Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Magical thinking
View on Wikipedia| Part of a series on the |
| Paranormal |
|---|
Magical thinking, or superstitious thinking,[1] is the belief that unrelated events are causally connected despite the absence of any plausible causal link between them, particularly as a result of supernatural effects.[1][2][3] Examples include the idea that personal thoughts can influence the external world without acting on them, or that objects must be causally connected if they resemble each other or have come into contact with each other in the past.[1][2][4] Magical thinking is a type of fallacious thinking and is a common source of invalid causal inferences.[3][5] Unlike the confusion of correlation with causation, magical thinking does not require the events to be correlated.[3]
The precise definition of magical thinking may vary subtly when used by different theorists or among different fields of study. In psychology, magical thinking is the belief that one's thoughts by themselves can bring about effects in the world or that thinking something corresponds with doing it.[6] These beliefs can cause a person to experience an irrational fear of performing certain acts or having certain thoughts because of an assumed correlation between doing so and threatening calamities.[1] In psychiatry, magical thinking defines false beliefs about the capability of thoughts, actions or words to cause or prevent undesirable events.[7] It is a commonly observed symptom in thought disorder, schizotypal personality disorder and obsessive-compulsive disorder.[8][9][10]
Types
[edit]Direct effect
[edit]Bronisław Malinowski's Magic, Science and Religion (1954) discusses a type of magical thinking in which words and sounds are thought to have the ability to directly affect the world.[11] This type of wish fulfillment thinking can result in the avoidance of talking about certain subjects ("Speak of the devil and he'll appear"), the use of euphemisms instead of certain words, or the belief that to know the "true name" of something gives one power over it; or that certain chants, prayers, or mystical phrases will bring about physical changes in the world. More generally, it is magical thinking to take a symbol to be its referent or an analogy to represent an identity.[citation needed]
Sigmund Freud believed that magical thinking was produced by cognitive developmental factors. He described practitioners of magic as projecting their mental states onto the world around them, similar to a common phase in child development.[12] From toddlerhood to early school age, children will often link the outside world with their internal consciousness, e.g. "It is raining because I am sad."
Symbolic approaches
[edit]Another theory of magical thinking is the symbolic approach. Leading thinkers of this category, including Stanley J. Tambiah, believe that magic is meant to be expressive, rather than instrumental. As opposed to the direct, mimetic thinking of Frazer, Tambiah asserts that magic utilizes abstract analogies to express a desired state, along the lines of metonymy or metaphor.[13]
An important question raised by this interpretation is how mere symbols could exert material effects. One possible answer lies in John L. Austin's concept of performativity, in which the act of saying something makes it true, such as in an inaugural or marital rite.[14] Other theories propose that magic is effective because symbols are able to affect internal psycho-physical states. They claim that the act of expressing a certain anxiety or desire can be reparative in itself.[15]
Causes
[edit]
According to theories of anxiety relief and control, people turn to magical beliefs when there exists a sense of uncertainty and potential danger, and with little access to logical or scientific responses to such danger. Magic is used to restore a sense of control over circumstance. In support of this theory, research indicates that superstitious behavior is invoked more often in high stress situations, especially by people with a greater desire for control.[16][17]
Boyer and Liénard propose that in obsessive-compulsive rituals — a possible clinical model for certain forms of magical thinking — focus shifts to the lowest level of gestures, resulting in goal demotion. For example, an obsessive-compulsive cleaning ritual may overemphasize the order, direction, and number of wipes used to clean the surface. The goal becomes less important than the actions used to achieve the goal, with the implication that magic rituals can persist without efficacy because the intent is lost within the act.[18] Alternatively, some cases of harmless "rituals" may have positive effects in bolstering intent, as may be the case with certain pre-game exercises in sports.[19]
Some scholars believe that magic is effective psychologically. They cite the placebo effect and psychosomatic disease as prime examples of how our mental functions exert power over our bodies.[20]
Phenomenological approach
[edit]Ariel Glucklich tries to understand magic from a subjective perspective, attempting to comprehend magic on a phenomenological, experientially based level. Glucklich seeks to describe the attitude that magical practitioners feel what he calls "magical consciousness" or the "magical experience". He explains that it is based upon "the awareness of the interrelatedness of all things in the world by means of simple but refined sense perception."[21]
Another phenomenological model is that of Gilbert Lewis, who argues that "habit is unthinking". He believes that those practicing magic do not think of an explanatory theory behind their actions any more than the average person tries to grasp the pharmaceutical workings of aspirin.[22] When the average person takes an aspirin, he does not know how the medicine chemically functions. He takes the pill with the premise that there is proof of efficacy. Similarly, many who avail themselves of magic do so without feeling the need to understand a causal theory behind it.
According to Eric Fromm (1950), Superstition beliefs nurtured by religious or cultural exposure often influences a concept of locus of control.[23] Adversity has a greater effect on a person's external locus of control, and magical thinking can therefore be utilized as a coping mechanism for the lack of control in one's life experiences (Stanke[24]). Superstition-based magical thinking can be potentially harmful for those involved, as it ultimately decreases the amount of internal locus of control in an individual. This can cause unusual behavior in extreme cases reminiscent of symptoms of mental illnesses [25]such as OCPD and psychosis.
The average case of magical thinking takes the form of manifesting a dream life, or superstitious beliefs such as the unlucky number 13. Piaget claims that children are especially inclined to use such thinking during their early developmental stages (before the age of 8), as they are more susceptible to believing in magic because of their egocentrism.[26]
In children
[edit]According to Jean Piaget's Theory of Cognitive Development,[27] magical thinking is most prominent in children between ages 2 and 7. Due to examinations of grieving children, it is said that during this age, children strongly believe that their personal thoughts have a direct effect on the rest of the world. It is posited that their minds will create a reason to feel responsible if they experience something tragic that they do not understand, e.g. a death. Jean Piaget, a developmental psychologist, came up with a theory of four developmental stages.
Children between ages 2 and 7 would be classified under his preoperational stage of development. During this stage children are still developing their use of logical thinking. A child's thinking is dominated by perceptions of physical features, meaning that if the child is told that a family pet has "gone away to a farm" when it has in fact died, then the child will have difficulty comprehending the transformation of the dog not being around anymore. Magical thinking would be evident here, since the child may believe that the family pet being gone is just temporary. Their young minds in this stage do not understand the finality of death and magical thinking may bridge the gap.
Grief
[edit]It was discovered that children often feel that they are responsible for an event or events occurring or are capable of reversing an event simply by thinking about it and wishing for a change: namely, "magical thinking".[28] Make-believe and fantasy are an integral part of life at this age and are often used to explain the inexplicable.[29][30]
According to Piaget, children within this age group are often "egocentric", believing that what they feel and experience is the same as everyone else's feelings and experiences.[31] Also at this age, there is often a lack of ability to understand that there may be other explanations for events outside of the realm of things they have already comprehended. What happens outside their understanding needs to be explained using what they already know, because of an inability to fully comprehend abstract concepts.[31]
Magical thinking is found particularly in children's explanations of experiences about death, whether the death of a family member or pet, or their own illness or impending death. These experiences are often new for a young child, who at that point has no experience to give understanding of the ramifications of the event.[32] A child may feel that they are responsible for what has happened, simply because they were upset with the person who died, or perhaps played with the pet too roughly. There may also be the idea that if the child wishes it hard enough, or performs just the right act, the person or pet may choose to come back, and not be dead any longer.[33]
When considering their own illness or impending death, some children may feel that they are being punished for doing something wrong, or not doing something they should have, and therefore have become ill.[34] If a child's ideas about an event are incorrect because of their magical thinking, there is a possibility that the conclusions the child makes could result in long-term beliefs and behaviours that create difficulty for the child as they mature.[35]
Related terms
[edit]"Quasi-magical thinking" describes "cases in which people act as if they erroneously believe that their action influences the outcome, even though they do not really hold that belief".[36] People may realize that a superstitious intuition is logically false, but act as if it were true because they do not exert an effort to correct the intuition.[37]
See also
[edit]- Cognitive bias
- Faith
- Illusion of control
- Law of attraction (New Thought)
- Mythopoeic thought
- Psychology of religion
- Psychological theories of magic
- Schizotypal personality disorder
- Synchronicity
- Tinkerbell effect
- New Age
- New Thought
- The Year of Magical Thinking, an account of how mourning the death of a spouse led to magical thinking
- Wishful thinking
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d Bennett, Bo. "Magical Thinking". Logically Fallacious. Retrieved 20 May 2020.
- ^ a b Carroll RT (12 Sep 2014). "Magical thinking". The Skeptic's Dictionary. Retrieved 20 May 2020.
- ^ a b c Robert J. Sternberg; Henry L. Roediger III; Diane F. Halpern (2007). Critical Thinking in Psychology. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-60834-3.
- ^ Vamos, Marina (2010). "Organ transplantation and magical thinking". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry. 44 (10): 883–887. doi:10.3109/00048674.2010.498786. ISSN 0004-8674. PMID 20932201. S2CID 25440192.
- ^ Carhart-Harris, R. (2013). "Psychedelic drugs, magical thinking and psychosis". Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery & Psychiatry. 84 (9): e1. doi:10.1136/jnnp-2013-306103.17. ISSN 0022-3050.
- ^ Colman, Andrew M. (2012). A Dictionary of Psychology (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press.
- ^ American Psychiatric Association (2013). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5). Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing. pp. 655, 824. doi:10.1176/appi.books.9780890425596. ISBN 978-0-89042-554-1.
- ^ Sadock, B. J.; Sadock, V. A.; Ruiz, P. (2017). Kaplan and Sadock's Comprehensive Textbook of Psychiatry (10th ed.). Wolters Kluwer. ISBN 978-1-4511-0047-1.
- ^ Fonseca-Pedrero E, Ortuno J, Debbané M, Chan E, Cicero D, Zhang L, Brenner C, Barkus E, Linscott E, Kwapil T, Barrantes-Vidal N, Cohen A, Raine A, Compton M, Tone E, Suhr J, Inchausti F, Bobes J, Fumero A, Giakoumaki S, Tsaousis I, Preti A, Chmielewski M, Laloyaux J, Mechri A, Lahmar M, Wuthrich V, Laroi F, Badcock J, Jablensky A, Isvoranu A, Epskamp S, Fried E (2018). "The network structure of schizotypal personality traits". Schizophrenia Bulletin. 44 (2): 468–479. doi:10.1093/schbul/sby044. PMC 6188518. PMID 29684178.
- ^ Barkataki B (2019). Explaining obsessive-compulsive symptoms? A transcultural exploration of magical thinking and OCD in India and Australia (PhD). Curtin university.
- ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 59–61, 205–12
- ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 53–5
- ^ Brown, Michael F. (1993). Thinking About Magic. Greenwood Press. pp. 5–7.
- ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 60–2
- ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 49–53
- ^ Keinan, Giora (2002). "The effects of stress and desire for control on superstitious behavior". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 28 (1): 102–108. doi:10.1177/0146167202281009. S2CID 145223253.
- ^ Keinan, Giora (1994). "The effects of stress and tolerance of ambiguity on magical thinking". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 67 (1): 48–55. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.67.1.48.
- ^ Boyer, Pascal; Liénard, Pierre (2008). "Ritual behavior in obsessive and normal individuals". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 17 (4): 291–94. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.503.1537. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00592.x. S2CID 145218875.
- ^ "Why Rituals Work". Scientific American. Retrieved 2015-12-17.
- ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 50–68
- ^ Glucklich 1997, p. 12
- ^ Lewis, Gilbert. The Look of Magic. University of Cambridge.
- ^ "Moderating roles of external locus of control and knowledge expertise on the relationship between superstitious belief and stock trading performance". Kasetsart Journal of Social Sciences. 2019-04-30. doi:10.34044/j.kjss.2019.40.1.03 (inactive 1 July 2025). ISSN 2452-3151.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link) - ^ "Moderating roles of external locus of control and knowledge expertise on the relationship between superstitious belief and stock trading performance". Kasetsart Journal of Social Sciences. 2019-04-30. doi:10.34044/j.kjss.2019.40.1.03 (inactive 1 July 2025). ISSN 2452-3151.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of July 2025 (link) - ^ "Obsessive-compulsive personality disorder: What to know". www.medicalnewstoday.com. 2019-11-28. Retrieved 2025-04-20.
- ^ "Magical thinking | Psychology & Cognitive Development | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2025-05-13.
- ^ Piaget, Jean (1929). The child's conception of the world. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
- ^ Nielson, D. (2012). "Discussing death with pediatric patients: Implications for nurses". Journal of Pediatric Nursing. 27 (5): e59 – e64. doi:10.1016/j.pedn.2011.11.006. PMID 22198004.
- ^ Samide, L.; Stockton, R. (2002). "Letting go of grief: Bereavement groups for children in the school setting". Journal for Specialists in Group Work. 27 (2): 192–204. doi:10.1177/0193392202027002006.
- ^ Webb 2010, pp. 5–6
- ^ a b Biank, N.; Werner-Lin, A. (2011). "Growing up with grief: Revisiting the death of a parent over the life course". Omega. 63 (3): 271–290. doi:10.2190/om.63.3.e. PMID 21928600. S2CID 37763796.
- ^ Webb 2010, p. 51
- ^ Schoen, A.; Burgoyen, M.; Schoen, S. (2004). "Are the developmental needs of children in America adequately addressed during the grief process?". Journal of Instructional Psychology. 31: 143–8. EBSCOhost 13719052[dead link].
- ^ Schonfeld, D. (1993). "Talking with children about death". Journal of Pediatric Health Care. 7 (6): 269–74. doi:10.1016/s0891-5245(06)80008-8. PMID 8106926.
- ^ Sossin, K.; Cohen, P. (2011). "Children's play in the wake of loss and trauma". Journal of Infant, Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy. 10 (2–3): 255–72. doi:10.1080/15289168.2011.600137. S2CID 146429165.
- ^ Shafir, E.; Tversky, A. (1992). "Thinking through uncertainty: Nonconsequential reasoning and choice". Cognitive Psychology. 24 (4): 449–74. doi:10.1016/0010-0285(92)90015-T. PMID 1473331. S2CID 29570235.
- ^ Risen, Jane L. (2016). "Believing what we do not believe: Acquiescence to superstitious beliefs and other powerful intuitions". Psychological Review. 123 (2): 182–207. doi:10.1037/rev0000017. PMID 26479707. S2CID 14384232.
Sources
[edit]- Glucklich, Ariel (1997). The End of Magic. Oxford University Press. pp. 60-2.
- Webb, N. (2010). "The child and death". In Webb, N.B. (ed.). Helping Bereaved Children: A Handbook for Practitioners. New York: Guildford.
Further reading
[edit]- Hood, Bruce (2009). SuperSense: Why We Believe in the Unbelievable. HarperOne. ISBN 9780061452642.
- Horton, Robin (1967). "African traditional thought and western science: Part I. From tradition to science". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 37 (1): 50–71. doi:10.2307/1157195. JSTOR 1157195. S2CID 145507695.
- Horton, Robin (1967). "African traditional thought and western science: Part II. The 'closed' and 'open' predicaments". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 37 (2): 155–87. doi:10.2307/1158253. JSTOR 1158253. S2CID 245911255.
- Horton, Robin (1970). "African traditional thought and western science". In Wilson, Bryan R. (ed.). Rationality. Key Concepts in the Social Sciences. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. pp. 131–171. ISBN 9780631119302. Abridged version of Horton (1967a) and Horton (1967b).
- Hutson, Matthew (2008). "Magical thinking". Psychology Today. Vol. March–April. pp. 89–95.
- Hutson, Matthew (2012). The 7 Laws of Magical Thinking: How Irrational Beliefs Keep Us Happy, Healthy, and Sane. Hudson Street Press. ISBN 9781594630873.
- Serban, George (1982). The Tyranny of Magical Thinking. New York: E. P. Dutton. ISBN 9780525241409. This work discusses how and why the magical thinking of childhood can carry into adulthood, causing various maladaptions and psychopathologies.
- Stevens, Phillips Jr. (November–December 2001). "Magical thinking in complementary and alternative medicine". Skeptical Inquirer. 25 (6). Archived from the original on 2010-06-03. Retrieved 2010-09-22.
- Vyse, Stuart (1997). Believing in Magic: The Psychology of Superstition. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195136340.
Magical thinking
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Characteristics
Core Definition
Magical thinking refers to the belief that one's thoughts, words, actions, or symbols can influence events in the physical world through non-logical or supernatural means, without relying on established causal mechanisms.[1] This cognitive process attributes efficacy to subjective intentions or rituals, such as believing that wishing for rain will directly cause it to fall, thereby bypassing rational explanations of natural phenomena.[4] In essence, it involves perceiving connections between unrelated events based on personal desires or symbolic associations rather than empirical evidence.[5] The concept of magical thinking has roots in anthropological studies of pre-scientific societies, where it was framed as a foundational mode of reasoning. Anthropologist James George Frazer introduced key ideas in his seminal 1890 work The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion, portraying magic as an early human attempt to control the environment through imitative or contagious principles, distinct from later religious or scientific paradigms.[6] Frazer's analysis highlighted magical thinking's prevalence in traditional worldviews, where rituals and beliefs served to explain and influence unpredictable events like harvests or illnesses. Unlike pseudoscience, which often mimics scientific methods but fails to adhere to rigorous testing and falsifiability, magical thinking operates on subjective perceptions of efficacy without any pretense of empirical validation.[7] It emphasizes internal conviction over objective scrutiny, as seen in practices where individuals perform actions based solely on perceived symbolic power. Core manifestations include thought-action fusion, where merely thinking about an undesirable event—such as a loved one's accident—is believed to make it more likely to occur, and protective rituals, like repeating phrases or gestures to ward off harm.[8] These examples illustrate how magical thinking fosters a sense of agency in uncertain situations, though it lacks verifiable causal links.[4]Key Characteristics
Magical thinking manifests through several primary psychological traits, including illusory correlation, overactive agency detection, and anthropomorphism. Illusory correlation involves perceiving causal links between unrelated events, such as believing that wearing a specific item influences outcomes in chance-based activities like sports. This trait arises particularly under conditions of low control, where individuals detect patterns in randomness to restore a sense of predictability. Overactive agency detection, often described as a hyperactive agency detection device (HADD), prompts the attribution of intentional agency to ambiguous stimuli, leading to interpretations of natural events as directed by unseen forces.[9] Anthropomorphism extends this by ascribing human-like intentions, emotions, or agency to inanimate objects or animals, such as viewing a malfunctioning device as "angry" or a storm as punitive. These traits collectively underpin non-rational causal inferences central to magical thinking. Phenomenologically, magical thinking provides a subjective sense of control or power through mechanisms that bypass empirical causality, frequently serving to mitigate uncertainty. Individuals engaging in such thinking report feeling empowered by rituals or thoughts that symbolically influence reality, reducing anxiety in unpredictable situations like exams or health crises. This illusory control is adaptive in moderation, offering psychological comfort when rational strategies falter, but it can intensify emotional distress if overrelied upon. Research links this aspect to broader uncertainty reduction, where magical beliefs fill informational gaps, fostering resilience amid ambiguity. In psychological research, magical thinking is measured using validated scales that assess proneness to these traits. The Magical Ideation Scale (MIS), developed by Eckblad and Chapman in 1983, is a 30-item true-false questionnaire targeting schizotypal tendencies indicative of magical ideation, with higher scores reflecting greater susceptibility. Sample items include statements like "Some people can cast curses or spells on others" or "I think that some people can make me feel the way they want me to feel," capturing beliefs in thought-action fusion and external influence.[10] This scale has been widely used to quantify magical thinking in non-clinical populations, demonstrating its reliability in distinguishing varying levels of ideation.[11] Magical thinking varies in intensity, ranging from mild, everyday expressions to extreme, disruptive forms. Mild instances include common superstitions like knocking on wood to avert bad luck, which provide subtle reassurance without significant interference in daily life. In contrast, extreme manifestations involve compulsive rituals or persistent beliefs that impair functioning, such as elaborate avoidance behaviors driven by fear of thought-induced harm, often observed in obsessive-compulsive disorder. These variations highlight magical thinking as a continuum, influenced by context and individual differences.[12]Historical and Theoretical Foundations
Anthropological Perspectives
Anthropological perspectives on magical thinking emphasize its deep roots in human societies, viewing it as a fundamental mode of interpreting and influencing the world before the advent of formalized science. In his seminal work The Golden Bough (1890), James George Frazer classified sympathetic magic as the primary form of magical practice in early societies, dividing it into two branches: homeopathic magic, which operates on the principle of similarity where imitating an action or object is believed to produce a corresponding effect (such as using voodoo dolls to harm an enemy by mimicking injury), and contagious magic, which posits that objects once in contact retain a connection allowing influence through one to affect the other (for example, using a person's hair or nails in rituals).[13] Frazer's framework, drawn from comparative studies of global folklore and rituals, portrayed magic as a pseudoscientific error in primitive reasoning, yet it highlighted its universality across cultures as a means to control natural forces.[14] Building on Frazer's evolutionary sequence of magic preceding religion and science, Bronisław Malinowski's functionalist anthropology in the 1920s shifted focus to magic's social and psychological roles. Through ethnographic fieldwork among the Trobriand Islanders of Melanesia, Malinowski observed that magical rituals, particularly in offshore fishing expeditions fraught with danger and uncertainty, served to alleviate anxiety and foster group solidarity rather than merely deceiving practitioners.[15] In contrast to lagoon fishing, which relied on predictable techniques without ritual, high-risk ocean ventures involved elaborate spells and taboos to instill confidence and maintain social order, demonstrating magic's adaptive function in bridging human limitations and environmental unpredictability.[16] Malinowski argued that such practices reinforced community bonds and provided emotional reassurance in situations beyond empirical control, underscoring magic's integral role in cultural survival.[15] From an evolutionary standpoint, anthropologists interpret magical thinking as an adaptive heuristic that emerged in prehistoric human environments to navigate uncertainty, predating scientific methods by tens of thousands of years. Evidence from Upper Paleolithic cave paintings, such as those at Lascaux and Altamira dating to around 17,000–40,000 years ago, suggests sympathetic rituals where depictions of wounded animals may have aimed to ensure successful hunts through imitative magic, reflecting early cognitive strategies for influencing outcomes in resource-scarce settings.[17] This perspective posits magical thinking as evolutionarily advantageous, enabling social cooperation and risk mitigation in hunter-gatherer societies where empirical knowledge was insufficient.[18] Cross-culturally, shamanism exemplifies magical thinking in indigenous groups, where shamans act as intermediaries bridging the natural and supernatural realms through trance-induced rituals. In Siberian Tungus communities, from which the term "shaman" derives, practitioners enter altered states to communicate with spirits for healing and divination, a pattern echoed in Amazonian ayahuasca ceremonies and Native American vision quests where symbolic actions manipulate spiritual forces to affect physical reality.[19] Ethnographic studies reveal these practices as culturally embedded mechanisms for resolving crises, maintaining ecological balance, and transmitting knowledge, with shamans employing associative magic—such as animal impersonation—to invoke supernatural aid.[20] Such examples illustrate magical thinking's persistence as a worldview that integrates human agency with cosmic interconnectedness across diverse indigenous traditions.Psychological Theories
One of the earliest formal psychological theories of magical thinking emerged from Jean Piaget's work in the 1920s and 1930s, positing it as a hallmark of the preoperational stage of cognitive development (ages 2-7), where children's egocentrism and failure to grasp conservation lead to precausal reasoning that blurs thoughts with external reality.[21] In experiments involving interviews with children, Piaget observed beliefs such as animism—attributing life to inanimate objects—and artificialism—viewing natural phenomena as human-made—which exemplify how young minds assume their intentions directly influence events, as detailed in his seminal observations.[21] This framework, influenced briefly by anthropological roots like James Frazer's ideas on primitive sympathetic magic, shifted focus to developmental psychology by emphasizing cognitive immaturity over cultural relics.[22] Building on such foundations, Leonard Zusne and Warren H. Jones's 1989 cognitive model in Anomalistic Psychology frames magical thinking as a naturalistic byproduct of perceptual and probabilistic errors, where individuals misjudge low-probability events as causally linked due to inadequate statistical reasoning.[23] Their analysis integrates psychophysiological factors, arguing that magical ideation arises from biased pattern recognition and confirmation biases that amplify illusory correlations in uncertain environments.[23] In 2012, Marjaana Lindeman and Annika M. Svedholm advanced an intuitive thinking model, defining magical thinking—including paranormal and superstitious beliefs—as confusions between core knowledge systems (e.g., biology, physics) driven by intuitive heuristics that override analytic processes.[24] This dual-process approach posits that under cognitive load or emotional stress, System 1 intuitions generate magical associations, such as contagion or similarity, while reflective reasoning suppresses them only when engaged.[24] Recent research extends these models by linking imagination to magical beliefs in adaptive contexts like problem-solving; for instance, a 2022 targeted review found that exposure to seemingly impossible events, akin to magical scenarios, boosts creative ideation by disrupting conventional thinking and fostering novel associations.[25]Types of Magical Thinking
Direct Causation
Direct causation in magical thinking refers to the belief that an individual's thoughts or actions can directly produce unrelated physical events or outcomes without any intervening mechanism or empirical basis. This form of magical thinking manifests in two primary ways: thought-action fusion, where mental events are equated with real-world consequences, and action-based causation, where specific behaviors are thought to compel desired results. For instance, an individual might believe that fearing a plane crash increases the likelihood of it occurring, interpreting the thought itself as a causal force. Similarly, wearing a lucky charm before a sports game is seen as directly enhancing performance by influencing external factors like skill or luck.[26] Psychologically, direct causation stems from an overestimation of personal agency, where people infer causal influence from the temporal precedence of their mental states or actions to subsequent events, even absent objective links. This bias leads to apparent mental causation, inflating perceptions of control over uncontrollable outcomes. Historically, direct causation appears in ancient Egyptian practices, where priests recited spells to invoke gods such as Hapi, the deity of the Nile, believing these incantations would directly trigger the annual floods essential for agriculture. These rituals treated verbal commands as potent forces capable of compelling natural phenomena, reflecting a worldview where human actions seamlessly altered divine and physical realms. Laboratory experiments provide empirical evidence for direct causation's effects. In a 2016 study, participants instructed to perform brief personal rituals before anxiety-inducing tasks, such as solving math problems, reported reduced anxiety and demonstrated improved performance compared to those engaging in non-ritual behaviors, as they believed the rituals directly mitigated failure risks and influenced random outcomes.[27] This enhancement occurred specifically under high-stress conditions, underscoring how the perceived causal power of actions boosts efficacy without altering objective probabilities. Unlike symbolic forms of magical thinking, which rely on indirect associations, direct causation posits unmediated effects from thoughts or deeds.Symbolic and Associative Forms
Symbolic and associative forms of magical thinking involve indirect connections between actions, symbols, or objects and desired outcomes, often through perceived similarities or prior contacts rather than immediate causation. These forms, categorized as sympathetic magic, encompass two primary subtypes: imitative magic, where an action mimics the intended effect to bring it about, and contagious magic, where objects that have been in contact are believed to influence each other even after separation.[28][29] In imitative magic, rituals simulate the goal to invoke it; for instance, rain dances among Indigenous cultures involve movements and chants imitating rainfall to summon actual precipitation. Contagious magic operates on the principle that influence persists through contact, as seen in practices like harming a voodoo doll to affect the person it represents, based on the belief that a part of the individual (such as hair or an effigy) retains a sympathetic link.[28][30] Associative magical thinking extends these principles to symbols evoking outcomes through cultural or perceptual links, such as number superstitions where 13 is deemed unlucky due to its association with betrayal in Norse mythology (Loki as the 13th guest at a divine banquet) or the Last Supper (Judas as the 13th attendee). Similarly, color magic in folklore attributes powers to hues based on symbolic ties; red, for example, is often invoked for protection or vitality in European traditions, drawing from its links to blood and life force.[31][32] Psychological research demonstrates the persistence of these forms in adults, particularly under stress. In experiments by Eugene Subbotsky, participants exposed to uncontrollable stressors showed increased endorsement of symbolic magical interventions, such as believing a ritual could alter an object's properties, reverting to associative thinking despite rational self-reports. This suggests magical beliefs serve adaptive functions in coping with uncertainty.[33] Such symbolic systems appear in cultural practices like tarot reading and astrology, where cards or celestial positions symbolically influence personal outcomes. A 2025 Pew Research Center survey found that 30% of U.S. adults consult astrology, tarot cards, or fortune tellers at least annually, highlighting the enduring appeal of these associative frameworks for guidance and influence.[34]Causes and Cognitive Mechanisms
Developmental Factors
Magical thinking emerges prominently during early childhood, particularly in the preoperational stage of cognitive development (ages 2 to 7 years), when children's underdeveloped prefrontal cortex limits their ability to discern true causality and inhibits egocentric or associative reasoning. The prefrontal cortex, responsible for executive functions such as planning, impulse control, and logical inference, undergoes rapid maturation starting around age 5 but remains immature until adolescence, contributing to children's tendency to attribute intentional agency to non-agentic events or objects.[35] This underdevelopment fosters poor differentiation between correlation and causation, leading to beliefs in direct or symbolic influences, such as a child's wish causing rain. Longitudinal observations indicate that magical thinking peaks during the intuitive thought substage (ages 4 to 7), where symbolic representation strengthens but logical constraints are weak, as evidenced in studies of children's explanations for transformations, where 4-year-olds often invoke magical mechanisms while 5-year-olds begin distinguishing tricks.[36][37] From an evolutionary perspective, magical thinking arises as an innate cognitive module rooted in hyperactive agency detection (HAD), an adaptive mechanism that biases humans toward over-attributing intentional agents to ambiguous stimuli to enhance survival against threats like predators. Proposed in Boyer's cognitive theory of religion, HAD interacts with intuitive inference systems (e.g., for psychology and social exchange) to generate counterintuitive representations, such as supernatural agents causing events, making these ideas memorable and culturally transmissible without requiring explicit learning.[38] This predisposition explains the universality of magical beliefs across societies, as over-detection minimizes the risk of missing real dangers, though it produces false positives like perceiving spirits in natural phenomena. Magical thinking declines steadily post-childhood into adulthood due to advancing cognitive maturation, increased exposure to empirical evidence, and experiential learning that refines causal reasoning. Research demonstrates a consistent reduction across the lifespan, with older adults showing significantly lower endorsement of superstitious or associative causalities compared to younger ones, independent of religiosity or general cognitive ability.[2] This trajectory aligns with prefrontal cortex consolidation by early adulthood, enabling better inhibition of non-rational inferences. Influencing variables include environmental factors: bilingualism enhances executive control and cognitive flexibility from an early age,[39] while exposure to fantasy media can sustain imaginative elements, fostering divergent thinking into later childhood.[40]Cognitive Biases and Emotional Influences
Magical thinking is frequently perpetuated by cognitive biases that distort perception and interpretation of events. Confirmation bias, for instance, causes individuals to selectively recall instances where superstitious actions coincide with positive outcomes—known as "hits"—while disregarding failures or "misses," thereby sustaining the illusion of causal links in practices like avoiding black cats to prevent bad luck.[41] Similarly, the illusion of control leads people to overestimate their personal influence over chance-based outcomes; in Ellen Langer's seminal 1975 experiments with gambling tasks, participants who actively chose lottery tickets or threw dice exhibited heightened confidence in their success rates compared to those in passive conditions, fostering beliefs in magical agency over randomness.[42] These biases operate as mental shortcuts that prioritize pattern-seeking, making magical explanations more appealing than probabilistic reasoning. Emotional influences further drive magical thinking by amplifying distress in uncertain or threatening contexts. Heightened anxiety often prompts ritualistic behaviors as a means to restore perceived control and mitigate fear; for example, performing repetitive actions before high-stakes events has been shown to lower physiological and self-reported anxiety,[43] transforming emotional unease into a catalyst for magical ideation. In grief, wishful thinking manifests as yearning involving repetitive counterfactual thoughts that compare the present to an imagined alternate reality, such as feeling one could be happy if reunited with the deceased.[44] The interplay between these cognitive biases and emotions forms self-reinforcing loops that entrench magical thinking, particularly along the obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) spectrum. Anxious emotions exaggerate biased interpretations, prompting compulsive rituals that provide short-term relief via negative reinforcement—reducing immediate distress—but ultimately amplify obsessions and magical beliefs by confirming the perceived efficacy of non-rational actions, as modeled in cognitive-behavioral frameworks of OCD maintenance.[45] Recent findings underscore this vulnerability, with studies linking low distress tolerance—the perceived or actual ability to withstand negative emotional states—to elevated magical ideation in adults, indicating that poorer emotional endurance heightens reliance on magical coping strategies amid everyday stressors.[46]Magical Thinking in Children
Emergence and Peak Periods
Magical thinking in children typically emerges around ages 3 to 4, aligning with the onset of theory of mind development, which enables young children to recognize that others hold beliefs independent of their own.[35] This timing corresponds to the early phase of Jean Piaget's preoperational stage (ages 2–7), characterized by symbolic representation and intuitive reasoning rather than logical operations.[36] Piaget's seminal studies in the late 1920s and 1930s, including interviews and tasks probing children's explanations of natural events, revealed that preschoolers frequently invoke magical causation, such as believing the sun follows them or that thoughts can influence distant objects.[47] The intensity of magical thinking peaks between ages 5 and 7, when children's egocentrism—difficulty in adopting others' perspectives—further reinforces these beliefs, though this cognitive mechanism begins to wane as theory of mind solidifies and children enter the concrete operational stage around age 7, introducing more logical reasoning.[36][47] This developmental phase is triggered by a rapid expansion in fantasy play and imaginative activities, which allow children to experiment with causal impossibilities in a safe, exploratory context.[35] During this boom, children increasingly attribute transformative powers to wishes, rituals, or supernatural agents, reflecting their burgeoning symbolic abilities. For instance, research indicates that around 83% of 5-year-olds believe in magical transformations exemplified by figures like Santa Claus, who defies physical laws through flight and global delivery.[48] Studies show no significant sex differences in the emergence or peak of magical thinking, with both boys and girls displaying similar patterns across developmental assessments.[49] Measurement often involves structured interviews where children explain ambiguous events, such as a toy appearing to move on its own or the logistics of holiday gift-giving, revealing endorsements of magical over realistic interpretations.[48]Specific Manifestations in Childhood
Magical thinking manifests prominently in children's play, where they often incorporate pretend rituals to influence outcomes in imaginary scenarios. For instance, young children aged 4 to 6 may use "magic words" or gestures to "heal" injured toys or make impossible events occur, such as flying objects, reflecting their belief in the causal power of symbolic actions. A study involving children aged 3 to 8 demonstrated that exposure to fantastical stories followed by pretend play enhanced their engagement with magical elements, correlating with stronger imaginative rituals compared to realistic narratives.[50] This form of play-based magical thinking peaks during the preoperational stage of cognitive development, typically between ages 2 and 7, with particularly vivid expressions around ages 4 to 6.[47] In contexts of grief and loss, children frequently exhibit magical thinking by believing that their thoughts or wishes can revive deceased loved ones, including pets. Clinical observations from the late 1990s and early 2000s highlight how bereaved children might insist that concentrating on happy memories or performing secret rituals will bring back a lost family pet, stemming from an egocentric view of causality where personal actions directly control external events. This belief can prolong emotional distress if unaddressed, as children internalize responsibility for the death through imagined influences.[51] Ritualistic behaviors represent another common manifestation, where children perform repetitive actions to avert perceived harm or ensure good fortune. Examples include avoiding stepping on sidewalk cracks to prevent bad luck or insisting on specific sequences for dressing or meals, viewed as protective charms. Research indicates these behaviors are normal and prevalent in approximately 20-25 percent of young children aged 2 to 4, with higher rates during toddler and preschool years before declining with logical reasoning development.[52] Such rituals often blend with magical beliefs, as children attribute supernatural efficacy to them.[53] Educators play a key role in navigating magical thinking by integrating it into learning activities to foster creativity without dismissal. For example, teachers can encourage pretend play or magic-themed exercises, such as performing simple tricks to solve problems, which has been shown to boost divergent thinking skills in children aged 10 to 11, with gains in idea fluency and originality lasting short-term. This approach harnesses magical elements to enhance imagination and cognitive flexibility, ensuring children's fantastical ideas contribute positively to artistic and problem-solving development rather than being suppressed.[54]Persistence and Decline in Adulthood
In Healthy Adults
In healthy adults, magical thinking typically persists in the form of mild, non-impairing superstitions that influence everyday behaviors without disrupting functioning. Surveys of Western populations indicate that 20-25% of adults endorse common superstitious beliefs, such as avoiding black cats to prevent bad luck or refraining from walking under ladders.[55] These practices decline with age, as evidenced by studies showing reduced endorsement of magical ideation among older adults compared to younger ones, with mean scores on belief scales dropping significantly from early to late adulthood.[2] Such superstitions often fulfill adaptive functions, particularly in enhancing perceived control and performance. For example, athletes commonly engage in pre-competition rituals—like specific warm-up sequences or lucky charms—which boost self-confidence and lead to measurable improvements in task execution, such as better golf putting or motor skill accuracy.[56] In decision-making contexts, adults may attribute positive outcomes to invoked luck through superstitious actions, fostering a sense of efficacy that supports risk assessment and goal pursuit without relying on irrational escalation. Prevalence varies culturally, with higher rates in collectivist societies where social interdependence amplifies such beliefs. Cross-national research demonstrates elevated superstitious endorsement in Asian contexts, such as 60% among Indian adults regarding health-related omens, contrasted with 10-20% for specific paranormal or luck beliefs in European samples like the Netherlands.[57][58] Magical thinking also aids coping during stress, where brief rituals provide emotional relief and illusory control. Common examples include crossing fingers for good fortune, which activates positive expectations and mitigates anxiety in uncertain situations, as shown in experiments where rituals linked to superstitious beliefs reduced physiological stress responses, such as lower heart rates.[59] This mild form often diminishes from childhood peaks through education and cognitive maturation, remaining a normative rather than dominant feature in adulthood.[2]Pathological and Clinical Aspects
Excessive magical thinking, characterized by beliefs in causal relationships between unrelated events or thoughts without rational basis, is prominently associated with several mental health disorders where it contributes to symptom severity and functional impairment. In obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), magical thinking manifests as thought-action fusion (TAF), a cognitive bias where individuals believe that having a thought is equivalent to performing an action or that thoughts can directly influence external events; this bias is more prevalent in OCD patients compared to non-clinical populations and underpins obsessive thoughts and compulsive checking behaviors.[60] In schizophrenia, magical thinking often integrates into delusional systems, particularly persecutory delusions and auditory hallucinations, where patients may attribute supernatural causality to their experiences, exacerbating disorganized thinking and social withdrawal.[61] Similarly, magical thinking may appear in individuals with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), particularly when comorbid with OCD, where rituals serve to manage anxiety and impose order on unpredictable environments.[62][63] The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5) explicitly includes magical thinking as a core feature of schizotypal personality disorder, defined as odd beliefs or superstitious ideas influencing behavior, such as belief in telepathy or clairvoyance, which must cause distress or impairment for diagnosis.[64] Recent 2025 research has identified magical thinking and mystical experiences as common features in schizophrenic patients with delusions.[65] These findings position magical thinking on a spectrum, where pathological forms in clinical contexts differ markedly from adaptive expressions in healthy adults by their intensity and interference with daily functioning. Treatment for pathological magical thinking primarily involves cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), which targets underlying biases through structured interventions like exposure and response prevention (ERP). In OCD, ERP exposes patients to triggering thoughts or situations while preventing ritualistic responses, challenging TAF beliefs and reducing compulsions; clinical trials demonstrate efficacy rates of 60-80% for significant symptom reduction post-treatment.[66] For schizophrenia and schizotypal features, CBT integrates reality-testing techniques to reframe delusional magical ideation, often combined with antipsychotic medication to mitigate acute symptoms. In ASD, tailored CBT addresses ritualistic magical thinking by building cognitive flexibility, with adaptations for sensory sensitivities enhancing outcomes. Emerging 2023 research highlights how magical thinking can exacerbate anxiety disorders during crises like the COVID-19 pandemic, where heightened uncertainty fostered conspiracy beliefs and superstitious behaviors akin to magical ideation, correlating with increased psychopathological symptoms and reduced adherence to health guidelines.[67] These studies underscore the need for early intervention in vulnerable populations, as unchecked magical thinking amplifies distress in high-stress environments, informing updated clinical protocols for anxiety management.Cultural and Social Dimensions
In Religion and Folklore
In many religious traditions, practices involving prayer exhibit elements of magical thinking by symbolically influencing supernatural entities to achieve desired outcomes. For instance, in Catholicism, the intercession of saints is invoked through prayer, where believers request holy figures in heaven to petition God on their behalf, reflecting a belief in indirect causal influence over earthly events such as healing or protection.[68] Similarly, in Hinduism, mantras—sacred utterances or phrases—are recited to compel or engage divine forces for tangible results like prosperity or warding off harm, often blurring the line between supplication and coercive magic in Vedic and Tantric contexts.[69] From a secular psychological perspective, magical thinking in the context of religious reliance involves the belief that supernatural forces, such as prayer or divine will, can directly influence reality in causal ways that defy natural laws, akin to superstitions. This form of thinking is common across cultures and is not inherently negative, as it can provide comfort, reduce anxiety, and foster optimism; however, extremes may lead to unrealistic expectations, such as expecting God to handle all problems miraculously, thereby leading to avoidance of evidence-based solutions like medical treatment.[70][71] Folklore worldwide embeds magical thinking in narratives and accusations that attribute causality to supernatural interventions. Voodoo, originating from West African spiritual traditions and syncretized in the Americas, incorporates rituals believed to harness spirits (loa) for healing, protection, or retribution, often misrepresented in European-American folklore as dark sorcery involving dolls or curses to manipulate reality.[72] The 1692 Salem witch trials in colonial Massachusetts exemplify this through accusations of witchcraft, where over 200 individuals, including Tituba, were charged with devilish pacts and spectral attacks, leading to 20 executions based on fears of invisible magical harms.[73] Fairy tales further reinforce such causality, portraying characters who conjure objects or read minds through magical means, teaching audiences that violations of natural laws can produce real effects in fictional realms.[74] These practices serve functional roles in reinforcing community bonds and addressing uncertainties in traditional societies. Anthropological studies from the 1920s, such as Bronisław Malinowski's observations of Trobriand Islanders, document how magical rituals in gardening and harvest ceremonies—led by specialists reciting spells to ancestral spirits—involve communal participation to ensure fertility and abundance, fostering social cohesion and optimism amid unpredictable yields.[15] Such rites, including offerings and incantations tied to planting cycles, integrate empirical agriculture with symbolic appeals, maintaining cultural continuity and collective security. The Enlightenment era marked a reduction in overt magical elements within Abrahamic faiths, as educated skepticism in England challenged witchcraft beliefs through rational critiques, shifting emphasis from manipulative rituals to doctrinal orthodoxy by the mid-18th century.[75] However, mystical undercurrents persisted, with esoteric interests in apparitions and divine interventions surviving among elites and in popular piety, allowing magical thinking to evolve into subtler forms of spiritual influence.[75]Modern Superstitions and Everyday Practices
In contemporary society, magical thinking manifests in various secular superstitions that influence daily decision-making. A significant portion of adults engage with horoscopes, viewing them as guides for personal choices despite their lack of empirical basis. According to a 2025 Pew Research Center survey, 30% of U.S. adults consult astrology or horoscopes at least once a year, often for entertainment or insight into relationships and career paths. Similarly, beliefs in lucky numbers permeate gambling activities, where individuals select numbers based on personal significance rather than randomness. A survey by the Citizen Potawatomi Nation found that 35% of respondents use lucky numbers when purchasing lottery tickets, reflecting a widespread reliance on perceived patterns to enhance chances of success.[34][76] Athletes and sports enthusiasts commonly incorporate rituals rooted in magical thinking to foster confidence and control over outcomes. These practices, such as wearing specific socks or following pre-game routines, are prevalent among competitive individuals seeking to mitigate uncertainty. A 2021 pilot study on college athletes revealed that 97% reported engaging in superstitious rituals to influence performance, with these behaviors linked to heightened optimism and perceived efficacy during events. Such everyday superstitions extend beyond elite sports, appearing in amateur leagues and fan behaviors, where actions like avoiding black cats or knocking on wood serve as psychological safeguards against misfortune.[77] Popular media, particularly fantasy genres, contributes to the normalization of magical thinking by immersing audiences in worlds where supernatural causality is routine. The Harry Potter series, for instance, has shaped cultural perceptions of magic as an accessible force, encouraging viewers to entertain similar ideas in real life. Research from 2019 in Psychology of Popular Media Culture further indicates that fans of fictional texts exhibit higher levels of magical thinking, with repeated engagement correlating to sustained endorsement of non-scientific explanations for events.[78] Globally, the surge in wellness practices incorporating elements of magical thinking, such as crystal healing, underscores a broader trend toward alternative therapies amid rising interest in holistic health. Proponents attribute properties like energy balancing to crystals, echoing folk traditions in a modern context. The crystal therapies market, valued at USD 0.118 billion in 2025, is projected to grow to USD 0.33 billion by 2035, driven by consumer demand for non-invasive wellness solutions. This expansion highlights how magical thinking integrates into self-care routines, with practices like placing amethysts for stress relief gaining traction in urban lifestyles.[79] Social media platforms amplify these patterns through viral trends that blend magical thinking with motivational content. On TikTok, manifestation challenges—where users visualize and affirm desired outcomes to "attract" them—have amassed over 36 billion views as of 2023, evolving into a self-help phenomenon among younger demographics. A 2023 study in the British Psychological Society's Research Digest notes that participants in such trends often report increased optimism but face risks of disillusionment when expectations unmet, illustrating the platform's role in disseminating pseudo-causal beliefs. These digital rituals, including scripting affirmations or using vision boards, democratize magical thinking, making it a communal practice for goal-setting in everyday life.[80][81]Implications and Effects
Positive Roles
Magical thinking plays a beneficial role in cognitive processes by enhancing creativity and facilitating problem-solving in complex scenarios. Research indicates that magical beliefs allow individuals to simplify and navigate intricate situations that might otherwise overwhelm rational analysis, thereby promoting innovative thinking. For instance, studies have shown that exposure to magical elements, such as illusions, can trigger cognitive flexibility and associative thinking, which are key to generating novel ideas.[82][25] On the emotional front, magical thinking helps mitigate anxiety by fostering a sense of perceived control in uncertain environments. Superstitious behaviors and rituals provide an illusion of influence over unpredictable outcomes, thereby reducing stress during high-stakes situations like examinations or performances. Empirical evidence from the Gulf War era demonstrates heightened magical thinking as a coping mechanism, while surveys of students reveal that ritualistic practices increase with the perceived importance of tasks, aiding emotional regulation. Over 90% of college athletes report engaging in such superstitious rituals to manage pre-competition anxiety, underscoring their adaptive value. In religious contexts, as explored in cultural and social dimensions, beliefs in supernatural forces like prayer or divine will—viewed from a secular psychological perspective as forms of magical thinking similar to superstitions—can provide additional emotional comfort and a sense of control, while strengthening community bonds through shared practices. These beliefs are common across cultures and not inherently negative, often serving adaptive functions by reducing anxiety and promoting social cohesion.[82][83][84][77][85][86] Socially, magical thinking strengthens group identity and cohesion through shared superstitions and practices, which reinforce communal bonds. In team settings, such as sports, collective rituals enhance solidarity and motivation among members. A re-analysis of cross-cultural data from Germany, India, South Korea, and Turkey highlights how magical practices, often driven by external social factors like family traditions, promote continuity and emotional alignment within communities, with 53% of participants continuing these behaviors into adulthood.[87][88] In child development, magical thinking supports the cultivation of empathy through pretend play and role-playing activities. By imaginatively assigning meanings to objects and enacting different perspectives, children learn to understand others' emotions and viewpoints, transitioning from egocentrism to cooperative social awareness. This form of play, prevalent in early childhood, builds emotional intelligence by simulating moral and interpersonal dilemmas in a safe, exploratory context.[89]Negative Consequences
Magical thinking can lead to delays in rational decision-making and action, particularly in health contexts where individuals prioritize superstitious beliefs over evidence-based interventions. For instance, reliance on rituals or charms may cause people to postpone or avoid seeking medical care, resulting in worsened outcomes for treatable conditions. A 2023 study highlighted how such beliefs contribute to treatment refusal in emergency settings, attributing causality to supernatural factors rather than medical needs, thereby increasing risks of complications or death. This includes excessive reliance on divine intervention, such as expecting God to resolve problems miraculously through prayer alone, which from a secular psychological perspective exemplifies magical thinking and can lead to avoidance of evidence-based solutions, fostering unrealistic expectations.[90][91] Similarly, magical thinking has been linked to vaccine hesitancy, as individuals influenced by odd beliefs and authoritarian tendencies exhibit lower trust in scientific benefits and heightened concerns over perceived harms, potentially exacerbating public health threats like disease outbreaks.[92] On a societal level, magical thinking can fuel the spread of misinformation, including conspiracy theories that incorporate supernatural or illogical causal links, eroding trust in institutions and promoting division. Research indicates that traits like odd beliefs and magical ideation positively predict endorsement of conspiracy narratives, amplifying the dissemination of false information through social networks.[93] This dynamic extends to discrimination, as seen in witchcraft accusations across parts of Africa, where beliefs in supernatural harm lead to targeted violence against vulnerable groups, particularly elderly women. In Ghana, for example, such accusations in the 2020s have resulted in beatings, banishment, and murders, displacing hundreds into inadequate camps and perpetuating gender-based abuse.[94] Magical thinking can escalate from mild cognitive patterns to pathological states, heightening risks of psychosis-like symptoms and social isolation. In non-clinical populations, elevated magical ideation correlates with loneliness and psychotic experiences, such as unusual perceptual disturbances, which may intensify withdrawal from social connections and impair daily functioning.[95] Recent analyses, including 2025 research on delusional disorders, underscore how persistent magical thinking contributes to affective symptoms and heightened vulnerability to schizophrenia-spectrum conditions, potentially leading to chronic isolation if untreated.[96] Economically, magical thinking drives substantial resource allocation toward pseudotherapies and alternative practices lacking empirical support, diverting funds from effective healthcare. In the United States, consumer spending on complementary and alternative medicine—often rooted in non-rational beliefs—reached approximately $34.4 billion in 2024, encompassing ineffective treatments like certain herbal remedies and energy therapies that yield minimal health benefits.[97] This expenditure represents a significant opportunity cost, as it sustains industries promoting unverified claims while potentially delaying access to proven medical services.References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Golden_Bough/Sympathetic_Magic
