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Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah, better known by his pen name Hamka (17 February 1908 – 24 July 1981) was an Indonesian ʿālim, philosopher, writer, novelist, lecturer, politician and journalist.[1]

Key Information

First affiliated with the Masyumi Party, until it was disbanded due to connection to the PRRI rebellion, Hamka was jailed because he was close to other PRRI members. He also served as the inaugural chief cleric of the Indonesian Ulema Council, and was active in Muhammadiyah until he died. Al-Azhar University and Malaysian National University both granted him honorary doctorates, while Moestopo University of Jakarta appointed him a Distinguished Professor.

Hamka is further honoured by being the namesake of Hamka Muhammadiyah University in Jakarta, and is named an Indonesian National Hero.[2]

Early life

[edit]
Hamka's and his grandmother's residence during his childhood in Maninjau, it was renovated in 2001 and named the Buya Hamka Birthplace Museum. The museum now holds most of his books, publications, and related goods.

Hamka was born on 17 February 1908 in Agam, West Sumatra, the eldest of four siblings. Raised in a family of devout Muslims, his father was Abdul Karim Amrullah, a clerical reformer of Islam in Minangkabau, also known as "Haji Rasul". His mother, Sitti Shafiyah, came from a lineage of Minangkabau artists. His paternal grandfather, Muhammad Amrullah, was a member of the Naqshbandiyah.[3] Hamka had a younger brother, Abdul Wadud Karim Amrullah, whose child is the American drag performer and winner of the third season of RuPaul's Drag Race, Raja Gemini.[4]

Prior to his formal education, Hamka lived with his grandmother in a house south of Maninjau.[3] When he was four years old, Hamka and his family moved to Padang Panjang, where he learned to read the Qur'an and recite prayers under the guidance of his half-sister Fatimah. At the age of seven, Malik entered the Village School. In 1916, Zainuddin Labay El Yunusy opened a religious school, Diniyah School, replacing the traditional surau-based education system. While attending lessons every morning at the Village School, Malik took afternoon classes at Diniyah School where he quickly learned Arabic.[5]

Education

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In 1918, Hamka left the Village School after three years, because he wanted to emphasize religious education, and his father registered him in a Thawalib. The school required its students to memorize classical books, rules regarding nahwu, and neuroscience. After studying at Diniyah School every morning, Malik attended Thawalib classes in the afternoon and returned to the surau in the evening. Most of the Thawalib's students were teenagers who were older than Hamka because of the heavy material that was needed to be memorized. From the lessons he attended, he was only interested in the arudh lessons which discussed poetry in Arabic. Although his activities from morning to evening were filled with learning, he was known to be a troublemaker, annoying his friends and cutting class to watch movies at a theater.[3]

When he was 12 years old, Hamka's parents divorced, because although his father was a devout religious Muslim, his mother's relatives still practiced traditional practices that did not comply with Islamic teachings. The first few days after his parents divorced, Hamka did not go to school. He instead spent time traveling around Padang Panjang. Hamka had been absent for fifteen days in a row until a teacher at the Thawalib came to the house to check up on him. Finding out Hamka was absent, his father got angry and hit him.[6]

Because of fear of his father, Hamka returned to the class as usual. After he discovered that his teacher, Zainuddin Labay El Yunusy, had opened a book rental library, Hamka spent most of his time reading through borrowed books. He read literary works published by Balai Pustaka, Chinese stories, and Arabic translations. After reading, Malik copied his own version. Running out of money to rent the books, Hamka offered to work for a printing house owned by Bagindo Sinaro, where the book collection were covered with protective cardboard. He helped cut cardboard, make glue dough as a glue for books, and make coffee, but as a reward, he asks to be allowed to read the collection of books that were to be rented out. Within three hours of returning from Diniyah before leaving for Thawalib, Hamka arranged his time to have time to read. Because of his neat work, he was allowed to bring a new book that had not been cardboard to work on at home. However, since Malik was often caught reading story books, his father reprimanded him, so every time he noticed his father was watching, Hamka would put down the story book he was reading, took a religious book while pretending to read it. Family problems caused Hamka to often travel long distances alone. He would leave his classes at Diniyah and Thawalib, and travels to Maninjau to visit his mother. Hamka was conflicted about choosing to live with his mother or father. Hamka sought association with the young people of Maninjau. He studied silat and randai, as well as listening to kaba, stories sung with traditional Minangkabau musical instruments. He walked further to Bukittinggi and Payakumbuh, briefly hanging out at cockfights and horse racing jockeys. He was neglected for almost a year until when he was 14 years old, his father felt restless and took him to go recite the Koran to the cleric Sheikh Ibrahim Musa in Parabek, about five kilometers from Bukittinggi. In Parabek, for the first time Hamka lived independently.[6]

In Parabek, young Hamka learnt to fulfill his daily needs as a santri. During his stay at the pesantren, Hamka took advantage of the freed Saturday to go out to the surrounding the villages near Parabek. Interested in hearing traditional speeches, Hamka often attended the inauguration of the penghulu, when the traditional elders gathered. He noted down while memorizing rhymes and dictated passages in the traditional speeches he heard.[6]

Moving to Java

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Hamka travelled all over Minangkabau as a teenager, gaining the nickname Si Bujang Jauh, (the Boy from Afar) from his father.[6]

Hamka decided to leave for Java at the age of 15, when he learnt that the Islam taught there was far more advanced in terms of structure and organisation. He ran away from home, unnoticed by his father and only said goodbye to his grandmother in Maninjau. From Maninjau, Malik started his journey with the money his grandmother gave him, In Bengkulu, he planned to meet a relative from his mother's tribe to ask for additional fees, however, he contracted smallpox. He tried to continue but was forced to go back to Meninjau where he spent two-months bedridden. He departed to Java again in July 1924, after spending two months bedridden.[6]

After arriving in Java he went to Yogyakarta and studied under Bagoes Hadikoesoemo, Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto, Abdul Rozak Fachruddin, and Suryopranoto; under Bagoes Hadikoesoemo, Hamka joined Sarekat Islam. Before returning to Minangkabau, he visited Bandung and met with Masjumi leaders Ahmad Hassan and Mohammad Natsir, which gave him the opportunity to write in the magazine Pembela Islam ("Defenders of Islam"). Subsequently, in 1925, he went to Pekalongan, Central Java to meet Sutan Mansur Ahmad Rashid, who was the chairman of Muhammadiyah's Pekalongan branch, and learnt more about Islam from him. While in Pekalongan, he stayed at his brother's house and started giving religious talks for Muhammadiyah.[6]

In Pekalongan, Hamka met his father who failed to leave for Egypt after the postponement of the International Caliphate Congress. Muhammadiyah activities attracted Haji Rasul's attention so that when he returned to Minangkabau with Jafar Amrullah and Marah Intan, Haji Rasul initiated the establishment of a Muhammadiyah branch at Batang River. The association that was founded earlier called Sendi Aman changed its name to Muhammadiyah to be recognized as a branch by Muhammadiyah in Yogyakarta. From there, Muhammadiyah spread throughout the Minangkabau area with the help of its former students. In order to prepare Muhammadiyah preachers and teachers, Haji Rasul encouraged Thawalib students to open a Muhammadiyah Tablighi in Sungai Batang. Malik led the speech practice held by the course once a week. He made speeches for those who were not good at composing. His speeches were published in the magazine, Khatibul Ummah, which started with a circulation of 500 copies. Malik completed and edited portions of the speech he received before publication. His teacher Zainuddin and the owner of the printing press, Bagindo Sinaro, helped produce and distribute the magazine. From writing and editing speeches, Malik began to learn and express his writing skills. However, due to financial reasons, the printing of Khatibul Ummah only lasted three issues.[6]

After his first trip in Java, he claimed to have a new spirit in studying Islam. He also saw no difference between Islamic reformation missions in both the Minangkabau and Javan regions: the reformation in Minangkabau aimed at purifying Islam off regressive practices of imitation and superstition, while the Javan movement was more focused to the efforts of combating "backwardness", ignorance and poverty.[6]

Performing the Hajj

[edit]
Hamka's trip to Mecca in 1927 inspired him to write Di Bawah Lindungan Ka'bah.

In February 1927, he made the decision to go to Mecca to expand his religious knowledge, including learning the Arabic language and performing his first hajj pilgrimage. He left without saying goodbye to his father, using his own money he departed from Belawan Harbor for Jeddah. While in Mecca, he became correspondent for the daily "Andalas Light" (Pelita Andalas) and also worked at a printing company owned by Hamid, son of Majid Kurdish, Ahmad Khatib al-Minangkabawi's father-in-law. His mastery of Arabic enabled him to read classic Islamic kitab, books, and Islamic newsletters.

During the pilgrimage, Hamka and several other pilgrims candidate founded the East Indian Association (Persatuan Hindia Timur), an organisation giving lessons to Dutch Indies pilgrims-to-be. He lived in Mecca for some time after the pilgrimage, where he met Agus Salim and had expressed his desire to settle in Mecca, but Agus Salim instead advised him to go home reasoning: "You can do a lot more work with your study and movements that you are fighting for. Therefore, it would be better to develop yourself in your own homeland". Hamka soon returned home after seven months of living in Mecca. However, instead of going back to Padang Panjang, Hamka settled in the city of Medan, where his returning ship had anchored.

Career in Medan

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While in Medan, he wrote many articles for various magazines and had become a religion teacher for several months in Tebing Tinggi. He sent his writings to the newspaper Pembela Islam in Bandung and Voice of Muhammadiyah, which was led by Abdul Rozak Fachruddin, in Yogyakarta. In addition, he also worked as a correspondent for the daily paper Pelita Andalas and wrote trip reports, especially about his journey to Mecca in 1927. In 1928, he wrote the first story in Minangkabau titled Sabariyah. In the same year, he was appointed as editor of the "Progress Era" (Kemajuan Zaman) magazine, which was based on the results of the Muhammadiyah conference in Padang Panjang. The next year, he wrote several books, However, some of his writings were confiscated because they were considered as seditious by the Dutch colonial government.

On 28 June 1926, earthquake measuring 7.6 RS destroyed most of Padang Panjang, including houses in Gatangan Hamka's father's

When in the field, the people in the village had repeatedly asked him to send some letters home, yet he declined. This worried his father, who asked Sutan Mansur Ahmad Rashid to pick him up and persuade him to go home. Sutan's plea finally convinced Malik to return to his hometown in Maninjau, which at the time was in ruins due to the 1926 earthquake, including his father's home in Padang Panjang Lantah. Arriving at his hometown, he finally met his father and was overcome with emotions. His father was shocked to learn that he journeyed to Hajj on his own and paid with his own money, saying "Why don't you let me know about this noble and sacred mean? I was poor and on hard times at the time." His realization of his father's honest concern for him changed his view of his father.

After about a year settling in Sungai Batang, Abdul Malik left his hometown again to go to Medan in 1936. During his time in Medan, he worked as an editor and became editor-in-chief of a magazine Pedoman Masyarakat, which he founded with Islamic cleric M. Yunan Nasution. Through Pedoman Masyarakat, he used the penname "Hamka" for the first time. While in Medan, he wrote Di Bawah Lindungan Ka'bah, which was inspired by his trip to Mecca in 1927. After the novel was published in 1938, he wrote Sinking of the van der Wijck, which was written as a serialised story in Pedoman Masyarakat. In addition, he also published several novels and books such as: Merantau ke Deli ("Going Away to Deli"), Kedudukan Perempuan dalam Islam ("Women's Position in Islam"), Tuan Direktur ("The Director"), New Forces, Driven, In The Valley of Life, Father, Modern Mysticism, and Falsafah Hidup ("Life Philosophy"). The parent magazine for Pedoman was shut down in 1943 during the Japanese occupation of the Dutch East Indies.

During the Japanese occupation, Hamka was appointed as a religious adviser to the Japanese. He was also a member of a makeshift assembly that handled government and Islamic matters in 1944. He accepted this position believing the Japanese promise to grant independence to Indonesia. But after occupying this position, he was regarded as a collaborator with the Japanese by his friends. He was subjected to endless criticism as the Japanese were defeated and surrendered to the Allies, which drove him back to the Minangkabau after the Indonesian Revolution broke out in 1945, joining Indonesian guerrillas to fight against the return of the Dutch in the jungles of Medan.

Career and later life

[edit]
Hamka with his family

After his marriage to Siti Raham, Hamka's Muhammadiyah branch was active in Minangkabau, whose origin stemmed from the association Joints bakalnya Safe founded by his father in 1925 in Batang River. In addition, he became the head of Tablighi School, a religious school founded by the Muhammadiyah on 1 January 1930.

After attending the congress of Muhammadiyah in Solo in 1928, Hamka never missed attending congresses of Muhammadiyah. Upon his return from Solo, he began to assume various positions, until finally he was appointed as Chairman of the Muhammadiyah branch at Padang Panjang. After the 19th Muhammadiyah Congress in Bukittinggi in 1930, followed by the next congress in Yogyakarta, he met an invitation to set up a branch of the Muhammadiyah in Bengkalis, Riau, after the establishment of school at Parit Bangkong Grand Mosque by Tuan Guru Haji Ahmad, in 1927.[7] He later appointed Muhammad Rasami as secretary of the Muhammadiyah Bengkalis Branch Management.[7] Subsequently, in 1932, he was sent by the Muhammadiyah to Makassar to prepare for the 21st Muhammadiyah Congress. While in Makassar, he had published Al-Mahdi, a monthly Islamic science magazine. In 1934, a year after attending a congress of Muhammadiyah in Semarang, he was made a permanent member of the Muhammadiyah Council for the region of Central Sumatra.

Hamka had an increasingly uphill career when he moved to Medan. In 1942, along with the fall of the Dutch East Indies to the Japanese Empire, Hamka was elected as leader of East Sumatra's Muhammadiyah branch to replace H. Mohammad Said. But in December 1945, he decided to return to the Minangkabau and to resign from the position. The following year, he was elected Chairman of the Assembly of West Sumatra Muhammadiyah leaders replacing S.Y. Sutan Mangkuto, holding this position until 1949.

In 1953, he was elected as the leader of the central Muhammadyiah Council at the 32nd Muhammadiyah Congress at Purwokerto, holding the position until 1971, although he was still appointed as an adviser to the central leadership of Muhammadiyah until the end of his life .

Hamka was imprisoned by Sukarno, because he refused to condemn his party members joining in the PRRI rebellion against the state.

In 1962, as senior member of the Masyumi Party which was disbanded due to connection to PRRI rebellion, Hamka was jailed two years because he refused to condemn his party members' involvement in the rebellion against the state that was supported by a number of Masyumi leaders.[8][9]

In 1973, he testified in support of Vivian Rubiyanti Iskandar's petition before the West Jakarta District Court for legal recognition of her gender, saying that "[her desire to transition] does not run contrary to Allah's law, but in keeping with the teachings of Islam, which holds good will to all in high esteem".[10]

Death

[edit]

Hamka's health started to decline after his resignation as chairman of MUI. Following the advice of Hamka's family doctor, doctor Karnen Bratawijaya, Hamka was hospitalized at Pertamina Central Hospital on 18 July 1981. On the sixth day of treatment, Hamka had time to perform the Duha prayer with the help of his daughter, Azizah, for tayammum. That afternoon, several doctors came to check his condition, stating that he was in a coma. The team of doctors stated that his kidneys, lungs, and central nervous system were no longer functioning, and his condition could only be maintained with a pacemaker. At ten o'clock the next morning, the children agreed to remove the pacemaker, and not long after that Hamka died.[6]

Hamka died on Friday, 24 July 1981 at 10:37 WIB at the age of 73 years. His body was buried at his home on Jalan Raden Fatah III. Among the people who attended to pay their last respects were President Suharto and Vice President Adam Malik, State Minister for the Environment Emil Salim, and Minister of Transportation Azwar Anas who served as imam for the funeral prayer. Hamka's body was taken to the Al-Azhar Grand Mosque and prayed for again, before being buried in the Tanah Kusir Public Cemetery, South Jakarta, led by the Minister of Religion Alamsyah Ratu Perwiranegara.[6]

After Hamka's death, the government awarded the Mahaputra Utama Star posthumously to Hamka. Since 2011, he has been declared a National Hero of Indonesia. In 2016, the Indonesian Ulema Council started production on a movie about Hamka's life, titled Buya Hamka.[6]

Bibliography

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Hamka

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Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah (17 February 1908 – 24 July 1981), better known by his pen name Hamka or honorific Buya Hamka, was an Indonesian Islamic scholar, prolific writer, and political activist renowned for advancing modernist interpretations of Islam in Southeast Asia. Born in Maninjau, West Sumatra, to a family of religious scholars, Hamka became a leading figure in organizations like Muhammadiyah and the Masyumi Party, where he advocated for integrating Islamic principles into Indonesia's national framework while emphasizing democratic governance and social reform. His literary output included over 100 books, such as novels critiquing social issues and the monumental Tafsir Al-Azhar, a Qur'anic exegesis that reflected Indonesia's transition from colonial rule to independence by blending traditional scholarship with contemporary relevance. As the inaugural chairman of the Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) from 1975 to 1981, he provided religious guidance on national matters, and his political involvement extended to serving as a member of the Constituent Assembly, though he faced imprisonment under President Sukarno for refusing to denounce Masyumi affiliates linked to regional rebellions. Hamka's legacy endures as a symbol of intellectual rigor and principled activism, influencing Indonesian Islamic discourse through his emphasis on rationality, anti-superstition reforms, and a humanistic vision of faith adaptable to modern nation-building.

Early Life

Birth and Family Background

Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah, better known by his Hamka, was born on 17 February 1908 in Sungai Batang village near Maninjau Lake, Tanjung Raya district, Agam Regency, , in the . As the eldest of four siblings, he grew up in a devout Muslim household shaped by the reformist zeal of his father, Amrullah (1879–1945), commonly called Haji Rasul, who spearheaded Islamic modernization in Minangkabau by founding the Padang Panjang branch of and critiquing syncretic traditions in favor of purer scriptural adherence. Hamka's mother, Siti Shafiyah Tanjung binti Haji Zakaria, came from a lineage of Minangkabau artists and maintained traditional Islamic , providing a counterbalance to her husband's progressive reforms within the matrilineal social structure of Minangkabau society. The family's relocation to Padang Panjang shortly after his birth immersed young Hamka in an environment of intellectual and religious ferment, where his father's establishment of Adabiah School emphasized rationalist Islamic education over rote traditionalism. This background fostered Hamka's early exposure to debates on Islamic purity versus local customs, influencing his lifelong commitment to reformist thought.

Education and Formative Influences

Hamka's early education occurred in , where he attended morning classes at the Sekolah Desa, a basic village school providing foundational literacy and arithmetic skills. In the afternoons, he studied at the Diniyah School in Padang Panjang, a reformist institution founded by figures like Zainuddin al-Junusy, which emphasized modernized Islamic instruction and enabled him to master Arabic swiftly. This dual schooling, spanning from approximately 1916 to 1923, also included time at the Sumatra Thawalib, focusing on religious sciences such as and . Supplementing formal attendance, Hamka benefited from informal tutelage by his father, Abdul Karim Amrullah (known as Haji Rasul), and his sister, who instilled core Islamic principles and Minangkabau cultural norms at home. Lacking advanced institutional training beyond these years, he became largely self-taught, cultivating autodidactic habits through voracious reading of religious texts, histories, and literature from age eight onward. His father's role as a pioneering modernist profoundly shaped Hamka's ; , who studied in from 1894 to 1901, drew from Egyptian reformers like Muhammad Abduh to advocate , scriptural purity, and rejection of syncretic Sufi excesses within the Kaum Muda movement against traditionalist Kaum Tua factions. This paternal emphasis on rationalist , integrated with Minangkabau principles of adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi Kitabullah (custom based on , on the ), fostered Hamka's lifelong commitment to purifying faith from superstition while harmonizing it with local matrilineal traditions. Early exposure to these ideas, amid family discussions and regional reform debates, instilled a critical stance toward unverified customs and a drive for intellectual independence verifiable through Quranic evidence.

Early Travels and the Hajj

As a teenager, Hamka extensively traveled across the Minangkabau region in West Sumatra, engaging in the traditional practice of merantau—a form of wandering that involved seeking knowledge, experience, and independence—which earned him the nickname Si Bujang Jauh ("The Far-Wandering Bachelor") from his father. These journeys, beginning around age 16, included a trip to Java, exposing him to diverse cultural and religious influences beyond his home village of Maninjau. In February 1927, at the age of 19, Hamka resolved to undertake the pilgrimage to , motivated by a desire to deepen his religious knowledge and study . He departed from Minangkabau and completed the pilgrimage rituals, after which he remained in for six months, immersing himself in and observing the challenges faced by Indonesian pilgrims. During his extended stay, Hamka collaborated with fellow Indonesian pilgrims to establish the Persatuan Hindia Timur (East Indian Association), an organization aimed at supporting and organizing assistance for pilgrims from the amid logistical difficulties. This initiative reflected his early commitment to communal welfare and reformist ideals. Upon returning to later in 1927, his experiences profoundly shaped his worldview, inspiring his debut novel Di Bawah Lindungan Ka'bah (1938), which drew directly from the personal trials and spiritual insights encountered during the journey, including themes of familial separation and romantic disillusionment.

Early Career

Journalism in Minangkabau

Hamka initiated his journalistic endeavors in Minangkabau during the mid-1920s, aligning with the reformist currents of to challenge entrenched practices that diverged from Islamic orthodoxy. At approximately age 17, around 1925, he assumed leadership of the monthly journal Khatibul in Padang Panjang, a publication that disseminated modernist interpretations of tailored to local socio-religious debates. His contributions emphasized purifying Minangkabau customs through scriptural adherence, critiquing elements like matrilineal inheritance and communal decision-making when they perpetuated pre-Islamic residues. In 1928, following the conference in Padang Panjang, Hamka was appointed editor of Kemajuan Zaman, a dedicated to advancing Islamic and societal progress amid colonial constraints. Through this role, he penned incisive articles and serialized stories, including his debut Minangkabau narrative Sabariyah, which highlighted tensions between tradition and . His often adopted a polemical tone, denouncing practices such as without equitable treatment, forced child marriages, and the subordination of women under , arguing these undermined Islamic equity and familial stability. Hamka's early output extended to pamphlets like Agama dan Perempoean (1929), published in Padang Panjang, which systematically addressed gender roles, divorce rights, and the integration of Western educational advancements with Eastern moral frameworks. These works, distributed via local printing presses, fueled debates within Minangkabau intellectual circles, positioning as a vehicle for tajdid (renewal) against kaum tua conservatism. By fostering public discourse on empirical social ills—such as the economic burdens of extended kin obligations—Hamka's efforts contributed to Muhammadiyah's expansion in , though they provoked backlash from traditionalists guarding adat's primacy. His Minangkabau phase, culminating before his relocation to circa 1927, laid foundational critiques later echoed in his broader oeuvre, prioritizing causal links between un-Islamic customs and societal stagnation.

Relocation to Java and Medan Activities

In 1924, at the age of sixteen, Hamka departed Minangkabau for to study Islamic reformist thought and movements. He initially arrived in , where he connected with networks and studied under reformist leaders, including engaging in organizational activities and contributing articles to their publications. His time in , spanning several years of travel across the island, exposed him to modern Islamic organizations and deepened his commitment to , though he briefly returned to in 1925 to oppose communist influences there. Following his pilgrimage to Mecca in 1927, where he remained for seven months studying further, Hamka returned to Indonesia and initially took up teaching in the Deli region near Medan before moving elsewhere briefly. By 1936, he relocated permanently to Medan in East Sumatra, seeking broader opportunities amid colonial tensions, and adopted his pen name "Hamka." There, he edited the Muhammadiyah-affiliated magazine Pedoman Masyarakat (Community Guidelines), using it to promote Islamic reform and anti-colonial sentiments while leading the organization's branch in East Sumatra. Hamka's Medan period marked a prolific phase in and ; between 1935 and 1940, he authored five novels, including Dibawah Lindungan Ka'bah (1936) and Merantau ke Deli (1940), which drew on Minangkabau migration themes and gained popularity through Balai Pustaka publications. He also published short stories in collections like Di Dalam Lembah Kehidupan (1940) and delivered public lectures, fostering inter-ethnic Islamic unity in 's diverse environment. His career faced challenges under Dutch censorship, but it advanced during the Japanese occupation starting in 1942, when he assumed roles in religious councils while continuing advocacy. This era solidified his reputation as a bridge between Sumatran traditions and Javanese .

Literary and Intellectual Contributions

Major Novels and Historical Writings

Hamka's novels, primarily written in the late and early , frequently addressed social conflicts, romantic tragedies, and the interplay between Islamic piety and Minangkabau in colonial . These works critiqued rigid class structures, ethnic migrations, and cultural incompatibilities, often portraying protagonists who navigate personal aspirations against communal norms and economic hardships. Drawing from his journalistic background and observations of Sumatran society, Hamka infused his fiction with moral lessons emphasizing perseverance, faith, and reformist values over superstitious traditions. Di Bawah Lindungan Ka'bah, published in 1938 by Balai Pustaka, recounts the doomed romance between Hamid, an intelligent youth from a destitute family, and Zainab, daughter of affluent employers, amid journeys from to in 1927. The narrative underscores themes of socioeconomic barriers to and the redemptive power of Islamic devotion during the , reflecting Hamka's own pilgrimage experiences that year. Tenggelamnya Kapal Van Der Wijck, also released in 1938, follows Zainuddin's unrequited love for Hayati, thwarted by her family's preference for a wealthier suitor, set against 1930s coastal . Through metaphors, it exposes adat-enforced hierarchies and colonial-era inequalities, advocating individual merit over inherited status. ke Deli, serialized in Pedoman Masyarakat from 1939 to 1940 and issued as a book in 1941, depicts Minangkabau migrant Leman's struggles in Deli's plantations, including interracial unions, greed, and cultural erosion. It highlights the perils of (exile for self-improvement) while promoting as a stabilizing force amid ethnic tensions. Hamka's historical writings synthesized Islamic with regional narratives, aiming to foster a rational understanding of faith's role in societal evolution. These texts rejected mystical exaggerations in favor of evidence-based accounts, aligning with modernist influences from figures like . Sedjarah Minangkabau dengan Agama Islam, completed around 1930, chronicles Islam's integration into Minangkabau from the 13th century, attributing cultural dynamism to religious adoption while critiquing syncretic practices. Sejarah Umat Islam, a four-volume opus initially published in installments during the 1950s and compiled in form by 1965, surveys Islamic history from Prophet Muhammad's era through Ottoman decline and colonial encounters, incorporating European and Orientalist sources for chronological precision. Spanning over 1,000 pages in later editions, it emphasizes causal factors like political unity and intellectual revival in expansion, serving as a pedagogical tool for Indonesian Muslims. Hamka's approach privileged verifiable over hagiographic lore, influencing subsequent Malay-world on Islam's adaptive resilience.

Tafsir al-Azhar and Quranic Exegesis

Tafsir al-Azhar represents Buya Hamka's magnum opus in Quranic , comprising a multi-volume commentary on the entire that integrates classical Islamic scholarship with modernist interpretations tailored to contemporary Indonesian society. Hamka began composing the work in the , drawing from his dawn lectures and serial publications in the Gema Islam magazine, with significant portions drafted during his imprisonment from 1964 to 1966 under the regime. The was first published in 1967, though Hamka continued revisions and refinements until 1979, reflecting his commitment to ongoing scholarly refinement amid evolving socio-political contexts. Hamka's exegetical methodology in Tafsir al-Azhar emphasizes a reformist approach, blending tafsir bil-ra'y (interpretation by reasoned opinion) with contextual analysis to address modern challenges, while grounding explanations in linguistic, historical, and rational analysis rather than solely relying on transmitted narrations. Influenced by modernist reformers such as Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Rida, he frequently interprets ayat al-kawniyyah (verses pertaining to natural phenomena) through a lens compatible with scientific insights, linking them to core Islamic creed (aqidah) without subordinating revelation to empirical data. This method incorporates cultural acculturation, drawing on Malay literary traditions, poetic narratives, and stories to render Quranic messages accessible and relevant, often critiquing social vices like fanaticism and promoting ethical conduct in daily life. Hamka's exegesis also serves as subtle social criticism, addressing issues such as political turmoil and moral decay in post-independence Indonesia, without overt polemics. The work's structure typically follows verses sequentially, incorporating asbab al-nuzul (occasions of revelation), linguistic derivations, and practical applications, while emphasizing human agency, rationality, and the Quran's universality over rigid traditionalism. Hamka's reformist orientation critiques excessive Sufi esotericism and local customs diverging from scriptural purity, advocating a balanced Islam that fosters personal responsibility and societal progress. Named in honor of Al-Azhar University—whose rector praised an early draft in 1960—Tafsir al-Azhar gained acclaim for its readability and relevance, becoming a cornerstone of Indonesian Islamic scholarship despite Hamka's non-specialist background in formal ulum al-Quran. Its enduring influence lies in promoting a dynamic, context-aware exegesis that bridges tradition and modernity, influencing subsequent Indonesian tafsirs and da'wah efforts.

Reformist Critiques of Tradition and Sufism

Hamka, as a leading figure in Indonesia's modernist Islamic movement, critiqued traditional practices and certain Sufi elements that he viewed as deviations from core Islamic principles, emphasizing tawhid (the oneness of God) and rational interpretation over syncretism or superstition. Influenced by the Kaum Muda reformists in Minangkabau, he opposed the Kaum Tua's adherence to adat (customary law) fused with folk beliefs, arguing that such traditions often introduced bid'ah (innovations) and diluted scriptural purity. In works like his Tafsir al-Azhar, Hamka condemned practices such as excessive veneration of saints (taqdis awliya) and ritual grave visitation (ziyarah kubur berlebihan), which he saw as bordering on shirk (polytheism) by attributing divine powers to the deceased rather than God alone. His critiques extended to Sufi orders (tariqa) that incorporated un-Islamic elements, including animistic rituals, superstitions, and hierarchical structures prioritizing mystical intermediaries over direct devotion to Allah. Hamka argued that true tasawuf (Sufism) should foster inner purification (tazkiyat al-nafs) through ethical conduct and Quranic adherence, not ecstatic trances or esoteric hierarchies that fostered dependency and ignorance. In his book Tasawuf Islam: Perkembangannya dan Pemurniannya (Islamic Sufism: Its Development and Purification), published around 1950, he traced Sufism's historical evolution while advocating its reform to align with ijtihad (independent reasoning) and reject accretions from pre-Islamic cultures prevalent in Indonesian kebatinan (mystical traditions). Hamka's reformism rejected ancestral customs lacking evidentiary basis in shari'a, such as talismans (jimat) or spirit appeasement, which he deemed remnants of jahiliyyah (pre-Islamic ignorance) incompatible with modern Muslim rationality. He maintained that while Sufism could cultivate spiritual discipline, its Indonesian manifestations often devolved into formalism, promoting passivity amid colonial and social challenges rather than active jihad for societal improvement. This stance positioned him against traditionalist ulama who defended such practices as cultural heritage, urging instead a purified Islam responsive to contemporary needs without compromising orthodoxy.

Political and Activist Roles

Involvement in Indonesian Independence

During the (1945–1949), Hamka engaged in both and organizational mobilization against Dutch attempts to reassert colonial control. Immediately following the proclamation of independence on August 17, 1945, he joined Indonesian guerrilla fighters in the jungles surrounding , , to combat the returning Dutch forces. His efforts extended to , where he repeatedly entered and exited jungle areas to deliver spiritual guidance and encouragement to guerrilla combatants resisting Dutch military operations. As a prominent figure in , Hamka assumed leadership roles that amplified his contributions to the republican cause. From May 1946 to 1949, he led the organization's branch in , conducting tours of Minangkabau regional chapters to deliver anti-colonial speeches, distribute his writings, and sell books, thereby raising funds and fostering popular support for the fledgling Republic of . He also held positions on the regional leadership council of Masyumi, the federation of Islamic organizations that backed the independence struggle, and participated in the Revolutionary Cabinet, coordinating efforts to sustain resistance in Sumatra. Hamka's involvement drew on his earlier journalistic and oratorical skills, honed against Japanese occupation (1942–1945), to rally indigenous populations in and against foreign domination. These multifaceted activities—combining armed resistance, religious motivation, and political organization—underscored his commitment to national sovereignty, earning him posthumous recognition as a National Hero via Presidential Decree Number 113/TK/2011.

Leadership in Masyumi and Majelis Ulama Indonesia

Following the 1955 general elections, Hamka assumed a prominent role in Masyumi, Indonesia's major Islamic political party during the parliamentary era. He was appointed as a member of the representing Masyumi, where he advocated for integrating Islamic governance principles into the Indonesian constitution, emphasizing a state aligned with syariah while accommodating national unity. As a key figure from the faction within the party, Hamka worked to sustain organizational cohesion amid internal modernist-traditionalist tensions, ensuring Muhammadiyah's continued participation in Masyumi's platform for Muslim political rights. His involvement extended to editorial leadership in party-affiliated publications like Pedoman Masyarakat and Gema Islam, through which he shaped public discourse on Islamic reform and . Masyumi's dissolution by President in 1960 curtailed Hamka's direct party leadership, amid accusations of the party's links to regional rebellions like PRRI, though Hamka's influence persisted in broader Islamic activism. In the post-1960 era under the New Order regime, Hamka shifted focus to religious institutions, culminating in his election as the inaugural General Chairman of Majelis Indonesia (MUI) on July 26, 1975. Appointed despite MUI's inclusion of members, his selection reflected his stature as a respected modernist bridging factions. He led MUI until 1981, navigating its dual role in issuing fatwas and advising the state on religious matters. Under Hamka's chairmanship, MUI asserted independence from pressures, as he rejected fatwas misaligned with orthodox Islamic views, even when they suited interests. In the organization's first meeting with President on September 17, 1975, Hamka highlighted pressing religious concerns, underscoring MUI's commitment to (piety)-guided counsel over political subservience. He famously analogized MUI's position as a "delicate balance," akin to walking a tightrope between ulama authority and state expectations, prioritizing empirical religious guidance over expediency. Though he served into a second term, Hamka resigned amid health decline, yet his tenure established MUI as a platform for unified input on national policy without compromising doctrinal integrity.

Key Debates and Controversies

Hamka's most prominent political controversy arose from his opposition to President Sukarno's Guided Democracy policies, particularly his refusal to denounce Masyumi party members implicated in the 1958 PRRI/Permesta regional rebellions against the central government. As a senior Masyumi figure, Hamka viewed the rebellions as a legitimate response to Jakarta's centralization and corruption, rather than outright treason, which aligned him with anti-Sukarno sentiments amid rising communist influence via the PKI. This stance intensified after Masyumi's 1960 dissolution for alleged rebel ties, positioning Hamka as a vocal critic of Sukarno's accommodation of the PKI and erosion of Islamic political representation. On March 5, 1964, Hamka was ed without trial under the Anti-Subversion Presidential Decree, accused of plotting against the state and refusing to condemn former Masyumi affiliates. He was detained for two years and four months in isolation, including at the Madiun military prison, where conditions were harsh but he reportedly used the time for reflection and writing. The exemplified broader suppression of Islamic opposition figures, with Hamka later describing it as politically motivated tied to his anti-communist writings and sermons. Released in July 1966 following Sukarno's ouster amid the G30S aftermath, Hamka was rehabilitated under , but the episode fueled debates on independence versus state in Indonesia's volatile . Another key debate involved Hamka's intra-Islamic critiques, notably his strained relations with during . He publicly lambasted the organization for perceived accommodation to Sukarno's regime, arguing it compromised reformist principles by prioritizing survival over principled opposition to secularist and communist encroachments. This rift highlighted tensions between pragmatic adaptation and ideological purity among modernist Muslims, with Hamka advocating "taqwa democracy"—a model rooted in and rather than mere electoralism. Such positions, while resonating with Masyumi remnants, alienated moderates and underscored ongoing schisms in Indonesian over engaging authoritarian states. Hamka's reformist Sufism also sparked intellectual controversies, as he critiqued traditional and neo-Sufi practices deviating from prophetic norms, such as excessive or , advocating instead a purified tasawuf integrated with and rationalism. Influenced by yet aligned with Muhammadiyah's anti-bid'ah ethos, he rejected Orientalist origins of as Hellenistic imports and dismissed ecstatic rituals as innovations risking deviation. These views positioned him against traditionalists and certain Sufi orders, igniting debates on balancing spiritual esotericism with scriptural orthodoxy in Indonesia's pluralistic Islam. Critics accused him of oversimplifying Sufi diversity, while supporters praised his efforts to "reorient" toward ethical activism amid modernization pressures.

Later Life and Legacy

Personal Challenges and Family

Hamka's family life was marked by early disruptions that shaped his resilient character and reformist outlook. His father, the prominent reformist Abdul Karim Amrullah, maintained nine wives, a practice common in Minangkabau but which Hamka later critiqued sharply in his writings, drawing from personal observation of familial discord. Hamka's biological mother was divorced during his childhood, resulting in him being raised largely by an older brother in a modest home near Maninjau Lake, where he experienced neglect from his father amid the latter's extensive scholarly and activist pursuits. This estrangement fueled Hamka's youthful rebellion against his father's modernist views, prompting him to leave home at age 14 and embark on a nomadic phase of self-education and travel across . Despite these tensions, Hamka reconciled with his father in adulthood, penning the memoir Ajahku () as a , acknowledging the profound legacy while reflecting on the personal costs of such demanding paternal roles. In his own marriages, Hamka first wed Siti Rahmah in an arranged union shortly after performing in 1927, but this lasted only briefly before ending in . He then married Hajjah Siti Khadijah, a woman from , with whom he fathered ten children—four sons and six daughters—establishing a stable household that emphasized Islamic moral education and discipline. In later years, managing a amid political exiles, financial modesties, and relentless intellectual output posed ongoing challenges, yet Hamka viewed as the foundational unit for tauhid (monotheistic) upbringing, advocating parental responsibility in countering societal moral decay. His emphasis on education within the home reflected a meta-awareness of institutional biases, prioritizing direct familial transmission of faith over potentially diluted formal schooling. This approach sustained his household through turbulent times, including the post-independence political suppressions that indirectly strained personal resources.

Death and Immediate Aftermath

Hamka died on July 24, 1981, at the age of 73, at Pertamina Central Hospital in Jakarta, succumbing to a coma caused by the failure of his kidneys, lungs, and central nervous system. His passing occurred on a Friday, coinciding with the 22nd of Ramadan 1401 AH, at approximately 10:30 a.m. local time. This followed his resignation two months earlier from the chairmanship of Majelis Ulama Indonesia, prompted by his refusal to comply with a government directive to retract a fatwa, amid ongoing tensions over ideological matters. Thousands of mourners attended his shalat jenazah (funeral prayer) in , reflecting his widespread influence as a , , and . He was subsequently buried at Tanah Kusir Public Cemetery in . Accounts from contemporaries noted that his body appeared serene, with a on his face at the time of , interpreted by some as a sign of spiritual contentment. The immediate response underscored Hamka's enduring stature in Indonesian Islamic circles, with public expressions of grief highlighting his roles in religious , , and national discourse, though no major institutional upheavals were reported in the short term following his demise.

Enduring Influence and Modern Assessments

Hamka's Tafsir al-Azhar, completed in the , endures as a foundational Quranic in the , serving as a primary reference for Muslims in , , , and amid challenges of , , and diverse religious influences. Its interpretive , blending classical sources with contextual , facilitates dynamic reader engagement, enabling applications to contemporary socio-religious issues such as ethical integration of faith and state. Scholarly analyses highlight its role in promoting religious moderation and human agency, where individuals bear responsibility for actions through God-given faculties, influencing ongoing discussions in Indonesian Islamic . In literature and , Hamka's novels and essays, emphasizing moral reform and cultural revival, continue to inform Indonesian intellectual traditions, with reprints and studies underscoring their alignment of Islamic values with . His advocacy for within Islamic frameworks—viewing the faith as compatible with patriotic duty and anti-colonial struggle—retains relevance in educational curricula, countering separatist tendencies by prioritizing unified state loyalty over ethno-religious division. Modern scholarship assesses this synthesis as pivotal to Indonesia's post-independence identity, fostering a that supports democratic pluralism without diluting doctrinal essentials. Politically, Hamka's leadership in modernist movements like Kaum Muda and Masyumi positioned him as a proponent of " democracy," where guides governance but accommodates diverse views under constitutional rule, ideas revisited in analyses of ulema-state relations. Contemporary evaluations, including those from 2023 onward, credit him with shaping generational discourse on 's societal role, though critiques note tensions with authoritarian regimes that imprisoned him in for alleged . His legacy persists in debates over Sufi reform and ethical politics, with peer-reviewed works affirming his contributions to a balanced Indonesian resistant to .

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