensified by protests against French atmospheric tests in the South Pacific since the 1970s.[25] The policy effectively barred United States naval vessels, as Washington maintained a neither-confirm-nor-deny policy regarding nuclear armaments on its ships.[26] The policy crystallized into crisis in early 1985 when the United States requested port access for the destroyer USS Buchanan as part of standard ANZUS alliance exercises.[27] Lange's cabinet, after internal debate, refused entry on 4 March 1985, citing incompatibility with the nuclear-free stance, prompting the US to cancel joint military exercises and impose sanctions.[27] [26] In response, the Reagan administration suspended New Zealand's security obligations under the ANZUS treaty on 11 August 1986, effectively dismantling the trilateral alliance's operational framework with Wellington.[28] This rupture severed military cooperation, intelligence sharing, and joint training, isolating New Zealand from its traditional Western allies.[29] To formalize the policy, Parliament enacted the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament, and Arms Control Act on 8 June 1987, declaring the country a nuclear-weapon-free zone and prohibiting nuclear propulsion or armaments in its territory, with provisions for verification and international promotion of disarmament.[30] [13] The legislation passed with cross-party support, reflecting broad public approval that bolstered Labour's 1987 election victory, though it drew criticism from allies like Australia and the UK for undermining regional security.[31] Internationally, the policy prompted a realignment toward multilateral diplomacy and non-aligned partnerships, with New Zealand enhancing ties in the Pacific Forum and advocating anti-nuclear resolutions at the United Nations.[32] Relations with the US deteriorated into a "distant friend" status by 1987, limiting access to Five Eyes intelligence and redirecting focus to ASEAN dialogues and European non-nuclear states.[29] Lange defended the shift as a principled stand for sovereignty and global disarmament, arguing it preserved New Zealand's moral credibility without compromising conventional defense capabilities.[32] Despite economic pressures from lost US trade preferences, the policy endured, embedding nuclear abstinence into national identity and influencing subsequent foreign policy independence.[31]

Domestic Social and Institutional Reforms

The Lange government advanced social liberalization through key legislative measures addressing sexual offenses and personal autonomy. In 1985, the Rape Law Reform (No. 2) Act abolished spousal immunity for rape, criminalizing marital rape for the first time and aligning New Zealand law with evolving standards of consent and bodily integrity.[33] Similarly, the Homosexual Law Reform Act 1986 decriminalized consensual sexual acts between males aged 16 and over, removing colonial-era prohibitions under the Crimes Act 1961 and marking a shift toward individual rights over moralistic criminalization; the bill, introduced by Labour MP Fran Wilde in March 1985, passed by a narrow 49-44 margin in July 1986 amid public referenda and protests.[34] These reforms reflected the government's broader commitment to modernizing outdated social laws, though they faced opposition from conservative groups emphasizing traditional values.[35] Institutionally, the administration prioritized reconciliation with Māori through enhancements to the Waitangi Tribunal framework. The Treaty of Waitangi Amendment Act 1985 extended the Tribunal's jurisdiction retrospectively to 1840, empowering it to investigate historical claims of Crown breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi and recommend redress, thereby institutionalizing a process for addressing longstanding indigenous grievances beyond contemporary disputes.[36] This change, enacted on 11 December 1985, facilitated early inquiries into land and resource losses, fostering a bicultural approach to governance while critics noted it increased fiscal pressures on the state for settlements.[37] Complementing this, the Māori Language Act 1987, passed on 18 July 1987, declared te reo Māori an official language and established the Māori Language Commission to promote its revitalization, responding to cultural preservation demands amid demographic shifts. Social welfare policies saw limited direct overhaul in the first term, with the government maintaining universal access to benefits amid economic restructuring rather than implementing sweeping cuts or expansions; family support structures, including child allowances, remained largely intact to avoid exacerbating inequality during Rogernomics-induced disruptions.[38] Institutional tweaks included bolstering women's refuges and anti-discrimination measures, but these built incrementally on prior frameworks without transformative legislation until later terms. Overall, these reforms emphasized legal equity and cultural recognition, though their implementation revealed tensions between progressive ideals and fiscal conservatism within the Labour caucus.[16]

1987 General Election

The 1987 New Zealand general election was held on 15 August 1987 to elect the 95 members of the House of Representatives.[17] The incumbent Labour Party, led by Prime Minister David Lange, secured re-election with 57 seats and 47.99% of the popular vote, forming a majority government despite a narrow margin over the opposition National Party, which won 40 seats and 44.03% of the vote.[17] [39] Voter turnout reached 84.6%, reflecting strong public engagement amid ongoing economic restructuring and foreign policy debates.[17] The campaign, launched after Lange's announcement on 30 June 1987, centered on domestic economic recovery following the initial phases of Rogernomics—market-oriented reforms including subsidy cuts and financial deregulation initiated in 1984—which had stabilized inflation but fueled short-term unemployment and rural discontent.[40] Labour emphasized bread-and-butter issues like job creation and wage growth, downplaying the controversy of rapid liberalization, while highlighting successes in reducing inflation from 18.5% in 1984 to around 16% by 1987.[40] National, under Jim Bolger, criticized Labour's "experiment" in free-market policies as betraying traditional left-wing principles, but struggled with internal divisions and a fragmented right-wing vote split by Bob Jones's New Zealand Party, which garnered 4.25% nationally without winning seats.[39] A pivotal moment was the televised leaders' debate on 2 August 1987, hosted by Lindsay Perigo, where Lange's rhetorical prowess—marked by sharp wit and defense of the nuclear-free policy—outshone Bolger's more measured style, bolstering Labour's image among urban and progressive voters.[41] The nuclear-free legislation, enacted earlier in 1987 amid the Rainbow Warrior bombing aftermath, proved domestically popular, reinforcing New Zealand's independent stance and appealing to anti-militarism sentiments despite straining ANZUS ties with the United States.[40] Labour's victory, though slimmer in seats than 1984's landslide, stemmed from uneven geographic support under the first-past-the-post system, with gains in suburban electorates offsetting losses in rural and traditional working-class areas hit by reform-induced pain.[42] Lange's personal charisma and the absence of a compelling National alternative mitigated backlash against economic shocks, allowing Labour to retain power for a second term focused on consolidating reforms.[43] Post-election, Lange promised continuity in economic liberalization alongside social investments, though intra-party tensions over policy direction soon emerged.[43]

Second Term as Prime Minister (1987–1989)

Responses to Global and Regional Crises

During Lange's second term, the primary regional crisis was the series of military coups in Fiji, which destabilized a key Pacific ally and prompted New Zealand to balance support for democratic norms with citizen protection. On 14 May 1987, Lieutenant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka staged the first coup, overthrowing the newly elected Labour-led coalition government of Timoci Bavadra, which had assumed power just a month earlier following elections on 13 April; the action was motivated by ethnic Fijian nationalist opposition to the Indo-Fijian-influenced administration.[44] Lange's government immediately condemned the coup as an assault on democratic institutions, with New Zealand suspending new development aid commitments and issuing travel warnings for its citizens in Fiji.[45] The crisis escalated on 19 May 1987 when an Air New Zealand Boeing 727 en route to Tokyo was hijacked on the tarmac at Nadi International Airport by an Indo-Fijian gunman armed with dynamite, who protested the coup's overthrow of the Bavadra government and demanded its reinstatement; approximately 50 passengers and crew were held for over 48 hours.[46] In response, Lange authorized the deployment of the frigate HMNZS Wellington to Fijian waters to prepare for potential evacuations or citizen rescues, while diplomatic negotiations—facilitated by New Zealand's High Commission in Suva—led to the hijacker's surrender without casualties after assurances of safe passage.[47] Lange also considered deploying troops for citizen protection but deferred due to logistical and political risks assessed by defense advisors, prioritizing de-escalation to avoid broader regional instability; his administration sheltered key Bavadra allies, including aiding their temporary refuge or escape from Fiji.[48] A second coup on 25 September 1987, orchestrated by Rabuka with the endorsement of Governor-General Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau, abolished Fiji's monarchy and declared a republic, further entrenching military rule.[49] Lange responded with escalated diplomatic measures, including public calls for the restoration of constitutional governance and coordination with Australia and other Commonwealth partners to isolate the regime; New Zealand maintained a naval presence in the region and provided humanitarian assistance but refrained from direct intervention to prevent escalation into wider Pacific conflict.[45] These actions underscored Lange's commitment to multilateralism in the South Pacific Forum, though critics within New Zealand argued the response lacked sufficient firmness, potentially emboldening authoritarian shifts in the region.[50] On the global stage, Lange's administration navigated ongoing repercussions from New Zealand's nuclear-free legislation, including U.S. restrictions on intelligence-sharing and military access imposed in 1987 under the Reagan administration, which Lange publicly contested as disproportionate while seeking to preserve bilateral ties through backchannel diplomacy.[49] No major direct interventions occurred in distant crises like the Iran-Iraq War or Soviet-Afghan conflict, with foreign policy emphasizing independent Pacific-focused realism over entanglement in superpower rivalries.

Further Economic and Educational Initiatives

Following the 1987 election victory, the Lange government continued its economic liberalization under Finance Minister Roger Douglas, implementing measures to enhance fiscal discipline and monetary policy independence. In May 1989, the Reserve Bank of New Zealand Bill was introduced, granting the central bank operational autonomy to target inflation directly, marking a shift toward price stability as the primary macroeconomic goal and reducing political interference in interest rate decisions.[51] This built on earlier deregulations by prioritizing low inflation—achieved at around 2% by late 1989—over employment objectives, though it contributed to a recession from late 1987 through mid-1988, with GDP contracting by 1.4% in 1988 before recovery.[52] Lange, however, reined in more aggressive proposals, such as Douglas's 1988 plan for a flat 15% income tax and multi-rate GST, which was curtailed amid intra-cabinet tensions to avoid exacerbating inequality perceptions.[51] Public sector reforms advanced with further corporatization of state-owned enterprises, including the transformation of entities like New Zealand Railways into commercial operations under the 1986-1989 State-Owned Enterprises framework extensions, emphasizing market accountability and performance contracts to cut subsidies and improve efficiency.[53] These steps aligned with Rogernomics' emphasis on reducing government intervention, though implementation faced criticism for short-term job losses exceeding 10,000 in state trading departments by 1989, reflecting empirical trade-offs between long-term productivity gains and immediate social costs.[54] In education, Lange assumed the ministerial portfolio post-1987, aiming to modernize administration amid economic pressures for efficiency. In late 1987, he commissioned the Picot Taskforce—chaired by businessman Brian Picot—to review school sector management, resulting in a May 1988 report advocating radical decentralization to address bureaucratic inefficiencies and adapt to high unemployment by fostering flexible, locally responsive schooling.[55] The government endorsed key recommendations, enacting the Education Act 1989 and implementing "Tomorrow's Schools" on October 1, 1989, which devolved authority to self-governing schools via elected boards of trustees controlling 85-90% of budgets, staffing, and curricula, while slashing central Ministry roles by over 50%.[56] This market-oriented model sought empirical improvements in outcomes through competition and parental involvement, though early data showed uneven resource distribution favoring wealthier areas.[55] Lange defended the reforms as empowering communities, countering critics who viewed them as ideologically driven by Treasury influences rather than pedagogical evidence.[2]

Intra-Party Conflicts and Resignation

Following the 1987 election victory, tensions within the Labour Party escalated over the direction and pace of economic reforms, pitting Prime Minister David Lange against Finance Minister Roger Douglas. Lange, initially supportive of Douglas's "Rogernomics" agenda of deregulation and privatization, grew concerned about its social costs and ideological drift toward neoliberal extremes, particularly after public backlash and the 1987 stock market crash.[57][58] In late 1987, Lange delayed implementation of Douglas's proposed December economic package, which included further asset sales and tax reforms, signaling his intent to moderate the reforms.[2] Conflicts intensified in 1988 when Douglas advocated for a flat tax rate and a surtax on high incomes, proposals Lange publicly overruled, leading to Douglas's resignation from Cabinet on 14 June 1988.[59] Douglas's ousting did not resolve divisions; his supporters within the party caucus challenged Lange's leadership, culminating in a confidence vote on 28 December 1988, which Lange won narrowly by 28 votes to 18.[4] Persistent intra-party strife, including leaks and public disputes, eroded Lange's authority, as pro-Douglas factions accused him of indecisiveness and blocking necessary reforms.[2] Lange's health deteriorated amid the stress, prompting a period of leave in mid-1989, during which Deputy Prime Minister Geoffrey Palmer acted as interim leader.[60] Upon return, facing continued Cabinet resistance and loss of control, Lange resigned as Prime Minister on 8 August 1989, officially citing health reasons but acknowledging underlying political struggles with Douglas's wing of the party.[60][2] He remained in Parliament as Attorney-General until the 1990 election but was sidelined from major influence, highlighting the Labour Party's deep schism between reform radicals and traditionalists.[4]

Post-Premiership Activities

Brief Return to Government Roles

Following his resignation as prime minister on 8 August 1989, David Lange retained a seat in Parliament as the member for Mangere and was appointed Attorney-General outside Cabinet by his successor, Geoffrey Palmer, who assumed the premiership on the same day.[1] This role, which Lange held without portfolio responsibilities, marked a diminished but continued involvement in the executive during the final months of the Fourth Labour Government amid internal party strife and impending electoral defeat.[2] Palmer's tenure lasted only until 8 September 1990, when he resigned as prime minister and Labour leader; Mike Moore then led the party and government until the general election on 27 October 1990, which Labour lost to the National Party under Jim Bolger. Lange continued as Attorney-General through this transitional period, providing legal oversight but exerting limited influence as the government faced economic challenges and declining public support.[2] His service in this capacity ended with Labour's defeat, after which he reverted to backbench opposition status without further ministerial appointments.[1] This interlude as Attorney-General, spanning roughly 14 months, represented Lange's last formal government role before his full withdrawal from active politics; he did not hold subsequent executive positions under later administrations and retired from Parliament ahead of the 1996 election.[2][1]

Public Commentary, Writings, and Litigation

Following his resignation as prime minister in 1989, Lange authored Nuclear Free: The New Zealand Way in 1990, a memoir defending New Zealand's adoption of a nuclear-free foreign policy and critiquing superpower nuclear strategies.[1] His autobiography My Life, published on August 8, 2005, due to his deteriorating health, provided reflections on his tenure, including the implementation of market-oriented economic reforms and intra-party tensions.[1] Lange maintained public engagement through commentary, including his valedictory address to Parliament on August 22, 1996, where he acknowledged the human toll of his government's reforms, remarking, "I was brash and big... Now I come with a lot less hair, a lot fewer teeth... I want to thank those people whose lives were wrecked by us."[61] After retiring from Parliament in 1996, he contributed articles to newspapers, delivered speeches in New Zealand and abroad, and collaborated with comedian Gary McCormick on public performances blending political reflection and humor.[1] In litigation, Lange filed a defamation suit in 1997 against the Australian Broadcasting Corporation over a Media Watch segment alleging he misrepresented aspects of his government's U.S. relations, with the matter settled on terms favorable to him.[1] [62] Separately, in 1996 he sued commentator J.B. Atkinson for an article in North & South magazine implying he concealed information on a business deal during his premiership; the prolonged case, which progressed to New Zealand's Court of Appeal and the Privy Council—establishing a defense of qualified privilege for responsible reporting on public interest matters—was abandoned by Lange in December 2000, leaving him financially strained as defendants incurred nearly NZ$500,000 in costs.[63][64][65]

Personal Life and Interests

Family Dynamics and Relationships

David Lange was born on 4 August 1942 in Ōtāhuhu, Auckland, to Eric Roy Lange, a general medical practitioner of Danish descent, and Phoebe Fysh Reid, forming a fourth-generation New Zealand family rooted in professional and community stability.[1] The household included siblings Peter (a future High Court judge), Margaret, and Annette, with early family life marked by Lange's father's demanding medical career, which influenced a home environment of intellectual rigor and public service ethos, though strained by Eric Lange's occasional absences and the family's relocation within Auckland suburbs.[1] [6] Lange married Naomi Joy Crampton, whom he met while studying law in London, on 3 August 1968; Crampton, originally from Nottinghamshire, England, had worked at a Methodist mission alongside him.[4] [1] The couple settled in Auckland, where Lange practiced law, and they had three children: sons Roy James and Byron Ray, and daughter Emily May, born between 1969 and the mid-1970s.[66] Their marriage, spanning 21 years, initially reflected a partnership supportive of Lange's rising political career, with Naomi managing family responsibilities amid his increasing parliamentary demands post-1977 election as MP for Mangere; however, the pressures of premiership from 1984 exacerbated tensions, including Lange's irregular home presence and policy-driven public scrutiny.[1] [6] By the late 1980s, Lange's long-term extramarital affair with his speechwriter, Margaret Forsyth Pope—who had joined his office in 1984 and contributed to key addresses like the 1984 Oxford Union debate—had undermined the marriage, leading to public acrimony.[1] [67] On 12 November 1989, Naomi Lange publicly identified Pope as the cause of their separation, announced earlier that year amid Lange's political resignation, highlighting the intersection of personal infidelity and professional downfall.[1] The divorce, finalized in the early 1990s, involved custody arrangements for their children, with reports indicating ongoing familial strain, as evidenced by Lange's later reflections on the emotional toll of his choices in his 2005 memoir My Life, where he acknowledged the affair's role in familial disruption without disputing Naomi's perspective.[68] [69] Following the divorce, Lange married Pope in a civil ceremony in Glasgow, Scotland, on 12 January 1992 during a UK visit, establishing a second family unit that produced daughter Edith in the mid-1990s.[1] This relationship, originating professionally, evolved into a supportive partnership through Lange's post-premiership phase, including his health struggles with renal failure and diabetes, though it drew criticism from political observers for blurring boundaries between office influence and personal loyalty, as Pope's role in drafting anti-nuclear policy speeches had amplified Lange's public persona.[70] The second marriage provided stability in Lange's later years, contrasting the volatility of his first, but maintained limited public disclosure on internal dynamics, focusing instead on shared advocacy for nuclear-free causes until his death in 2005.[1]

Recreational Pursuits and Health Decline

Lange derived significant personal satisfaction from public speaking and writing, activities that extended beyond his professional duties into recreational outlets. In his youth, he participated in church-related pursuits, including Sunday school, Bible class, and singing in the 'Merrymakers' choir for the Friendly Road radio programme.[1] Later in life, particularly after 1996, he collaborated with comic speaker Gary McCormick on performances and shows, reflecting his affinity for oratory humor and stage presence.[1] Lange's health was marked by chronic obesity, exacerbated by smoking until the early 1980s and an alcohol dependency that prompted his joining of Alcoholics Anonymous in 2002.[1] He weighed 178 kilograms in 1982, prompting stomach-stapling surgery that reduced his weight to 127 kilograms, though issues persisted.[1] Diabetes was diagnosed in 1981, leading to heart bypass operations in 1995 and 2001.[1] His decline accelerated in 2002 with a diagnosis of amyloidosis, a rare incurable blood plasma disorder requiring chemotherapy.[71] By July 2005, he underwent home dialysis for kidney failure.[71] On 2 August 2005, complications from diabetes necessitated amputation of his lower right leg, one of approximately 500 such annual procedures in New Zealand linked to the condition.[72] He died on 13 August 2005 at age 63 from heart failure, with family present after life support cessation.[1][73]

Legacy and Historical Assessments

Economic Reforms: Empirical Outcomes and Debates

The economic reforms implemented during David Lange's premiership from 1984 to 1989, spearheaded by Finance Minister Roger Douglas and termed Rogernomics, encompassed floating the New Zealand dollar on 4 March 1985, abolishing interest rate controls, slashing agricultural subsidies by 90% within months, reducing tariffs from an average 25% to 10% by 1987, corporatizing state enterprises, and initiating privatizations such as Telecom Corporation in 1990.[20] These measures dismantled a highly regulated, import-substituting economy characterized by chronic deficits, high protectionism, and inflation exceeding 15% in the early 1980s.[74] In the short term, the reforms triggered a severe recession to purge structural inefficiencies, with real GDP contracting by 0.4% in 1985 and 1.7% in 1986, unemployment surging from 3.6% in mid-1984 to 7.3% by 1987 and peaking above 10% by 1990, and government debt-to-GDP ratio climbing to 60% amid fiscal consolidation.[75] Inflation, however, declined sharply from 17.4% in 1985 to 4.9% by 1989, reflecting monetary discipline via the Reserve Bank's new focus on price stability and the exchange rate float's correction of overvaluation.[76] Foreign debt quadrupled to over 60% of GDP by 1990, partly due to capital inflows post-liberalization but also reflecting pre-existing imbalances.[77] Longer-term outcomes included sustained macroeconomic stability and export-led recovery, with average annual GDP growth accelerating to 3.1% from 1990 to 1996, unemployment falling to historic lows below 5% by the late 1990s, and inflation averaging 1-3% over business cycles, outcomes attributed by proponents to enhanced productivity and global competitiveness from deregulation and privatization.[78] Privatized entities like Telecom saw efficiency gains, with labor productivity rising 50% in telecommunications by the mid-1990s.[20] However, income inequality widened markedly, with the Gini coefficient increasing from approximately 0.28 in 1984 to 0.35 by 1996, driven by wage dispersion, benefit restructuring, and uneven sectoral adjustments that disadvantaged low-skilled workers and rural communities.[79] Poverty rates, measured by relative income thresholds, rose for the bottom quintile, with real incomes for the lowest 30% stagnating until the mid-1990s.[80] Debates over Rogernomics' net effects persist, with advocates such as reform architects arguing the policies averted fiscal collapse and laid foundations for OECD-leading growth volatility reduction and export diversification, crediting causal links from market signals to resource reallocation.[77] Critics, including economists like Brian Easton, contend the reforms exacerbated social costs through inadequate safety nets, intergenerational welfare dependence, and failure to boost productivity sufficiently to match Australian standards, with New Zealand's per capita GDP growth lagging peers post-1990 despite initial stabilization.[81] Assessments vary by source credibility; think tanks favoring markets (e.g., AEI) emphasize efficiency gains, while Treasury analyses acknowledge inequality rises but note relative OECD positioning stabilized.[79] Empirical causality remains contested, as global factors like commodity prices influenced outcomes, though panel studies affirm liberalization's role in lowering inflation persistence without permanent unemployment hysteresis.[75]
Key IndicatorPre-Reforms (1983)Peak Reform Impact (1987-90)Post-Reform Average (1990s)
Inflation (%)15.417.4 (1985), then 4.9 (1989)1-3
Unemployment (%)3.610+<5 by late 1990s
GDP Growth (%)1.6-1.7 (1986)3.1
Gini Coefficient~0.28Rising to 0.33 (early 1990s)~0.35
[76][79][78]

Foreign Policy Stance: Strategic Costs and Moral Claims

David Lange's foreign policy centered on establishing New Zealand as a nuclear-free zone, formalized through legislation passed in 1987 that prohibited nuclear-powered or nuclear-armed vessels from entering the country's ports or territorial waters. This stance stemmed from Lange's moral opposition to nuclear weapons, which he articulated as inherently corrupting even defensive intentions, arguing that their existence perverts ends through indiscriminate potential for mass destruction. In a 1985 Oxford Union debate, Lange successfully defended the proposition that nuclear weapons are morally indefensible, emphasizing their contradiction to the ethos of humankind by enabling the incineration of innocent lives on an unprecedented scale.[82][83] He further contended that acquiescing to nuclear deterrence strategies blinded nations to their ethical implications, positioning New Zealand's policy as a principled rejection rather than mere isolationism.[84] Lange framed the policy as an ethical imperative during the Cold War, rejecting superpower reliance on nuclear arsenals as a form of moral compromise that tolerated perpetual threat escalation. He asserted that nuclear weapons' character rendered deterrence illusory, as their deployment would violate just war principles through unavoidable civilian devastation, drawing on first-hand awareness of Pacific nuclear testing legacies. This moral positioning garnered domestic support exceeding 90% by the late 1980s and international acclaim, including the 1985 Right Livelihood Award, yet it prioritized deontological ethics over consequentialist security calculations.[31] Critics, including U.S. officials, viewed it as naive unilateralism that undermined collective defense against Soviet expansionism, but Lange maintained that true security lay in disarmament advocacy, not alliance entanglement with nuclear powers.[26] Strategically, the policy incurred significant costs, culminating in the United States suspending its ANZUS Treaty obligations to New Zealand on August 11, 1986, following the denial of port access to the USS Buchanan in 1985 due to unconfirmed nuclear armament. This suspension severed formal military cooperation, intelligence sharing, and joint exercises, leaving New Zealand reliant on bilateral ties with Australia and ad hoc arrangements, while exposing it to perceived vulnerabilities in a nuclear-armed world amid ongoing superpower tensions.[13][28] Economically, while no formal sanctions materialized, the rift strained trade negotiations and defense-related exports, with U.S. pressures including informal barriers that compounded New Zealand's existing fiscal challenges under Lange's reforms. Security analyses post-suspension highlighted a novel sense of imperilment detached from direct invasion threats, as the policy distanced New Zealand from the Western alliance umbrella during peak Cold War risks, though empirical outcomes showed no immediate aggression and eventual diversification of partnerships.[29][85] Lange acknowledged these trade-offs, stating readiness to forfeit alliance benefits for nuclear independence, a calculus that privileged moral consistency over pragmatic deterrence but arguably amplified New Zealand's soft power through principled diplomacy.[13]

Leadership Style, Personal Flaws, and Broader Impact

Lange's leadership was characterized by exceptional oratorical prowess and wit, enabling him to excel in public debates and international advocacy, such as his 1985 Oxford Union address where he famously quipped about nuclear weapons.[1] However, he lacked depth in policy formulation and confrontational management, often delegating details to cabinet members like Finance Minister Roger Douglas while avoiding direct factional disputes within Labour.[1] [2] This style initially galvanized the party post-1984 election but contributed to cabinet instability, as evidenced by his 1988 dismissal of minister Richard Prebble and ultimate resignation in August 1989 after failing to curb Douglas's re-election by caucus.[1] Personal flaws compounded these challenges; Lange struggled with obesity and related health issues, including diabetes and later amyloidosis, which exacerbated his scruffy public image and physical decline, culminating in his death from kidney failure on August 13, 2005, at age 63.[2] [4] He also grappled with alcohol problems in later years, alongside impulsiveness and a tendency to procrastinate on interpersonal conflicts, traits noted by associates as hindering effective governance.[1] [86] An extramarital affair with advisor Margaret Pope further strained personal and professional dynamics during his premiership.[86] Lange's broader impact reshaped New Zealand through neoliberal economic reforms—deregulation, floating the dollar in March 1985, introducing GST in 1986, and privatizing state assets—which dismantled protectionism but widened inequality and sparked Labour divisions that persisted beyond his tenure.[4] [2] His nuclear-free policy, formalized in the June 1987 Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament, and Arms Control Act, asserted sovereignty and boosted global peace advocacy but incurred strategic costs, including suspended ANZUS obligations and U.S. naval bans from 1985 onward.[1] [4] Ultimately, while his rhetoric inspired national pride and independence, his inability to reconcile reformist zeal with social equity left a polarized legacy, transforming politics yet alienating traditional Labour supporters.[2]

References

User Avatar
No comments yet.