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Isaac Babel
Isaac Babel
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Isaac Emmanuilovich Babel[a] (13 July [O.S. 30 June] 1894 – 27 January 1940) was a Soviet writer, journalist, playwright, and literary translator. He is best known as the author of Red Cavalry and Odessa Stories, and has been acclaimed as "the greatest prose writer of Russian Jewry".[1] Babel was arrested by the NKVD on 15 May 1939 on fabricated charges of terrorism and espionage, and executed on 27 January 1940.

Key Information

Early years

[edit]

Isaac Babel was born in the Moldavanka section of Odessa in the Russian Empire (now in Ukraine), to Jewish parents, Manus and Feyga Babel. Soon after his birth, the Babel family moved to the port city of Nikolaev. They later returned to live in a more fashionable part of Odessa in 1906. Babel used Moldavanka as the setting for Odessa Stories and the play Sunset.[citation needed]

Although Babel's short stories present his family as "destitute and muddle-headed", they were relatively well-off.[2] According to his autobiographical statements, Babel's father, Manus, was an impoverished shopkeeper. Babel's daughter, Nathalie Babel Brown, stated that her father fabricated this and other biographical details in order to "present an appropriate past for a young Soviet writer who was not a member of the Communist Party." In fact, Babel's father was a dealer in farm implements and owned a large warehouse.[citation needed]

In his pre-teens, Babel hoped to get into the preparatory class of the Nicholas I Odessa Commercial School. However, he first had to overcome the Jewish quota. Despite the fact that Babel received passing grades, his place was given to another boy, whose parents had bribed school officials.[citation needed] As a result, he was schooled at home by private tutors.[citation needed]

In addition to regular school subjects, Babel studied the Talmud and music. According to Cynthia Ozick,

"Though he was at home in Yiddish and Hebrew, and was familiar with the traditional texts and their demanding commentaries, he added to these a lifelong fascination with Maupassant and Flaubert. His first stories were composed in fluent literary French. The breadth and scope of his social compass enabled him to see through the eyes of peasants, soldiers, priests, rabbis, children, artists, actors, women of all classes. He befriended whores, cabdrivers, jockeys; he knew what it was like to be penniless, to live on the edge and off the beaten track."[3]

His attempt to enroll at Odessa University was blocked for ethnic reasons. Babel then entered the Kiev Institute of Finance and Business. There he met Yevgenia Borisovna Gronfein, daughter of a wealthy industrialist, whom he eventually married.[citation needed]

Work

[edit]

Early writings

[edit]
Isaac Babel in 1908

In 1915, Babel graduated and moved to Petrograd, in defiance of laws restricting Jews from living outside the Pale of Settlement. Babel was fluent in French, besides Russian, Ukrainian and Yiddish, and his earliest works were written in French. However, none of his stories in that language have survived.

In St. Petersburg, Babel met Maxim Gorky, who published some of Babel's stories in his literary magazine Letopis (Летопись, "Chronicle"). Gorky advised the aspiring writer to gain more life experience; Babel wrote in his autobiography, "I owe everything to that meeting and still pronounce the name of Alexey Maksimovich Gorky with love and admiration." One of his most famous semi-autobiographical short stories, "The Story of My Dovecote" (История моей голубятни, Istoriya moey golubyatni), was dedicated to Gorky.

There is very little information about Babel's whereabouts during and after the October Revolution. According to one of his stories, "The Road" ("Дорога", "Doroga"), he served on the Romanian front until early December 1917. In his autobiography, Babel says he worked as a translator for the Petrograd Cheka, likely in 1917.[4][5] In March 1918 he worked in Petrograd as a reporter for Gorky's Menshevik newspaper, Novaya zhizn (Новая жизнь, "New Life"). Babel continued publishing there until Novaya zhizn was forcibly closed on Lenin's orders in July 1918.

Babel later recalled,

"My journalistic work gave me a lot, especially in the sense of material. I managed to amass an incredible number of facts, which proved to be an invaluable creative tool. I struck up friendships with morgue attendants, criminal investigators, and government clerks. Later, when I began writing fiction, I found myself always returning to these 'subjects', which were so close to me, in order to put character types, situations, and everyday life into perspective. Journalistic work is full of adventure."[6]

October's Withered Leaves

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During the Russian Civil War, which led to the Party's monopoly on the printed word, Babel worked for the publishing house of the Odessa Gubkom (regional CPSU Committee), in the food procurement unit (see his story "Ivan-and-Maria"), in the Narkompros (Commissariat of Education), and in a typographic printing office.

After the end of the Civil War, Babel worked as a reporter for The Dawn of the Orient (Заря Востока) a Russian-language newspaper published in Tbilisi. In one of his articles, he expressed regret that Lenin's controversial New Economic Policy had not been more widely implemented.

Babel married Yevgenia Gronfein on 9 August 1919, in Odessa, but by 1925, the Babels' marriage was souring. Yevgenia Babel, feeling betrayed by her husband's infidelities and motivated by her increasing hatred of communism, emigrated to France. Babel saw her several times during his visits to Paris. During this period, he also entered into a long-term romantic relationship with Tamara Kashirina. A son they had together, Emmanuil Babel (1927-2000), was later adopted by his stepfather Vsevolod Ivanov and took the name Mikhail Ivanov, eventually becoming a noted artist.[7]

After the final break with Tamara, Babel briefly attempted to reconcile with Yevgenia and in 1929 they had a daughter Nathalie, later Nathalie Babel Brown, who in adulthood became a scholar of her father's life and editor of his work. In 1932, Babel met a Siberian-born Gentile named Antonina Pirozhkova (1909–2010). In 1934, after Babel failed to convince his wife to return to Moscow, he and Antonina began living together. In 1939, their common law marriage produced a daughter, Lydia Babel.[8]

According to Pirozhkova,

"Before I met Babel, I used to read a great deal, though without any particular direction. I read whatever I could get my hands on. Babel noticed this and told me, 'Reading that way will get you nowhere. You won't have time to read the books that are truly worthwhile. There are about a hundred books that every educated person needs to read. Sometime I'll try to make you a list of them.' And a few days later he brought me a list. There were ancient writers on it, Greek and Roman—Homer, Herodotus, Lucretius, Suetonius—and also all the classics of later European literature, starting with Erasmus, Rabelais, Cervantes, Swift, and Coster, and going on to 19th century writers such as Stendhal, Mérimée, and Flaubert."[9]

Red Cavalry

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In 1920, Babel was assigned to Komandarm (Army Commander) Semyon Budyonny's 1st Cavalry Army, witnessing a military campaign of the Polish–Soviet War of 1920. He documented the horrors of the war he witnessed in the 1920 Diary (Конармейский Дневник 1920 года, Konarmeyskiy Dnevnik 1920 Goda), which he later used to write Red Cavalry (Конармия, Konarmiya), a collection of short stories such as "Crossing the River Zbrucz" and "My First Goose". The horrific violence of Red Cavalry seemed to harshly contrast the gentle nature of Babel himself.

Babel wrote: "Only by 1923 I have learned how to express my thoughts in a clear and not very lengthy way. Then I returned to writing." Several stories that were later included in Red Cavalry were published in Vladimir Mayakovsky's LEF ("ЛЕФ") magazine in 1924. Babel's honest description of the brutal realities of war, far from revolutionary propaganda, earned him some powerful enemies. According to recent research, Marshal Budyonny was infuriated by Babel's unvarnished descriptions of marauding Red Cossacks and demanded Babel's execution without success.[10] However, Gorky's influence not only protected Babel but also helped to guarantee publication. In 1929 Red Cavalry was translated into English by J. Harland and later was translated into a number of other languages.[11]

Argentine author and essayist Jorge Luis Borges once wrote of Red Cavalry,

The music of its style contrasts with the almost ineffable brutality of certain scenes. One of the stories—"Salt"—enjoys a glory seemingly reserved for poems and rarely attained by prose: many people know it by heart.[12]

Odessa Stories

[edit]
Benya Krik as portrayed by Yuri Shumsky [ru] in the 1926 movie of the same name

Back in Odessa, Babel started to write Odessa Stories, a series of short stories set in the Odessan ghetto of Moldavanka. Published individually between 1921 and 1924 and collected into a book in 1931, the stories describe the life of Jewish gangsters, both before and after the October Revolution.[13] Many of them directly feature the fictional mob boss Benya Krik, loosely based on the historical figure Mishka Yaponchik.[14] Benya Krik is one of the great anti-heroes of Russian literature. These stories were used as the basis for the 1927 film Benya Krik, and the stage play Sunset, which centers on Benya Krik's self-appointed mission to right the wrongs of Moldavanka. First on his list is to rein in his alcoholic, womanizing father, Mendel.

According to Nathalie Babel Brown,

"Sunset premiered at the Baku Worker's Theatre on October 23, 1927, and played in Odessa, Kiev, and the celebrated Moscow Art Theatre. The reviews, however, were mixed. Some critics praised the play's 'powerful anti-bourgeois stance and its interesting 'fathers and sons' theme. But in Moscow, particularly, critics felt that the play's attitude toward the bourgeoisie was contradictory and weak. Sunset closed, and was dropped from the repertoire of the Moscow Art Theatre.[15]

However, Sunset continued to have admirers. In a 1928 letter to his White emigre father, Boris Pasternak wrote, "Yesterday, I read Sunset, a play by Babel, and almost for the first time in my life I found that Jewry, as an ethnic fact, was a phenomenon of positive, unproblematic importance and power. ... I should like you to read this remarkable play..."[16]

According to Pirozhkova, filmmaker Sergei Eisenstein was also an admirer of Sunset and often compared it to the writings of Émile Zola for, "illuminating capitalist relationships through the experience of a single family." Eisenstein was also quite critical of the Moscow Art Theatre, "for its weak staging of the play, particularly for failing to convey to the audience every single word of its unusually terse text."[17]

Maria

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Babel's play Maria candidly depicts both political corruption, prosecution of the innocent, and black marketeering within Soviet society. Noting the play's implicit rejection of socialist realism, Maxim Gorky accused his friend of having a "Baudelairean predilection for rotting meat." Gorky further warned his friend that "political inferences" would be made "that will be personally harmful to you."[18] According to Pirozhkova,

"Once Babel went to the Moscow Art Theater when his play Mariya was being given its first reading, and when he returned home he told me that all the actresses had been impatient to find out what the leading female role was like and who would be cast in it. It turned out that there was no leading female character present on the stage in this play. Babel thought that the play had not come off well, but ... he was always critical of his own work."[19]

Although intended to be performed in 1935, the Maria's performance was cancelled by the NKVD during rehearsals. Despite its popularity in the West, Maria was not performed in Russia until after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

Carl Weber, a former disciple of Bertolt Brecht, directed Maria at Stanford University in 2004.

According to Weber,

"The play is very controversial. [It] shows the stories of both sides clashing with each other during the Russian Civil War—the Bolsheviks and the old society members—without making a judgment one way or another. Babel’s opinion on either side is very ambiguous, but he does make the statement that what happened after the Bolshevik Revolution may not have been the best thing for Russia."[20]

Life in the 1930s

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In 1930, Babel travelled in Ukraine and witnessed the brutality of forced collectivisation and dekulakisation. Although he never made a public statement about this, he privately confided in Antonina,

"The bounty of the past is gone—it is due to the famine in Ukraine and the destruction of the village across our land."[21]

As Stalin tightened his grip on the Soviet intelligentsia and decreed that all writers and artists must conform to socialist realism, Babel increasingly withdrew from public life. During the campaign against "Formalism", Babel was publicly denounced for low productivity. At the time, many other Soviet writers were terrified and frantically rewrote their past work to conform to Stalin's wishes. However, Babel was unimpressed and confided in his protégé, the writer Ilya Ehrenburg, "In six months' time, they'll leave the formalists in peace and start some other campaign."[22]

At the first congress of the Union of Soviet Writers (1934), Babel noted ironically, that he was becoming "the master of a new literary genre, the genre of silence." American Max Eastman describes Babel's increasing reticence as an artist in a chapter called "The Silence of Isaac Babyel" in his 1934 book Artists in Uniform.[23] However, according to Nathalie Babel Brown, his life was tolerable:

"The young writer burst upon the literary scene and instantly became the rage in Moscow. The tradition in Russia being to worship poets and writers, Babel soon became one of the happy few, a group that included Soviet writers who enjoyed exceptional status and privileges in an otherwise impoverished and despotic country. In the late 1930s, he was given a villa in the writer's colony of Peredelkino, outside Moscow. No secret was ever made of his having a wife and daughter in Paris. At the same time, hardly anyone outside of Moscow knew of two other children he had fathered. As a matter of fact, Babel had many secrets, lived with many ambiguities and contradictions, and left many unanswered questions behind him."[24]

In 1932, after numerous requests, he was permitted to visit his estranged wife Yevgenia in Paris. While visiting his wife and their daughter Nathalie, Babel agonized over whether or not to return to Soviet Russia. In conversations and letters to friends, he expressed a longing of being "a free man," while also expressing fear at no longer being able to make a living solely through writing. On 27 July 1933, Babel wrote a letter to Yuri Annenkov, stating that he had been summoned to Moscow and was leaving immediately.[25]

Babel's common-law wife, Antonina Pirozhkova, recalled this era,

"Babel remained in France for so long that it was rumored in Moscow that he was never returning. When I wrote to him about this, he wrote back saying, 'What can people, who do not know anything, possibly say to you, who knows everything?' Babel wrote from France almost daily. I accumulated many letters from him during his 11-month absence. When Babel was arrested in 1939, all of these letters were confiscated and never returned to me."[26]

After his return to the Soviet Union, Babel decided to move in with Pirozhkova, beginning a common law marriage which would ultimately produce a daughter, Lidya Babel. He also collaborated with Sergei Eisenstein on the film Bezhin Meadow, about Pavlik Morozov, a child informant for the Soviet secret police. Babel also worked on the screenplays for several other Stalinist propaganda films.

According to Nathalie Babel Brown, "Babel came to Paris in the summer of 1935, as part of the delegation of Soviet writers to the International Congress of Writers for the Defense of Culture and Peace. He probably knew this would have been his last chance to remain in Europe. As he had done numerous times during the last ten years, he asked my mother to return with him to Moscow. Although he knew the general situation was bad, he nevertheless described to her the comfortable life that the family could have there together. It was the last opportunity my mother had to give a negative answer, and she never forgot it. Perhaps it helped her later on to be proven completely right in her fears and her total lack of confidence in the Soviet Union. My mother described to me these last conversations with my father many times."[27]

Arrest and execution

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The NKVD photos of Babel taken after his arrest

On 15 May 1939, Antonina Pirozhkova was awakened by four NKVD agents pounding upon the door of their Moscow apartment. Although surprised, she agreed to accompany them to Babel's dacha in Peredelkino. Babel was then placed under arrest. According to Pirozhkova: "In the car, one of the men sat in back with Babel and me while the other one sat in front with the driver. 'The worst part of this is that my mother won't be getting my letters', and then he was silent for a long time. I could not say a single word. Babel asked the secret policeman sitting next to him, 'So I guess you don't get too much sleep, do you?' And he even laughed. As we approached Moscow, I said to Babel, 'I'll be waiting for you, it will be as if you've gone to Odessa... only there won't be any letters....' He answered, 'I ask you to see that the child not be made miserable.' "But I don't know what my destiny will be." At this point, the man sitting beside Babel said to me, "We have no claims whatsoever against you." We drove to the Lubyanka Prison and through the gates. The car stopped before the massive, closed door where two sentries stood guard. Babel kissed me hard and said, "Someday we'll see each other..." And without looking back, he got out of the car and went through that door."[28]

According to Nadezhda Mandelstam, Babel's arrest became the subject of an urban legend within the NKVD. NKVD agents, she explains, were fond of "telling stories about the risks they ran" in arresting "enemies of the people". Babel had, according to NKVD lore, "seriously wounded one of our men" while "resisting arrest". Mrs. Mandelstam contemptuously declared, "Whenever I hear such tales I think of the tiny hole in the skull of Isaac Babel, a cautious, clever man with a high forehead, who probably never once in his life held a pistol in his hands."[29]

According to Peter Constantine, from the day of his arrest, Isaac Babel "became a nonperson in the Soviet Union. His name was blotted out, removed from literary dictionaries and encyclopedias, and taken off school and university syllabi. He became unmentionable in any public venue. When the film director Mark Donskoi's famous Gorky trilogy premiered the following year, Babel, who had worked on the screenplay, had been removed from the credits."[30]

According to his file, "Case #419, Babel, I.E.", the writer was held at the Lubyanka and Butyrka Prisons for a total of eight months as a case was built against him for Trotskyism, terrorism, and spying for Austria and France. At his initial interrogations, "Babel began by adamantly denying any wrongdoing, but then after three days he suddenly 'confessed' to what his interrogator was suggesting and named many people as co-conspirators. In all likelihood, he was tortured, almost certainly beaten."[31] His interrogators included Boris Rodos, who had a reputation as a particularly brutal torturer, even by the standards of the time, and Lev Schwartzmann, who tortured the renowned theatre director Vsevolod Meyerhold.[32] Among those he accused of conspiring with him were his close friends Sergei Eisenstein, Solomon Mikhoels, and Ilya Ehrenburg.[33]

Despite months of pleading and letters sent directly to Beria, Babel was denied access to his unpublished manuscripts. In October 1939, Babel was again summoned for interrogation and denied all his previous testimony. A statement was recorded, "I ask the inquiry to take into account that, though in prison, I committed a crime. I slandered several people."[34] This led to further delays as the NKVD frantically attempted to salvage their cases against Mikhoels, Ehrenburg, and Eisenstein.

Beria's letter to Politburo Stalin's resolution The Politburo's decision
Left: Beria's January 1940 letter to Stalin, asking permission to execute 346 "enemies of the CPSU and of the Soviet authorities" who conducted "counter-revolutionary, right-Trotskyite plotting and spying activities."
Middle: Stalin's handwriting: "За" (affirmative). Number 12 on the list is Isaac Babel.
Right: The Politburo's decision is signed by Secretary Stalin.

On 16 January 1940, Lavrentiy Beria presented Stalin with a list of 457 'enemies of the party and the soviet regime' who were in custody, with a recommendation that 346, including Isaac Babel, should be shot. According to Babel's daughter, Nathalie Babel Brown, his trial took place on 26 January 1940, in one of Lavrenti Beria's private chambers. It lasted about twenty minutes. The sentence had been prepared in advance and without ambiguity: death by firing squad, to be carried out immediately. He was shot at 1:30 am on 27 January 1940.[35]

Babel's last recorded words in the proceedings were:

I am innocent. I have never been a spy. I never allowed any action against the Soviet Union. I accused myself falsely. I was forced to make false accusations against myself and others... I am asking for only one thing—let me finish my work.

He was shot the next day, and his body was thrown into a communal grave. All of this information was revealed in the early 1990s.[36] According to Simon Sebag Montefiore, Babel's ashes were buried with those of Nikolai Yezhov and several other victims of the Great Purge in a common grave at the Donskoy Cemetery. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, a plaque was placed there which reads, "Here lie buried the remains of the innocent, tortured, and executed victims of political repressions. May they never be forgotten."[37]

According to the early official Soviet version, Isaac Babel died in the Gulag on 17 March 1941. Peter Constantine, who translated Babel's complete writings into English, has described the writer's execution as "one of the great tragedies of 20th century literature."[38]

Rehabilitation

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On 23 December 1954, during the Khrushchev thaw, a typed half sheet of paper ended the official silence. It read, "The sentence of the military collegium dated 26 January 1940 concerning Babel, I.E., is revoked on the basis of newly discovered circumstances and the case against him is terminated in the absence of elements of a crime."[39]

Babel's works were once again widely published and praised. His public rehabilitation as a writer was initiated with the help of his friend and admirer Konstantin Paustovsky, and a volume of Babel's selected works was published in 1957 with a laudatory preface by Ilya Ehrenburg. New collections of selected works by Babel were published in 1966, 1989 and 1990. Still, certain "taboo" parts such as mentions of Trotsky[40] were censored until the glasnost period shortly before the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The first collections of the complete works of Babel were prepared and published in Russia in 2002 and 2006.

Lost writings

[edit]
Sholem Aleichem, whose writings Babel translated into Russian

After his rehabilitation, Antonina Pirozhkova spent almost five decades campaigning for the return of Babel's manuscripts. These included Babel's translations of Sholem Aleichem's writings from Yiddish into Russian, as well as several unpublished short stories and novellas. According to Pirozhkova,

As Babel put it, he worked on Sholem Aleichem to "feed his soul." Other "food for the soul" came from writing new stories and the novella "Kolya Topuz." He told me, "I'm writing a novella in which the main character is a former Odessa gangster like Benia Krik. His name is Kolya Topuz and so far, at least, that's also the name of the novella. I want to show how this sort of man adapts to Soviet reality. Kolya Topuz works on a collective farm during collectivization, and then he goes to work in a Donbass coal mine. But since he has the mentality of a gangster, he's constantly breaking out of the limits of normal life, which leads to numerous funny situations." Babel spent a great deal of time writing, and he finished many works. Only his arrest prevented his new works from coming out."[41]

However, even requests by Ilya Ehrenburg and the Union of Soviet Writers produced no answers from the Soviet State. The truth was not revealed until the advent of Perestroika.

According to Pirozhkova,

"In 1987, when so much was changing in our country, I again made an official request that the KGB search for Babel's manuscripts in its underground storage areas. In response to my request, I was visited by two KGB agents who informed me that the manuscripts had been burned. 'And so you've come in person to avoid giving me a written response to my request, am I correct?' 'How could you think such a thing? We came here to commiserate. We understand how precious Babel's manuscripts would be.'"[42]

Legacy

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Soviet author and former Babel protégé Ilya Ehrenburg

According to John Updike, Maxim Gorky said to André Malraux that Babel was "the best Russia has to offer." A quarter of a century later, Babel's contemporary Konstantin Paustovsky wrote in his reminiscences, "He was, for us, the first really Soviet writer."[43]

Judith Stora-Sandor, one of Babel's first biographers, wrote in 1968, that Babel's "literary sensibility was French, his vision Jewish, and his fate all too Russian."[44][45]

After her husband's return to Moscow in 1935, Yevgenia Gronfein Babel remained unaware of his other family with Antonina Pirozhkova. Based upon statements made by Ilya Ehrenburg, Yevgenia further believed that her husband was still alive and living in exile. In 1956, however, Ehrenburg told her of her husband's execution while visiting Paris. After also informing Mrs. Babel of her husband's daughter with Antonina Pirozhkova, Ehrenburg asked Yevgenia to sign a false statement attesting to a pre-war divorce from her husband. Enraged, Yevgenia Babel spat in Ehrenberg's face and then fainted.

Her daughter, Nathalie Babel Brown, believes that Ehrenburg did this under orders from the KGB. With two potential contenders for the role of Babel's widow, the Soviet State clearly preferred Babel's common-law wife Antonina to his legal wife Yevgenia, who had emigrated to the West.

Although she was too young to have many memories of her father, Nathalie Babel Brown went on to become one of the world's foremost scholars of his life and work. When W.W. Norton published Babel's Complete Works in 2002, Nathalie edited the volume and provided a foreword. She died in Washington, D.C., in 2005.[46]

Lydia Babel, the daughter of Isaac Babel and Antonina Pirozhkova, also emigrated to the United States and currently resides in Silver Spring, Maryland.[47]

Although Babel's play Maria was very popular at Western European colleges during the 1960s, it was not performed in Babel's homeland until 1994. The first English translation appeared in 1966 in a translation by Michael Glenny in Three Soviet Plays (Penguin) under the title "Marya". Maria's American premiere, directed by Carl Weber, took place at Stanford University in 2004.[48]

Several American writers have valued Babel's writings. Hubert Selby has called Babel "the closest thing I have to a literary influence." James Salter has named Babel his favorite short-story writer. "He has the three essentials of greatness: style, structure, and authority." George Saunders, when asked for a literary influence said "There's a Russian writer named Isaac Babel that I love. I can drop in anywhere in his works, read a few pages, and go, Oh yeah, language. It's almost like if you were tuning a guitar and you heard a beautifully tuned one and you say, Yeah, that's what we want. We want something that perfect. When I read him, it recalibrates my ear. It reminds me of the difference between an OK sentence and a really masterful sentence. Babel does it for me."[49]

Memorials

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Memorial in Odesa, sculptor Georgy Frangulyan

An Isaac Babel memorial [uk] was unveiled on the north-west corner of the intersection of Rishelievska Street [uk] and Zhukovskoho Street in Odesa in early September 2011, and, in conjunction with the inauguration of the memorial, a commemorative reading of three of his stories held, with musical interludes from the works of Isaac Schwartz, in the Philharmonic Hall in Pushkinska Street on 6 September 2011. The city also has the Babelya Street in Moldavanka.

The memorial became a point of debate among residents of Odesa, as in 2024 the local administration decided to remove it, and a number of others, under the derussification law.[50] Babel served in Bolshevik Red Army and some believe that he was a supporter of the Soviet collectivization policy (in fact, he was opposed to it) and argued for the removal of his statue, while others see him as an integral part of Odesa's cultural heritage and that removing the memorial would undercut Odesa's multicultural identity.[51]

Bibliography

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British writer Bernard Kops wrote a poem, and later a play, about Babel: "Whatever Happened to Isaac Babel?"[56]

Brazilian writer Rubem Fonseca wrote a novel about the search for a lost manuscript from Babel: "Vastas emoções e pensamentos imperfeitos" (1988).[57]

American author Travis Holland wrote his debut novel "The Archivist's Story” about an archivist, Pavel Dubrov, in Lubyanka Prison who has to authenticate a Babel manuscript. In the novel his meeting with Babel prompts him to save the story at great risk to himself.[58]

Playwright Rajiv Joseph won an Obie Award for Best New American Play for his 2017 Describe the Night, which follows Babel from his role as a journalist in Poland through and beyond his execution, and the role his personal journal plays in uniting people across time and place.[59][60]

Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Isaac Emmanuilovich Babel (1894–1940) was a Soviet Jewish writer, journalist, and playwright celebrated for his concise, ironic short stories that vividly portrayed Jewish life in Odessa and the savagery of the Polish-Soviet War of 1919–1920. Born in Odessa to a Jewish family, Babel initially wrote in Russian while immersing himself in Yiddish literature, later gaining prominence as a war correspondent embedded with the Red Cavalry, experiences that inspired his seminal collection Red Cavalry (1926), a series of vignettes blending lyrical beauty with unflinching depictions of violence, antisemitism, and revolutionary disillusionment. His Odessa Tales (1924) featured larger-than-life Jewish gangsters like Benya Krik, capturing the vibrant yet perilous underbelly of pre-revolutionary Odessa's Jewish underworld with a mix of humor and pathos. Despite early acclaim and associations with Soviet literary circles, Babel's subtle critiques of Bolshevik excesses drew suspicion; he ceased publishing major works in the 1930s amid growing Stalinist repression. Arrested by the NKVD on May 15, 1939, on spurious charges of espionage and Trotskyism—allegedly linked to his affair with the daughter of NKVD chief Yezhov—he endured torture, a sham twenty-minute trial, and execution by firing squad on January 27, 1940, at age 45, his manuscripts largely destroyed. Rehabilitated posthumously in 1954, Babel's legacy endures as a master of modernist prose whose works reveal the human cost of ideological fervor, though Soviet-era accounts often sanitized his fate to obscure the regime's terror.

Early Life

Childhood and Family Background

Isaac Babel was born Isaak Emmanuilovich Babel on July 13, 1894, in the Moldavanka district of , in the (present-day ), to a middle-class . His father, Emmanuel Babel (also known as Manus), worked as a and shopkeeper, while his mother was Feyga (Feiga) Bobel; the family's original surname was reportedly Bobel before being changed to Babel. The family resided in , a vibrant hub of , , and Hebrew scholarship at the time, though they soon relocated to the nearby city of for Emmanuel's business pursuits, where Babel spent much of his early childhood. Growing up in a religiously observant Jewish household amid the Pale of Settlement's restrictions on Jewish residence and occupation, Babel experienced the tensions of tsarist antisemitism, including economic hardships faced by Jewish merchants like his father. As a young child, he witnessed the 1905 Odessa pogrom, an outbreak of anti-Jewish violence that left deep impressions on his worldview and later writings depicting Jewish life under persecution. The family's modest circumstances and the cultural ferment of Odessa's Jewish community, known for its secularism and intellectual vibrancy despite pogroms and quotas, shaped Babel's formative years, fostering an early interest in literature influenced by the city's multilingual environment of Russian, Yiddish, and Hebrew. Babel's parents emphasized traditional alongside secular learning; his father, a strict adherent to religious practices, reportedly hired tutors for Hebrew and Talmudic studies, contrasting with the mother's more practical concerns. This dual influence—religious orthodoxy clashing with the pull of —contributed to the internal conflicts evident in Babel's autobiographical reflections on his youth, though he later distanced himself from orthodoxy. The family's return to in his later childhood reinforced exposure to the gangster-infused underbelly of Moldavanka, elements that would recur in his .

Education and Formative Influences

Babel was born on July 13, 1894, in Odessa's Moldavanka district to a Jewish trading family, where his father insisted on rigorous home study of Hebrew, the , and the until age sixteen. Around 1903–1904, his family relocated briefly to Nikolaev, where he attended the Count Witte Commercial School, a non-discriminatory emphasizing practical skills over classical gymnasium training. In 1906, following the family's return to Odessa amid the 1905 pogroms—which left a lasting impression of on the young Babel—he enrolled in the second grade of I Odessa Commercial School No. 1, graduating in 1911 with top marks in subjects including , , German, French, English, commercial , , , and political . This schooling exposed him to a diverse body of foreign merchants' sons, Jewish agents, , and local traders, fostering his cosmopolitan worldview amid Odessa's multicultural port environment. Barred from Odessa University by Jewish enrollment quotas limiting Pale of Settlement students to 10 percent, Babel moved to Kiev in 1911 to study at the Institute of Finance and Business (also known as the Kiev Commercial Institute). The program, evacuated to during , culminated in his graduation in May 1916 with a of Economic Sciences degree (second rank), providing vocational training suited to Jewish professionals restricted from . In parallel, he briefly enrolled in the Law Faculty of the Petrograd Psycho-Neurological Institute in October 1916, though political upheavals curtailed this pursuit. These institutional barriers reinforced his self-reliant approach, bypassing traditional elite paths like the gymnasium and . Babel's formative literary influences stemmed from voracious, self-directed reading rather than formal pedagogy; at school, he found respite from intense home drills, later recalling, "At school I rested." He achieved fluency in Russian, French, German, and English through Commercial School curricula, writing early stories in French by age fifteen, though deeming them "colorless" except in dialogue. Key texts included Turgenev's First Love, which shaped his sensual narrative style, and Maupassant, whose concise realism inspired Babel's aspirations, as noted in his 1924 Autobiography: "At the age of fifteen, I began writing stories in French... my paysans and all sorts of authorial meditations came out colorless; only the dialogue was a success." Familial pressures, pogrom traumas, and Odessa's vibrant underclass—evident in his later Odessa Stories—interwove with these readings to cultivate his ironic, vivid prose, later amplified by mentorship from Maxim Gorky, who published his debut stories in 1916.

Revolutionary Involvement and Early Career

Participation in the Bolshevik Revolution

In early 1917, Isaac Babel, then 22 years old, relocated from to Petrograd amid the turmoil of the Russian Revolution's initial phase following the February overthrow of the . As a secular Jewish intellectual disillusioned with tsarist , he viewed the Bolshevik-led as a liberating force against historical pogroms and restrictions, aligning himself ideologically with the new regime's promise of equality. Babel's direct engagement was primarily intellectual and journalistic rather than military. He continued writing during the upheaval, receiving mentorship from in Petrograd and emerging as a vocal literary supporter among Jewish Bolshevik sympathizers, producing early pieces that reflected revolutionary optimism. Later accounts, including Babel's own, assert he briefly volunteered for the Red forces on the Romanian front in 1917, serving under fire with Cossack units, though historical records on this period remain sparse and his claims may reflect retrospective alignment with Soviet narratives. Post-October, Babel contributed practically to the Bolshevik apparatus, reportedly working as a translator for the newly formed Petrograd —the Bolshevik established in December 1917—and as a reporter by March 1918, documenting events for Soviet outlets. These roles marked his entry into regime-aligned , though they exposed him to the revolution's violent undercurrents, themes he would later explore in his .

Initial Writings and Journalism

Babel's first published stories appeared in the November 1916 issue of Letopis, a Petrograd journal edited by . These included accounts of an and an pimp, which prompted prosecution under Article 1001 of the Imperial Russian criminal code for alleged obscenity. Subsequently, Babel supplied journalism to Gorky's daily Novaya zhizn', a publication critical of early Bolshevik policies that Lenin ordered closed on July 10, 1918. After aligning with the Bolsheviks in 1917, Babel participated in the as a correspondent attached to the Political Department of the Red Army's Sixth Division within the First Cavalry Army, commanded by . In 1920, during the Polish-Soviet campaign, he filed dispatches for army organs such as V novom puti, documenting frontline conditions amid cavalry operations in Galicia and . These reports captured the brutal realities of , including Cossack tactics and requisitions, though many remained unpublished at the time due to constraints.

Major Works

Red Cavalry

Red Cavalry (Russian: Konarmiya), a cycle of 35 short stories, was serialized in Soviet literary journals from 1923 to 1926 before appearing as a book collection in 1926. The stories draw directly from Babel's frontline experiences as a war correspondent embedded with the Red Army's First Cavalry Army, commanded by , during the of 1919–1921, particularly the failed Soviet advance into Poland in summer 1920. Babel joined the unit on July 14, 1920, after initial reluctance from Budyonny's staff due to his Jewish background and lack of military experience, and maintained a personal diary documenting the campaign's chaos, which formed the raw material for the narrative. The protagonist and narrator, Kirill Lyutov—a bespectacled, bookish Jewish —serves as Babel's semi-autobiographical , embedded among illiterate Cossack horsemen whose lives embody raw physicality, plunder, and summary executions. Stories such as "Crossing the Zbrucz," "The Death of Tal'kovsky," and "Gedali" juxtapose the narrator's humane sensitivities and cultural alienation against the cavalry's indiscriminate violence, including pogrom-like atrocities against Polish civilians and . Recurring motifs include the of religious sites, the fetishization of sabers and horses as symbols of Cossack , and fleeting encounters with Polish nobility or Hasidic , underscoring themes of cultural rupture, the futility of amid barbarism, and the moral cost of war's "lyrical" brutality. Babel's prose, terse and rhythmic, incorporates Yiddish inflections, Cossack slang, and biblical echoes to evoke a polyphonic , blending irony with vivid sensory detail—such as the "pinkish-grey" brains spilling from a priest's skull in "The Rabbi's Son." The cycle critiques Bolshevik idealism through characters like the propagandist Balmashev, whose devotion to the regime's Krasnoarmeets crumbles under battlefield realities, revealing a chasm between ideological fervor and the ' anarchic pragmatism. emerges as a core tension: Lyutov grapples with assimilation into the revolutionary fold while witnessing antisemitic violence from his own comrades, as in "Gedali," where a Zionist shopkeeper laments the Red Army's destruction of traditional Jewish life. Upon release, garnered acclaim for its stylistic innovation and unflinching realism, establishing Babel as a master of the Russian form, yet provoked backlash from Soviet figures; Budyonny, incensed by depictions of his troops' disorder and cruelty, penned a scathing accusing Babel of slandering the and demanded . This controversy foreshadowed broader Soviet unease with the work's implicit disillusionment, though it remained in print until the 1930s. Later scholarly analyses emphasize its anti-war ethos and exploration of the intellectual's estrangement in totalizing ideologies, distinguishing it from contemporaneous propagandistic literature.

Odessa Stories

The Odessa Stories, also known as the Tales of Odessa, comprise a cycle of short stories by Isaac Babel centered on the Jewish criminal underworld in the Moldavanka district of pre-revolutionary Odessa. Babel began publishing these narratives in 1921 through Odessa-based periodicals such as Moryak and Na Pomoshch, drawing from the vibrant yet perilous life of the city's Jewish underclass during the early 20th century. The stories, completed and collected by 1924, portray characters who defy traditional stereotypes of Jewish passivity, instead embodying boldness, cunning, and occasional brutality amid pogroms, poverty, and tsarist oppression. At the heart of the cycle is Benya Krik, a fictional gangster dubbed "The King," who leads a gang of Jewish outlaws challenging both local authorities and rival exploiters. Key tales include "The King" (1921), depicting Benya's defiant wedding feast interrupted by police; "How It Was Done in Odessa," chronicling a young man's ruthless initiation into crime under Benya's mentorship; and "Lyubka the Cossack," exploring the brothel madame's complex ties to the underworld. These narratives blend Yiddish-inflected Russian dialogue with vivid, ironic prose, highlighting the characters' chutzpah and fatalism—traits Babel observed in Odessa's real-life smugglers and racketeers. Thematically, the stories juxtapose tenderness and cruelty, celebrating the Jews' adaptive vitality while underscoring the inexorable violence of their milieu, as in Benya's orchestration of a merchant's liquidation to feed the poor. Babel's style employs concise, rhythmic sentences packed with sensory details and biblical allusions, evoking a mythic quality to the gangsters' exploits without romanticizing their amorality. Unlike his war-focused Red Cavalry, these works reflect Babel's personal roots in Odessa, where he spent formative years, infusing the tales with autobiographical echoes of family lore and street wisdom. Literary critics note the cycle's departure from Soviet realist mandates, prioritizing individual agency over class struggle, which contributed to its initial acclaim before Stalinist censorship curtailed such unorthodox portrayals.

Other Prose and Dramatic Works

Babel published his first , "Old Shloime," in 1913 while studying in Kiev, portraying an elderly Jewish man's suicide amid personal despair. Other early pieces from the 1910s, such as "Elya Isaakovich and Margarita Prokofievna" () and "Doudou" (), appeared in Petrograd periodicals and explored themes of urban life and interpersonal tensions under pre-revolutionary conditions. In the 1920s, Babel produced semi-autobiographical stories drawing on his childhood, including "The Story of My Dovecote," which depicts a young boy's trauma during a 1905 pogrom, blending vivid sensory details with historical violence, and "First Love," which examines adolescent awakening amid familial strife involving a domineering . These works, often grouped as childhood narratives, showcased Babel's concise style and irony, distinct from the war-focused intensity of his cavalry cycle or the gangster bravado of tales. Babel's dramatic output centered on the play (Sunset), completed in 1927 and first published in 1928, which dramatizes the generational conflict and economic ruin of an Jewish merchant family, adapting motifs from his earlier story cycles into dialogue-driven tragedy. Staged briefly that year, it received mixed reception for its stark portrayal of decline but marked his primary theatrical success amid Soviet pressures. Later efforts, like the unfinished 1930s play Maria, critiqued Civil War-era societal undercurrents but remained incomplete due to intensifying political scrutiny.

Interwar Period and Soviet Pressures

Professional Activities and Associations

Babel continued journalistic work in the 1920s, undertaking assignments in Ukraine and the Caucasus, which informed his observations of Soviet rural and ethnic life. He also contributed to the Soviet press sporadically, including pieces on cultural and political themes, though his output diminished amid growing ideological constraints. Additionally, he ventured into screenwriting, adapting his Odessa Stories for the 1926 silent film Benya Krik and scripting adaptations of Sholem Aleichem's works, such as Jewish Luck (1925), blending Yiddish literary traditions with emerging Soviet cinema. As a prominent figure in Soviet literary circles, Babel joined the Union of Soviet Writers upon its formation in 1934 and actively participated in its inaugural that year in . During the event, he delivered a speech acknowledging his limited publications since the late , wryly claiming mastery over "the genre of silence," a comment reflecting the pressures of on independent voices. The following year, 1935, he represented the union abroad as part of a Soviet writers' to a left-wing in , facilitating international literary exchanges amid tightening domestic controls. These associations positioned him within the Soviet cultural elite but increasingly exposed him to scrutiny over his productivity and foreign ties.

Period of Literary Silence

Babel's major prose publications, including Red Cavalry (1926) and the Odessa Stories, largely concluded by the late 1920s, after which his creative output diminished sharply. Following the 1928 play Sunset and a few subsequent pieces, such as stories dated to 1930 in his autobiographical cycle, Babel produced no more than a dozen short stories throughout the entire decade of the 1930s. This scarcity marked a stark contrast to his prolific earlier period, with critics and Soviet authorities reproaching him for "literary silence" as early as 1928. The onset of this silence coincided with intensifying Stalinist cultural policies, which demanded literature serve explicit ideological purposes under , a framework emphasizing heroic proletarian narratives and didactic clarity. Babel's modernist style—characterized by irony, concision, and ambivalent portrayals of violence and —proved incompatible with these mandates, leading him to withhold works rather than conform or face outright . In a 1934 speech to the First All-Union Congress of Soviet Writers, Babel acknowledged his prolonged inactivity, attributing it partly to personal creative struggles while promising renewed productivity aligned with Soviet themes, though he delivered little beyond the 1934 novella "Petrol," a brief piece on industrialization. His unpublished manuscripts, including drafts seized upon his 1939 arrest, suggest ongoing private writing, but public silence served as a tacit form of resistance amid the regime's purges of non-conformist intellectuals. During this era, Babel sustained himself through screenwriting for films like (directed by Eisenstein, abandoned in 1937) and translations, avoiding direct confrontation while associating cautiously with figures like . Eyewitness accounts and later analyses portray his restraint as a in an environment where writers like perished for ideological deviation, with Babel's final published story, "The Kiss," appearing in 1937 before total cessation. This period underscored the broader of on literary freedom, where even acclaimed authors faced erasure for failing to produce state-approved output.

Political Views and Identity Conflicts

Stance on Bolshevism and Soviet Ideology

Isaac Babel initially aligned with the Bolshevik Revolution, enlisting as a after the of 1917 and embedding with the Red Army's during the Polish-Soviet War of , where he witnessed frontline operations aimed at exporting westward. This participation reflected his early sympathy for as a liberating force against Tsarist and social stagnation, particularly appealing to urban Jewish intellectuals like Babel who saw it as enabling cultural and personal advancement. His contemporaneous entries, however, already betrayed internal conflict, recording revulsion at the revolution's methods amid the ethnic pogroms and chaos of the Civil War. In (1926), Babel's fictionalized account of these experiences eschewed Bolshevik propaganda for stark portrayals of revolutionary violence, depicting Cossack troops committing atrocities indistinguishable from those of their opponents, with mutual hatred persisting unchanged by ideology. Narrators like Lyutov, a semi-autobiographical Jewish , grapple with the moral cost of emulating the ' brutality to gain acceptance, underscoring Babel's critique of Bolshevism's demand for ideological conformity over humanistic restraint. The story "Gedali" explicitly questions the revolution's compatibility with Jewish traditions, as a rabbi-like figure affirms Bolshevik goals but rejects their Sabbath-disrupting ferocity, positing the upheaval as a primal "Cossack rebellion" rather than a disciplined Marxist advance. Babel's evolving disillusionment manifested in his literary silence from the early 1930s, amid Stalinist pressures for "socialist realism" that prioritized didactic affirmation of Soviet ideology over nuanced depiction of its human toll. Official critiques labeled his work "formalist" and politically suspect for failing to exalt Bolshevik triumphs unequivocally, reflecting his unspoken resistance to the regime's erasure of revolutionary contradictions—such as pervasive antisemitism within Red ranks and the gap between proletarian rhetoric and elite corruption. This stance, inferred from his oeuvre rather than overt declarations, positioned him as a non-conformist observer critiquing Bolshevism's causal failures to deliver promised emancipation through its reliance on terror and suppression of dissent.

Jewish Heritage and Cultural Tensions

Babel was born Isaak Emmanuilovich Babel on July 13, 1894, in the predominantly Jewish Moldavanka district of Odessa, then part of the Russian Empire, to a middle-class family of Jewish merchants; his father, Manus (Emmanuel) Babel, traded in agricultural machinery, providing a degree of financial stability amid widespread restrictions on Jewish economic activity. The family's Russified lifestyle exposed young Babel to Russian literature and language from an early age, yet his heritage was indelibly marked by Odessa's vibrant Jewish milieu, a hub of Yiddish theater, Hebrew scholarship, and communal institutions that fostered a distinct cultural identity despite tsarist antisemitism and quotas limiting Jewish access to education. His early years included exposure to Yiddish through his grandmother and intensive study of the Hebrew Bible under a rabbi, elements that infused his prose with biblical cadences and motifs of exile and resilience, even as he rejected religious observance for secular rationalism. The 1905 Odessa pogrom, which claimed over 400 Jewish lives and destroyed synagogues and homes in Moldavanka, left a traumatic imprint, reinforcing Babel's awareness of Jewish vulnerability in a hostile empire where periodic violence underscored the precarity of minority existence. These formative experiences engendered persistent cultural tensions in Babel's life and oeuvre, manifesting as an internal schism between his Jewish ethos—characterized by intellectual introspection, verbal agility, and a tragic of autumnal melancholy, as he famously encapsulated the Jew with "spectacles on his nose and autumn in his heart"—and the , collectivist demands of Russian and later Soviet society. In works like the , Babel romanticized the Jewish underworld of gangsters such as Benya Krik, portraying a defiant vitality and entrepreneurial spirit rooted in Odessa's Jewish subculture, which clashed with prevailing as passive or parasitic and highlighted the adaptive ingenuity born of marginalization. Conversely, (1926) dramatizes the Jewish narrator's alienation amid Cossack brutality during the Polish-Soviet War, where physical frailty and moral qualms symbolize the chasm between Jewish bookishness and revolutionary violence, reflecting Babel's own fragmented identity as a bespectacled intellectual ill-suited to frontline heroism. Under Soviet rule, these tensions intensified as Bolshevik internationalism ostensibly abolished ethnic distinctions but in practice suppressed Jewish religious and cultural practices, including the , forcing Babel into a precarious duality: allegiance to the revolution that emancipated from tsarist pogroms versus fidelity to particularist themes that evoked "" or in official eyes. While Babel endorsed the upheaval for its promise of equality—joining the as a in 1920—his persistent depiction of as a distinct, nourished by ethnic rather than proletarian invited scrutiny, as Soviet doctrine prioritized class over creed and viewed cultural romanticism as ideological deviation. This conflict permeated his private correspondences and unpublished works, where he grappled with assimilation's costs, ultimately embodying the Soviet Jewish writer's archetype: outwardly compliant yet inwardly torn, his imagination sustained by unresolved friction between heritage and ideology.

Arrest, Execution, and Stalinist Terror

Events Leading to Arrest

In the late 1930s, Isaac Babel's associations with high-ranking Soviet officials under scrutiny during the heightened his vulnerability. He had maintained a long-term affair with Evgenia Yezhova, wife of , the chief who orchestrated much of the terror from 1936 to 1938 before his own arrest in November 1938. Evgenia Yezhova, who had known Babel prior to her marriage, committed suicide shortly after her husband's downfall, amid investigations into their circle. This liaison drew surveillance to Babel, as authorities purged associates of fallen leaders to eliminate potential witnesses or sympathizers. Babel's literary inactivity since the early , coupled with unpublished manuscripts critical of collectivization and Soviet realities, further isolated him in an era demanding ideological conformity. Friends and collaborators like and had already been executed, signaling the regime's targeting of intellectuals with independent views. By early 1939, as Yezhov's network was dismantled under Lavrentiy Beria's rising influence, Babel retreated to his in to complete a major work, unaware that his ties to the Yezhovs provided pretext for amid Stalin's intensifying .

Interrogation, Trial, and Death

Following his , Isaac Babel was interrogated extensively by investigators at Lubyanka , where he endured severe physical including and beatings, leading him to sign multiple confessions to charges of , on behalf of and , and participation in anti-Soviet terrorist organizations. These admissions implicated him in fabricated plots, such as transmitting military secrets and associating with purged figures like . In November 1939, Babel attempted to retract his forced confessions, writing a letter dated to Soviet authorities asserting that his statements were extracted under duress and lacked factual basis. Despite this, the case against him proceeded, culminating in his inclusion on a list of 346 individuals recommended for execution by chief in a memorandum to the dated January 16, 1940. The , including who personally endorsed the list with the notation "I am for -- I. Stalin," approved the recommendation without modification. Babel's trial occurred on January 26, 1940, in a closed session lasting approximately twenty minutes, presided over by a special tribunal rather than a standard court. He was convicted under Article 58-1a and 58-11 of the RSFSR for and , with no opportunity for defense. During the proceedings, Babel proclaimed his innocence, declaring, "I am innocent. I have never been a spy. I never allowed any action against the ." The tribunal promptly sentenced him to death by firing squad. Babel was executed the following day, January 27, 1940, in Moscow as part of the Stalinist purges' wave of extrajudicial killings. His body was disposed of in an unmarked grave, consistent with NKVD practices to erase traces of victims.

Posthumous Rehabilitation

Official Vindication in the Soviet Union

Following the death of Joseph Stalin on March 5, 1953, the Soviet leadership under Nikita Khrushchev initiated a process of de-Stalinization, which included reviewing cases of victims from the Great Purge of 1936–1938. Isaac Babel's conviction, handed down by a military tribunal on January 26, 1940, on charges of espionage and terrorism, came under scrutiny as part of this effort to annul politically motivated sentences. Babel's common-law wife, Antonina Pirozhkova, an engineer who had survived the , actively petitioned authorities for , submitting appeals that highlighted the lack of evidence in his case. Her efforts contributed to the case's reopening by the Military Collegium of the of the USSR. On December 18, 1954, the collegium reviewed the original and quashed the sentence, declaring it baseless due to the absence of proven criminal acts. This decision formally ended the state's denunciation of Babel as , removing his name from lists of purged individuals and allowing limited acknowledgment of his existence in official records. However, full archival access to his files remained restricted until later decades, reflecting the cautious pace of revelations during the Khrushchev Thaw. The vindication aligned with the rehabilitation of thousands of other intellectuals and officials, signaling a partial repudiation of Stalin-era excesses without broader systemic accountability.

Recovery and Publication of Suppressed Works

Following Isaac Babel's official posthumous rehabilitation in 1954 by the Military Collegium of the of the USSR, which declared the absence of elements of a in his case, several of his earlier published collections, including (1926) and Odessa Tales (1931), were reprinted in the during the late 1950s as part of the Khrushchev Thaw's broader cultural liberalization. These editions largely reproduced pre-1939 texts without significant additions, reflecting ongoing caution toward Babel's ironic style and Jewish themes, which had been criticized for deviating from . However, the bulk of Babel's manuscripts—estimated to include unfinished novels, plays, and short stories—had been confiscated by the during his 1939 arrest and were never recovered, despite post-Stalin searches by Soviet authorities. A 1966 Soviet collection of selected works marked a modest expansion, incorporating some lesser-known pieces, but it omitted potentially controversial unpublished material and was followed by renewed suppression until the late . More complete Soviet editions emerged only during , with volumes in 1989 and 1990 drawing on archival releases, though gaps persisted due to lost documents and ideological in earlier decades. In the West, recovery efforts centered on family-held archives preserved by Babel's , Babel, who emigrated after his execution. She facilitated the 1964 publication of newly discovered stories and letters from , revealing Babel's evolving critiques of and personal struggles during his "period of silence." This was followed by her editorial oversight of expanded collections, culminating in The Complete Works of Isaac Babel (2001), a 1,072-page Norton edition featuring 147 stories, diaries, plays, and screenplays spanning 1913 to his final unfinished pieces, many translated anew from original Russian manuscripts to address prior incomplete or bowdlerized versions. These publications highlighted suppressed elements, such as Babel's non-conformist portrayals of violence, sexuality, and , which had rendered much of his late output unpublishable in the USSR.

Literary Analysis

Style and Narrative Techniques

Babel's prose is marked by its concision and rhythmic intensity, featuring short sentences, repetitive syntactic patterns, and an accumulation of active verbs in the to evoke immediacy and assertiveness. This technique, evident in works like (1926), compresses complex emotions and events into sparse, emphatic structures that mirror the abrupt violence of war. His language draws from poetic-ornamental traditions of the , incorporating abundant metaphors, similes, and sensory imagery to blend with brutality, as seen in descriptions of Cossack life where and horror coexist. A hallmark technique is the use of skaz, an mode that infuses narratives with colloquial speech, monologic intrusions, and blending, creating a hybrid voice that merges the narrator's introspection with characters' raw vernacular. In , this manifests in digressive, episodic cycles rather than linear plots, with fragmented vignettes and stream-like digressions that prioritize atmospheric immersion over chronological coherence, reflecting the disorientation of frontline experiences during the 1920 Polish-Soviet War. Such structures eschew traditional novelistic unity for a mosaic effect, where individual stories interconnect thematically through motifs of transformation and alienation. Irony and satire underpin Babel's narrative stance, often through the persona of the intellectual observer—such as Lyutov in —whose refined sensibility clashes with the coarse vitality of soldiers, underscoring the absurdities of ideological fervor and . This ironic detachment, combined with subtle humor and , critiques revolutionary myths without overt , as in tales like "My First Goose," where rites devolve into . Babel's techniques thus privilege perceptual acuity over moral resolution, employing and to reveal underlying tensions between Jewish intellectualism and Bolshevik militancy.

Central Themes and Motifs

Babel's prose recurrently examines the raw violence inherent in revolutionary upheaval and warfare, portraying it not as abstract ideology but as a visceral force that reshapes individuals and societies. In (1926), drawn from his experiences as a correspondent with the Soviet during the 1920 Polish-Soviet War, stories like "Gedali" and "My First Goose" juxtapose the intellectual narrator's alienation against the ' primal brutality, including pogrom-like atrocities against and Poles, underscoring the revolution's moral paradoxes where destruction begets illusory renewal. This theme extends to the motif of and imagery, symbolizing both vitality and carnage, as red appears disproportionately in descriptions of wounds, sunsets, and ideological fervor across and Odessa Tales. Jewish identity forms a core motif, often depicted through the lens of cultural dislocation and survival amid gentile dominance, reflecting Babel's own Odessa roots in a Pale of Settlement family. Characters embody the tension between Talmudic introspection and the exigencies of a militarized, assimilationist Soviet order; in Red Cavalry, Jewish victims and bystanders highlight pogroms' ethnic targeting, while the narrator's Semitic features provoke Cossack scorn, evoking historical cycles of persecution akin to the Temple's destruction. In Odessa Tales (collected 1931), this evolves into defiant archetypes like Benya Krik, a Jewish gangster whose audacious crimes in Moldavanka's underworld parody heroic banditry, blending chutzpah with fatalism to assert agency in a hostile environment. Eroticism and the body recur as motifs of raw sensuality clashing with ideological austerity, serving as both escape and critique. Babel's narrators pursue fleeting liaisons amid chaos—Polish countesses in Red Cavalry or Moldavanka prostitutes in Odessa Tales—where physical conquest mirrors revolutionary conquest, yet exposes the hollowness of power; in "The Jewess," a liaison amid wartime ruin captures the theme of carnal immediacy overriding ethnic or class barriers, prefiguring the work's broader interrogation of human drives under duress. Duality and irony permeate these elements, with fragmented narratives withholding resolution to mimic life's ambiguities, as in the paradoxical "rebirth" through violence that Gedali laments as devouring the old world's humane essence.

Reception and Legacy

Critical Evaluations and Controversies

Babel's Red Cavalry (1926) elicited mixed critical responses for its unflinching depiction of wartime violence, blending admiration for Cossack ferocity with revulsion at its brutality, a duality that some interpreters attribute to Babel's internal conflict between and fascination with martial vitality. Critics like noted Babel's preoccupation with violence as a lens for exploring human transformation, yet questioned whether the stories romanticized savagery or critiqued it, given the narrator's envious gaze toward the Cossacks' unbridled energy amid pogrom-like atrocities against . This ambiguity fueled accusations of moral equivocation, with some scholarly analyses suggesting an undercurrent of internalized in the protagonist's admiration for perpetrators who insult and victimize , contrasting sharply with the Cossacks' crude and retention of Orthodox prejudices. Early Soviet literary establishments, including the Russian Association of Proletarian Writers (RAPP), attacked Babel from the late for insufficient ideological alignment, viewing his ironic portrayals of revolutionary chaos and Jewish underclass as subversive rather than celebratory of Bolshevik triumphs. By 1932, after RAPP's dissolution, criticisms persisted, branding Babel's output as elitist and detached from proletarian realism, a charge exacerbated by his sparse publications post-, which Soviet critics interpreted as evasion amid mounting Stalinist demands for conformity. These evaluations, often politically instrumentalized, overlooked Babel's stylistic innovations—concise prose fusing lyricism with brutality—but highlighted genuine tensions in his work between aesthetic autonomy and regime expectations. Personal life controversies centered on Babel's extramarital affairs and divided family, including a liaison with Evgenia Yezhova, wife of chief , which exposed him to perilous proximity to purges; Yezhov's 1939 downfall amplified suspicions of Babel's espionage ties, though evidence remains circumstantial and tied to coerced confessions. His maintenance of households across borders—wife and daughter in , another daughter in , relatives scattered—drew postwar scrutiny in émigré and circles for perceived opportunism, yet biographers argue these reflected survival strategies amid Soviet and emigration restrictions rather than moral failing. Posthumous debates, informed by archival revelations, contest whether Babel's silences on constituted complicity or prudent self-preservation, with some viewing his unproduced works as latent critiques suppressed by fear. Later evaluations praise Babel's prescience in capturing authoritarian , yet controversies persist over his : while celebrating Odessa's raffish vitality, his narratives sometimes echo assimilated self-loathing by privileging Cossack over Hasidic frailty, prompting charges of cultural in analyses of pogrom-era trauma. These interpretations, drawn from declassified documents and comparative studies, underscore Babel's enduring enigma—genius marred by the era's causal pressures—without resolving whether his ambiguities stem from artistic intent or biographical compromise.

Enduring Influence and Memorialization


Babel's works maintain a prominent place in Russian and Jewish literary traditions, with comprehensive editions compiling his stories, letters, and unpublished manuscripts published as late as 2001. These collections highlight his role as a pioneering Soviet prose writer who achieved international recognition for Red Cavalry and Odessa Stories. His prose, defined by terse vividness and rhythmic storytelling, continues to shape modern short fiction by emphasizing economy of language and layered narrative depth.
In Odessa, Babel's hometown, a bronze monument depicting him seated with pen poised over paper and gaze fixed ahead was unveiled on September 4, 2011, opposite his childhood residence at 17 Rishelyevskaya Street. The sculpture, set on original cobblestone pavement evoking the city's historic contours, commemorates his vivid portrayals of the Moldavanka district's Jewish life, sustaining his cultural resonance amid ongoing regional conflicts. Local remembrance persists, viewing him as an enduring voice for pre-revolutionary Odessa's multicultural vitality. Babel's remains lie in Moscow's New Donskoye Cemetery, marking a somber endpoint to his suppressed legacy now revived through scholarly and artistic revivals.

References

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