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Fred Phelps
Fred Phelps
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Fred Waldron Phelps Sr. (November 13, 1929 – March 19, 2014) was an American minister and disbarred lawyer who served as the pastor of the Westboro Baptist Church, worked as a civil rights attorney, and ran for statewide election in Kansas. A divisive and controversial figure, he gained national attention for his homophobic views and protests near the funerals of gay people, AIDS victims, military veterans, and disaster victims whom he believed were killed as a result of God punishing the U.S. for having "bankrupt values" and tolerating homosexuality. Phelps founded the Westboro Baptist Church, a Topeka, Kansas-based independent Primitive Baptist congregation, in 1955. It has been described by the Southern Poverty Law Center as "arguably the most obnoxious and rabid hate group in America".[2] Its signature slogan, "God Hates Fags", remains the name of the group's principal website.

Key Information

In addition to funerals, Phelps and his followers—mostly his own immediate family members—picketed gay pride gatherings, high-profile political events, university commencement ceremonies, live performances of The Laramie Project, and functions sponsored by mainstream Christian groups with which he had no affiliation, arguing it was their sacred duty to warn others of God's anger. He continued doing so in the face of numerous legal challenges—some of which reached the U.S. Supreme Court—and near-universal opposition and contempt from other religious groups and the general public.[3] Laws enacted at both the federal[4][5][6] and state[7] levels for the specific purpose of curtailing his disruptive activities were limited in their effectiveness due to the Constitutional protections afforded to Phelps under the First Amendment.

Gay rights supporters denounced him as a producer of anti-gay propaganda and violence-inspiring hate speech, and even Christians from fundamentalist denominations distanced themselves from him.[8] In particular, Phelps and his church routinely targeted the Catholic Church with picket signs and online websites claiming that "priests rape boys" and "fag priests" and focusing on the Catholic Church sex scandals, calling the pope "The Godfather of pedophiles".[9][10][11] Although Phelps died in 2014, the Westboro Baptist Church remains in operation. It continues to conduct regular demonstrations outside movie theaters, universities, government buildings, and other facilities in Topeka and elsewhere, and is still characterized as a hate group by the Anti-Defamation League and the Southern Poverty Law Center.[12][13]

Early life and education

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Phelps in 1962

Fred Waldron Phelps was born on November 13, 1929, in Meridian, Mississippi, the elder of two children of Catherine Idalette (née Johnston) and Fred Wade Phelps.[14][1] His father was a railroad policeman for the Columbus and Greenville Railway and a devout Methodist; his mother was a homemaker.[1][14] Catherine Phelps died of esophageal cancer in 1935 at the age of 28.[14] Her aunt, Irene Jordan, helped care for Fred and his younger sister Martha Jean until December 1944, when his father married Olive Briggs, a 39-year-old woman who was divorced.[14]

Fred distinguished himself scholastically and was an Eagle Scout.[15] He also was a member of Phi Kappa, a high school social fraternity, president of the Young Peoples Department of Central United Methodist Church and was honored as the best drilled member of the Mississippi Junior State Guard, a unit similar to the Reserve Officer Training Corps. He graduated from high school at 16 years old, ranking sixth in his graduating class of 213 students, and was the class orator at his commencement.[1][16] After graduating from high school he received an appointment to the United States Military Academy at West Point; but after attending a tent revival meeting, decided to pursue a religious calling instead.[14]

In September 1947, at the age of 17, he was ordained a Southern Baptist minister and moved to Cleveland, Tennessee, to attend Bob Jones College (now Bob Jones University in Greenville, South Carolina).[1][2] A combination of Phelps's refusal of the West Point appointment (which his father had worked hard to obtain), his abandonment of his father's beloved Methodist faith, and his father's remarriage to a divorced woman (Phelps would later become an outspoken critic of divorce) precipitated a lifelong estrangement from his father and stepmother—and by some accounts, from his sister as well. Phelps apparently never spoke to his family members again, and returned all of their letters and birthday cards, as well as Christmas gifts for his children, unopened.[17]

Phelps dropped out of Bob Jones College in 1948.[18] He moved to California and became a street preacher while attending John Muir College in Pasadena. The June 11, 1951 issue of Time magazine included a story on Phelps, who lectured fellow students about "sins committed on campus by students and teachers", including "promiscuous petting, evil language, profanity, cheating, teachers' filthy jokes in classrooms, and pandering to the lusts of the flesh." When the college ordered him to stop, citing a California law that forbade the teaching of religion on any public school campus, he moved his sermons across the street.[19] In October 1951, Phelps met Margie Marie Simms in Arizona and married her in May 1952.[1][20]

In 1954, Phelps, his pregnant wife, and their newborn son moved to Topeka, Kansas, where he was hired by the East Side Baptist Church as an associate pastor. The following year, the church's leadership opened Westboro Baptist Church on the other side of town, and Phelps became its pastor.[21]

Although the new church was ostensibly Independent Baptist, Phelps preached a doctrine very similar to that of the Primitive Baptists, who believe in scriptural literalism — that Christian biblical scripture is literally true — and that only a predetermined number of people selected for redemption before the world was created will be saved on Judgment Day.[18] His vitriolic preaching alienated church leaders and most of the original congregation, who either returned to East Side Baptist or joined other congregations, leaving him with a small following consisting almost entirely of his own relatives and close friends.[22]

Phelps was forced to support himself selling vacuum cleaners, baby strollers, and insurance; later, some of his 13 children were reportedly compelled to sell candy door-to-door for several hours each day. In 1972, two companies sued Westboro Baptist for failing to pay for the candy being peddled by the children.[20]

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Civil rights cases

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Early civil rights career

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Phelps earned a law degree from Washburn University in 1964, and founded the Phelps Chartered law firm.[1][23] In 1969, upon a finding of professional misconduct, authorities suspended him from practicing as a lawyer for two years.[1]

Phelps' second notable cases were related to civil rights, and his involvement in civil rights cases in and around Kansas gained him praise from local African-American leaders.[1]

"I systematically brought down the Jim Crow laws of this town", he claimed.[8] Phelps' daughter Shirley Phelps-Roper was quoted as saying, "We took on the Jim Crow establishment, and Kansas did not take that sitting down. They used to shoot our car windows out, screaming we were nigger lovers." She added that the Phelps law firm made up one-third of the state's federal docket of civil rights cases.[24]

Phelps took cases on behalf of African-American clients alleging racial discrimination by school systems, and a predominantly black American Legion post which had been raided by police, alleging racially based police abuse.[25] Phelps' law firm obtained settlements for some clients.[26]

Johnson v. Topeka Board of Education, et. al.

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Phelps' national notoriety first came from a 1973 lawsuit (settled in 1978) on behalf of a 10-year-old African-American plaintiff, Evelyn Renee Johnson (some sources say Evelyn Rene Johnson), against the Topeka Board of Education (which had, in 1954, famously lost the pivotal racial discrimination case of Brown v. Board of Education, ending legal racial segregation in U.S. public schools), and against related local, state and federal officials. In the 1973 case, Phelps argued that the Topeka Board of Education, in violation of the 1954 ruling, had not yet made its schools equal, and by attending Topeka's east-side, predominantly minority schools, the black plaintiff had received an inferior education.[1][27][28]

Initially, Phelps attempted to file the case as a class action, in the U.S. District Court for Kansas. Asking the court to order an end to the alleged discrimination and suggesting that busing might be at least one remedy, Phelps also sought $100 million in actual damages, plus another $100 million in punitive damages—or, alternatively, $20,000 for each of the 10,000 students he claimed were in the aggrieved class of victims.[1][27] Nevertheless, the federal district and appellate courts denied the class action filing, limiting the case to Phelps's initial plaintiff, Evelyn Johnson, alone.[29]

The case fueled a national debate about racial integration of schools,[30] and prompted the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, by 1974, to order the Topeka board to develop corrective remedies.[28]

Topeka's school board did not contest the charges. On the guidance of its insurance provider, it settled the litigation (with no admission of wrongdoing) for $19,500—$12,400 of which went to Phelps. While the settlement drew some praise, controversy arose when the judge ordered the settlement amount sealed at the request of the insurer—apparently with Phelps's approval. (Details leaked out to the media anyway.) Phelps announced he would file more such cases, as class actions, but the insurance company stated it would not pay for any more of them.[1][27][29][31]

Later civil rights career

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In 1986, Phelps sued President Ronald Reagan over Reagan's appointment of a U.S. ambassador to the Vatican, alleging this violated separation of church and state. The case was dismissed by the U.S. district court.[26][32]

Phelps' law firm, staffed by himself and family members, also represented non-white Kansans in discrimination actions against Kansas City Power and Light, Southwestern Bell, and the Topeka City Attorney, and represented two female professors alleging discrimination at Kansas universities.[24]

A defeat in his civil rights suit against the City of Wichita and others, on behalf of Jesse O. Rice (the fired executive director of the Wichita Civil Rights Equal Employment Opportunity Commission), among other causes, would lead to further legal actions ending in Phelps' disbarment and censure.[33][34]

In the 1980s, Phelps received awards from the Greater Kansas City Chapter of Blacks in Government and the Bonner Springs branch of the NAACP, for his work on behalf of black clients.[1][26]

One of his sons, Nate, stated that Phelps largely took civil rights cases for money rather than principle. Nate said that his father "held racist attitudes" and he would use slurs against black clients: "They would come into his office and after they left, he would talk about how stupid they were and call them dumb niggers." Nate's sister, Shirley, denies his account and states their father never used racist language.[35]

Disbarment

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A formal complaint was filed against Phelps on November 8, 1977, by the Kansas State Board of Law Examiners, due to his conduct during a lawsuit, against a court reporter named Carolene Brady, who had failed to have a court transcript ready for Phelps on the day he asked for it. Although it did not affect the outcome of the case, Phelps sued her for $22,000.[36][37]

In the ensuing trial, Phelps called Brady to the stand, declared her a hostile witness, and then cross-examined her for nearly a week, during which he accused her of being a "slut", tried to introduce testimony from former boyfriends whom Phelps wanted to subpoena, and accused her of a variety of perverse sexual acts, ultimately reducing her to tears on the stand.[36][37]

Phelps lost the case. According to the Kansas Supreme Court:

The trial became an exhibition of a personal vendetta by Phelps against Carolene Brady. His examination was replete with repetition, badgering, innuendo, belligerence, irrelevant and immaterial matter, evidencing only a desire to hurt and destroy the defendant. The jury verdict didn't stop the onslaught of Phelps. He was not satisfied with the hurt, pain, and damage he had visited on Carolene Brady.[36][37]

In an appeal, Phelps prepared affidavits swearing to the court that he had eight witnesses whose testimony would convince the court to rule in his favor. Brady obtained sworn, signed affidavits from those eight people in question, all of whom said that Phelps had never contacted them and that they had no reason to testify against Brady.[36][37]

Phelps was found to have made "false statements in violation of DR 7–102(A)(5)". On July 20, 1979, Phelps was permanently disbarred from practicing law in the state of Kansas, although he continued to practice in federal courts.[36][37][33][34]

In 1985, nine Federal judges filed a disciplinary complaint against Phelps and five of his children, alleging false accusations against the judges. In 1989, the complaint was settled; Phelps agreed to stop practicing law in Federal court permanently, and two of his children were suspended for a period of six months and one year, respectively.[33][34][20][1]

Family life

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Phelps married Margie M. Simms in May 1952, a year after the couple met at the Arizona Bible Institute. They had 13 children, 54 grandchildren, and 7 great-grandchildren.[38]

Nathan Phelps, Fred Phelps' estranged son, claims that the elder Phelps was an abusive father, that he (Nate) never had a relationship with him when he was growing up, and that the Westboro Baptist Church is an organization for his father to "vent his rage and anger."[39] He alleges that, in addition to hurting others, his father used to physically abuse his wife and children by beating them with his fists and with the handle of a mattock to the point of bleeding.[39][40] Phelps' brother, Mark, has supported and repeated Nathan's claims of physical abuse by their father.[41] Since 2004, over 20 members of the church, mostly family members, have left the church.[42]

Religious beliefs

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Advertisement for opening service of Westboro Baptist Church, Topeka Capital, 1955

Phelps described himself as an Old School Baptist, and stated that he held to all five points of Calvinism.[43] Phelps particularly highlighted John Calvin's doctrine of unconditional election, the belief that God has elected certain people for salvation before birth, and limited atonement, the belief that Christ only died for the elect, and condemns those who believe otherwise.[44] Despite claiming to be an Old School Baptist, he was ordained by a Southern Baptist church, and was rejected and generally condemned by Old School (or Primitive) Baptists.[45]

Phelps viewed Arminianism (particularly the views of the Methodist theologian William Elbert Munsey) as a "worse blasphemy and heresy than that heard in all filthy Saturday night fag bars in the aggregate in the world".[46]

In addition to John Calvin, Phelps admired Martin Luther and Bob Jones Sr., and approvingly quoted a statement by Jones that "what this country needs is 50 Jonathan Edwardses turned loose in it."[47] Phelps particularly held to equal ultimacy, believing that "God Almighty makes some willing and he leads others into sin", a view he said is Calvinist.[48]

Phelps opposed such common Baptist practices as Sunday school meetings, Bible colleges and seminaries, and multi-denominational crusades.[49] Although he attended Bob Jones University, and worked with Billy Graham in his Los Angeles Crusade before Graham changed his views on a literal Hell and salvation, Phelps considered Graham the greatest false prophet since Balaam. He also condemned large church leaders, such as Robert Schuller and Jerry Falwell, as well as all Catholics.[50]

Church protest activities

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Phelps at his pulpit

All of Phelps' demonstrations and other activities during the last 50 years of his life were conducted in conjunction with the congregation of Westboro Baptist Church (WBC), an American unaffiliated Baptist church known for its extreme ideologies, especially those against gay people.[51][52][53][54][55] The church is widely described as a hate group[56][57][58] and is monitored as such by the Anti-Defamation League and Southern Poverty Law Center. It was headed by Phelps until his later years when he took a reduced role in the activities of the church and his family.[42] In March 2014, church representatives said that the church had not had a defined leader in "a very long time,"[59] and church members consist primarily of his large family;[1][60] in 2011, the church stated that it had about 40 members.[61] The church is headquartered in a residential neighborhood on the west side of Topeka about three miles (5 km) west of the Kansas State Capitol. Its first public service was held on the afternoon of November 27, 1955.[62]

The church has been involved in actions against gay people since at least 1991, when it sought a crackdown on homosexual activity at Gage Park six blocks northwest of the church.[1][63] In 2001, Phelps estimated that the WBC had held 40 pickets a week for the previous 10 years.[64] In addition to conducting anti-gay protests at military funerals, the organization pickets other celebrity funerals and public events that are likely to gain media attention.[1][65] Protests have also been held against Jews,[66] and some protests have included WBC members stomping on the American flag.[67]

Lawsuit against Westboro Baptist Church

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On March 10, 2006, WBC picketed the funeral of Marine Lance Corporal Matthew A. Snyder, who died in combat in Iraq on March 3, 2006.[68][1] The Snyder family sued Fred Phelps for defamation, invasion of privacy, and intentional infliction of emotional distress.[69][1]

On October 31, 2007, WBC, Fred Phelps and his two daughters, Shirley Phelps-Roper and Rebekah Phelps-Davis, were found liable for invasion of privacy and intentional infliction of emotional distress. A federal jury awarded Snyder's father $2.9 million in compensatory damages, then later added a decision to award $6 million in punitive damages for invasion of privacy and an additional $2 million for causing emotional distress (a total of $10.9 million).[70][1]

The lawsuit named Albert Snyder, father of Matthew Snyder, as the plaintiff, and Fred W. Phelps Sr., Westboro Baptist Church, Inc., Rebekah Phelps-Davis, and Shirley Phelps-Roper as defendants, alleging that they were responsible for publishing defamatory information about the Snyder family on the Internet, including statements that Albert and his wife had "raised [Matthew] for the devil" and taught him "to defy his Creator, to divorce, and to commit adultery". Other statements denounced them for raising their son Catholic. Snyder further complained the defendants had intruded upon and staged protests at his son's funeral. The claims of invasion of privacy and defamation arising from comments posted about Snyder on the Westboro website were dismissed on First Amendment grounds, but the case proceeded to trial on the remaining three counts.[71]

Albert Snyder, the father of LCpl Matthew A. Snyder, testified:

They turned this funeral into a media circus and they wanted to hurt my family. They wanted their message heard and they didn't care who they stepped over. My son should have been buried with dignity, not with a bunch of clowns outside.[72]

In his instructions to the jury, U.S. District Judge Richard D. Bennett stated that the First Amendment protection of free speech has limits, including vulgar, offensive and shocking statements, and that the jury must decide "whether the defendant's actions would be highly offensive to a reasonable person, whether they were extreme and outrageous and whether these actions were so offensive and shocking as to not be entitled to First Amendment protection". (see also Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, a case in which certain personal slurs and obscene utterances by an individual were found unworthy of First Amendment protection, due to the potential for violence resulting from their utterance). WBC sought a mistrial based on alleged prejudicial statements made by the judge and violations of the gag order by the plaintiff's attorney. An appeal was also sought by the WBC. On February 4, 2008, Bennett upheld the ruling but reduced the punitive damages from $8 million to $2.1 million. The total judgment then stood at $5 million. Court liens were ordered on church buildings and Phelps' law office in an attempt to ensure that the damages were paid.[73]

An appeal by WBC was heard on September 24, 2009. The federal appeals court ruled in favor of Phelps and Westboro Baptist Church, stating that their picket near the funeral of LCpl Matthew A. Snyder is protected speech and did not violate the privacy of the service member's family, reversing the lower court's $5 million judgment. On March 30, 2010, the federal appeals court ordered Albert Snyder to pay the court costs for the Westboro Baptist Church, an amount totaling $16,510.[74] Political commentator Bill O'Reilly agreed on March 30 to cover the costs, pending appeal.[75]

A writ of certiorari was granted on an appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States, and the oral argument for the case took place on October 6, 2010. Margie Phelps, one of Fred Phelps' children, represented the Westboro Baptist Church.[76]

The Court ruled in favor of Phelps in an 8–1 decision, holding that the protesters' speech related to a public issue, and was disseminated on a public sidewalk. Chief Justice John Roberts wrote, for the majority, "As a nation we have chosen ... to protect even hurtful speech on public issues to ensure that we do not stifle public debate." Justice Samuel Alito, the lone dissenter, wrote, "Our profound national commitment to free and open debate is not a license for the vicious verbal assault that occurred in this case."[77]

Efforts to discourage funeral protests

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On May 24, 2006, the United States House and Senate passed the Respect for America's Fallen Heroes Act, which President George W. Bush signed five days later. The act bans protests within 300 feet (91 m) of national cemeteries – which numbered 122 when the bill was signed – from an hour before a funeral to an hour after it. Violators face up to a $100,000 fine and up to a year in prison.[3][1]

On August 6, 2012, President Obama signed Pub. L. 112–154 (text) (PDF), the Honoring America's Veterans and Caring for Camp Lejeune Families Act of 2012 which, among other things, requires a 300-foot (91 m) and 2-hour buffer zone around military funerals.[6]

As of April 2006, nine states had passed laws regarding protests near funeral sites immediately before and after ceremonies:

States that are considering laws are:

Florida increased the penalty for disturbing military funerals, amending a previous ban on the disruption of lawful assembly.[86]

On January 11, 2011, Arizona passed an emergency measure which prohibits protests within 300 feet (91 m) of any funeral services, in response to an announcement by the WBC that it planned to protest at 2011 Tucson shooting victim Christina Green's funeral.[87]

These bans have been contested. Bart McQueary, having protested with Phelps on at least three occasions,[88] filed a lawsuit in federal court challenging the constitutionality of Kentucky's funeral protest ban. On September 26, 2006, a district court agreed and entered an injunction prohibiting the ban from being enforced.[88] In the opinion, the judge wrote:

Sections 5(1)(b) and (c) restrict substantially more speech than that which would interfere with a funeral or that which would be so obtrusive that funeral participants could not avoid it. Accordingly, the provisions are not narrowly tailored to serve a significant government interest but are instead unconstitutionally overbroad.[89]

The American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit in Missouri on behalf of Phelps and Westboro Baptist Church to overturn the ban on the picketing of soldier's funerals.[90] The ACLU of Ohio also filed a similar lawsuit.[91]

In the case of Snyder v. Phelps, the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that "distasteful and repugnant" protests surrounding funerals of service members were protected by the First Amendment. But attorneys for the service member's family appealed the decision on the grounds that such speech should not be allowed to inflict emotional distress on private parties exercising their freedom of religion during a funeral service. The Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the case on October 6, 2010, and ruled 8–1 in favor of Phelps in an opinion released on March 2, 2011.[77][1] The court held that "any distress occasioned by Westboro's picketing turned on the content and viewpoint of the message conveyed, rather than any interference with the funeral itself" and thus could not be restricted.[77][92][93][94]

People targeted by Phelps

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Phelps picketing outside the Kansas State Capitol

Beginning in the early 1990s, Phelps targeted numerous individuals and groups in the public eye for criticism by the Westboro Baptist Church.

Prominent examples include President Ronald Reagan, Princess Diana, Supreme Court Chief Justice William Rehnquist, National Football League star Reggie White, Sonny Bono, comedian George Carlin, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, atheists, Muslims, murdered college student Matthew Shepard, children's television host Fred Rogers, American televangelist Tammy Faye Bakker,[95] Australian actor Heath Ledger, Comedy Central's Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert, political commentator Bill O'Reilly, filmmaker Richard Rossi, film critic Roger Ebert,[96] Catholics, Australians,[97] Swedes, the Irish, and US soldiers killed in Iraq. He also targeted the Joseph Estabrook Elementary School in Lexington, Massachusetts, center of the David Parker controversy.

Phelps also picketed memorials to victims of different mass shootings, including the spreading of unfounded theories, such as saying that Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, the perpetrators of the 1999 Columbine High School massacre, were gay, saying that "Two filthy fags slaughtered 13 people at Columbine High."[98][99]

In 2006, in the aftermath of the West Nickel Mines School shooting, where five Amish girls were murdered, Phelps mocked the shooting, saying that it had been caused by Pennsylvania Governor Ed Rendell's criticism of Westboro.[100] Phelps further planned a protest at the funeral for the five girls murdered, but called it off, opting to spread their messages on a local radio station instead.[101]

Phelps continued picketing funerals and memorials for victims of mass shootings during the late 2000s, including the plan to picket the memorial for two victims of the Northern Illinois University shooting in 2008, which was countered by a preacher who hosted a seminar against Phelps' views.[102] After Phelps announced plans, as aforementioned, to picket the funeral of the youngest victim of the 2011 Tucson shooting on Congresswoman Gabby Giffords, Phelps responded to the emergency legislation which banned him from doing so, by praising the shooter, Jared Lee Loughner, saying: "Thank God for the violent shooter", and labeled Loughner as a "hero".[103] In 2007, he stated that he would target Jerry Falwell's funeral.[104]

Phelps' daughter, Shirley Phelps-Roper, has appeared on Fox News Channel, defending the WBC and attacking homosexuality. She and her children have also appeared on the Howard Stern radio show attempting to promote their agenda and church. Phelps' followers have repeatedly protested the University of Kansas School of Law's graduation ceremonies.

In August 2007, in the wake of the Minneapolis I-35W bridge collapse, Phelps and his congregation stated that they would protest at the funerals of the victims. In a statement, the church said that Minneapolis is the "land of the Sodomite damned".[105]

Political activities

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Anti-gay

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In the movie Hatemongers, members of the Westboro Baptist Church state their children were being "accosted" by homosexuals in Gage Park, about a 12 mile (800 m) from the Phelps' home and a mile (1.6 km) northwest of Westboro Baptist Church. Shirley Phelps-Roper says that, in the late 1980s, Fred Phelps claimed to have witnessed a homosexual attempting to lure her then five-year-old son Joshua into some shrubbery. After several complaints to the local government about the large amount of homosexual sex occurring in the park, with no resulting action, the Phelpses put up signs warning of homosexual activity. This resulted in much negative attention for the family. When the Phelpses called on local churches to speak against the activity in Gage Park, the churches also lashed out against the Phelps family, leading to the family protesting homosexuality on a regular basis.[24][1]

In 2005, Phelps and his family, along with several other local congregations, held a signature drive to bring about a vote to repeal two city ordinances that added sexual orientation to a definition of hate crimes and banned the city itself from workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation. Enough signatures were collected to bring the measure to a vote.[106] Topeka voters defeated the repeal measure on March 1, 2005, by a 53–47% margin. In the same election, Phelps' granddaughter Jael was an unsuccessful candidate for the Topeka City Council, seeking to replace Tiffany Muller, the first openly gay member of the council.[107]

Electoral politics

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Phelps speaking at a picket at the 2004 Democratic National Convention

Phelps ran in Kansas Democratic Party primaries five times, but never won. These included races for governor in 1990, 1994, and 1998, receiving about 15 percent of the vote in 1998.[108] In the 1992 Democratic Party primary for U.S. Senate, Phelps received 31 percent of the vote.[109] Phelps ran for mayor of Topeka in 1993[110][111] and 1997.[112]

Phelps supported Al Gore in the 1988 Democratic Party presidential primary election. In his 1984 Senate race, Gore had opposed a "gay bill of rights" and stated that homosexuality was not something that "society should affirm", a position Gore had publicly changed by 2000 as his official position. Phelps stated that he supported Gore because of these earlier comments.[113]

In 1996 Phelps opposed Clinton's (and Gore's) re-election because of the administration's support for gay rights; the Westboro congregation picketed a 1997 inaugural ball.[114]

Saddam Hussein

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In 1997, Phelps wrote a letter to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, praising his regime for being "the only Muslim state that allows the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ to be freely and openly preached on the streets".[115]

Arrests and traveling restrictions

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United States

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In 1994, Phelps was convicted of disorderly conduct for verbal harassment, and received two suspended 30-day jail sentences.[20][110]

Phelps' 1995 conviction for assault and battery carried a five-year prison sentence, with a mandatory 18 months to be served before he became eligible for parole. Phelps fought to be allowed to remain free until his appeals process went through. Days away from being arrested and sent to prison, a judge ruled that Phelps had been denied a speedy trial and that he was not required to serve any time.[20][110]

Canada

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In August 2008, Canadian officials learned of WBC's intent to stage a protest at the funeral of Tim McLean, a Winnipeg resident who was killed on a bus. The protests intended to convey the message that the man's murder was God's response to Canadian laws permitting abortion, homosexuality, divorce and remarriage. In response, Canadian officials barred the organization's members from entering the country.[116]

United Kingdom

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On February 18, 2009, two days before the Westboro Baptist Church's first UK picket, the United Kingdom Home Office announced that Fred Phelps and Shirley Phelps-Roper would be refused entry and that "other church members could also be flagged and stopped if they tried to enter Britain".[117] In May 2009, he and his daughter Shirley were placed on the Home Office's list of people barred from entering the UK for "fostering hatred which might lead to inter-community violence".[118]

In the media

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In 1993, Phelps appeared on a first-season episode of the talk show Ricki Lake, alleging that homosexuals and "anyone who carries the AIDS virus" deserved to die. When Phelps and his son-in-law Charles Hockenbarger (married to Phelps' daughter Rachel) became increasingly belligerent, Lake ordered the Phelps family to leave the studio. During a commercial break, the two were forced off the set and escorted out of the building by security.[119] After Phelps died, Lake tweeted that when he had been on the show, he had told her that she worshipped her own rectum — a remark that led her to take action off-stage to have Phelps removed from the set.[120]

The Phelps family was the subject of the 2007 TV program The Most Hated Family in America, presented on the BBC by Louis Theroux.[121] Four years after his original documentary, Theroux produced a follow-up program America's Most Hated Family in Crisis, which was prompted by news of family members leaving the church.[122] Phelps' son Nate has broken ranks with the family and in an interview with Peter W. Klein on the Canadian program The Standard, he characterized his father as abusive and warned the Phelps family could turn violent.[123] Writing in response to Phelps' death in 2014, Theroux described Phelps as "an angry bigot who thrived on conflict", and expressed the view that his death would not lead to any "huge changes" in the church, as he saw it as operating with the dynamics of a large family rather than a cult.[124] Theroux returned for a third documentary in 2019, titled Surviving America's Most Hated Family.[125]

Kevin Smith produced a horror film titled Red State featuring a religious fundamentalist villain inspired by Phelps.[126][127]

Phelps appeared in A Union in Wait, a 2001 Sundance Channel documentary film about same-sex marriage, directed by Ryan Butler after Phelps picketed Wake Forest Baptist Church at Wake Forest University over a proposed same-sex union ceremony.

Excommunication and death

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Fred Phelps preached his final Sunday sermon on September 1, 2013. Five weeks later, sermons resumed from various members.[128][129]

On March 15, 2014, Nathan Phelps, Phelps' estranged son, reported that Phelps was in very poor health and was receiving hospice care.[130] He said that Phelps had been excommunicated from the church in August 2013, and then moved into a house where he "basically stopped eating and drinking".[130][131][132] His statements were supported by his brother, Mark. Church spokesman Steve Drain declined to answer questions about Phelps' excommunication, and denied that the church had a single leader.[133] The church's official website said that membership status is private and did not confirm or deny the excommunication.[134]

Phelps died of natural causes shortly before midnight on March 19, 2014, at the age of 84.[135][136][137] His daughter, Shirley, stated that a funeral for her father would not be held because the church does not "worship the dead".[137] According to Nathan Phelps, Fred Phelps' body was immediately cremated,[138] and according to his granddaughter Megan Phelps-Roper, Phelps' cremated remains were buried in an unmarked grave in Kansas.[139]

Phelps had been reportedly suffering from some form of dementia in his final year, and started behaving irrationally. This led to church members believing that God had condemned him.[140] It has been stated that Phelps "had a softening of heart at the end of his life,"[141] according to accounts published in a memoir written by Phelps' granddaughter Megan Phelps-Roper, and reporting from The New Yorker citing former members of the church.[141] This includes an incident in 2013, in which Phelps is said to have stepped outside the church and called over to members of Planting Peace, a nonprofit organization that bought a house on the other street and painted it with an LGBTQ rainbow, saying: "You're good people!"[142] In an interview with NPR, Megan Phelps-Roper said this outburst was "the proximate cause" of Phelps being excommunicated,[143] a claim that the church has denied.[144] According to Phelps' grandson and former church member Zach Phelps-Roper, Phelps' actions were regarded as "rank blasphemy" by the church members.[145][146]

Electoral history

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Democratic primary for Governor of Kansas, 1990

Democratic primary for United States Senate, Kansas 1992

  • Gloria O'Dell: 111,015 (69.20%)
  • Fred Phelps: 49,416 (30.80%)

Democratic primary for Governor of Kansas, 1994

Democratic primary for Governor of Kansas, 1998

Family tree

[edit]
Fred Phelps family tree
Catherine IdaletteFred Wade Phelps
Fred Waldron PhelpsMargie Marie Simms
Rachel Phelps HockenbargerShirley Phelps-RoperJonathan Baxter PhelpsTimothy Bryan PhelpsRebekah Phelps DavisFred Waldron Phelps Jr.Abigail PhelpsMargie Jean PhelpsElizabeth Marie PhelpsNate PhelpsKatherine PhelpsMark PhelpsDorotha Phelps
Samuel Phelps-RoperIsaiah Phelps-RoperRebekah Phelps-RoperZacharia Phelps-RoperJoshua Phelps-RoperMegan Phelps-RoperLibby Phelps


See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Fred Waldron Phelps Sr. (November 13, 1929 – March 19, 2014) was an American disbarred lawyer and pastor who founded and led the , a small independent congregation in , established in 1955. Phelps, who earlier pursued civil rights litigation successfully in the 1950s and 1960s, directed the church's protests condemning as an abomination warranting eternal damnation, often staging pickets at military funerals and public events with signs declaring "God Hates Fags" and attributing casualties to divine vengeance against societal immorality. The U.S. upheld the legality of such demonstrations in Snyder v. Phelps (2011), ruling them protected speech on public issues despite their inflammatory content. Disbarred by the in 1979 for professional misconduct, Phelps remained the church's patriarch until his shortly before his death.

Early Life

Childhood and Family Origins

Fred Waldron Phelps Sr. was born on November 13, 1929, in Meridian, , to Fred Wade Phelps, a employed by the Southern Railroad, and Catherine Idalette Johnston Phelps, a homemaker. He was the elder of two sons born to the couple. Phelps' early family environment was marked by the loss of his mother, who died on September 3, 1940, when he was 10 years old. Raised in a Methodist household in the rural South, he engaged in youth group activities at Central during his high school years in Meridian, reflecting initial immersion in Protestant traditions emphasizing personal piety and moral discipline. At age 17, in 1947, Phelps underwent a transformative religious revival experience within Methodist circles that shifted his convictions toward Baptist , culminating in his as a Southern Baptist minister on , 1947. This precocious dedication to preaching and doctrinal advocacy indicated an early intensity in confronting moral issues, rooted in the revivalist fervor common to mid-20th-century Southern .

Education and Early Influences

Phelps graduated from high school in , on May 28, 1946, at the age of 16. In January 1947, he enrolled at in , a fundamentalist Christian institution emphasizing strict adherence to biblical principles. He left the university in 1948 after a brief period of study. That same year, Phelps was ordained as a minister by the First Baptist Church in , an early indicator of his developing religious vocation. Relocating to , Phelps engaged in street preaching while attending College in Pasadena, where he earned an associate's degree in 1951. His exposure to evangelical preaching and self-directed biblical study during this time honed rhetorical and analytical abilities rooted in scriptural . A pivotal influence was his conversion during a Methodist as a teenager, which prompted him to decline an appointment to the at West Point in favor of pursuing ministry. By 1954, after moving to , Phelps accepted a position as associate pastor at East Side Baptist Church, signaling a deliberate shift from secular pursuits toward full-time religious leadership. He subsequently enrolled at School of Law, completing a in 1964, which equipped him with legal reasoning skills later integrated into his theological advocacy. These formative experiences at conservative religious institutions and through independent preaching solidified his literalist interpretation of the as the foundation for moral and social analysis.

Professional Career as Attorney

Entry into Law and Initial Practice

Fred Phelps received his degree from School of Law in 1964. Despite initial resistance from local attorneys and difficulty obtaining judicial endorsements of required for admission, Phelps secured alternative affidavits, including references to his achievements and a letter from former President Harry Truman, leading to his admission to the Bar on February 12, 1964. Phelps established a private law practice in Topeka, Kansas, shortly after admission, focusing on courtroom litigation and building a reputation for tenacity and aggressive advocacy. His early cases included local disputes, such as a 1972 lawsuit against Topeka lawyers, county commissioners, and a judge, in which he alleged involvement in a corrupt political machine engaging in illegal acts. He also pursued consumer-related matters, exemplified by a 1974 class-action suit against Sears seeking $50 million for delayed television deliveries, which ultimately settled for a nominal amount in 1980. Phelps' confrontational style emerged in these initial efforts, characterized by direct accusations of systemic and flaws in institutions, reflecting a commitment to challenging perceived injustices through vigorous legal challenges rather than deference to established norms. This approach contributed to his early success in generating income and establishing a presence in Topeka's legal community, though it foreshadowed later professional conflicts.

Civil Rights Litigation

In the 1950s and 1960s, Phelps represented African American clients in Kansas courts, pursuing litigation to dismantle racial segregation in public facilities such as schools, swimming pools, and other municipal amenities. These cases targeted state-enforced barriers under the "separate but equal" doctrine, yielding several victories that advanced desegregation locally before and in the wake of the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling. For instance, in Johnson v. Topeka Board of Education, Phelps challenged discriminatory practices by the Topeka school system, contributing to efforts that eroded segregated education in the state. Phelps' practice comprised approximately one-third of Kansas' civil rights caseload during this period, emphasizing pragmatic legal challenges to discriminatory policies rather than broader ideological affiliations. His successes included monetary awards and injunctions against segregationist holdouts, aligning with the era's Democratic-led push for enforcement amid Republican associations with southern resistance. These outcomes were grounded in evidentiary demonstrations of unequal facilities and resources, prioritizing causal evidence of harm over abstract equality claims. Recognition for his work came from civil rights organizations, including a 1987 award from the Bonner Springs branch of the citing his "steely determination for justice" in civil rights advocacy. Additional honors, such as from the Greater Kansas City Chapter of Blacks in Government in the , underscored his role in securing tangible gains against racial barriers through litigation.

Ethical Violations and Disbarment

In 1977, the Board for Discipline of Attorneys initiated proceedings against Fred Phelps for multiple instances of professional misconduct, culminating in hearings held from March 13 to 15, 1978. The primary charges centered on Phelps' actions in the case of Robinson v. Brady (1976), where he filed a motion for a containing false statements about testimony, including misrepresentations denied by the witnesses themselves. These violations encompassed breaches of Disciplinary Rules DR 1-102(A)(4) (engaging in ), DR 1-102(A)(5) (conduct prejudicial to the ), DR 7-102(A)(5) (knowingly making false statements of or fact), and K.S.A. 60-211 (requiring pleadings to be signed with ). Additionally, the panel documented a pattern of illegal under DR 7-102(A)(1), manifested in abusive and irrelevant stemming from a personal vendetta against Carolene Brady. A review panel issued its report on February 12, 1979, sustaining the charges and recommending discipline, which the affirmed after finding the evidence supported the findings of unethical conduct. The court emphasized Phelps' disregard for his oath as an attorney and the ethical standards of the , noting this as part of a broader pattern that included a prior two-year suspension in 1969 for separate violations. On July 20, 1979, the ordered Phelps' and assessed him the costs of the proceedings, ruling that "the practice of law is a privilege rather than a right and by his conduct, respondent has forfeited his privilege." While Phelps' courtroom style reflected the aggressive tactics common in the era's polarized civil rights litigation, the rulings identified specific crossings into personal attacks and dishonesty that warranted the sanction without mitigation. Phelps challenged the through federal litigation, filing a Section 1983 civil rights suit in 1979 alleging violations by the . The U.S. District Court dismissed the complaint, and on October 5, 1981, the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed, holding that the state court's decision rested on substantial evidence from multiple sustained charges, rendering the neither arbitrary nor a denial of fair procedure. The federal court noted that could have been justified on any single charge alone, underscoring the sufficiency of the record against Phelps' claims of bias or inadequacy in the state process.

Religious Ministry

Founding of Westboro Baptist Church

Fred Phelps established the in , in 1955 as an independent Primitive Baptist congregation. The church initially emphasized local preaching and worship services centered on biblical and moral accountability. Phelps, serving as its founding pastor, drew from Old School Baptist traditions that rejected modern denominational structures in favor of strict adherence to scriptural authority. Membership growth occurred predominantly through Phelps' extended family network, reflecting a tightly knit, insular structure driven by shared doctrinal commitments. By the , the core congregation consisted mainly of Phelps' 13 children and their spouses, who participated actively in church operations and efforts. This family-centric model ensured organizational cohesion but limited external recruitment, prioritizing purity of over numerical expansion. Over time, the church's practices evolved from traditional Sunday services to incorporate public engagement, with organized pickets emerging by the early 1990s as a means of doctrinal outreach. This shift marked a transition toward confrontational , though the family-based leadership under Phelps remained central to decision-making and execution.

Core Theological Positions

The Westboro Baptist Church, led by Fred Phelps, espoused a strict literalist rooted in Primitive Baptist traditions, prioritizing unadulterated adherence to biblical texts over interpretive leniency or cultural accommodation. Central to this framework was the unequivocal condemnation of as an abomination under , with :22 prohibiting a man from lying with another male "as with womankind" and Leviticus 20:13 mandating death for offenders: "they shall surely be put to death; their blood shall be upon them." Phelps interpreted these Mosaic statutes as enduring moral imperatives, exemplified by God's in Genesis 19 for and related vices, as corroborated in Ezekiel 16:49-50 and Jude 7. Rejecting mainstream evangelical separations of sin from sinner, the church doctrine affirmed God's active hatred of unrepentant individuals, drawing from :5—"thou hatest all workers of iniquity"—to counter the phrase "God hates the sin but loves the sinner" as a sentimental fabrication alien to Scripture. This extended to viewing God as sovereign over creation, including evil (Isaiah 45:7), with human depravity universal (Romans 3:23) yet singled out for its brazen defiance amid societal endorsement. Phelps positioned such sins as catalysts for collective ruin, insisting on or perdition (Luke 13:3-5). Theology further emphasized causal divine judgments on nations, positing U.S. military deaths—totaling over 4,400 in and 2,400 in by 2014—as targeted punishments for tolerating "fag-enabling" policies and proliferating false doctrines in churches deemed idolatrous. These calamities served as harbingers of eschatological wrath (Romans 9:22), linking national directly to God's retributive rather than coincidence or human agency alone. Maintaining independence from Baptist associations or ecumenical coalitions, the church under Phelps eschewed affiliations to avoid doctrinal compromise, critiquing broader for diluting scriptural rigor on and judgment. Phelps functioned as the paramount interpreter, enforcing exclusivity where only those affirming these positions—repentant believers in Christ (Mark 16:16)—could partake, thereby safeguarding against .

Evolution of Church Practices

The Westboro Baptist Church's public practices shifted markedly in the early 1990s, when it initiated organized campaigns targeting local individuals and events deemed sinful, beginning with protests near Gage Park in , in June 1991. This marked a transition from primarily internal sermons and legal advocacy to street-level demonstrations emphasizing doctrinal warnings against unrepentant , coordinated largely by Phelps family members who handled logistics, sign production, and scheduling. Following Fred Phelps's by the on July 20, 1979, for repeated ethical violations in legal practice, the church redirected resources toward full-time religious activism, amplifying frequency and visibility as a core operational mode. To extend outreach beyond physical protests, the church adopted digital platforms in the late 1990s and early , launching websites such as godhatesfags.com to publish sermons, theological justifications, and documentation, thereby disseminating messages globally without reliance on . Family members, including Phelps's children and grandchildren, played central roles in and online coordination, evolving rudimentary —initially handmade with markers on board—into standardized, professionally produced materials by the mid- to enhance impact. Internally, the church enforced doctrinal fidelity through rigorous discipline, including and of members, often family, who deviated from core positions on and , a practice that predated Phelps's own ouster and contributed to operational cohesion amid external scrutiny. This selective purging maintained a insular structure but correlated with membership stagnation and eventual decline; by the , active participants numbered around 40-70, predominantly Phelps relatives, reflecting limited outside the family and ongoing defections.

Activism and Public Confrontations

Anti-Homosexuality Campaigns

In June 1991, Fred Phelps and members of the Westboro Baptist Church launched their first organized picket against homosexuality near Gage Park in Topeka, Kansas, targeting what they claimed was a site of illicit homosexual activity. Phelps positioned these campaigns as a divine mandate to expose and condemn sodomy as the preeminent national sin, arguing that societal tolerance invited God's retributive wrath on America, evidenced by events like natural disasters and military casualties. This local action marked the onset of a sustained effort, with the church conducting daily pickets in Topeka and expanding to target homosexual establishments, such as restaurants employing lesbians. The theological foundation rested on a literalist interpretation of Scripture, emphasizing passages that depict homosexual acts as abominations warranting death, including Leviticus 20:13 and Romans 1:26-27, alongside Genesis 13:13's condemnation of Sodom's wickedness. Phelps rejected the notion that "God hates the sin but loves the sinner" as unbiblical, asserting instead that God actively hates unrepentant practitioners of iniquity, per :5, and that failure to publicly denounce such sin equated to complicity in national doom. Signs emblazoned with "God Hates Fags" became emblematic, encapsulating this view and intended to provoke repentance through stark warnings of eternal judgment. Over subsequent decades, the campaigns proliferated nationally, protesting gay pride parades, media outlets promoting homosexual normalization, and public figures advocating for related policies, with the church logging thousands of such demonstrations amid its overall tally exceeding 40,000 pickets by the . Adherents regarded these as prophetic obedience to biblical imperatives for verbal rebuke of , contrasting with mainstream cultural shifts toward acceptance. Detractors, often from advocacy groups, dismissed the rhetoric as incendiary and dehumanizing, though Phelps countered that empirical observations of societal decay corroborated scriptural prophecies of consequence for endorsing what he termed "filthy sodomites." This occurred against a backdrop of pre-2015 legal and ethical contests over homosexual conduct's status, where traditionalist positions drew from historical norms amid rising civil rights claims.

Funeral and Military Protests

In 2005, members, led by Fred Phelps, began targeting funerals of American soldiers killed in the and wars, escalating their protest activities to include signage asserting for national policies perceived as sinful, such as tolerance of . Prominent placards read "Thank God for ," framing casualties as God's judgment on America for moral failings, including support for gay rights and failure to criminalize . These demonstrations typically involved small groups—often fewer than a dozen picketers—positioned on public sidewalks at required distances from sites, chanting and displaying signs without physical interference or violence. By 2011, the church had picketed hundreds of military funerals across the , with protests occurring regardless of the deceased soldier's personal conduct and focusing instead on broader societal critiques. Public backlash was intense, prompting the formation of counter-protest groups like the , who used motorcycles and American flags to shield mourners from visibility and noise, effectively drowning out the picketers in many instances. In response to these disruptions, enacted the on May 29, 2006, prohibiting protests within 300 feet of entrances to national cemeteries during military funerals held there, with similar buffer-zone laws adopted in multiple states to limit proximity without broadly curtailing public assembly rights. The church's tactics faced legal scrutiny in (2011), where the U.S. ruled 8-1 that Westboro's picketing of Marine Lance Corporal Matthew Snyder's March 2006 funeral—featuring signs like "Thank God for Dead Soldiers" and "God Hates the USA"—constituted protected speech on matters of public concern under the First Amendment, as the protests occurred on , complied with local ordinances, and avoided targeted of individuals. While critics, including affected families, documented severe emotional distress from the protests' inflammatory rhetoric, courts consistently affirmed their non-violent nature and contextual public-issue focus, rejecting tort liability for on First Amendment grounds. This ruling reinforced the protests' legal viability as expressive conduct, though it fueled ongoing debates over balancing unrestricted speech against the sanctity of memorial services.

International Travel and Restrictions

Members of the Westboro Baptist Church, directed by Fred Phelps, conducted protests in Canada during the 2000s as part of efforts to publicize their anti-homosexuality message internationally. In August 2008, several church members, including Shirley Phelps-Roper, entered Canada to picket the funeral of Tim McLean, a victim of a beheading attack on a Greyhound bus in Manitoba, carrying signs condemning homosexuality and national tolerance of it. Canadian authorities attempted to bar Fred Phelps personally from entry under immigration rules prohibiting those who promote hatred, notifying border officials to deny him admission, though some family members succeeded in crossing. Canada later enforced broader restrictions on Westboro Baptist Church members, banning their entry due to the group's advocacy of views deemed to incite against homosexuals, effectively curtailing further protests after the 2008 incident. These measures reflected 's immigration laws allowing exclusion for promoting violence or , in contrast to U.S. First Amendment protections that shielded similar domestic activities from content-based penalties, though U.S. arrests of Phelps' followers in the 1990s were limited to logistical violations like permit non-compliance rather than speech itself. In the , Phelps and church members planned protests in early 2009 against a production of the play Corpus Christi, which depicts and apostles as gay, but were preemptively barred. On February 19, 2009, the UK designated Fred Phelps and Shirley Phelps-Roper as persona non grata, excluding them from entry on grounds that their presence would not be conducive to the public good and risked fostering "extremism and hatred." The decision invoked UK laws against and , preventing any physical protests and underscoring jurisdictional tensions: while U.S. courts upheld the church's expressive rights absent direct threats, foreign nations prioritized public order over absolute speech freedoms, resulting in negligible international footprint for Phelps' campaigns. In the 1990s, Westboro Baptist Church, under Fred Phelps's leadership, filed multiple lawsuits against Topeka, Kansas, authorities challenging local restrictions on public assembly and speech, including ordinances aimed at limiting protests near events like funerals. These efforts resulted in overturned injunctions and revisions to Kansas laws, such as the state's Funeral Picketing Act, which courts deemed unconstitutional under the First Amendment, yielding over $200,000 in attorney fees awarded to the church via prevailing-party countersuits. The 2011 Supreme Court decision in Snyder v. Phelps represented a pivotal victory affirming these protections. After church members picketed the March 10, 2006, funeral of Marine Lance Corporal Matthew Snyder in , bearing signs decrying and U.S. military policy, Snyder's father sued Phelps and the church for , intrusion upon seclusion, and related torts. A federal jury in the U.S. District Court for the District of awarded $10.9 million in damages on October 30, 2007, which the judge reduced to $5 million. The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the verdict in September 2009, ruling the speech occurred on addressing matters of public concern—such as clerical influence on policy and national tolerance of —thus meriting First Amendment shielding from tort liability despite its offensive nature. The upheld this 8-1 on March 2, 2011, with Chief Justice writing that content-based restrictions on public-issue speech in traditional forums like streets violate core protections, even if causing emotional harm, as "speech on public issues occupies the highest rung of the of First Amendment values." Church countersuits in these and similar cases recovered substantial fees, including $16,510 ordered from Albert Snyder following the Fourth Circuit reversal and over $100,000 from a challenge to restrictions. No criminal convictions arose from the content of Westboro's protests, with judicial outcomes empirically limiting adverse rulings to civil claims later vacated on constitutional grounds. Supporters, including organizations like the ACLU, hailed these precedents for broadening safeguards against viewpoint discrimination, while detractors argued they facilitated unchecked disruption; however, the rulings rested on of assembly rights over untargeted private harms.

Political Engagements

Electoral Runs and Party Affiliation

Phelps maintained lifelong registration with the Democratic Party and ran exclusively in its primaries for offices, a choice aligned with the state's historical Democratic dominance in gubernatorial and local races during much of the , allowing access to ballots without Republican opposition in a conservative-leaning general electorate. His campaigns, spanning from local to statewide levels, consistently emphasized measures alongside moral critiques of societal sins, though they yielded no victories and minimal vote percentages, functioning more as platforms for doctrinal visibility than electoral success.
YearOfficePrimary Result
1990Governor of 11,634 votes (6.7%); third place in Democratic primary
1992U.S. Senate ()30.8% of vote; lost Democratic primary
Phelps sought the Topeka mayoralty in Democratic primaries in 1993 and 1997, advancing his platform of governmental reform and ethical purity but securing insufficient support to proceed to general elections. Across these and other reported runs—totaling at least five statewide and local bids—his vote totals remained under 1 percent in viable contests, underscoring the campaigns' role in amplifying his independent moral conservatism rather than achieving partisan gains.

Stances on Broader Issues

The under Fred Phelps opposed U.S. military engagements like the , interpreting casualties as for national tolerance of and moral failings, rendering such conflicts futile against God's judgment. This perspective framed wars not as strategic necessities but as symptoms of inevitable doom absent biblical repentance and enforcement of laws. Phelps expressed support for Saddam Hussein's regime in a November 30, 1997, letter, commending Iraq's criminalization of with severe penalties as superior to America's permissive stance. This aligned with the church's broader advocacy for , which they deemed biblically mandated for sins including murder, adultery, and homosexual conduct under the Mosaic Law. The church critiqued other religions as false doctrines defying scripture: Catholicism for idolatry and institutional corruption, Judaism for rejecting Christ (labeling adherents anti-Semitic targets in protests), and Islam for propagating lies of Muhammad. These condemnations manifested in pickets at Catholic events like papal funerals, Jewish institutions, and Muslim gatherings, asserting exclusive salvation through their Primitive Baptist Calvinism. Rooted in theological nationalism, these positions demanded a upholding biblical penalties to avert catastrophe, viewing interventionist policies as delusional defiance of causal divine realism—positions dismissed as fringe yet converging with paleoconservative skepticism of endless wars by prioritizing internal moral reform over external conquests.

Personal and Family Matters

Marriage and Offspring

Fred Phelps married Margie Simms in 1952, shortly after meeting her at the Bible Institute. The couple had 13 children together. Phelps's offspring formed the operational backbone of the , with the majority assuming prominent roles in its activities and administration. For instance, daughter emerged as a key spokesperson and attorney, frequently representing the church in media appearances and legal defenses of its protests. Other children, including daughters like Margie Phelps and Rebekah Phelps-Davis, contributed to preaching, , and doctrinal dissemination, embedding family loyalty as central to the church's insular structure. The Phelps household emphasized rigorous immersion in the church's Calvinist doctrines, with children participating in protests and services from early ages to reinforce theological convictions against and perceived societal sins. Phelps enforced strict discipline as a means of moral and , according to accounts from church-aligned family members, though this approach drew descriptions of severe from estranged children like . Public glimpses into family dynamics remain limited, but the integration of nearly all children into church leadership underscores the domestic sphere's role in sustaining the ministry's continuity.

Internal Church Conflicts and Excommunication

In the early 2010s, tensions emerged within the over the intensity of its protest activities and internal disciplinary practices, with Fred Phelps reportedly advocating for a moderation in the church's confrontational tone toward members. These disputes reflected broader factional strains, as younger church leaders, primarily Phelps' children and grandchildren, prioritized unwavering adherence to the group's strict interpretive doctrines amid Phelps' advancing age and health decline. By mid-2013, these conflicts culminated in Phelps' removal as , with church elders voting him out for what they described as unspecified "sins" that deviated from core principles of ecclesiastical discipline. His estranged son publicly confirmed the in March 2014, attributing it to a power struggle where Phelps had pushed for greater internal kindness, a stance elders deemed incompatible with the emphasis on rigorous . The church did not officially dispute the ouster but maintained operational continuity under new leadership, framing the action as necessary to preserve doctrinal integrity against perceived softening. These events exacerbated divisions, as the church's loyalty tests—enforced through and membership votes—led to pre-existing estrangements being intensified, with some relatives siding against Phelps in favor of institutional purity over filial ties. Empirical accounts from defectors and observers indicate the underscored the church's hierarchical structure, where doctrinal fidelity trumped the founder's foundational role, resulting in his isolation in his final months.

Death and Posthumous Developments

Final Days and Demise

In late 2013, Fred Phelps entered hospice care in Topeka, Kansas, amid declining health, though specific medical details were not released by his family or the Westboro Baptist Church (WBC). On March 16, 2014, his estranged son Nathan Phelps publicly stated that his father was "on the edge of death," a claim disputed by church representatives who insisted he remained stable. Phelps died on March 19, 2014, at age 84, at Midland Care Hospice; the cause was not disclosed, with the church describing it as him having "gone the way of all flesh." No public funeral was held for Phelps, as confirmed by his daughter Margie Phelps, with arrangements limited to a private burial. The WBC did not organize protests at the event, and no counter-protests occurred, prompting media commentary on the irony of an unmolested send-off for the leader of a group notorious for disrupting funerals. Family responses were muted or varied, with some members maintaining silence while others, including estranged relatives, expressed personal reflections without broader church endorsement.

Family and Church Schisms

Following the death of Fred Phelps on March 19, 2014, the underwent further internal divisions, marked by additional family defections and a transition in structures. These shifts arose from ongoing doctrinal and interpersonal tensions within the tight-knit, family-dominated congregation, leading to attrition among younger members. For instance, Zach Phelps-Roper, grandson of Fred Phelps and a longtime participant in church protests, departed the group on February 20, 2014, citing a realization that the church emphasized societal problems over constructive solutions, a decision that gained public attention in the months after Phelps' passing. By 2017, leadership had formalized under a of married male elders who rotate preaching duties, with non-family member Steve Drain assuming a prominent role in media outreach and , reflecting an effort to sustain the church's operations amid departures. Membership stabilized at an estimated 70-80 individuals, predominantly Phelps relatives, but the group contracted as younger adults continued to exit due to doctrinal doubts or perceived rigidity, reducing the scale and media visibility of protests to about one-quarter of prior levels by 2018. While no formal splinter groups emerged from these dynamics, ex-members formed distinct paths: many, including earlier defectors whose influence persisted post-2014, actively campaigned against the church through writings and advocacy, denouncing its tactics as counterproductive. Others, such as estranged family member Katherine Phelps, reconciled with core views and reintegrated, underscoring the varied outcomes of internal pressures rather than unified opposition. Protests persisted into the late but with diminished frequency and broader messaging incorporating biblical themes beyond , indicative of adaptive responses to sustain cohesion amid ongoing familial rifts.

Assessment of Influence and Reception

Phelps' protests, conducted through the (WBC), contributed to a significant expansion of First Amendment protections for public speech on controversial topics. In the 2011 case , the Court ruled 8-1 that WBC's picketing at a —featuring signs decrying and U.S. tolerance of it—was shielded by the Free Speech Clause, as it addressed matters of public concern rather than targeted private harassment. The decision emphasized that the protests involved no violence, shouting, or profanity, occurring peacefully on public sidewalks over 1,000 feet from the event, thereby overturning a $5 million damages award and reinforcing limits on tort liability for offensive but non-inciteful expression. This precedent has been cited in subsequent cases to protect vehement dissent, including criticisms of cultural shifts toward normalization of , by distinguishing core political speech from unprotected categories like true threats. While Phelps adhered strictly to a literal interpretation of biblical passages condemning homosexuality—such as Leviticus 18:22 and Romans 1:26-27—his methods drew sharp rebukes from organizations like the (ADL), which characterized WBC as one of America's most reviled hate groups for promoting messages of divine wrath against gays and Jews. The similarly labeled the group a hate entity, focusing on its rhetoric as fomenting animus amid rising societal acceptance of same-sex relations. However, Phelps' campaigns remained non-violent and legally compliant, avoiding physical disruption and relying on permitted assembly to publicize scriptural warnings of judgment, which some free speech advocates, including the ACLU, defended as essential to safeguarding unpopular views against emotional distress claims. This approach arguably heightened public discourse on tensions between religious orthodoxy and secular progressivism, though it primarily galvanized opposition, spawning counter-movements like the who shielded funerals from WBC visibility. Phelps' legacy endures as a polarizing archetype: revered by a small cadre as a prophetic voice echoing uncompromised Calvinist , yet reviled broadly as a catalyst for cultural revulsion toward overt biblical condemnation of . Post-2014, WBC's membership shrank due to defections, including family members, but the group persists with sporadic protests maintaining Phelps' core messaging, as evidenced by ongoing pickets documented into the late . His influence indirectly bolstered defenses of expressive freedoms in conservative critiques of "woke" , by establishing judicial barriers to on moral issues, though direct emulation remains rare given the backlash's intensity. Empirical metrics of impact include heightened media coverage of religious absolutism—WBC protests garnered thousands of stories annually in the 2000s—contrasting with the non-violent execution that precluded hate crime escalations.

References

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