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Federal subjects
Субъекты федерации (Russian)
  Republics
  Krais (territories)
  Oblasts (regions)
  Federal cities
  Autonomous oblast (autonomous region)
  Autonomous okrugs (autonomous areas with a substantial ethnic minority)
Diagonal stripes indicate territory internationally recognized as parts of Ukraine.
CategoryFederal semi-presidential constitutional republic
Location Russian Federation
Created
  • 12 December 1993
Number83
Populations41,431 (Nenets Autonomous Okrug) – 13,010,112 (Moscow)
Areas864 km2 (334 sq mi) (Sevastopol) – 3,103,200 km2 (1,198,200 sq mi) (Sakha Republic)
Government
Subdivisions
Politics of Russia
Law
Presidency
Executive
Legislature
Federal Assembly
Judiciary
Elections
Federalism
Foreign relations
Related topics

The federal subjects of Russia, also referred to as the subjects of the Russian Federation (Russian: субъекты Российской Федерации, romanized: subyekty Rossiyskoy Federatsii) or simply as the subjects of the federation (Russian: субъекты федерации, romanized: subyekty federatsii), are the constituent entities of Russia, its top-level political divisions.[1] According to the Constitution of Russia, the federation consists of republics, krais, oblasts, cities of federal importance, an autonomous oblast, and autonomous okrugs, all of which are equal subjects of the federation.[1]

Every federal subject has its own head, a parliament, and a constitutional court. Each subject has its own constitution or charter and legislation, although the authority of these organs differ. Subjects have equal rights in relations with federal government bodies.[1] The subjects have equal representation – two delegates each – in the Federation Council, the upper house of the Federal Assembly. They differ in the degree of autonomy they enjoy; republics are offered more autonomy.

Post-Soviet Russia formed during the history of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic within the USSR and did not change at the time of the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. In 1992, during the so-called "parade of sovereignties", separatist sentiments and the War of Laws within Russia, the Russian regions signed the Federation Treaty (Russian: Федеративный договор, romanized: Federativnyy dogovor),[2] establishing and regulating the current inner composition of Russia, based on the division of authorities and powers among Russian government bodies and government bodies of constituent entities. The Federation Treaty was included in the text of the 1978 Constitution of the Russian SFSR. The current Constitution of Russia, adopted by federal referendum on 12 December 1993, came into force on 25 December 1993 and abolished the model of the Soviet system of government introduced in 1918 by Vladimir Lenin and based on the right to secede from the country and on unlimited sovereignty of federal subjects (in practice secession was never allowed), which conflicts with the country's integrity and federal laws. The new constitution eliminated a number of legal conflicts, reserved the rights of the regions, introduced local self-government and did not grant the Soviet-era right to secede from the country. In the late 1990s and early 2000s the political system became de jure closer to other modern federal states with a republican form of government. In the 2000s, following the policies of Vladimir Putin and of the ruling United Russia party, the Russian parliament changed the distribution of tax revenues, reduced the number of elections in the regions and gave more power to the federal authorities.

The Russian Federation was composed of 89 federal subjects in 1993. Mergers reduced the number to 83 by 2008. Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine in 2014, with the Russian government claiming Sevastopol and the Republic of Crimea to be the 84th and 85th federal subjects of Russia, a move that is not recognized internationally.[3][4] During the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Russia claimed that it had annexed four Ukrainian oblasts, though they remain internationally recognized as part of Ukraine and are only partially occupied by Russia.[5]

Terminology

[edit]

An official government translation of the Constitution of Russia from Russian to English uses the term "constituent entities of the Russian Federation". For example, Article 5 reads: "The Russian Federation shall consist of republics, krais, oblasts, cities of federal significance, an autonomous oblast, and autonomous okrugs, which shall have equal rights as constituent entities of the Russian Federation."[1] A translation provided by Garant-Internet instead uses the term "subjects of the Russian Federation".[6]

Tom Fennell, a translator, told the 2008 American Translators Association conference that "constituent entity of the Russian Federation" is a better translation than "subject".[7] This was supported by Tamara Nekrasova, Head of Translation Department at Goltsblat BLP, who said in a 2011 presentation at a translators conference that "constituent entity of the Russian Federation is more appropriate than subject of the Russian Federation (subject would be OK for a monarchy)".[8]

Rank (as given in constitution and ISO) Russian English translations of the constitution ISO 3166-2:RU (ISO 3166-2 Newsletter II-2 (2010-06-30))
(Cyrillic) (Latin) Official[1] Unofficial[6]
— субъект Российской Федерации sub'yekt Rossiyskoy Federatsii constituent entity of the Russian Federation subject of the Russian Federation (not mentioned)
1 республика respublika
republic
2 край
kray
 territory administrative territory
3 область oblastʹ oblast region administrative region
город федерального значения gorod federalʹnogo znacheniya city of federal significance city of federal importance autonomous city
(the Russian term used in ISO 3166-2 is автономный город avtonomnyy gorod)
5 автономная область avtonomnaya oblastʹ autonomous oblast autonomous region autonomous region
6 автономный округ avtonomnyy okrug autonomous okrug autonomous area autonomous district

Types

[edit]

Each federal subject belongs to one of the following types:

Legend[9] Description
  21 republics
  3 unrecognized
 Nominally autonomous prior to 2017,[10][11] each with its own constitution, language, and legislature, but represented by the federal government in international affairs. Most are designated as the home to a specific ethnic minority as their titular nation or nations.
Donetsk Oblast and Luhansk Oblast are internationally recognized as parts of Ukraine, but were partially occupied by Russian and Russian-controlled forces in 2014, and declared annexed by Russia as the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic in 2022. The Autonomous Republic of Crimea is internationally recognized as a part of Ukraine, but was occupied and annexed by Russia as the Republic of Crimea in 2014.
  9 krais
 For all intents and purposes, krais are legally identical to oblasts. The title "krai" ("frontier" or "territory") is historic, related to geographic (frontier) position in a certain period of history. The current krais are not related to frontiers.
  46 oblasts
  2 unrecognized
 The most common type, with a governor and locally elected legislature. Commonly named after their administrative centres. Kaliningrad Oblast is geographically separated from all the rest of Russia by other countries.
Kherson Oblast and Zaporizhzhia Oblast are internationally recognized as parts of Ukraine, but were partially occupied by Russian forces and declared annexed in 2022.
  2 federal cities
  1 unrecognized
 Major cities that function as separate regions and include other cities and towns (Zelenograd, Troitsk, Kronstadt, Kolpino, etc.) – keeping older structures of postal addresses.
Sevastopol is internationally recognized as a part of Ukraine, but was occupied and annexed by Russia in 2014.
  1 autonomous oblast
 		An Autonomous Oblast has increased powers compared to traditional oblasts, but not enough to be considered a Republic. The only one remaining is the Jewish Autonomous Oblast; Russia previously had 4 other Autonomous Oblasts that were changed into Republics on 3 July 1991.
  4 autonomous okrugs
 		Occasionally referred to as "autonomous district", "autonomous area" or "autonomous region", each with a substantial or predominant ethnic minority designated as its titular nation. With the exception of Chukotka, each of the autonomous okrugs is part of another oblast (Arkhangelsk or Tyumen), as well as functioning as a federal subject by itself.

List

[edit]

Federal subjects of the Russian Federation
Code Name Capital/
Administrative centre[a] 		Flag Coat
of arms 		Type Titular nation Head of subject Federal district Economic region Area
(km2)[12] 		Population[13] Est.
Total density (km2)
01 Adygea Maykop republic Circassians Murat Kumpilov (UR) Southern North Caucasus 7,792 501,038 64.30 1922
02 Bashkortostan Ufa Bashkirs Radiy Khabirov (UR) Volga Ural 142,947 4,046,094 28.30 1919
03 Buryatia Ulan-Ude Buryats Alexey Tsydenov (UR) Far Eastern East Siberian 351,334 970,679 2.76 1923
04 Altai Republic Gorno-Altaysk Altai Andrey Turchak (UR) Siberian West Siberian 92,903 210,099 2.26 1922
05 Dagestan Makhachkala Aghuls, Avars, Azerbaijanis, Chechens, Dargins, Kumyks, Laks, Lezgins, Nogais, Rutuls, Tabasarans, Tats, Tsakhurs Sergey Melikov (Ind.) North Caucasian North Caucasus 50,270 3,258,993 64.83 1921
06 Ingushetia Magas
(Largest city: Nazran) 		Ingush Mahmud-Ali Kalimatov (UR) North Caucasian North Caucasus 3,628 534,219 147.25 1992
07 Kabardino-Balkaria Nalchik Balkars, Kabardians Kazbek Kokov (UR) North Caucasian North Caucasus 12,470 908,090 72.82 1936
08 Kalmykia Elista Kalmyks Batu Khasikov (UR) Southern Volga 74,731 267,376 3.58 1957
09 Karachay-Cherkessia Cherkessk Abazins, Kabardians, Karachays, Nogais Rashid Temrezov (UR) North Caucasian North Caucasus 14,277 468,531 32.82 1957
10 Karelia Petrozavodsk Karelians Artur Parfenchikov (UR) Northwestern Northern 180,520 518,644 2.87 1956
11 Komi Republic Syktyvkar Komi Rostislav Goldstein (UR) Northwestern Northern 416,774 714,391 1.71 1921
12 Mari El Yoshkar-Ola Mari Yury Zaitsev (UR, acting) Volga Volga-Vyatka 23,375 665,983 28.49 1920
13 Mordovia Saransk Mordvins Artyom Zdunov (UR) Volga Volga-Vyatka 26,128 758,390 29.03 1930
14 Sakha Yakutsk Yakuts Aysen Nikolayev (UR) Far Eastern Far Eastern 3,083,523 1,007,058 0.33 1922
15 North Ossetia–Alania Vladikavkaz Ossetians Sergey Menyaylo (UR) North Caucasian North Caucasus 7,987 678,454 84.94 1924
16 Tatarstan Kazan Tatars Rustam Minnikhanov (UR) Volga Volga 67,847 4,016,571 59.20 1920
17 Tuva Kyzyl Tuvans Vladislav Khovalyg (UR) Siberian East Siberian 168,604 338,341 2.01 1944
18 Udmurtia Izhevsk Udmurts Aleksandr Brechalov (UR) Volga Ural 42,061 1,427,018 33.93 1920
19 Khakassia Abakan Khakas Valentin Konovalov (CPRF) Siberian East Siberian 61,569 534,795 8.53 1930
20[e] Chechnya Grozny Chechens Ramzan Kadyrov (UR) North Caucasian North Caucasus 16,165 1,575,819 97.48 1991
21 Chuvashia Cheboksary Chuvash Oleg Nikolayev (SRZP) Volga Volga-Vyatka 18,343 1,159,757 63.23 1920
22 Altai Krai Barnaul krai — Viktor Tomenko (UR) Siberian West Siberian 167,996 2,098,979 12.49 1937
23 Krasnodar Krai Krasnodar — Veniamin Kondratyev (UR) Southern North Caucasus 75,485 5,841,846 77.39 1937
24 Krasnoyarsk Krai Krasnoyarsk — Mikhail Kotyukov (UR) Siberian East Siberian 2,366,797 2,837,374 1.20 1934
25 Primorsky Krai Vladivostok — Oleg Kozhemyako (UR) Far Eastern Far Eastern 164,673 1,798,047 10.92 1938
26 Stavropol Krai Stavropol — Vladimir Vladimirov (UR) North Caucasian North Caucasus 66,160 2,883,494 43.58 1934
27 Khabarovsk Krai Khabarovsk — Mikhail Degtyarev (LDPR) Far Eastern Far Eastern 787,633 1,273,093 1.62 1938
28 Amur Oblast Blagoveshchensk oblast — Vasily Orlov (UR) Far Eastern Far Eastern 361,908 750,870 2.07 1932
29 Arkhangelsk Oblast Arkhangelsk — Alexander Tsybulsky (UR) Northwestern Northern 413,103 947,192 2.29 1937
30 Astrakhan Oblast Astrakhan — Igor Babushkin (Ind.) Southern Volga 49,024 945,991 19.30 1943
31 Belgorod Oblast Belgorod — Vyacheslav Gladkov (UR) Central Central Black Earth 27,134 1,481,098 54.58 1954
32 Bryansk Oblast Bryansk — Alexander Bogomaz (UR) Central Central 34,857 1,132,475 32.49 1944
33 Vladimir Oblast Vladimir — Aleksandr Avdeyev (UR, acting) Central Central 29,084 1,295,930 44.56 1944
34 Volgograd Oblast Volgograd — Andrey Bocharov (Ind.) Southern Volga 112,877 2,435,355 21.58 1937
35 Vologda Oblast Vologda
(Largest city: Cherepovets) 		— Oleg Kuvshinnikov (UR) Northwestern Northern 144,527 1,114,639 7.71 1937
36 Voronezh Oblast Voronezh — Aleksandr Gusev (UR) Central Central Black Earth 52,216 2,259,610 43.27 1934
37 Ivanovo Oblast Ivanovo — Stanislav Voskresensky (Ind.) Central Central 21,437 897,869 41.88 1936
38 Irkutsk Oblast Irkutsk — Igor Kobzev (Ind.) Siberian East Siberian 774,846 2,316,571 2.99 1937
39 Kaliningrad Oblast Kaliningrad — Anton Alikhanov (UR) Northwestern Kaliningrad 15,125 1,064,747 68.31 1946
40 Kaluga Oblast Kaluga — Vladislav Shapsha (UR) Central Central 29,777 1,064,747 35.76 1944
41 Kamchatka Krai Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky krai — Vladimir Solodov (Ind.) Far Eastern Far Eastern 464,275 287,949 0.62 2007
42 Kemerovo Oblast Kemerovo oblast — Sergey Tsivilyov (UR) Siberian West Siberian 95,725 2,526,384 26.39 1943
43 Kirov Oblast Kirov — Aleksandr Sokolov (UR, acting) Volga Volga-Vyatka 120,374 1,120,178 9.31 1934
44 Kostroma Oblast Kostroma — Sergey Sitnikov (Ind.) Central Central 60,211 560,758 9.31 1944
45 Kurgan Oblast Kurgan — Vadim Shumkov (Ind.) Ural Ural 71,488 744,197 10.41 1943
46 Kursk Oblast Kursk — Roman Starovoyt (UR) Central Central Black Earth 29,997 1,050,134 35.01 1934
47 Leningrad Oblast Largest city: Gatchina[b] — Aleksandr Drozdenko (UR) Northwestern Northwestern 83,908 2,057,708 24.52 1927
48 Lipetsk Oblast Lipetsk — Igor Artamonov (UR) Central Central Black Earth 24,047 1,107,812 46.07 1954
49 Magadan Oblast Magadan — Sergey Nosov (UR) Far Eastern Far Eastern 462,464 134,202 0.29 1953
50 Moscow Oblast Largest city: Balashikha[c] — Andrey Vorobyov (UR) Central Central 44,329 8,766,594 197.76 1929
51 Murmansk Oblast Murmansk — Andrey Chibis (UR) Northwestern Northern 144,902 650,920 4.49 1938
52 Nizhny Novgorod Oblast Nizhny Novgorod — Gleb Nikitin (UR) Volga Volga-Vyatka 76,624 3,037,816 39.65 1936
53 Novgorod Oblast Veliky Novgorod — Aleksandr Dronov (UR) Northwestern Northwestern 54,501 566,745 10.40 1944
54 Novosibirsk Oblast Novosibirsk — Andrey Travnikov (UR) Siberian West Siberian 177,756 2,784,587 15.67 1937
55 Omsk Oblast Omsk — Alexander Burkov (SRZP) Siberian West Siberian 141,140 1,805,443 12.79 1934
56 Orenburg Oblast Orenburg — Denis Pasler (UR) Volga Ural 123,702 1,815,655 14.68 1934
57 Oryol Oblast Oryol — Andrey Klychkov (CPRF) Central Central 24,652 685,693 27.81 1937
58 Penza Oblast Penza — Oleg Melnichenko (UR) Volga Volga 43,352 1,225,984 28.28 1939
59 Perm Krai Perm krai — Dmitry Makhonin (Ind.) Volga Ural 160,236 2,482,080 15.49 2005
60 Pskov Oblast Pskov oblast — Mikhail Vedernikov (UR) Northwestern Northwestern 55,399 574,199 10.36 1944
61 Rostov Oblast Rostov-on-Don — Vasily Golubev (UR) Southern North Caucasus 100,967 4,135,018 40.95 1937
62 Ryazan Oblast Ryazan — Pavel Malkov (Ind.) Central Central 39,605 1,073,981 27.12 1937
63 Samara Oblast Samara — Dmitry Azarov (UR) Volga Volga 53,565 3,108,944 58.04 1928
64 Saratov Oblast Saratov — Roman Busargin (UR) Volga Volga 101,240 2,368,387 23.39 1936
65 Sakhalin Oblast Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk — Valery Limarenko (UR) Far Eastern Far Eastern 87,101 456,792 5.24 1947
66 Sverdlovsk Oblast Yekaterinburg — Yevgeny Kuyvashev (UR) Ural Ural 194,307 4,218,204 21.71 1935
67 Smolensk Oblast Smolensk — Alexey Ostrovsky (LDPR) Central Central 49,779 857,847 17.23 1937
68 Tambov Oblast Tambov — Maksim Yegorov (UR, acting) Central Central Black Earth 34,462 946,010 27.45 1937
69 Tver Oblast Tver — Igor Rudenya (UR) Central Central 84,201 1,189,685 14.13 1935
70 Tomsk Oblast Tomsk — Vladimir Mazur (UR, acting) Siberian West Siberian 314,391 1,039,458 3.31 1944
71 Tula Oblast Tula — Aleksey Dyumin (UR) Central Central 25,679 1,455,911 56.70 1937
72 Tyumen Oblast Tyumen — Aleksandr Moor (UR) Ural West Siberian 160,122 1,625,129 10.15 1944
73 Ulyanovsk Oblast Ulyanovsk — Aleksey Russkikh (CPRF) Volga Volga 37,181 1,164,837 31.33 1943
74 Chelyabinsk Oblast Chelyabinsk — Aleksey Teksler (UR) Ural Ural 88,529 3,383,188 38.22 1934
75 Zabaykalsky Krai Chita krai — Aleksandr Osipov (Ind.) Far Eastern East Siberian 431,892 982,525 2.27 2008
76 Yaroslavl Oblast Yaroslavl oblast — Mikhail Yevrayev (Ind.) Central Central 36,177 1,179,301 32.60 1936
77 Moscow federal city — Sergey Sobyanin (UR) Central Central 2,561 13,258,262 5176.99 1147
78 Saint Petersburg — Alexander Beglov (UR) Northwestern Northwestern 1,403 5,645,943 4024.19 1703
79 Jewish Autonomous Oblast Birobidzhan autonomous oblast Jews Maria Kostyuk (UR) Far Eastern Far Eastern 36,271 144,389 3.98 1934
80 Nenets Autonomous Okrug Naryan-Mar autonomous okrug Nenets Yury Bezdudny (UR) Northwestern Northern 176,810 41,829 0.24 1929
81 Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug Khanty-Mansiysk
(Largest city: Surgut) 		Khanty, Mansi Natalya Komarova (UR) Ural West Siberian 534,801 1,779,510 3.33 1930
82 Chukotka Autonomous Okrug Anadyr Chukchi Roman Kopin (UR) Far Eastern Far Eastern 721,481 47,902 0.07 1930
83 Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug Salekhard
(Largest city: Novy Urengoy) 		Nenets Dmitry Artyukhov (UR) Ural West Siberian 769,250 521,655 0.68 1930
Contested territories situated within the internationally recognised borders of Ukraine
Code Name Capital /
Administrative centre[a] 		Flag Coat
of arms 		Type Titular nation Head of subject Federal district Economic region Area
(km2)[12] 		Population[14] Est.
84 Republic of Crimea[d] Simferopol republic — Sergey Aksyonov (UR) Southern[15][16] North Caucasus 26,081 1,934,630 74.18 2014
85 Sevastopol[d] federal city — Mikhail Razvozhayev (UR) Southern[15][16] North Caucasus 864 547,820 634.05 2014
86 Donetsk People's Republic[d][f] Donetsk republic — Denis Pushilin (UR/ODDR) 26,517[g] 4,100,280[17][g] 154.63[g] 2022
87 Luhansk People's Republic[d][f] Luhansk — Leonid Pasechnik (UR/ML) 26,684[g] 2,121,322[17][g] 79.50[g] 2022
88 Zaporozhye Oblast[d][f]
oblast — Yevgeny Balitsky (UR) 27,183[g] 1,666,515[17][g] 61.31[g] 2022
89 Kherson Oblast[d][f]
(Largest city: Kherson) 		— Vladimir Saldo (Ind.) 28,461[g] 1,016,707[17][g] 35.72[g] 2022

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ The largest city is also listed when it is different from the capital/administrative centre.
  2. ^ According to Article 13 of the Charter of Leningrad Oblast, the governing bodies of the oblast are located in the city of Saint Petersburg. However, Saint Petersburg is not officially the administrative centre of the oblast.
  3. ^ According to Article 24 of the Charter of Moscow Oblast, the governing bodies of the oblast are located in the city of Moscow and throughout the territory of Moscow Oblast. However, Moscow is not officially the administrative centre of the oblast.
  4. ^ Internationally recognized as part of Ukraine.
  5. ^ In February 2000, the former code of 20 for the Chechen Republic was cancelled and replaced with code 95. License plate production was suspended due to the Chechen Wars, causing numerous issues, which in turn forced the region to use a new code.
  6. ^ Claimed, but only partially controlled by Russia.
  7. ^ As Russia only partially controls the region, this is a claimed figure.

Statistics of federal subjects

[edit]

Mergers, splits and internal territorial changes

[edit]
Map of the federal subjects of Russia highlighting those that merged in the first decade of the 21st century (in yellow), and those whose merger has been discussed in the same decade (in orange)

Starting in 2005, some of the federal subjects were merged into larger territories. In this process, six very sparsely populated subjects (comprising in total 0.3% of the population of Russia) were integrated into more populated subjects, with the hope that the economic development of those territories would benefit from the much larger means of their neighbours. The merging process was finished on 1 March 2008. No new mergers have been planned since March 2008. The six territories became "administrative-territorial regions with special status". They have large proportions of minorities, with Russians being a majority only in three of them. Four of those territories have a second official language in addition to Russian: Buryat (in two of the merged territories), Komi-Permian, Koryak. This is an exception: all the other official languages of Russia (other than Russian) are set by the Constitutions of its constituent Republics (Mordovia, Chechnya, Dagestan etc.). The status of the "administrative-territorial regions with special status" has been a subject of criticism because it does not appear in the Constitution of the Russian Federation.

Date of referendum Date of merger Original entities Original codes New code Original entities New entity
2003-12-07 2005-12-01 1, 1a 59 (1), 81 (1a) 90 Perm Oblast (1) + Komi-Permyak Autonomous Okrug (1a) Perm Krai
2005-04-17 2007-01-01 2, 2a, 2b 24 (2), 88 (2a), 84 (2b) 24 Krasnoyarsk Krai (2) + Evenk Autonomous Okrug (2a) + Taymyr Autonomous Okrug (2b) Krasnoyarsk Krai
2005-10-23 2007-07-01 3, 3a 41 (3), 82 (3a) 91 Kamchatka Oblast (3) + Koryak Autonomous Okrug (3a) Kamchatka Krai
2006-04-16 2008-01-01 4, 4a 38 (4), 85 (4a) 38 Irkutsk Oblast (4) + Ust-Orda Buryat Autonomous Okrug (4a) Irkutsk Oblast
2007-03-11 2008-03-01 5, 5a 75 (5), 80 (5a) 92 Chita Oblast (5) + Agin-Buryat Autonomous Okrug (5a) Zabaykalsky Krai

In addition to those six territories that entirely ceased to be subjects of the Russian Federation and were downgraded to territories with special status, another three subjects have a status of subject but are simultaneously part of a more populated subject:

With an estimated population of 49,348 as of 2018, Chukotka is currently the least populated subject of Russia that is not part of a more populated subject. It was separated from Magadan Oblast in 1993. Chukotka is one of the richest subjects of Russia (with a gross regional product [GRP] per capita equivalent to that of Australia) and therefore does not fit in the pattern of merging a subject to benefit from the economic dynamism of the neighbour.

In 1992, Ingushetia separated from Chechnya to stay away from the growing violence in Chechnya. Those two Muslim republics, populated in vast majority (95%+) by closely related Vainakh people, speaking Vainakhish languages, remain the two poorest subjects of Russia, with the GRP per capita of Ingushetia being equivalent to that of Iraq. According to 2016 statistics, however, they are also the safest regions of Russia, and also have the lowest alcohol consumption, with alcohol poisoning at least 40 times lower than the federal average.[18][19][20]

Until 1994, Sokolsky District, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast was part of Ivanovo Oblast.

In 2011–2012, the territory of Moscow increased by 140% (to 2,511 km2 (970 sq mi)) by acquiring part of Moscow Oblast.

On 13 May 2020, the governors of Arkhangelsk Oblast and Nenets Autonomous Okrug announced their plan to merge following the collapse of oil prices stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic.[21][22] The process was scrapped on 2 July due to its unpopularity among the population.[23]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Federal subjects of Russia

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
The federal subjects of the Russian Federation are its constituent territorial units, forming the foundational structure of this expansive federation that bridges and . These subjects have reserved areas of competence but lack sovereignty, do not have the status of sovereign states, do not have the right to indicate any sovereignty in their constitutions, and do not have the right to secede from the country; the laws of the subjects cannot contradict federal laws. Enshrined in the Russian Constitution, these subjects encompass a diverse array of administrative types designed to accommodate ethnic, geographic, and historical variances, though their has been progressively curtailed by federal reforms emphasizing centralized . The federal subjects have equal representation—two delegates each—in the Federation Council, the upper house of the Federal Assembly. As of September 2022, designates 89 federal subjects, including 22 republics—intended for titular ethnic groups with nominal rights to sovereignty, constitutions, and official languages—9 krais (territories), 50 oblasts (provinces), 3 federal cities (, , and ), 1 (), and 4 autonomous okrugs (districts) for smaller indigenous populations. The four newest oblasts (, , , and ) stem from contested referendums and annexation amid the ongoing conflict with , lacking recognition from most international bodies and highlighting tensions between federal and global norms of . This , originating from the 1993 Constitution amid post-Soviet fragmentation, established all federal subjects as equal in their relations with federal bodies and unified them under the title "subjects of the federation," while noting the asymmetric elements retained for republics. Article 11(3) of the Constitution allows the delimitation of jurisdictions and powers between federal authorities and regions through agreements. Initially, republics were granted greater leeway to negotiate bilateral treaties with , fostering a patchwork of power-sharing; by 1998, such agreements had been concluded with 46 subjects of the federation, including the federal city of Moscow, with the most notable asymmetric relations and debates involving Tatarstan. However, President Vladimir Putin's early-2000s reforms—abolishing direct gubernatorial elections in favor of presidential appointments (later partially restored via party-filtered votes), creating overarching federal districts, and standardizing legal frameworks—reinforced a "vertical of power" that prioritizes national unity over regional divergence, often suppressing separatist tendencies as seen in Chechnya's pacification following brutal counterinsurgencies. While enabling efficient resource extraction from resource-rich subjects like Siberia's krais and republics, this centralization has drawn criticism for eroding local and exacerbating ethnic grievances, underscoring the causal trade-offs between stability and pluralism in governing Russia's heterogeneous expanse.

Terminology and Definitions

The federal subjects of the Russian Federation, known in Russian as subyektý federátsii, constitute the primary territorial divisions that collectively form the as defined in Article 5 of the of the Russian Federation. These subjects are state-legal entities possessing equal rights and self-governing authority within the unified federal system, ensuring the indivisibility of the country's territory while allowing for differentiated administrative structures based on historical, ethnic, and geographic factors. As of official Russian counts following the 2022 incorporation of four additional oblasts, there are 89 such subjects, though this figure includes territories internationally disputed as unlawfully annexed, such as those from . Republics, numbering 22, are designated for regions with significant non-Russian ethnic majorities and possess the highest degree of among federal subjects; they adopt their own and , embodying limited exercised within the constitutional framework of the Russian Federation. This status reflects an intent to accommodate titular ethnic groups' cultural and linguistic distinctiveness, with provisions for state languages alongside Russian, though supersedes in cases of conflict. In contrast, krais (territories, 9 in total) and oblasts (regions, 48 including the annexed ones) function as general-purpose administrative units without ethnic designations, governed by charters rather than and led by governors appointed or elected under federal oversight. Cities of federal significance—Moscow, Saint Petersburg, and Sevastopol—hold subject status due to their national administrative, economic, and cultural roles, operating under charters akin to those of oblasts but with direct federal over urban planning and security. The single autonomous oblast, the , and the four autonomous okrugs represent enclaves for indigenous or minority peoples, featuring charters that emphasize preservation of traditional languages and customs, often embedded within larger krai or oblast boundaries while retaining separate representation in federal bodies. Despite these typological variances, all subjects maintain parity in delineating powers between federal and local authorities, as outlined in federal treaties and laws, with each holding two seats in the Federation Council regardless of population or size.

Constitutional and Statutory Framework

The Constitution of the Russian Federation, adopted via nationwide on December 12, 1993, establishes the foundational legal structure for the country's federal subjects in Chapter 3, titled "The Federal Structure." Subjects of the Russian Federation are equal in rights, have their own territory, legislation, authorities; possess competence on subjects of joint and exclusive jurisdiction (Art. 5, 71–73, 76 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation). Article 5(1) specifies that the Russian Federation comprises republics, krais (territories), oblasts, cities of federal significance, the , and autonomous okrugs, all designated as equal subjects possessing their own state authorities and exercising state power. Republics are uniquely affirmed as states within the federation under Article 5(2), granting them the authority to adopt their own s, while other subjects operate under charters that must align with federal constitutional norms. Article 5(3) recognizes Russian as the state nationwide but permits republics to designate official state languages alongside it, reflecting limited asymmetric elements in linguistic policy. The constitution mandates and prohibits unilateral alterations to subject status without mutual consent between federal and subject authorities (Article 5(5)), ensuring centralized control over federation boundaries. Delimitation of authority is delineated in Articles 71–73: Article 71 reserves exclusive federal jurisdiction over , defense, , and federal taxation; Article 72 outlines joint competencies including , , and civil legislation, requiring coordination via federal laws and subject enactments; and Article 73 vests residual powers in subjects for matters not federally assigned. All subjects maintain equality in interactions with federal bodies (Article 5(4)), though practical implementation has emphasized federal supremacy, with subject laws voided if conflicting with federal or constitutional provisions (Article 76). Bilateral treaties or agreements may temporarily adjust power delineation but cannot override constitutional limits, as affirmed in federal practice since the . Statutory elaboration occurs through federal laws implementing constitutional principles, notably Federal Law No. 184-FZ of October 6, 1999, "On General Principles of Organization of Legislative (Representative) and Executive Bodies of State Power of Subjects of the Russian ," which standardized regional governance structures while preserving type-specific variations. This was superseded and refined by Federal Law No. 414-FZ of December 21, 2021, "On General Principles of Organization of Public Power in Subjects of the Russian ," mandating uniform models for legislative assemblies, governors, and executive bodies across subjects, with direct gubernatorial elections subject to federal oversight and potential central intervention for non-compliance. Additional federal constitutional laws, such as those on subject charters and power transfer protocols, reinforce that regional norms derive validity from conformity to the federal , which holds supreme juridical force (Article 15(1)). These frameworks have evolved through amendments, including 2020 changes enhancing presidential authority over subject alignments, but core delineations remain anchored in the 1993 text.

Historical Formation

Pre-1917 Imperial Divisions

The administrative divisions of the prior to 1917 originated with Peter I's reforms, which sought to centralize control and improve governance over vast territories. On December 18 (29), 1708, Peter issued a decree establishing eight large governorates (gubernii): , Ingermanland (later renamed St. Petersburg), Kiev, , , , , and . These units were designed for military and fiscal efficiency, with each headed by a appointed by the tsar, and further subdivided into provinces (provintsii) and districts (distrykty) to facilitate tax collection and troop recruitment. This structure replaced earlier, less formalized razryady (military-administrative districts) from the Tsardom era, marking a shift toward bureaucratic rationalization amid ongoing wars and territorial expansion. Subsequent adjustments under later rulers refined this framework, culminating in Empress Catherine II's Provincial Reform of 1775, which addressed inefficiencies exposed by events like the Pugachev Rebellion. The reform increased the number of governorates to approximately 50 by the end of her reign, standardizing their size to around 300,000–400,000 taxable souls each and eliminating intermediate provinces in favor of direct subdivision into uezds (counties). Each governorate was governed by a military governor or civil governor, supported by institutions like the Treasury Chamber for finances and the Court Chamber for justice, emphasizing noble (dvoryanstvo) oversight to suppress unrest and promote local self-administration among the . This system extended primarily to the European core, with uezds further divided into volosts (rural townships) and mirs (village communes), fostering a hierarchical chain of command that prioritized revenue extraction and order over ethnic or regional autonomy. By the early 20th century, the empire's administrative map had expanded to encompass 81 governorates, 20 oblasts (primarily in peripheral Asian regions like and the ), and one (), reflecting conquests in , the , and the Pacific. Oblasts, such as the Steppe Oblast or , served as looser territorial units under military governors for sparsely populated frontiers, often grouped into larger krais or governorate-generals (e.g., Governorate-General established in 1882). Special statuses applied to annexed areas: the Grand Duchy of (from 1809) retained its own diet and provinces with Swedish-influenced laws; the Kingdom of Poland (, post-1815) operated 10 governorates under a with limited until repressed after the 1863 uprising; and the managed diverse ethnic groups through oblasts and . This mosaic lacked federal equality, imposing Russian as the administrative language and Orthodox Christianity as a unifying force, while accommodating Cossack hosts in voiskos (military districts) for border defense. Overall, the pre-1917 system emphasized imperial centralism, with divisions tailored to extraction, security, and rather than .

Soviet-Era Autonomous Structures

The autonomous structures within the (RSFSR) emerged in the aftermath of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution and the (1917–1922), as a mechanism to manage ethnic diversity through limited territorial autonomy while ensuring loyalty to the central apparatus. This policy of "korenizatsiya" () from the early promoted native languages and cadres in non-Russian areas to undermine opposition and foster Soviet integration, resulting in the creation of ethnically designated units subordinate to the RSFSR. The first such entity, the (ASSR), was established on February 20, 1919, followed by the Tatar ASSR on May 27, 1920, reflecting deliberate partitioning of former imperial territories to align with Bolshevik nationalities theory. Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republics (ASSRs) represented the highest tier, granting titular ethnic groups formal institutions including supreme soviets, councils of ministers, and constitutions modeled on the RSFSR's but devoid of or military powers. By 1989, the RSFSR encompassed 20 ASSRs, covering groups such as , , Chuvash, and , with populations ranging from under 1 million (e.g., Karelian ASSR) to over 3 million (e.g., Tatar ASSR). These entities spanned 32% of RSFSR territory but housed only 13% of its population, often in peripheral or resource-rich regions like and the . Lower tiers included Autonomous Oblasts (AOs), such as the Jewish AO formed in 1934, which lacked full republican status and were typically subordinated to krais or oblasts; only five persisted into the late Soviet era. Autonomous Okrugs (AOkr), numbering 10 by the , targeted smaller indigenous northern and far-eastern peoples (e.g., , Chukchi), functioning as the minimal level with advisory councils under oblast or kray oversight. Despite nominal self-rule, these structures operated under strict central oversight: local party committees answered to , economic planning was dictated by , and deviations risked purges, as seen in the 1930s Great Terror that decimated non-Russian elites. disruptions led to the abolition of several ASSRs, including the Volga German (1941, population 1.5 million deported), Kalmyk (1943, 170,000 deported), and Chechen-Ingush (1944, over 500,000 deported), justified by unsubstantiated collaboration charges; most were not restored until the 1950s–1960s under Khrushchev's . By the Brezhnev era (1964–1982), autonomization stagnated, with accelerating through Russian-language education mandates and demographic shifts favoring Slavic majorities in many units. Overall, the system prioritized ideological conformity over genuine , as evidenced by the RSFSR's lack of a union-republic status comparable to or , positioning it as the USSR's administrative core.
TypeNumber (late Soviet era)Key ExamplesFormation Period
ASSRs20Tatar (1920), Yakut (1922), Checheno-Ingush (1934, restored 1957)1919–1930s
AOs5Jewish (1934), Adyghe (1922, upgraded 1991)1920s–1930s
AOkr10Yamalo-Nenets (1930), Komi-Permyak (1925, split form)1920s–1930s

Post-1991 Reorganization and Consolidation

Following the on December 25, 1991, the transitioned into the independent , inheriting the Soviet-era administrative divisions comprising 89 federal subjects, including 20 ethnic republics, 6 krais, 49 oblasts, 2 cities of federal significance ( and Leningrad, later ), 1 , and 10 autonomous okrugs. Many autonomous republics within declared in 1990-1991, prompting negotiations to prevent secession; on March 31, 1992, representatives from 18 of the 20 republics (excluding and ) signed the Federation Treaty, establishing a framework for shared while affirming the unity of the federation under a federal structure. The 1993 Constitution, adopted via on December 12, 1993, formalized this structure in Chapter 3, designating republics, krais, oblasts, cities of federal significance, the , and autonomous okrugs as equal subjects of the federation, with all holding representation in the Federation Council and participating in joint competencies like and defense. However, the constitution's symmetry belied practical asymmetries inherited from Soviet nationalities policy, leading to bilateral treaties between 1994 and 1998 that granted enhanced to over 40 regions, particularly republics like (treaty signed February 15, 1994) and , allowing control over resources, taxation, and citizenship in exchange for loyalty to . These treaties, negotiated under President , reflected a confederative arrangement driven by regional bargaining power amid economic chaos and weak central authority, with securing sovereignty declarations that bordered on without formal . Under President from 2000, reorganization emphasized consolidation to reverse 1990s fragmentation; on May 13, 2000, seven federal were established to oversee subjects and streamline vertical power, reducing regional governors' by appointing presidential envoys. A key reform targeted the "matryoshka doll" issue of autonomous okrugs nested within but equal to krais and oblasts, leading to voluntary mergers between 2003 and 2008 that reduced the total subjects to 83: Perm Oblast merged with Komi-Permyak Autonomous Okrug on December 1, 2005, forming ; Irkutsk Oblast absorbed Ust-Orda Buryat Autonomous Okrug on January 1, 2008; and Koryak Autonomous Okrug formed on July 1, 2007; Evenk and Taymyr Autonomous Okrugs integrated into on January 1, 2007; and combined with to create on March 1, 2008. These consolidations, often justified by economic inefficiency and administrative overlap, preserved ethnic ' special status within the new entities while enhancing federal oversight, marking a shift toward uniform governance and central fiscal control.

Typology of Subjects

Republics: Ethnic and Sovereign Elements

The republics within the Russian Federation constitute federal subjects that integrate ethnic with delineated attributes, distinguishing them from other territorial units such as oblasts or krais. Numbering 22 as per federal administrative classifications, these entities were predominantly formed to institutionalize the national identities of non-Russian ethnic groups, granting them nominal statehood while embedding them within the overarching federal structure. The titular —typically indigenous or historically dominant in the —anchors the republic's foundational rationale, influencing policies on , , and , though federal supremacy ensures alignment with national interests. Under Article 5 of the 1993 Constitution, republics are explicitly framed as "states" comprising the federation, thereby conferring a theoretical sovereignty that manifests in their authority to enact constitutions, establish state symbols (flags, coats of arms, anthems), and designate co-official languages alongside Russian. Article 66 stipulates that a republic's status derives from both the federal constitution and its own charter, permitting legislative autonomy in residual matters not reserved to the center, such as local taxation and cultural preservation. This arrangement originated from Soviet-era autonomous republics, which evolved post-1991 into entities asserting sovereignty declarations—e.g., Tatarstan's 1990 declaration and subsequent 1994 treaty with Moscow delineating power division—yet these were progressively curtailed by federal reforms in 2000–2008, converting elected presidents to federally appointed heads and harmonizing electoral processes. Ethnically, republics embody a form of affirmative delineation, with titular groups like the in (comprising approximately 30% of the population per 2021 census data) or the in (over 90%) provided institutional mechanisms for self-expression, including dedicated ministries for ethnic affairs and educational curricula in native tongues. However, demographic data reveal variability: in some, such as , the titular form minorities (under 10%), attributable to historical and out-migration, underscoring the ethnic basis as more symbolic than demographically absolute in certain cases. Sovereign elements, while empowering local elites—often from titular backgrounds—have faced central encroachments, as evidenced by the 2017–2022 wave of direct federal rule in regions like , where instability linked to ethnic insurgencies prompted governance overrides. This asymmetry reflects causal tensions between ethnic particularism and federal cohesion, with bilateral treaties (e.g., Bashkortostan's 1994 accord) historically mitigating secessionist pressures but yielding to uniform federal standards post-Chechen wars. The Republic of Crimea, incorporated in 2014 following a disputed , exemplifies contested sovereign and ethnic dimensions; designates it a republic with Tatar and Ukrainian minorities alongside a Russian majority (over 60% per official counts), yet international non-recognition highlights sovereignty's relational limits. Overall, republics' ethnic-sovereign hybrid sustains federal stability by co-opting local loyalties, though empirical indicators—such as declining titular (e.g., 20–40% in many republics per Rosstat surveys)—signal erosion from assimilation dynamics.

Krais, Oblasts, and Cities: Territorial Administrations

Krais and oblasts form the backbone of Russia's territorial federal subjects, functioning as standardized administrative divisions without the ethnic or constitutional claims associated with republics. Legally equivalent under the Russian Constitution, krais (territories) and oblasts (provinces) differ mainly in and historical origins: krais often derive from Soviet-era zones incorporating potential autonomous units, while oblasts represent compact, non-frontier regions. As of October 2024, administers 9 krais and 48 oblasts, though four oblasts (, , , ) stem from 2022 annexations not recognized internationally. These entities emphasize centralized coordination for resource extraction, , and population management in areas where ethnic predominate, averaging populations of 1-3 million and land areas from 20,000 to over 500,000 square kilometers. Governance in krais and oblasts centers on a governor (or head), directly elected since 2012 reforms but subject to federal oversight via candidacy filters and potential dismissal by the president for "loss of trust." Each maintains a unicameral legislative assembly (typically 20-60 deputies, elected every five years) responsible for regional budgets, taxes, and laws on education, healthcare, and transport, all harmonized with federal standards. Unlike republics, they operate under charters (ustav) rather than full constitutions, prohibiting additional official languages beyond Russian and limiting cultural policies to avoid separatism risks; this structure reinforces fiscal dependencies, with transfers from Moscow funding up to 70% of budgets in poorer regions. Judicially, constitutional courts handle local disputes but defer to the federal Constitutional Court on supremacy issues. Federal cities—Moscow, Saint Petersburg, and Sevastopol—operate as hybrid urban-territorial subjects, detached from surrounding oblast administrations to prioritize metropolitan functions. (population 13.1 million as of 2023) and (5.4 million) combine mayoral governance with regional powers, their assemblies enacting city-specific ordinances on zoning, public services, and while integrating federal agencies. , designated a in 2014 post-annexation, mirrors this model for its role but faces international non-recognition as Ukrainian . These cities wield disproportionate influence, generating over 20% of Russia's GDP collectively, yet remain tightly aligned with central directives on security and foreign relations.
TypeNumber (claimed, 2024)Key Administrative Features
Krais9Often include sub-autonomous okrugs; focus on border resource economies (e.g., in Khanty-Mansi).
Oblasts48Standardized provinces; emphasize industrial and agricultural uniformity.
Federal Cities3Urban-centric; direct federal oversight for strategic hubs.
This typology ensures administrative uniformity, mitigating fragmentation risks evident in ethnic republics, though empirical data shows persistent regional disparities in GDP per capita (e.g., at $25,000 vs. at $4,000 in 2022).

Autonomous Okrugs and Other Special Units

Autonomous okrugs constitute a distinct type of federal subject within the Russian Federation, established primarily to afford administrative and cultural protections to small indigenous ethnic groups inhabiting remote northern and eastern territories. Unlike republics, which may assert elements of state sovereignty including titular nationhood, autonomous okrugs operate under charters that emphasize , traditional rights, and preservation of indigenous languages and customs, while aligning closely with federal policies on security and economy. Their structures mirror those of oblasts, featuring elected legislative assemblies and governors appointed or confirmed via federal procedures, but with additional mandates for indigenous representation in decision-making bodies. As of 2025, four autonomous okrugs function as federal subjects: the , Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug—Yugra, , and . Three of these—Nenets (affiliated with ), Khanty-Mansi—Yugra, and Yamalo-Nenets (both affiliated with )—maintain a dual status whereby they exercise independent federal competencies while coordinating certain administrative functions, such as budgeting and infrastructure, with their parent oblasts under inter-charter agreements. This arrangement stems from Soviet-era subordinations retained post-1993 to ensure cohesive regional development in resource-rich areas, though the okrugs hold veto rights over matters affecting indigenous interests. operates without such affiliation, reflecting its isolated position and historical independence. These entities derive significant revenue from extractive industries like oil, gas, and minerals, which fund indigenous welfare programs amid harsh climates and sparse populations averaging under 1,000 people per 1,000 km².
Autonomous OkrugAdministrative AffiliationKey Indigenous GroupsPopulation (approx., 2021 census data)Primary Economic Focus
Nenets (Samoyedic)44,000Oil and gas extraction
, Mansi (Ugric)1,680,000Oil production, pipelines
Nenets (Samoyedic)510,000 reserves
ChukotkaNoneChukchi, Even, 47,000Mining, fishing
The represents the sole "other special unit" in this typology, classified uniquely as an rather than an , with its status enshrined to promote cultural autonomy for communities in the Soviet since its formation on May 7, 1934. Spanning 36,000 km² along the border, it features a granting legislative powers akin to oblasts, including over and local taxation, but without the ethnic titular of republics; its assembly reserves seats for cultural minorities, though Jews comprise only about 0.6% of residents per 2021 data, overshadowed by Russian and Ukrainian majorities. Economic reliance on , , and underscores its integration into broader federal economic zones, with limited special autonomies beyond nominal Yiddish-language promotion in select schools.

Contemporary Inventory

Categorized Enumeration

The 83 undisputed federal subjects of Russia are classified into republics, krais, oblasts, cities of federal significance, an , and autonomous okrugs. This categorization reflects variations in administrative , ethnic composition, and historical designation, with republics afforded the highest degree of among non-ethnic-Russian populations. Republics (21): These entities, intended to represent distinct ethnic groups, have the constitutional right to adopt their own languages and symbols. They are: Adygea, Altai Republic, Bashkortostan, Buryatia, Chechnya, Chuvashia, Dagestan, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Kalmykia, Karachay-Cherkessia, Karelia, Komi, Mari El, Mordovia, North Ossetia-Alania, Sakha (Yakutia), Tatarstan, Tuva, Udmurtia, and Khakassia. Krais (9): Krais function as territorial administrative units similar to oblasts but often encompass vast frontier areas with historical territorial status. The krais are: Altai Krai, Khabarovsk Krai, Kamchatka Krai, Krasnodar Krai, Krasnoyarsk Krai, Perm Krai, Primorsky Krai, Stavropol Krai, and Zabaykalsky Krai. Oblasts (46): Oblasts represent the standard provincial divisions, typically with Russian majorities and uniform governance structures. They include: , , , , , , , , , , , Kirov, , , , Leningrad, , , , , , Novgorod, , , , , , , Rostov, , , Samara, , , Sverdlovsk, , , Tula, , , , , , , , . Cities of federal significance (2): These are directly governed municipalities with status equivalent to subjects: and . Autonomous oblast (1): The serves as a designated area for Jewish cultural preservation, though its ethnic composition has shifted significantly. Autonomous okrugs (4): These smaller units provide autonomy for indigenous northern or far-eastern peoples: Chukotka, Khanty-Mansi, , and Yamalo-Nenets. Three of the okrugs (Khanty-Mansi, Yamalo-Nenets, ) are administratively subordinated to larger oblasts or krais but retain separate subject status.

Disputed Incorporations: Crimea and Post-2022 Regions

In March 2014, following the deployment of unmarked Russian in amid 's political crisis, pro-Russian authorities organized a on March 16 asking voters whether to join or restore the 1992 Crimean constitution. Official results announced by the referendum commission, operating under Russian occupation, reported 96.77% approval for unification with in proper and 95.6% in , with turnout exceeding 83%. On March 18, 2014, Russian President signed a with Crimean representatives incorporating the territory, designating the Republic of Crimea as a republic and as a , both integrated as federal subjects of effective immediately. The Russian upheld the treaty's legality on March 19, and federal laws formalized their status by late March. The responded with Resolution 68/262 on March 27, 2014, adopted by 100 votes to 11 with 58 abstentions, declaring the referendum invalid due to its conduct without Ukrainian consent or international monitoring and calling on states not to recognize any status change in , thereby affirming Ukraine's within internationally recognized borders. and a minority of states, including and , rejected the resolution's premise, arguing self-determination under the UN Charter justified the vote, though independent analyses cited the absence of opposition campaigning, media control by Russian forces, and exclusion of pro-Ukrainian options as undermining credibility. Most governments, including the , members, and over 100 UN states, continue to deem the annexation unlawful occupation, imposing sanctions on Russian officials and entities involved. In September 2022, during Russia's full-scale invasion of , Russian-installed administrations in partially occupied , , , and oblasts held referendums from September 23 to 27, claiming voter approval for accession to . Reported results, disseminated by occupation authorities without independent verification, indicated 87.7% to 99.2% support across the regions, with turnout figures of 69% to 88%, though conducted amid active , displacement of millions, and documented including door-to-door voting under supervision. On September 30, 2022, Putin signed treaties with proxy leaders annexing these areas as four new oblasts—, , , and —expanding 's claimed federal subjects to 89, including prior additions. The UN General Assembly adopted Resolution ES-11/4 on October 12, 2022, by 143 votes to 5 with 35 abstentions, condemning the referendums as illegal and demanding reverse annexations, with non-recognition emphasized to preserve 's . dismissed the resolution as biased by Western influence, maintaining the votes reflected local will against Ukrainian "Nazification," but causal factors such as , suppression of dissent, and lack of neutral observers—paralleling Crimea's process—have led analysts to question authenticity, with reporting widespread and . Recognition remains limited to and allies like and ; the , , and states view the territories as occupied Ukrainian soil, enforcing sanctions and rejecting Russian passports or legal claims issued there. As of 2025, Russian control over these regions is incomplete, with reclaiming significant portions of and by late 2022, rendering administration contested amid ongoing hostilities.

Administrative Mechanisms

Powers and Competencies Allocation

The allocation of powers between the Russian Federation and its federal subjects is delineated in Chapter 3 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, adopted on December 12, 1993. Article 71 enumerates the exclusive jurisdiction of the federal government, encompassing domains such as , defense, border protection, federal budget and taxes, monetary emission, federal energy systems, nuclear energy, and federal transportation, communications, and airspace. These powers are exercised solely by federal authorities, with subjects prohibited from enacting contradictory legislation. Article 72 outlines joint competencies, where both federal and subject-level bodies participate, including the protection of human and civil rights, environmental safeguards, administrative and structures, , , , healthcare, and . In these areas, federal laws hold supremacy, as affirmed in Article 76, which mandates that subject laws align with federal constitutional laws and statutes; inconsistencies are resolved through the or federal legislative override. The federal government coordinates joint efforts, often via vertical executive subordination, particularly in executive implementation where federal agencies oversee regional compliance. Article 73 grants residual powers to federal subjects, allowing them to manage all matters not explicitly assigned to federal or joint jurisdiction, such as local self-government organization and regional , provided these do not infringe on federal authority. Constitutionally, all 89 federal subjects—republics, krais, oblasts, federal cities, and autonomous okrugs—possess equal rights in this framework per Article 5, fostering a nominally symmetric federation. However, de facto asymmetries persist, particularly for republics, which retain provisions for state languages alongside Russian (Article 68) and, historically, bilateral treaties delineating additional competencies until their phase-out by 2005 under Federal Law No. 122-FZ, which integrated many into federal legislation. This has reinforced central oversight, with subjects' legislative initiatives subject to federal veto and fiscal dependencies limiting autonomous exercise of residual powers. Dispute resolution mechanisms, including the , ensure adherence, as subjects cannot unilaterally alter federal competencies or borders without mutual consent (Article 67). In practice, centralization intensified post-2000, with federal plenipotentiaries monitoring regional executives, effectively narrowing subject autonomy in joint spheres despite constitutional delineations.

Governance Structures and Elections

The executive branch in each federal subject of Russia is headed by a (in oblasts, krais, autonomous okrugs, and the ) or a head/president (in republics and federal cities like and St. Petersburg), who serves a five-year term and holds authority over regional administration, budget execution, and implementation of federal policies within the subject. These leaders manage subjects' competencies in areas such as , healthcare, and local taxation, subject to federal oversight, with the empowered to dismiss them for loss of confidence or federal law violations under Article 78 of the . Legislative bodies, typically unicameral assemblies (e.g., State Dumas or Councils), enact regional laws aligned with federal standards and are elected every five years, handling matters like regional budgets and per Article 73. Direct elections for heads of subjects were suspended in 2004 following the Beslan school siege, with appointments made by the president and confirmed by regional legislatures, a reform aimed at enhancing vertical power integration amid security concerns. This system persisted until May 2012, when Federal Law No. 67-FZ restored direct popular elections, though candidates must be nominated by registered political parties or via self-nomination with subsequent presidential "consultation" approval, effectively filtering opposition figures and ensuring alignment with federal priorities. In practice, incumbents from the ruling United Russia party secure over 70% of votes in most contests through administrative resources, media control, and electoral commission influence, as observed in cycles from 2013 onward. Regional legislatures are elected via proportional representation or mixed systems, with single-mandate districts phased out federally by 2007 and regionally by subsequent laws, consolidating party-list dominance. Elections occur on unified voting days, such as the second in for odd-numbered years, with 21 gubernatorial races held in 2023 across subjects including and , where turnout ranged from 30-50% amid reports of coerced participation. Similar patterns marked the 2025 cycle, covering 21 regions with President Putin congratulating victors on September 26, 2025, underscoring the Kremlin's role in endorsing outcomes. While formal democratic mechanisms exist, systemic constraints—including candidate vetting, opposition suppression, and result manipulation—limit competition, as evidenced by independent monitoring documenting irregularities like ballot stuffing in up to 20% of precincts in contested areas. Federal subjects' charters specify internal procedures, but all conform to overarching laws like No. 184-FZ on legislative bodies, ensuring no deviation from centralized delineations of power.

Socioeconomic Dimensions

Demographic Patterns and Ethnic Distributions

Russia's federal subjects exhibit stark demographic disparities, with the national population totaling 147,182,123 as recorded in the 2021 census. Population density averages 8.5 inhabitants per square kilometer, but varies profoundly: densely populated central European subjects like Moscow Oblast exceed 100 per km², while vast Siberian and Far Eastern territories such as Chukotka Autonomous Okrug register under 0.1 per km². Approximately 74% of the population resides in urban areas, with urbanization rates surpassing 80% in industrial krais and oblasts but dipping below 50% in some rural Caucasian republics. These patterns reflect historical settlement favoring fertile western lands and resource extraction zones, compounded by net outmigration from peripheral subjects to Moscow and St. Petersburg since the 1990s. Ethnic distributions underscore the federation's multiethnic character, encompassing over 190 groups per official counts, though self-reported data covers only about 84% of respondents in the 2021 census, potentially understating minorities amid assimilation pressures and non-responses. Ethnic comprise 71.7% of those declaring nationality nationwide (105.6 million individuals), dominating oblasts and krais with shares often exceeding 90%, but forming minorities or pluralities in several republics. In the 22 ethnic republics, titular groups range from overwhelming majorities—such as at 96.4% in the Chechen Republic—to modest pluralities, like at roughly 54% in amid 40% . North Caucasian republics feature diverse Caucasian peoples (e.g., Avars, in ), Volga-Ural ones Turkic groups (, ), and Siberian ones indigenous minorities under 10% in most cases, with typically the largest single ethnicity even there. Fertility and migration dynamics amplify these distributions: total fertility rates hover at 1.5 nationally but exceed 2.5 in Muslim-majority republics like and , driving relative ethnic shifts toward non-Slavic groups despite overall depopulation. Interregional migration favors central subjects, depleting ethnic minorities in donor regions like the (e.g., , ) while bolstering Russian majorities in recipients. Aging accelerates in Russian-dominant areas, with median ages over 40, versus younger profiles in high-fertility subjects. These trends, rooted in differential socioeconomic opportunities and cultural retention, challenge federal cohesion, as republics sustain titular identities through language policies amid influences.

Economic Disparities and Resource Dependencies

The gross regional product (GRP) per capita across Russia's federal subjects exhibits stark disparities, reflecting uneven distributions of resources, industrial bases, and urban concentration. In 2023, the achieved the highest GRP of any subject, driven primarily by oil extraction in its territories. At the opposite end, the Republic of Ingushetia recorded the lowest figure at 159.6 thousand Russian rubles in 2022, with the Chechen Republic close behind at around 207 thousand rubles, both regions lacking significant extractive or manufacturing sectors. These gaps persist despite federal equalization mechanisms, with resource-poor subjects in the often exhibiting GRP levels 10 to 15 times below those in oil- and gas-rich and Siberian okrugs or the of . Resource dependencies amplify these inequalities, as over half of Russia's federal subjects with elevated GRP rely heavily on hydrocarbon extraction or minerals, concentrated in autonomous okrugs and oblasts within the Ural and Siberian Federal Districts. The , for instance, derives a substantial portion of its economy from fields in , which account for a majority of Russia's gas output and expose the region to global price volatility. Similarly, the within dominates crude oil production, contributing to national totals exceeding 10 million barrels per day in peak years, while subjects like the depend on offshore oil and gas platforms. In contrast, non-resource subjects such as those in the Central or Northwestern Districts, including , sustain higher outputs through services, finance, and manufacturing, though even these face indirect reliance on federal revenues funneled from extractives. Federal transfers partially mitigate disparities by subsidizing poorer subjects, with 67 out of 89 regions reporting budget deficits in early 2025, often covered by central allocations that prioritize social needs and infrastructure in low-GRP areas like Ingushetia and Dagestan. However, these mechanisms have not reversed underlying dependencies, as resource-rich subjects contribute disproportionately to federal budgets via taxes on extractives—hydrocarbons alone funded 45% of Russia's budget in 2021—while poorer ones remain agrarian or subsidy-reliant without fostering diversification. This structure perpetuates a "resource curse" dynamic in extraction-heavy subjects, where boom-bust cycles from commodity prices hinder non-extractive sector growth, as evidenced by limited industrial broadening in Siberian okrugs despite resource windfalls. Empirical analyses indicate that such dependencies correlate with slower per capita income convergence across regions, sustaining polarization between Arctic/Siberian exporters and subsidized peripheries.

Dynamics of Change

Internal Mergers, Splits, and Reforms

In the mid-2000s, the Russian federal government pursued a series of voluntary mergers among federal subjects, primarily involving the integration of autonomous s into adjacent oblasts or krais, as part of broader efforts to streamline administration and reduce the total number of subjects from 89 to 83 by 2008. These mergers were initiated through s and federal laws, often justified by economic inefficiencies and overlapping governance in smaller ethnic autonomous entities. The first occurred on December 1, 2005, when Perm Oblast and the Komi-Permyak Autonomous Okrug combined to form , following a 2004 where over 60% of voters in the okrug approved unification despite initial opposition from local elites concerned about diluting ethnic representation. Subsequent mergers expanded this pattern: on January 1, 2007, the Evenk and Taymyr (Dolgano-Nenets) Autonomous s were incorporated into after s in April 2005 showed majority support in both okrugs (around 90% in Evenk), though critics noted the process favored central incentives like infrastructure funding over local . In 2008, two further integrations took place—Ust-Orda Buryat Autonomous Okrug merged with on January 1, following a 2006 with nearly 90% approval, and Chita Oblast combined with to create on the same date, reducing administrative redundancies but raising concerns among Buryat communities about cultural erosion. These changes, endorsed by President , aimed to enhance fiscal viability and vertical power integration, with merged entities retaining some ethnic policy provisions but losing independent subject status. Splits among federal subjects have been rare post-1991, contrasting with the merger trend, as they risked exacerbating ethnic tensions amid centralization drives. A notable exception was the division of the Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic: separated in November 1991 amid the Soviet collapse, gaining status as a separate by 1992 through a presidential , driven by distinct ethnic identities and local declarations of , though this preceded full-scale conflict in . Other potential splits, such as proposals in multi-ethnic republics like , have not materialized due to federal opposition prioritizing . Additional reforms have involved status adjustments rather than boundary alterations, including the elevation of several autonomous oblasts to republic level in the early 1990s (e.g., in 1991) to accommodate rising ethnic assertions during , and later central mandates under Putin, such as abolishing direct gubernatorial elections in 2004 in favor of presidential appointments until their partial restoration in 2012. These shifts reflect a causal dynamic where early post-Soviet yielded to re-centralization, with mergers serving as tools to curb regional bargaining power without formal constitutional amendments. No major internal mergers or splits have occurred since 2008, despite occasional discussions of further consolidations in underpopulated areas. The Russian Federation's territorial expansions adding new federal subjects have occurred via the incorporation of territories from , with legal integration proceeding through a sequence of referendums in the territories, bilateral accession treaties, ratification by the Federal Assembly, approval by the , and enactment of federal constitutional laws amending Article 65 of the to list the new entities. This framework, established under federal constitutional procedures for admitting new subjects, was first applied post-Soviet era to the Republic of Crimea and the of following their control by Russian forces in February-March 2014. On March 18, 2014, President signed the Treaty on the Accession of the Republic of Crimea to the Russian Federation, which declared the territories accepted as of the signing date and outlined transitional provisions for governance, citizenship, and legal harmonization. The and Federation Council ratified the treaty on March 20, 2014, after which Federal Constitutional Law No. 6-FKZ of March 21, 2014, formally admitted the Republic of Crimea as a republic and as a city of federal significance, incorporating their names into the constitutional roster of subjects and establishing them effective March 18, 2014. These entities were granted republican status for Crimea, allowing a constitution and presidency, while received administrative autonomy akin to and St. Petersburg, with federal oversight on defense and . A parallel process unfolded in September-October 2022 for the , , , and , amid ongoing military operations. Accession treaties were signed by Putin on September 30, 2022, following self-declared referendums in the territories earlier that month, with the treaties specifying integration timelines, protection of local languages, and economic transitions. The unanimously ratified the treaties and adopted supporting laws on October 3, 2022, the Federation Council followed on October 4, and the approved compliance with the that day, enabling immediate formation as two republics (Donetsk and Luhansk) and two oblasts ( and ). These laws delineated powers, including resource management rights for the oblasts and ethnic representation quotas for the republics, embedding them into the federal structure without further constitutional amendments beyond the accession protocols. No other territorial expansions creating federal subjects have occurred since the Russian Federation's establishment in , distinguishing these cases from internal administrative changes like mergers or elevations of existing autonomies. The integrations emphasize rapid legislative synchronization, with federal laws overriding prior local norms and aligning tax, judicial, and electoral systems to Moscow's framework within specified transition periods.

Persistent Tensions and Critiques

Since assuming the presidency in 2000, has pursued policies that have progressively centralized authority in the Russian Federation, diminishing the autonomy of its federal subjects through the establishment of a "power vertical." One of the initial steps involved the creation of seven federal districts on May 13, 2000, each overseen by a presidential envoy tasked with coordinating federal agencies and monitoring regional compliance with national laws, effectively introducing an intermediate layer of central oversight to curb the centrifugal tendencies prevalent under . This reform reorganized federal bureaucracy to prioritize vertical integration over regional independence, aligning subnational entities more closely with Moscow's directives. A pivotal escalation occurred in December 2004, following the , when Putin signed legislation abolishing direct popular elections for regional governors across Russia's then-89 federal subjects, replacing them with appointments by the president from a list of candidates proposed by local legislatures. This measure, justified as enhancing and unity, subordinated regional executives to the , reducing their independent political bases and integrating them into a hierarchical chain of command. Although direct elections were partially restored in 2012 amid protests, the process incorporated Kremlin vetting mechanisms, such as candidate endorsements and municipal filter requirements, which by 2022 had ensured that nearly all winners were regime-aligned figures, with opposition success rates below 1% in gubernatorial races. Centralization intensified in the through fiscal and legislative controls, including the expansion of federal transfers that tied regional budgets to compliance—by 2021, over 70% of federal revenues originated from just five resource-rich regions, enabling to leverage dependencies for policy enforcement. The "vertical of power" doctrine formalized this asymmetry, with governors increasingly functioning as administrative delegates rather than autonomous leaders, evidenced by heightened interventions such as the dismissal of over 20 governors between 2016 and 2017 alone to align personnel with national priorities ahead of elections. The full-scale invasion of in accelerated these trends, with militarization of regional policy further eroding by imposing centralized quotas and security protocols on , often overriding local input and exacerbating resource strains in non-core areas. Post-2022 reforms, including the abolition of mayoral elections in most major cities by 2024, have consolidated control, leaving only four regional capitals with such mechanisms and prioritizing loyalty metrics over regional performance in cadre selection. This evolution has rendered Russian more administratively unitary, resembling Soviet-era central planning, where subnational entities retain nominal sovereignty but exercise limited discretion amid systemic risks of federal regression.

Ethnic Autonomy Disputes and Separatism Risks

Russia's ethnic republics, established to grant nominal to non-Russian titular groups, have experienced progressive erosion of self-governance since the early 2000s, as federal policies under President transformed the federation into a more centralized, symmetric structure. Bilateral treaties granting special powers to republics like and were abrogated, with 's 1994 agreement formally canceled in , stripping it of unique fiscal and administrative privileges. This shift aligned with constitutional amendments emphasizing uniform regional status, reducing ethnic republics' distinct legal frameworks and subordinating local constitutions to federal law. Language policies exemplify ongoing disputes, as has imposed standardized curricula prioritizing Russian, curtailing the use of titular languages in schools. In , where comprise about 53% of the , federal mandates in 2017 and subsequent reforms limited Tatar-language instruction, prompting resistance from local legislators who argued it violated constitutional to native-language . By July 2025, 's State Council issued a demarche against proposed reductions in hours, leading to federal concessions after protests from and regions, though core trends persist. Similar conflicts arose in , where Bashkir-language advocacy intersects with environmental activism, as seen in the 2024 prosecution of Fail Alsynov, a Bashkir defender sentenced to four years for "inciting " after protesting mining on sacred lands; authorities labeled his sovereignty-focused rhetoric separatist, sparking demonstrations in Baymak and with clashes involving hundreds of arrests. In the , ethnic tensions compound with Islamist radicalization and mobilization grievances. Dagestan's multi-ethnic mosaic—encompassing over 30 groups—has witnessed anti-conscription riots since 2022, fueled by disproportionate drafting of local amid the war, alongside terror attacks like the June 23, 2024, assaults in and that killed 20 and targeted religious sites, claimed by affiliates. These incidents underscore unresolved insurgencies from the -2000s, where federal eroded local while installing loyalist leaders. , pacified via Ramzan Kadyrov's militia-backed rule since 2007, maintains through subsidies exceeding 80% of its budget, but risks instability upon his succession, potentially reigniting separatist claims rooted in the wars that caused over 50,000 civilian deaths. Separatism risks, while subdued by repression and economic dependencies, have intensified post-2022 , with non-Russian regions bearing 70-80% of frontline per some estimates, exacerbating grievances over resource extraction and cultural suppression. Analysts note that mixed demographics—e.g., Russians forming majorities or large minorities in (40%) and (36%)—and loyalty incentives limit fragmentation, unlike the Soviet collapse. However, and war strains could catalyze unrest if central authority weakens, as evidenced by 2024 protests in multiple republics signaling latent demands for greater fiscal control over oil-rich assets like Tatarstan's , which contributes 10% of Russia's crude output. Federal responses prioritize coercion over accommodation, maintaining stability at the cost of underlying ethnic disequilibria.

Geopolitical Contestation and Recognition Issues

Several federal subjects of Russia, primarily those incorporated from Ukrainian territory, are subject to geopolitical contestation due to their disputed status under and limited recognition beyond and a small number of allies. These include the Republic of Crimea and the federal city of , annexed in March 2014 following a held on March 16, 2014, amid Russian military presence; and the , , , and , recognized as independent by on February 21, 2022, and formally annexed via treaties signed on September 30, 2022, after referendums conducted in late September 2022 under Russian occupation. administers these territories as sovereign federal subjects with integrated , but control remains incomplete in parts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia, where Ukrainian forces retain positions amid ongoing hostilities. International recognition of these entities as Russian federal subjects is minimal, confined largely to Russia itself and states aligned with its foreign policy, such as (which recognized the and republics in June 2022) and (which recognized them in July 2022). For , formal endorsements have come from a similarly narrow set, including , , , and , though even these have not universally extended to the 2022 annexations. The has repeatedly affirmed Ukraine's , with Resolution ES-11/4 adopted on October 12, 2022, by 143 votes to 5 (with 35 abstentions), declaring the September 2022 referendums and annexations invalid and demanding their reversal. Earlier, Resolution 68/262 in March 2014, passed 100-11 with 58 abstentions, rejected Crimea's status change and upheld Ukraine's borders. These disputes underpin broader geopolitical tensions, including the Russian-Ukrainian war initiated in February 2022, with Western sanctions targeting Russian officials and entities linked to the annexations, and Ukraine's constitutional claims to the territories fueling military counteroffensives, such as the liberation of city in November 2022. Russia's legal rationale rests on referendums and historical ties, but these are dismissed internationally as conducted without impartial oversight or under duress, violating the 1994 and UN Charter principles on territorial acquisition by force. As of October 2025, no major shifts in recognition have occurred, despite reported U.S. discussions in peace talks acknowledging de facto Russian control in , which has rejected as incompatible with its . This non-recognition isolates these subjects from full participation in global institutions and sustains dynamics, including infrastructure strikes and proxy conflicts.

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