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Hypnosis
Hypnosis
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Hypnosis
Jean-Martin Charcot demonstrating hypnosis on a "hysterical" Salpêtrière patient, "Blanche" (Marie Wittman), who is supported by Joseph Babiński[1]
MeSHD006990
Hypnotic Séance (1887) by Richard Bergh
Photographic Studies in Hypnosis, Abnormal Psychology (1938)

Hypnosis is a human condition involving focused attention (the selective attention/selective inattention hypothesis, SASI),[2] reduced peripheral awareness, and an enhanced capacity to respond to suggestion.[3]

There are competing theories explaining hypnosis and related phenomena. Altered state theories see hypnosis as an altered state of mind or trance, marked by a level of awareness different from the ordinary state of consciousness.[4][5] In contrast, non-state theories see hypnosis as, variously, a type of placebo effect,[6][7] a redefinition of an interaction with a therapist[8] or a form of imaginative role enactment.[9][10][11]

During hypnosis, a person is said to have heightened focus and concentration[12][13] and an increased response to suggestions.[14] Hypnosis usually begins with a hypnotic induction involving a series of preliminary instructions and suggestions. The use of hypnosis for therapeutic purposes is referred to as "hypnotherapy",[15] while its use as a form of entertainment for an audience is known as "stage hypnosis", a form of mentalism.

The use of hypnosis as a form of therapy to retrieve and integrate early trauma is controversial within the scientific mainstream. Research indicates that hypnotising an individual may aid the formation of false memories.[16][17] Medical hypnosis is often considered pseudoscience or quackery.[18]

Etymology

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The words hypnosis and hypnotism both derive from the term neuro-hypnotism (nervous sleep), all of which were coined by Étienne Félix d'Henin de Cuvillers in the 1820s. The term hypnosis is derived from the ancient Greek ὑπνος hypnos, "sleep", and the suffix -ωσις -osis, or from ὑπνόω hypnoō, "put to sleep" (stem of aorist hypnōs-) and the suffix -is.[19][20] These words were popularised in English by the Scottish surgeon James Braid (to whom they are sometimes wrongly attributed) around 1841.[21] Braid based his practice on that developed by Franz Mesmer and his followers (which was called "Mesmerism" or "animal magnetism"), but differed in his theory as to how the procedure worked.

Definition and classification

[edit]

A person in a state of hypnosis has focused attention, a deeply relaxed physical and mental state, and increased suggestibility.[22]

The hypnotized individual appears to heed only the communications of the hypnotist and typically responds in an uncritical, automatic fashion while ignoring all aspects of the environment other than those pointed out by the hypnotist. In a hypnotic state an individual tends to see, feel, smell, and otherwise perceive in accordance with the hypnotist's suggestions, even though these suggestions may be in apparent contradiction to the actual stimuli present in the environment. The effects of hypnosis are not limited to sensory change; even the subject's memory and awareness of self may be altered by suggestion, and the effects of the suggestions may be extended (post-hypnotically) into the subject's subsequent waking activity.[23]

It could be said that hypnotic suggestion is explicitly intended to make use of the placebo effect. For example, in 1994, Irving Kirsch characterized hypnosis as a "non-deceptive placebo", i.e., a method that openly makes use of suggestion and employs methods to amplify its effects.[6][7]

A definition of hypnosis, derived from academic psychology, was provided in 2005, when the Society for Psychological Hypnosis, Division 30 of the American Psychological Association (APA), published the following formal definition:

Hypnosis typically involves an introduction to the procedure during which the subject is told that suggestions for imaginative experiences will be presented. The hypnotic induction is an extended initial suggestion for using one's imagination, and may contain further elaborations of the introduction. A hypnotic procedure is used to encourage and evaluate responses to suggestions. When using hypnosis, one person (the subject) is guided by another (the hypnotist) to respond to suggestions for changes in subjective experience, alterations in perception,[24][25] sensation,[26] emotion, thought or behavior. Persons can also learn self-hypnosis, which is the act of administering hypnotic procedures on one's own. If the subject responds to hypnotic suggestions, it is generally inferred that hypnosis has been induced. Many believe that hypnotic responses and experiences are characteristic of a hypnotic state. While some think that it is not necessary to use the word "hypnosis" as part of the hypnotic induction, others view it as essential.[27]

Michael Nash provides a list of eight definitions of hypnosis by different authors, in addition to his own view that hypnosis is "a special case of psychological regression":

  1. Janet, near the turn of the century, and more recently Ernest Hilgard ..., have defined hypnosis in terms of dissociation.
  2. Social psychologists Sarbin and Coe ... have described hypnosis in terms of role theory. Hypnosis is a role that people play; they act "as if" they were hypnotised.
  3. T. X. Barber ... defined hypnosis in terms of nonhypnotic behavioural parameters, such as task motivation and the act of labeling the situation as hypnosis.
  4. In his early writings, Weitzenhoffer ... conceptualised hypnosis as a state of enhanced suggestibility. Most recently ... he has defined hypnotism as "a form of influence by one person exerted on another through the medium or agency of suggestion."
  5. Psychoanalysts Gill and Brenman ... described hypnosis by using the psychoanalytic concept of "regression in the service of the ego".
  6. Edmonston ... has assessed hypnosis as being merely a state of relaxation.
  7. Spiegel and Spiegel... have implied that hypnosis is a biological capacity.[28]
  8. Erickson ... is considered the leading exponent of the position that hypnosis is a special, inner-directed, altered state of functioning.[28]

Joe Griffin and Ivan Tyrrell (the originators of the human givens approach) define hypnosis as "any artificial way of accessing the REM state, the same brain state in which dreaming occurs" and suggest that this definition, when properly understood, resolves "many of the mysteries and controversies surrounding hypnosis".[29] They see the REM state as being vitally important for life itself, for programming in our instinctive knowledge initially (after Dement[30] and Jouvet[31]) and then for adding to this throughout life. They attempt to explain this by asserting that, in a sense, all learning is post-hypnotic, which they say explains why the number of ways people can be put into a hypnotic state are so varied: according to them, anything that focuses a person's attention, inward or outward, puts them into a trance.[32]

Induction

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Hypnosis is normally preceded by a "hypnotic induction" technique. Traditionally, this was interpreted as a method of putting the subject into a "hypnotic trance"; however, subsequent "nonstate" theorists have viewed it differently, seeing it as a means of heightening client expectation, defining their role, focusing attention, etc. The induction techniques and methods are dependent on the depth of hypnotic trance level and for each stage of trance, the number of which in some sources ranges from 30 stages to 50 stages, there are different types of inductions.[33] There are several different induction techniques. One of the most influential methods was Braid's "eye-fixation" technique, also known as "Braidism". Many variations of the eye-fixation approach exist, including the induction used in the Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale (SHSS), the most widely used research tool in the field of hypnotism.[34] Braid's original description of his induction is as follows:

Take any bright object (e.g. a lancet case) between the thumb and fore and middle fingers of the left hand; hold it from about eight to fifteen inches from the eyes, at such position above the forehead as may be necessary to produce the greatest possible strain upon the eyes and eyelids, and enable the patient to maintain a steady fixed stare at the object.

The patient must be made to understand that he is to keep the eyes steadily fixed on the object, and the mind riveted on the idea of that one object. It will be observed, that owing to the consensual adjustment of the eyes, the pupils will be at first contracted: They will shortly begin to dilate, and, after they have done so to a considerable extent, and have assumed a wavy motion, if the fore and middle fingers of the right hand, extended and a little separated, are carried from the object toward the eyes, most probably the eyelids will close involuntarily, with a vibratory motion. If this is not the case, or the patient allows the eyeballs to move, desire him to begin anew, giving him to understand that he is to allow the eyelids to close when the fingers are again carried towards the eyes, but that the eyeballs must be kept fixed, in the same position, and the mind riveted to the one idea of the object held above the eyes. In general, it will be found, that the eyelids close with a vibratory motion, or become spasmodically closed.[35]

Braid later acknowledged that the hypnotic induction technique was not necessary in every case, and subsequent researchers have generally found that on average it contributes less than previously expected to the effect of hypnotic suggestions.[36] Variations and alternatives to the original hypnotic induction techniques were subsequently developed. However, this method is still considered authoritative.[citation needed] In 1941, Robert White wrote: "It can be safely stated that nine out of ten hypnotic techniques call for reclining posture, muscular relaxation, and optical fixation followed by eye closure."[37]

Suggestion

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When James Braid first described hypnotism, he did not use the term "suggestion" but referred instead to the act of focusing the conscious mind of the subject upon a single dominant idea. Braid's main therapeutic strategy involved stimulating or reducing physiological functioning in different regions of the body. In his later works, however, Braid placed increasing emphasis upon the use of a variety of different verbal and non-verbal forms of suggestion, including the use of "waking suggestion" and self-hypnosis. Subsequently, Hippolyte Bernheim shifted the emphasis from the physical state of hypnosis on to the psychological process of verbal suggestion:

I define hypnotism as the induction of a peculiar psychical [i.e., mental] condition which increases the susceptibility to suggestion. Often, it is true, the [hypnotic] sleep that may be induced facilitates suggestion, but it is not the necessary preliminary. It is suggestion that rules hypnotism.[38]

Bernheim's conception of the primacy of verbal suggestion in hypnotism dominated the subject throughout the 20th century, leading some authorities to declare him the father of modern hypnotism.[39]

Contemporary hypnotism uses a variety of suggestion forms including direct verbal suggestions, "indirect" verbal suggestions such as requests or insinuations, metaphors and other rhetorical figures of speech, and non-verbal suggestion in the form of mental imagery, voice tonality, and physical manipulation. A distinction is commonly made between suggestions delivered "permissively" and those delivered in a more "authoritarian" manner. Harvard hypnotherapist Deirdre Barrett writes that most modern research suggestions are designed to bring about immediate responses, whereas hypnotherapeutic suggestions are usually post-hypnotic ones that are intended to trigger responses affecting behaviour for periods ranging from days to a lifetime in duration. The hypnotherapeutic ones are often repeated in multiple sessions before they achieve peak effectiveness.[40]

Conscious and unconscious mind

[edit]

Some hypnotists view suggestion as a form of communication that is directed primarily to the subject's conscious mind,[41] whereas others view it as a means of communicating with the "unconscious" or "subconscious" mind.[41][42] These concepts were introduced into hypnotism at the end of the 19th century by Sigmund Freud and Pierre Janet. Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic theory describes conscious thoughts as being at the surface of the mind and unconscious processes as being deeper in the mind.[43] Braid, Bernheim, and other Victorian pioneers of hypnotism did not refer to the unconscious mind but saw hypnotic suggestions as being addressed to the subject's conscious mind. Indeed, Braid actually defines hypnotism as focused (conscious) attention upon a dominant idea (or suggestion). Different views regarding the nature of the mind have led to different conceptions of suggestion. Hypnotists who believe that responses are mediated primarily by an "unconscious mind", like Milton Erickson, make use of indirect suggestions such as metaphors or stories whose intended meaning may be concealed from the subject's conscious mind. The concept of subliminal suggestion depends upon this view of the mind. By contrast, hypnotists who believe that responses to suggestion are primarily mediated by the conscious mind, such as Theodore Barber and Nicholas Spanos, have tended to make more use of direct verbal suggestions and instructions.[44]

Ideo-dynamic reflex

[edit]

The first neuropsychological theory of hypnotic suggestion was introduced early by James Braid who adopted his friend and colleague William Carpenter's theory of the ideo-motor reflex response to account for the phenomenon of hypnotism. Carpenter had observed from close examination of everyday experience that, under certain circumstances, the mere idea of a muscular movement could be sufficient to produce a reflexive, or automatic, contraction or movement of the muscles involved, albeit in a very small degree. Braid extended Carpenter's theory to encompass the observation that a wide variety of bodily responses besides muscular movement can be thus affected, for example, the idea of sucking a lemon can automatically stimulate salivation, a secretory response. Braid, therefore, adopted the term "ideo-dynamic", meaning "by the power of an idea", to explain a broad range of "psycho-physiological" (mind–body) phenomena. Braid coined the term "mono-ideodynamic" to refer to the theory that hypnotism operates by concentrating attention on a single idea in order to amplify the ideo-dynamic reflex response. Variations of the basic ideo-motor, or ideo-dynamic, theory of suggestion have continued to exercise considerable influence over subsequent theories of hypnosis, including those of Clark L. Hull, Hans Eysenck, and Ernest Rossi.[41] In Victorian psychology the word "idea" encompasses any mental representation, including mental imagery, memories, etc.

Susceptibility

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Braid made a rough distinction between different stages of hypnosis, which he termed the first and second conscious stage of hypnotism;[45] he later replaced this with a distinction between "sub-hypnotic", "full hypnotic", and "hypnotic coma" stages.[45] Jean-Martin Charcot made a similar distinction between stages which he named somnambulism, lethargy, and catalepsy. However, Ambroise-Auguste Liébeault and Hippolyte Bernheim introduced more complex hypnotic "depth" scales based on a combination of behavioural, physiological, and subjective responses, some of which were due to direct suggestion and some of which were not. In the first few decades of the 20th century, these early clinical "depth" scales were superseded by more sophisticated "hypnotic susceptibility" scales based on experimental research. The most influential were the Davis–Husband and Friedlander–Sarbin scales developed in the 1930s. André Weitzenhoffer and Ernest R. Hilgard developed the Stanford Scale of Hypnotic Susceptibility in 1959, consisting of 12 suggestion test items following a standardised hypnotic eye-fixation induction script, and this has become one of the most widely referenced research tools in the field of hypnosis. Soon after, in 1962, Ronald Shor and Emily Carota Orne developed a similar group scale called the Harvard Group Scale of Hypnotic Susceptibility (HGSHS).

Whereas the older "depth scales" tried to infer the level of "hypnotic trance" from supposed observable signs such as spontaneous amnesia, most subsequent scales have measured the degree of observed or self-evaluated responsiveness to specific suggestion tests such as direct suggestions of arm rigidity (catalepsy). The Stanford, Harvard, HIP, and most other susceptibility scales convert numbers into an assessment of a person's susceptibility as "high", "medium", or "low". Approximately 80% of the population are medium, 10% are high, and 10% are low. There is some controversy as to whether this is distributed on a "normal" bell-shaped curve or whether it is bi-modal with a small "blip" of people at the high end.[46] Hypnotisability scores are highly stable over a person's lifetime. Research by Deirdre Barrett has found that there are two distinct types of highly susceptible subjects, which she terms fantasisers and dissociaters. Fantasisers score high on absorption scales, find it easy to block out real-world stimuli without hypnosis, spend much time daydreaming, report imaginary companions as a child, and grew up with parents who encouraged imaginary play. Dissociaters often have a history of childhood abuse or other trauma, learned to escape into numbness, and to forget unpleasant events. Their association to "daydreaming" was often going blank rather than creating vividly recalled fantasies. Both score equally high on formal scales of hypnotic susceptibility.[47][48][49]

Individuals with dissociative identity disorder have the highest hypnotisability of any clinical group, followed by those with post-traumatic stress disorder.[50]

Applications

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Hypnosis has been used as a supplemental approach to cognitive behavioral therapy since as early as 1949. Hypnosis was defined in relation to classical conditioning; where the words of the therapist were the stimuli and the hypnosis would be the conditioned response. Some traditional cognitive behavioral therapy methods were based in classical conditioning. It would include inducing a relaxed state and introducing a feared stimulus. One way of inducing the relaxed state was through hypnosis.[51]

Hypnotism has also been used in forensics, sports, education, physical therapy, and rehabilitation.[52] Hypnotism has also been employed by artists for creative purposes, most notably the surrealist circle of André Breton who employed hypnosis, automatic writing, and sketches for creative purposes. Hypnotic methods have been used to re-experience drug states[53] and mystical experiences.[54][55] Self-hypnosis is popularly used to quit smoking, alleviate stress and anxiety, promote weight loss, and induce sleep hypnosis. Stage hypnosis can persuade people to perform unusual public feats.[56]

Some people have drawn analogies between certain aspects of hypnotism and areas such as crowd psychology, religious hysteria, and ritual trances in preliterate tribal cultures.[57]

Hypnotherapy

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Hypnotherapy is a use of hypnosis in psychotherapy.[58][59] Physicians and psychologists may use hypnosis to treat depression, anxiety, eating disorders, sleep disorders, compulsive gambling, phobias and post-traumatic stress,[60][61] while certified hypnotherapists who are not physicians or psychologists often treat smoking and weight management. Hypnotherapy is generally not considered to be based on scientific evidence, and is rarely recommended in clinical practice guidelines.[62][63] Hypnotherapy was historically used in psychiatric and legal settings to enhance the recall of repressed or degraded memories, but this application of the technique has declined as scientific evidence accumulated that hypnotherapy can increase confidence in false memories.[64]

Proponents of hypnotherapy claim it can have additive effects when treating psychological disorders alongside of scientifically proven cognitive therapies. The effectiveness of hypnotherapy has not yet been accurately assessed,[65] and, due to the lack of evidence indicating any level of efficacy,[66] it is regarded as a type of alternative medicine by numerous reputable medical organisations, such as the National Health Service.[67][68]

Forensic hypnosis

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The use of hypnosis to exhume information thought to be buried within the mind in the investigative process and as evidence in court became increasingly popular from the 1950s to the early 1980s with its use being debated into the 1990s when its popular use mostly diminished.[69] Forensic hypnosis's uses are hindered by concerns with its reliability and accuracy. Controversy surrounds the use of hypnotherapy to retrieve memories, especially those from early childhood. The American Medical Association and the American Psychological Association caution against recovered-memory therapy in cases of alleged childhood trauma, stating that "it is impossible, without corroborative evidence, to distinguish a true memory from a false one."[70] Past life regression is regarded as pseudoscience.[71][72]

Military

[edit]

A 2006 declassified 1966 document obtained by the US Freedom of Information Act archive shows that hypnosis was investigated for military applications.[73][non-primary source needed] The full paper explores the potentials of operational uses.[73] The overall conclusion of the study was that there was no evidence that hypnosis could be used for military applications, and no clear evidence whether "hypnosis" is a definable phenomenon outside ordinary suggestion, motivation, and subject expectancy. According to the document:

The use of hypnosis in intelligence would present certain technical problems not encountered in the clinic or laboratory. To obtain compliance from a resistant source, for example, it would be necessary to hypnotise the source under essentially hostile circumstances. There is no good evidence, clinical or experimental, that this can be done.[73]

Furthermore, the document states that:

It would be difficult to find an area of scientific interest more beset by divided professional opinion and contradictory experimental evidence... No one can say whether hypnosis is a qualitatively unique state with some physiological and conditioned response components or only a form of suggestion induced by high motivation and a positive relationship between hypnotist and subject... T. X. Barber has produced "hypnotic deafness" and "hypnotic blindness", analgesia and other responses seen in hypnosis—all without hypnotising anyone... Orne has shown that unhypnotised persons can be motivated to equal and surpass the supposed superhuman physical feats seen in hypnosis.[73]

The study concluded that there are no reliable accounts of its effective use by an intelligence service in history.[73]

Research into hypnosis in military applications is further verified by the Project MKUltra experiments, also conducted by the CIA.[74][non-primary source needed] According to Congressional testimony,[75] the CIA experimented with utilising LSD and hypnosis for mind control. Many of these programs were done domestically and on participants who were not informed of the study's purposes or that they would be given drugs.[75]

Self-hypnosis

[edit]

Self-hypnosis happens when a person hypnotises oneself, commonly involving the use of autosuggestion. The technique is often used to increase motivation for a diet, to quit smoking, or to reduce stress. People who practise self-hypnosis sometimes require assistance; some people use devices known as mind machines to assist in the process, whereas others use hypnotic recordings.

Self-hypnosis is claimed to help with stage fright, relaxation, and physical well-being.[76]

Stage hypnosis

[edit]

Stage hypnosis is a form of entertainment, traditionally employed in a club or theatre before an audience. Due to stage hypnotists' showmanship, many people believe that hypnosis is a form of mind control. Stage hypnotists typically attempt to hypnotise the entire audience and then select individuals who are "under" to come up on stage and perform embarrassing acts, while the audience watches. However, the effects of stage hypnosis are probably due to a combination of psychological factors, participant selection, suggestibility, physical manipulation, stagecraft, and trickery.[77] The desire to be the centre of attention, having an excuse to violate their own fear suppressors, and the pressure to please are thought to convince subjects to "play along".[78] Books by stage hypnotists sometimes explicitly describe the use of deception in their acts; for example, Ormond McGill's New Encyclopedia of Stage Hypnotism describes an entire "fake hypnosis" act that depends upon the use of private whispers throughout.[citation needed]

Music

[edit]

The idea of music as hypnosis developed from the work of Franz Mesmer. Instruments such as pianos, violins, harps and, especially, the glass harmonica often featured in Mesmer's treatments; and were considered to contribute to Mesmer's success.[79]

Hypnotic music became an important part in the development of a 'physiological psychology' that regarded the hypnotic state as an 'automatic' phenomenon that links to physical reflex. In their experiments with sound hypnosis, Jean-Martin Charcot used gongs and tuning forks, and Ivan Pavlov used bells. The intention behind their experiments was to prove that physiological response to sound could be automatic, bypassing the conscious mind.[80]

Satanic brainwashing

[edit]

In the 1980s and 1990s, a moral panic took place in the US fearing Satanic ritual abuse. As part of this, certain books such as The Devil's Disciples claimed that some bands, particularly in the musical genre of heavy metal, brainwashed American teenagers with subliminal messages to lure them into the worship of the devil, sexual immorality, murder, and especially suicide.[81]

Crime

[edit]

Various people have been suspected of or convicted for hypnosis-related crimes, including robbery and sexual abuse.

In 1951, Palle Hardrup shot and killed two people during a botched robbery in Copenhagen - see Hypnosis murders. Hardrup claimed that his friend and former cellmate Bjørn Schouw Nielsen had hypnotised him to commit the robbery, inadvertently causing the deaths. Both were sentenced to jail time.[82]

In 2013, the then-40-year-old amateur hypnotist Timothy Porter attempted to sexually abuse his female weight-loss client. She reported awaking from a trance and finding him behind her with his pants down, telling her to touch herself. He was subsequently called to court and included on the sex offender list.[83] In 2015, Gary Naraido, then 52, was sentenced to 10 years in prison for several hypnosis-related sexual abuse charges. Besides the primary charge by a 22-year-old woman who he sexually abused in a hotel under the guise of a free therapy session, he also admitted to having sexually assaulted a 14-year-old girl.[84] In December 2018, a Brazilian medium named João Teixeira de Faria (also known as "João de Deus"), famous for performing Spiritual Surgeries through hypnosis techniques, was accused of sexual abuse by 12 women.[85][86] In 2016 an Ohio lawyer was sentenced to 12 years of prison after hypnotizing a dozen different clients into committing sexual acts under the guise of a mindfulness exercise.[87]

Sexual

[edit]

Erotic hypnosis is a broad term for activities involving hypnotic suggestions applied to create arousal.[88] Some erotic hypnosis is practiced in the context of BDSM relationships and communities[89], and is an example of a sexual fetish or paraphilia.

State vs. non-state

[edit]

The central theoretical disagreement regarding hypnosis is known as the "state versus non-state" debate. When Braid introduced the concept of hypnotism, he equivocated over the nature of the "state", sometimes describing it as a specific sleep-like neurological state comparable to animal hibernation or yogic meditation, while at other times he emphasized that hypnotism encompasses a number of different stages or states that are an extension of ordinary psychological and physiological processes. Overall, Braid appears to have moved from a more "special state" understanding of hypnotism toward a more complex "non-state" orientation.[citation needed]

State theorists interpret the effects of hypnotism as due primarily to a specific, abnormal, and uniform psychological or physiological state of some description, often referred to as "hypnotic trance" or an "altered state of consciousness". Non-state theorists rejected the idea of hypnotic trance and interpret the effects of hypnotism as due to a combination of multiple task-specific factors derived from normal cognitive, behavioural, and social psychology, such as social role-perception and favorable motivation (Sarbin), active imagination and positive cognitive set (Barber), response expectancy (Kirsch), and the active use of task-specific subjective strategies (Spanos). The personality psychologist Robert White is often cited as providing one of the first non-state definitions of hypnosis in a 1941 article:

Hypnotic behaviour is meaningful, goal-directed striving, its most general goal being to behave like a hypnotised person as this is continuously defined by the operator and understood by the client.[90]

Put simply, it is often claimed that, whereas the older "special state" interpretation emphasizes the difference between hypnosis and ordinary psychological processes, the "non-state" interpretation emphasizes their similarity.

Comparisons between hypnotised and non-hypnotised subjects suggest that, if a "hypnotic trance" does exist, it only accounts for a small proportion of the effects attributed to hypnotic suggestion, most of which can be replicated without hypnotic induction.[91][92][self-published source?]

Hyper-suggestibility

[edit]

Braid can be taken to imply, in later writings, that hypnosis is largely a state of heightened suggestibility induced by expectation and focused attention. In particular, Hippolyte Bernheim became known as the leading proponent of the "suggestion theory" of hypnosis, at one point going so far as to declare that there is no hypnotic state, only heightened suggestibility. There is a general consensus that heightened suggestibility is an essential characteristic of hypnosis. In 1933, Clark L. Hull wrote:

If a subject after submitting to the hypnotic procedure shows no genuine increase in susceptibility to any suggestions whatever, there seems no point in calling him hypnotised, regardless of how fully and readily he may respond to suggestions of lid-closure and other superficial sleeping behaviour.[93]

Conditioned inhibition

[edit]

Ivan Pavlov stated that hypnotic suggestion provided the best example of a conditioned reflex response in human beings; i.e., that responses to suggestions were learned associations triggered by the words used:

Speech, on account of the whole preceding life of the adult, is connected up with all the internal and external stimuli which can reach the cortex, signaling all of them and replacing all of them, and therefore it can call forth all those reactions of the organism which are normally determined by the actual stimuli themselves. We can, therefore, regard "suggestion" as the most simple form of a typical reflex in man.[94]

He also believed that hypnosis was a "partial sleep", meaning that a generalised inhibition of cortical functioning could be encouraged to spread throughout regions of the brain. He observed that the various degrees of hypnosis did not significantly differ physiologically from the waking state and hypnosis depended on insignificant changes of environmental stimuli. Pavlov also suggested that lower-brain-stem mechanisms were involved in hypnotic conditioning.[95][96]

Pavlov's ideas combined with those of his rival Vladimir Bekhterev and became the basis of hypnotic psychotherapy in the Soviet Union, as documented in the writings of his follower K.I. Platonov. Soviet theories of hypnotism subsequently influenced the writings of Western behaviourally oriented hypnotherapists such as Andrew Salter.

Neuropsychology

[edit]

Changes in brain activity have been found in some studies of highly responsive hypnotic subjects. These changes vary depending upon the type of suggestions being given.[97][98] The state of light to medium hypnosis, where the body undergoes physical and mental relaxation, is associated with a pattern mostly of alpha waves.[99][better source needed] However, what these results indicate is unclear. They may indicate that suggestions genuinely produce changes in perception or experience that are not simply a result of imagination. However, in normal circumstances without hypnosis, the brain regions associated with motion detection are activated both when motion is seen and when motion is imagined, without any changes in the subjects' perception or experience.[100] This may therefore indicate that highly suggestible hypnotic subjects are simply activating to a greater extent the areas of the brain used in imagination, without real perceptual changes. It is, however, premature to claim that hypnosis and meditation are mediated by similar brain systems and neural mechanisms.[101]

Another study has demonstrated that a colour hallucination suggestion given to subjects in hypnosis activated colour-processing regions of the occipital cortex.[102][103] A 2004 review of research examining the EEG laboratory work in this area concludes:

Hypnosis is not a unitary state and therefore should show different patterns of EEG activity depending upon the task being experienced. In our evaluation of the literature, enhanced theta is observed during hypnosis when there is task performance or concentrative hypnosis, but not when the highly hypnotizable individuals are passively relaxed, somewhat sleepy and/or more diffuse in their attention.[104]

Studies have shown an association of hypnosis with stronger theta-frequency activity as well as with changes to the gamma-frequency activity.[105][non-primary source needed] Neuroimaging techniques have been used to investigate neural correlates of hypnosis.[106][107]

The induction phase of hypnosis may also affect the activity in brain regions that control intention and process conflict. Anna Gosline claims:

Gruzelier and his colleagues studied brain activity using an fMRI while subjects completed a standard cognitive exercise, called the Stroop task. The team screened subjects before the study and chose 12 that were highly susceptible to hypnosis and 12 with low susceptibility. They all completed the task in the fMRI under normal conditions and then again under hypnosis. Throughout the study, both groups were consistent in their task results, achieving similar scores regardless of their mental state. During their first task session, before hypnosis, there were no significant differences in brain activity between the groups. But under hypnosis, Gruzelier found that the highly susceptible subjects showed significantly more brain activity in the anterior cingulate gyrus than the weakly susceptible subjects. This area of the brain has been shown to respond to errors and evaluate emotional outcomes. The highly susceptible group also showed much greater brain activity on the left side of the prefrontal cortex than the weakly susceptible group. This is an area involved with higher level cognitive processing and behaviour.[108][109]

Dissociation

[edit]

Pierre Janet originally developed the idea of dissociation of consciousness from his work with hysterical patients. He believed that hypnosis was an example of dissociation, whereby areas of an individual's behavioural control separate from ordinary awareness. Hypnosis would remove some control from the conscious mind, and the individual would respond with autonomic, reflexive behaviour. Weitzenhoffer describes hypnosis via this theory as "dissociation of awareness from the majority of sensory and even strictly neural events taking place."[39]

Neodissociation

[edit]

Ernest Hilgard, who developed the "neodissociation" theory of hypnotism, hypothesised that hypnosis causes the subjects to divide their consciousness voluntarily. One part responds to the hypnotist while the other retains awareness of reality. Hilgard made subjects take an ice water bath. None mentioned the water being cold or feeling pain. Hilgard then asked the subjects to lift their index finger if they felt pain and 70% of the subjects lifted their index finger. This showed that, even though the subjects were listening to the suggestive hypnotist, they still sensed the water's temperature.[110]

Social role-taking theory

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The main theorist who pioneered the influential role-taking theory of hypnotism was Theodore Sarbin. Sarbin argued that hypnotic responses were motivated attempts to fulfill the socially constructed roles of hypnotic subjects. This has led to the misconception that hypnotic subjects are simply "faking". However, Sarbin emphasised the difference between faking, in which there is little subjective identification with the role in question, and role-taking, in which the subject not only acts externally in accord with the role but also subjectively identifies with it to some degree, acting, thinking, and feeling "as if" they are hypnotised. Sarbin drew analogies between role-taking in hypnosis and role-taking in other areas such as method acting, mental illness, and shamanic possession, etc. This interpretation of hypnosis is particularly relevant to understanding stage hypnosis, in which there is clearly strong peer pressure to comply with a socially constructed role by performing accordingly on a theatrical stage.

Hence, the social constructionism and role-taking theory of hypnosis suggests that individuals are enacting (as opposed to merely playing) a role and that really there is no such thing as a hypnotic trance. A socially constructed relationship is built depending on how much rapport has been established between the "hypnotist" and the subject (see Hawthorne effect, Pygmalion effect, and placebo effect).

Psychologists such as Robert Baker and Graham Wagstaff claim that what we call hypnosis is actually a form of learned social behaviour, a complex hybrid of social compliance, relaxation, and suggestibility that can account for many esoteric behavioural manifestations.[111][non-primary source needed]

Cognitive-behavioural theory

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Barber, Spanos, and Chaves (1974) proposed a nonstate "cognitive-behavioural" theory of hypnosis, similar in some respects to Sarbin's social role-taking theory and building upon the earlier research of Barber. On this model, hypnosis is explained as an extension of ordinary psychological processes like imagination, relaxation, expectation, social compliance, etc. In particular, Barber argued that responses to hypnotic suggestions were mediated by a "positive cognitive set" consisting of positive expectations, attitudes, and motivation. Daniel Araoz subsequently coined the acronym "TEAM" to symbolise the subject's orientation to hypnosis in terms of "trust", "expectation", "attitude", and "motivation".[36][non-primary source needed]

Barber et al. noted that similar factors appeared to mediate the response both to hypnotism and to cognitive behavioural therapy, in particular systematic desensitisation.[36] Hence, research and clinical practice inspired by their interpretation has led to growing interest in the relationship between hypnotherapy and cognitive behavioural therapy.[112]: 105 [113]

Information theory

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An approach loosely based on information theory uses a brain-as-computer model. In adaptive systems, feedback increases the signal-to-noise ratio, which may converge towards a steady state. Increasing the signal-to-noise ratio enables messages to be more clearly received. The hypnotist's object is to use techniques to reduce interference and increase the receptability of specific messages (suggestions).[114]

Systems theory

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Systems theory, in this context, may be regarded as an extension of Braid's original conceptualisation of hypnosis as involving "the brain and nervous system generally".[115]: 31  Systems theory considers the nervous system's organisation into interacting subsystems. Hypnotic phenomena thus involve not only increased or decreased activity of particular subsystems, but also their interaction. A central phenomenon in this regard is that of feedback loops, which suggest a mechanism for creating hypnotic phenomena.[116]

Societies

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There is a huge range of societies in England who train individuals in hypnosis; however, one of the longest-standing organisations is the British Society of Clinical and Academic Hypnosis (BSCAH). It origins date back to 1952 when a group of dentists set up the 'British Society of Dental Hypnosis'. Shortly after, a group of sympathetic medical practitioners merged with this fast-evolving organisation to form 'The Dental and Medical Society for the Study of Hypnosis'; and, in 1968, after various statutory amendments had taken place, the 'British Society of Medical and Dental Hypnosis' (BSMDH) was formed. This society always had close links with the Royal Society of Medicine and many of its members were involved in setting up a hypnosis section at this centre of medical research in London. And, in 1978, under the presidency of David Waxman, the Section of Medical and Dental Hypnosis was formed. A second society, the British Society of Experimental and Clinical Hypnosis (BSECH), was also set up a year before, in 1977, and this consisted of psychologists, doctors and dentists with an interest in hypnosis theory and practice. In 2007, the two societies merged to form the 'British Society of Clinical and Academic Hypnosis' (BSCAH). This society only trains health professionals and is interested in furthering research into clinical hypnosis.

The American Society of Clinical Hypnosis (ASCH) is unique among organisations for professionals using hypnosis because members must be licensed healthcare workers with graduate degrees. As an interdisciplinary organisation, ASCH not only provides a classroom to teach professionals how to use hypnosis as a tool in their practice, it provides professionals with a community of experts from different disciplines. The ASCH's missions statement is to provide and encourage education programs to further, in every ethical way, the knowledge, understanding, and application of hypnosis in health care; to encourage research and scientific publication in the field of hypnosis; to promote the further recognition and acceptance of hypnosis as an important tool in clinical health care and focus for scientific research; to cooperate with other professional societies that share mutual goals, ethics and interests; and to provide a professional community for those clinicians and researchers who use hypnosis in their work. The ASCH also publishes the American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis.

History

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The development of concepts, beliefs and practices related to hypnosis and hypnotherapy have been documented since prehistoric to modern times.

Although often viewed as one continuous history, the term hypnosis was coined in the 1880s in France, some twenty years after the death of James Braid, who had adopted the term hypnotism (in 1841) — which specifically applied to the state of the subject, rather than techniques applied by the operator — to contrast his own, unique, subject-centred, approach with those of the operator-centred mesmerists/animal magnetists who preceded him.
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Hypnosis has been a recurring theme in literature and popular culture since the nineteenth century, often associated with fascination, fear, and fantasy. A common and enduring way for writers to explain the trope of mind control in their works, early depictions drew on the mysterious aura of mesmerism and spiritualism, while later ones expanded to science fiction, crime thrillers, and horror. The vast majority of these depictions are exaggerated, and focus on negative stereotypes of either control for criminal profit and murder or as a method of seduction. Across decades, such portrayals rarely reflect clinical reality, emphasizing spectacle over scientific accuracy. The hypnotist, whether scientist, sorcerer, or spy, continues to embody society’s anxieties about willpower, manipulation, and the boundaries of consciousness.

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Hypnosis is a state of involving focused , reduced peripheral awareness, and an enhanced capacity to respond to , often induced by procedures that emphasize relaxation, , and verbal guidance. This heightened suggestibility distinguishes it from ordinary wakefulness, enabling alterations in perception, sensation, , thought, or , with hypnotizability varying among individuals due to psychological and other factors. Clinically, hypnosis has demonstrated efficacy in and reducing anxiety in medical procedures, outperforming no treatment in some reviews, though outcomes for habit cessation like or are inconsistent and often linked to expectation effects. Controversies persist regarding its mechanisms, with debates between state theories positing a trance-like alteration and socio-cognitive views emphasizing and compliance, though data support an integrated model incorporating absorption and contextual cues. Despite pseudoscientific associations in , controlled studies position hypnosis as a valid adjunctive tool in , with risks including implantation under high .

Fundamentals

Etymology and Terminology

The term hypnosis originates from the Greek hypnos, denoting , and was introduced in 1850 to describe an induced, sleep-like condition distinct from ordinary slumber, though later research established it as a state of heightened focus and rather than actual . Scottish James Braid coined hypnotism in 1843, shortening neuro-hypnotism from his 1842 observations, to frame the phenomenon scientifically as a physiological response to prolonged visual fixation, rejecting Franz Mesmer's earlier concept of "" as pseudoscientific. In 's formulation, hypnotism refers to the method or practice of induction, while hypnosis designates the resulting state, though the terms have often been used interchangeably in subsequent literature; Braid himself emphasized monoideism—a fixation on a single idea—as central, distinguishing it from passive or . Earlier , such as trance from religious ecstasies or mesmerism implying fluid transfer, persisted but was reframed under Braid's influence to prioritize empirical induction techniques like eye fixation over occult explanations. Related concepts like emerged in 19th-century usage to explain post-induction responsiveness, with Braid attributing effects to ideodynamic action rather than willpower or external forces.

Core Definition and Characteristics

Hypnosis constitutes a state of marked by focused , diminished awareness of peripheral stimuli, and heightened responsiveness to . This formulation, endorsed by the American Psychological Association's Division 30 (Society of Psychological Hypnosis), positions hypnosis as a deliberate psychological process rather than an involuntary or , with empirical validation through controlled experiments demonstrating consistent subjective and behavioral alterations in response to targeted suggestions. Central characteristics encompass enhanced capacity for experiential changes, including modifications in perception (e.g., analgesia or hallucinations), cognition, emotion, and motor behavior, without requiring loss of volitional control or awareness. Unlike passive states, hypnosis involves active engagement with suggestions, often yielding measurable physiological correlates such as shifts in EEG patterns indicative of altered attentional networks and reduced default mode activity. Individual hypnotizability, assessed via standardized scales, exhibits stable trait-like variability, with empirical data indicating that approximately 10-20% of the population scores as highly susceptible, correlating with baseline cognitive absorption tendencies rather than gullibility or compliance alone. Hypnotic phenomena arise from interactive social-cognitive dynamics between practitioner and subject, supported by evidence from and behavioral studies showing context-dependent brain activation distinct from mere imagination or effects. Core to its operation is the elicitation of experiences, where suggested alterations feel involuntary yet remain modulable by the subject's , underscoring hypnosis as a amplified form of normal rather than a unique .

Distinctions from Sleep, Meditation, and Placebo

Hypnosis differs from sleep in that hypnotized individuals maintain awareness, responsiveness to suggestions, and the ability to perform complex tasks, whereas sleep entails reduced consciousness and minimal interaction with external stimuli. Electroencephalographic (EEG) analyses reveal that hypnotic states feature elevated theta waves indicative of focused attention and relaxation, alongside preserved alpha and beta rhythms associated with wakefulness, contrasting with the predominance of delta waves in non-REM sleep and mixed frequencies in REM sleep that correlate with unresponsiveness. For instance, a quantitative EEG study found no significant overall spectral power shifts between alert waking and hypnosis, underscoring the absence of sleep-like unconsciousness. In comparison to , hypnosis emphasizes heteronomous suggestion—external directives shaping subjective experience—over the autonomous, introspective focus typical of meditative practices, which prioritize or open monitoring without imposed alterations to perception. Neurophysiological overlaps exist, such as theta power increases and parasympathetic dominance in both, but hypnosis uniquely engages prefrontal executive networks for compliance with suggestions, as evidenced by differential anterior cingulate and activation patterns absent in meditation's more diffuse attentional states. Phenomenological distinctions further highlight hypnosis's goal-oriented expectancy for behavioral change versus meditation's emphasis on and non-directive awareness. Hypnotic effects surpass mere placebo responses, which rely on general expectancy without individualized susceptibility modulation, as demonstrated by meta-analyses of randomized controlled trials showing hypnosis yields superior outcomes in , anxiety reduction, and psychosomatic conditions, with effect sizes correlated to hypnotizability scores rather than non-specific belief alone. corroborates this by identifying hypnosis-specific dynamics during suggestion processing, distinct from placebo's broader expectation-driven activations, thereby indicating causal mechanisms beyond expectancy bias. Controlled studies, such as those on procedural analgesia, confirm hypnosis reduces physiological stress markers more effectively than sham interventions, attributing variance to trait rather than placebo confounding.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Practices

Practices analogous to hypnosis, involving induced of for healing or , appear in prehistoric shamanic traditions. Archaeological evidence, including from sites in and dated to 30,000–10,000 BCE, depicts figures in trance-like postures, interpreted by ethnographers as representations of shamanic journeys facilitated by rhythmic drumming, chanting, or entheogens to access spiritual realms for communal healing. These states share phenomenological similarities with hypnotic , such as dissociation and heightened , though lacking formal induction techniques; modern neuroimaging of analogous shamanic practices confirms reduced activity, mirroring hypnotic brain patterns. Ethnographic studies of surviving indigenous groups, like Siberian shamans documented since the 18th century but rooted in ancient practices, describe volitional entry into via monotonous sound, enabling perceived spirit communication and therapeutic suggestion. In , from approximately 3000 BCE, priests employed ritualistic methods in healing sanctuaries known as "sleep temples" to induce trance states for therapeutic purposes. Patients underwent purification rites followed by incantations and laying-on of hands, entering a suggestive drowsiness interpreted as divine intervention, with dreams or post-trance revelations guiding treatment; the (c. 1550 BCE) records over 700 medical formulas incorporating verbal suggestions and placebo-like rituals to alleviate ailments like . These practices aligned with the concept of heka—a causal force of effective speech and will—where priestly authority mimicked hypnotic suggestion, though empirical validation relies on textual interpretations rather than direct observation. Ancient Indian texts, such as the Vedas (c. 1500–500 BCE), describe meditative disciplines like dhyana and yoga, involving focused concentration and breath control to achieve trance states for insight and healing. The Upanishads detail pranayama techniques that produce absorption (samadhi), akin to hypnotic deepening, used by ascetics to transcend ordinary awareness; archaeological evidence from Indus Valley sites (c. 2500 BCE) suggests proto-yogic postures linked to altered consciousness. These methods emphasized internal suggestion over external induction, influencing later Buddhist and Hindu traditions but differing from Western hypnosis in their non-dualistic ontology. In , from the 5th century BCE, the Asclepieia sanctuaries practiced enkoimesis (temple sleep), where patients fasted, received ritual chants, and entered a hypnotic-like incubation state for dream-based diagnosis and under priestly guidance. Inscriptions from the Epidauros (c. 400 BCE) recount over 70 testimonials attributing cures to suggestive dream prescriptions, such as symbolic acts resolving psychosomatic symptoms; this ritual framework prefigured modern by leveraging expectation and authority. Roman adaptations persisted into the early , with physicians like (129–c. 216 CE) noting trance induction via verbal means for pain relief, though integrated with humoral theory rather than isolated suggestion. Medieval and early modern European accounts, drawing from these antecedents, include Talmudic references (c. 200–500 CE) to kavanah—a focused, ecstatic state induced by prayer and visualization for mystical healing—and Biblical narratives of prophetic trances, such as Saul's (1 Samuel 10:6, c. 1000 BCE). By the Renaissance (14th–17th centuries), alchemical and magnetist experiments hinted at suggestive influences, but systematic pre-modern practices remained ritual-bound, lacking the empirical scrutiny of later developments. Overall, these traditions demonstrate cross-cultural convergence on trance induction via rhythm, authority, and expectation, grounded in causal mechanisms of focused attention and neuroplastic response, yet constrained by pre-scientific worldviews.

Mesmerism and 18th-Century Origins

Franz Anton Mesmer, born on May 23, 1734, in Iznang, , initially trained as a physician and developed his theory of in during the 1770s. Influenced by astronomical observations and Jesuit physicist Hell's work on planetary magnetism, Mesmer hypothesized an invisible universal fluid permeating all matter, including the , whose harmonious flow maintained health while blockages caused illness. In 1774, he reportedly cured a patient of hysterical blindness using magnetized steel plates, but subsequent treatments without magnets produced similar convulsive "crises" interpreted as fluid redistribution, leading Mesmer to attribute effects to his own projected magnetism via gestures, touches, or fixation on his person. By 1775, he established a practice emphasizing collective sessions with a baquet—a vat filled with magnetized water and iron rods grasped by patients—often accompanied by and dim to induce trance-like states and therapeutic convulsions. Facing professional opposition and a scandal involving a nun's alleged by mesmerism, Mesmer relocated to in early 1778, where his methods rapidly gained popularity among the aristocracy and intellectuals. He secured royal patronage, treating high-profile cases and publishing Mémoire sur la découverte du magnétisme animal in 1779, claiming the fluid's manipulation could cure diverse ailments from to without surgery or drugs. Sessions escalated into public spectacles, with patients experiencing , spasms, and emotional , fostering a cult-like following; Queen reportedly attended demonstrations, though Mesmer refused her personal treatment. Proponents, including disciples like d'Eslon, viewed these as evidence of , but critics accused Mesmer of charlatanism, prompting regulatory scrutiny amid fears of social disruption from mass . In response to escalating controversy, King appointed a on March 12, 1784, comprising scientists like , , and to evaluate empirically. The investigators conducted blinded trials, including one where subjects reacted to simulated treatments (e.g., a hidden mesmerist or keyed tree) as if magnetized, concluding on August 11, 1784, that observed effects stemmed from and expectation, not any magnetic fluid, as physiological changes occurred independently of the theorized mechanism. Mesmer rejected the findings, decrying experimenter bias, but the report discredited his fluid theory, leading to his expulsion from in 1785 and the decline of orthodox mesmerism. Despite this, the practices persisted underground, influencing later techniques by shifting emphasis from physical props to verbal and patient , laying groundwork for 19th-century developments.

19th-Century Scientific Formulation

In 1843, Scottish surgeon James Braid published Neurypnology, introducing the term "hypnotism" to describe phenomena previously attributed to mesmerism, emphasizing a physiological basis through prolonged visual fixation leading to nervous sleep or trance. Braid's experiments demonstrated that hypnotic effects arose from monoideism—a fixation of on a single idea—rather than or fluid transfers, rejecting metaphysical explanations in favor of empirical observation and rejecting the need for mesmeric passes. He identified key markers such as ideomotor responses and , conducting self-experiments and patient trials to establish hypnotism as a scientific tool for analgesia and therapeutics, influencing its acceptance in medical circles by mid-century. By the 1860s, French physician Ambroise-Auguste Liébeault in Nancy began applying hypnosis therapeutically, viewing it as an extension of normal rather than a distinct pathological state. His collaborator, Hippolyte Bernheim, professor at the University of Nancy, expanded this in Suggestive Therapeutics (1884), arguing that hypnosis heightened universally, with phenomena like and hallucinations resulting from verbal alone, challenging earlier views by demonstrating induction without fixation or physical aids in non-hysterical subjects. The Nancy School's empirical demonstrations, including recovery of function via post-hypnotic , positioned hypnosis as a psychological process amenable to , prioritizing causal mechanisms of expectation and compliance over neurological . Concurrently, at Paris's Salpêtrière Hospital, neurologist from the 1870s framed hypnosis as a symptom of , a hereditary , delineating three rigid stages—lethargy, , and somnambulism—induced only in predisposed hysterics through visual or auditory stimuli. 's public lectures and photographs documented hypnotic trances mimicking hysteric attacks, integrating hypnosis into his clinico-anatomical method and influencing early , though later critiques highlighted iatrogenic influences where patient performances aligned with expected demonstrations. The Salpêtrière approach emphasized objective observation and , treating hypnotic states as artificial neuropathologies verifiable via physiological signs like contractures, yet it diverged from Nancy by restricting hypnosis to the ill, sparking trans-European debates on its nature and applicability. The rivalry between the Nancy and Salpêtrière schools culminated in the 1880s-1890s, with Bernheim critiquing Charcot's stages as suggestion-induced artifacts rather than innate pathologies, supported by experiments showing similar effects in healthy individuals. This discourse advanced scientific formulation by shifting focus to testable hypotheses on suggestibility's mechanisms, laying groundwork for , though unresolved tensions persisted regarding hypnosis's ontological status—whether a distinct state or amplified . By century's end, empirical data from both schools affirmed hypnosis's utility in pain relief and symptom alleviation, with over 10,000 cases treated at Nancy alone, underscoring its transition from fringe practice to investigable phenomenon.

20th-Century Institutionalization and Skepticism

In the early decades of the , hypnosis transitioned from a controversial practice to a subject of systematic experimental investigation within . , a behaviorist researcher at , conducted controlled laboratory studies on hypnotic suggestibility starting in the 1920s, emphasizing quantifiable measures of response to suggestions rather than subjective reports of . His seminal 1933 book Hypnosis and Suggestibility analyzed data from over 100 experiments, concluding that hypnotic effects primarily reflected heightened responsiveness to and expectations, thereby demystifying the phenomenon and integrating it into empirical . World War II accelerated institutional adoption, as military physicians applied hypnosis for analgesia, anesthesia adjunct, and treatment of , with reports of success in reducing reliance on sedatives amid resource shortages. Postwar professionalization ensued through dedicated organizations: the Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis formed in 1949 to advance research and ethical standards, while in Britain, the British Society of Medical Hypnotists emerged in 1948 and the British Society of Dental Hypnosis in 1952, later expanding to include medical practitioners. Major medical bodies formalized acceptance mid-century. The endorsed hypnosis as a legitimate adjunct to in , affirming its value for conditions like pain and anxiety when used by trained professionals. The followed in 1958, recognizing it as a valid method in and , provided it was overseen by qualified physicians to mitigate risks of misuse. Skepticism, however, endured, particularly among psychologists wary of unverifiable inner states amid the behaviorist dominance of the era. Critics contended that apparent hypnotic phenomena—such as or hallucinations—stemmed from characteristics, compliance, and placebo-like expectancy rather than a unique neurophysiological alteration, a view Hull's own suggestibility-focused framework implicitly supported. Experimental challenges, including high individual variability and failures to replicate trance-specific physiological markers, fueled debates, with some researchers like those in Hull's tradition viewing clinical claims as overstated relative to controlled data. By the late , these tensions manifested in polarized academic discourse, where non-state theorists dismissed special models as pseudoscientific, prioritizing socio-cognitive explanations over unproven causal mechanisms.

Post-2000 Empirical and Neuroscientific Advances

Post-2000 empirical research has substantiated hypnosis's efficacy across multiple domains, with meta-analyses demonstrating medium to large effect sizes for conditions including (Hedges' g ≈ 0.8–1.2), (IBS; g ≈ 0.6–1.0), procedural during medical interventions, (PTSD; g ≈ 0.7), anxiety, , and depression. A 2024 meta-analysis of 49 reviews encompassing hundreds of studies highlighted hypnosis's positive impact on mental and somatic outcomes, particularly in children and adolescents, though results showed high heterogeneity (66.3%) and variable methodological quality among primary studies, with only 9 reviews rated highly rigorous. For specifically, a 2021 meta-analysis of 42 clinical studies confirmed "very efficacious" reductions, with effects amplified in highly hypnotizable individuals. Similarly, adjunctive hypnosis enhanced cognitive-behavioral (CBT) outcomes for depression and in a 2021 , yielding small-to-medium advantages over CBT alone. Neuroscientific advances, primarily via (fMRI), have delineated hypnosis as involving measurable alterations in brain activity and connectivity, distinguishing it from mere expectancy or . Systematic reviews of post-2000 fMRI studies report increased activation in the right (ACC) and (DLPFC), alongside decreased activity in the insula, dorsal ACC, brainstem, and right , suggesting enhanced and modulated pain/emotional processing. Connectivity analyses reveal strengthened links between the DLPFC (executive control network) and insula (), with reduced coupling between executive control and default mode networks, implicating shifts in self-referential processing and external focus during hypnotic states. Highly hypnotizable individuals exhibit greater executive-salience network connectivity at rest, correlating with and reduced . Key experimental findings include a 2012 study showing hypnosis disrupts the Stroop interference effect through ACC modulation and frontoparietal decoupling, confirmed via EEG in replications. A 2024 study linked left DLPFC inhibition—via targeted transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS)—to increased hypnotizability in fibromyalgia patients, supporting causal roles for prefrontal regions in hypnotic responsiveness. Recent positron emission tomography (PET) work in 2024 detected dynamic neurochemical shifts in parieto-occipital and posterior superior temporal gyrus regions across hypnotic phases, further evidencing state-specific cerebral metabolism changes. These neuroimaging data counter non-state theories by revealing objective neural signatures not fully attributable to socio-cognitive factors, though individual variability in susceptibility remains a modulator of observed effects.

Processes and Individual Variability

Induction Techniques

Hypnotic induction refers to the initial procedures used to establish a state of focused , relaxation, and increased responsiveness to suggestions, though indicates that such rituals may primarily serve to frame expectations rather than causally produce altered brain states. Studies using (EEG) have found minimal differences in neural correlates between conditions with and without formal induction among highly hypnotizable individuals, suggesting that arises more from baseline traits than procedural elements. Nonetheless, standardized inductions remain central to clinical and experimental protocols to standardize subjective experiences of absorption and imaginative involvement. Among the most prevalent techniques is eye fixation, where subjects concentrate on a visual target, such as a spot or object, leading to eye fatigue and spontaneous closure; this method, employed in tools like the Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale, correlates with self-reported deepening of trance in susceptible participants. A 2023 of hypnosis for identified eye fixation as a component in 33 of 85 reviewed interventions, often paired with suggestions of eyelid heaviness to enhance perceived involuntariness. Progressive muscle relaxation (PMR) systematically guides tension and release across muscle groups, from limbs to torso, promoting parasympathetic activation measurable via reduced . This kinaesthetic approach, documented in protocols since the mid-20th century, appears in nine out of ten historical techniques emphasizing reclining posture and optical disengagement, with physiological data showing decreased sympathetic arousal post-induction. Rapid inductions, such as confusion-based methods (e.g., Ericksonian disruptions), exploit cognitive overload to bypass resistance, achieving in seconds; a of Ericksonian approaches found comparable to direct methods in reducing experimental pain, though indirect suggestions may engage low-hypnotizables better via permissive language. These techniques prioritize pattern interruption over gradual relaxation, with evidence indicating transient shifts in activity akin to slower variants. Other variants include body scanning for , starting from the head downward to localize sensations, and ideomotor signaling via subtle movements to confirm responsiveness. Empirical tests, including double inductions (pre- followed by post-suggestion reinforcement), demonstrate heightened scores on scales like the Harvard Group Scale, but meta-analyses question whether deepening phases add causal efficacy beyond expectancy effects. Individual variability in response—tied to absorption traits—necessitates tailored selection, as no single method universally outperforms others in randomized trials.

Mechanisms of Suggestion and Response

Hypnotic suggestions consist of verbal instructions or cues delivered by the hypnotist to evoke specific perceptual, cognitive, or behavioral changes in the subject, often following an induction phase that promotes focused and relaxation. These suggestions target alterations in subjective , such as analgesia, hallucinations, or motor inhibition, with responses varying by individual susceptibility. The primary response mechanism involves a perceived involuntariness, where compliant behaviors or sensations feel automatic and dissociated from conscious volition, distinguishing hypnotic effects from deliberate imagination or . Empirical studies demonstrate this through tasks like the Stroop interference test, where highly suggestible subjects under hypnosis show reduced color-word conflicts via top-down attentional modulation. Posthypnotic suggestions further evidence persistence, as seen in activations of visual processing areas (e.g., V4) during grayscale viewing when primed for color perception. Causal factors are multifactorial, integrating psychological elements like expectancy (correlations r=0.20–0.62 with outcomes), absorption (r=0.17–0.44), and motivation (r=0.13–0.41), alongside social influences such as rapport (r=0.18–0.49) and contextual labeling as "hypnosis," which amplify compliance without implying a unique trance state. Hypnotic effects are highly context-dependent, such that the likelihood of full hypnotic dissociation occurring involuntarily in public settings is very low; social norms, self-protection mechanisms, and context-inhibition strongly override effects, resulting in at most minor residual impulses that can be suppressed, with effects typically dissipating under social exposure. Biologically, responses link to enhanced theta EEG activity and structural connectivity in frontal regions among high suggestibles, facilitating ideodynamic reactions where suggestions trigger unconscious motor or sensory chains. Neuroimaging reveals that suggestion responses involve decreased default mode network activity, enhancing cognitive flexibility and reducing self-referential rumination, while increasing connectivity between executive control (dorsolateral prefrontal cortex) and salience networks (anterior insula), enabling selective inhibition of conflicting stimuli. In pain modulation, suggestions alter and insula activity, yielding physiological reductions comparable to cognitive-behavioral techniques but with distinct neural signatures. These effects scale with hypnotizability, measured via scales like the Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale, where high scorers exhibit greater brain plasticity to verbal cues. No single mechanism dominates, as evidenced by variable frontal activation patterns (+/- associations), underscoring interactive rather than isolated causal pathways.

Susceptibility Factors and Measurement

Hypnotic susceptibility, also termed hypnotizability or , refers to the trait-like degree to which an individual experiences suggested perceptual, cognitive, or motor alterations during hypnosis, following a with approximately 10-15% of people classified as highly susceptible, 70-80% as medium, and 10-15% as low. This trait remains stable over decades, with test-retest correlations exceeding 0.70 in longitudinal studies spanning up to 25 years. High susceptibility correlates with enhanced responsiveness to therapeutic suggestions, such as pain reduction, though meta-analytic effect sizes are modest (r ≈ 0.24 overall, stronger in pediatric populations at r = 0.67), indicating that most individuals derive benefit irrespective of baseline levels. Individual differences in susceptibility arise from a combination of psychological and neurophysiological factors. Psychologically, high hypnotizables exhibit greater absorption—the capacity for deep immersion in mental imagery or sensory experiences—as measured by the Tellegen Absorption Scale, alongside traits like fantasy proneness, dissociated , and baseline waking . Elevated susceptibility appears in clinical conditions involving dissociation, such as PTSD or monosymptomatic phobias, potentially reflecting underlying vulnerabilities to trauma-related cues rather than hypnosis-specific causation. Neurobiologically, high susceptibility links to structural variations, including reduced gray matter volume in the insula (impairing interoceptive accuracy), enlarged mid-temporal and occipital cortices, heightened excitability facilitating ideomotor responses, and enhanced functional connectivity between the and prefrontal regions during attention-demanding tasks. Genetic factors, such as polymorphisms in the COMT gene affecting regulation, further contribute, though environmental modulators like prior hypnosis exposure show minimal influence, with no enhancement from repeated sessions or relaxation training. Delivery modality (in-person versus online) also yields negligible differences in assessed levels. Susceptibility is quantified via standardized behavioral scales that administer hypnotic inductions followed by graduated suggestions, scoring objective (e.g., motor responses) and subjective components against normative data. The Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale, Form C (SHSS:C), serves as the reference standard, comprising 12 items over approximately 50 minutes and yielding high test-retest reliability (r ≈ 0.80). The Harvard Group Scale of Hypnotic Susceptibility, Form A (HGSHS:A), adapts this for group administration, facilitating larger samples while maintaining with individual testing. Shorter alternatives like the Elkins Hypnotizability Scale (EHS), with 6 items completed in 25 minutes, demonstrate strong (α ≈ 0.80) and with SHSS:C (r_s ≈ 0.89), prioritizing for clinical settings without sacrificing discriminant power across low-to-high ranges. These instruments emphasize responses over self-reports to minimize demand characteristics, though retest scores may decline modestly, particularly among high susceptibles, underscoring susceptibility's partial overlap with general rather than a discrete hypnotic state.

Theoretical Frameworks

State-Based Theories

State-based theories of hypnosis posit that hypnotic phenomena arise from a unique , distinct from ordinary wakefulness or imagination, characterized by heightened , focused attention, and potential dissociation of mental processes. These theories emphasize neurophysiological and cognitive changes that enable responses such as analgesia, , or hallucinations, which purportedly cannot be fully explained by social compliance or expectancy alone. Proponents argue that this state involves a reconfiguration of executive control systems, allowing dissociated subsystems to operate semi-independently while the central executive monitors or remains partially aware. The most influential state-based framework is Ernest Hilgard's neodissociation theory, introduced in 1973, which proposes that hypnosis divides into parallel streams, with one stream (the "hidden observer") retaining access to information dissociated from the hypnotized executive self. In experiments, such as those involving suggested pain insensitivity, participants reported subjective relief in the primary state but could access accurate pain data via the hidden observer when queried, suggesting a split rather than mere . Hilgard's model draws on hierarchical control systems, where hypnotic suggestions temporarily inhibit top-down monitoring, enabling involuntary responses akin to automatic processes in non-hypnotic states like . Empirical support for state-based views includes evidence of segregated brain states during hypnosis; for instance, a 2021 study found that brief hypnotic inductions shifted global neural connectivity, sustaining activity in default mode networks while impairing ignition of task-positive networks, indicative of a qualitatively distinct configuration. This aligns with observations of reduced activation, linked to error monitoring and volition, during hypnotic responding. However, the theory acknowledges variability, as only highly susceptible individuals reliably exhibit these dissociations, measured via scales like the Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale. Critics from non-state perspectives contend that such changes reflect amplified rather than a sui generis state, yet state theorists maintain that the involuntary quality and post-hypnotic effects necessitate positing an altered phenomenological reality.

Non-State and Socio-Cognitive Theories

Non-state theories of hypnosis maintain that hypnotic phenomena do not require an altered state of consciousness but emerge from everyday social, cognitive, and motivational processes, including compliance, imagination, and goal-directed behavior. Proponents argue that what appears as trance-like absorption or involuntariness reflects participants' active engagement with contextual cues, such as the hypnotist's instructions and cultural expectations of hypnosis, rather than a neurophysiological shift distinct from waking cognition. These views contrast with state theories by emphasizing that similar suggestibility effects occur outside formal hypnosis, as demonstrated in studies where relabeling suggestions as non-hypnotic yields comparable responses. A prominent socio-cognitive framework, developed by Spanos in the 1980s and 1990s, posits that hypnotic responding involves participants' strategic reinterpretation of suggestions to align with perceived social demands and personal goals. Spanos contended that reports of involuntariness or stem from motivated attributions—subjects attribute self-generated or actions to external hypnotic influence to fulfill the role of a responsive participant—supported by experiments showing that debriefed individuals often acknowledge deliberate without . This approach integrates and , explaining variability in as differences in attitudes toward hypnosis and compliance tendencies rather than innate capacity. Theodore Sarbin's , originating in the 1950s, frames hypnosis as a form of role-taking akin to theatrical enactment, where the "hypnotized" individual adopts a culturally scripted of passivity and responsiveness. Sarbin and collaborators, including William Coe, viewed hypnotic behaviors as organismic involvement in this role, driven by narrative coherence and social feedback, with phenomena like or hallucinations arising from immersive pretense rather than dissociated states. Empirical support includes observations that high susceptibility correlates with general skill, as measured by dramaturgical tasks, and that hypnotic depth predicts adherence to role expectations across non-hypnotic scenarios. Irving Kirsch's response expectancy theory, articulated in 1985, emphasizes anticipatory beliefs as causal agents in hypnotic outcomes, where expectations of automatic responses to suggestions produce genuine subjective experiences and physiological changes via self-fulfilling mechanisms. Kirsch's model, extended into response set theory with Steven Lynn, posits that hypnotic induction enhances expectancy through ritual and framing, but core effects—like pain reduction or ideomotor actions—replicate with mere instructional sets sans trance labels, as evidenced in placebo and nocebo analog studies. Meta-analytic reviews confirm expectancies account for significant variance in suggestibility beyond trait measures, underscoring their primacy over state alterations. These theories collectively prioritize testable psychological constructs, challenging state models by parsimoniously explaining hypnosis within standard cognitive frameworks without invoking unverified special states.

Neurobiological and Causal Explanations

Neuroimaging research reveals that hypnotic induction alters functional connectivity in key brain networks, including reduced activity in the (DMN), which supports self-referential thought and , and enhanced coupling between the executive control network (ECN) and (SN). High hypnotizability correlates with greater DMN suppression during hypnosis, facilitating focused and diminished internal narrative interference. These patterns emerge consistently across fMRI studies, though effect sizes vary and replication remains limited by small sample sizes typically under 20 participants per group. Causally, hypnotic phenomena arise from top-down modulation where prefrontal executive regions, such as the (dlPFC), exert inhibitory control over sensory and limbic areas via strengthened dlPFC-insula connectivity, enabling suggestions to reshape perceptual experience. For instance, in hypnotic analgesia, suggestions reduce activity in the pain matrix (including and somatosensory cortices) by prioritizing executive overrides on thalamo-cortical pain signals, distinct from but reliant on expectation and attention rather than a dissociated state. EEG data further support this, showing increased oscillations (4-8 Hz) in parietal-occipital regions for heightened and beta power (13-30 Hz) in frontal areas for cognitive control during induction. Individual variability in these mechanisms ties to baseline ECN-SN integrity; low hypnotizables exhibit weaker modulation, suggesting causal dependence on pre-existing attentional flexibility rather than hypnosis inducing a neural state. Systematic reviews confirm functional changes but highlight heterogeneity, with no unique " signature" beyond amplified socio-cognitive processes like compliance and vividness driving outcomes. Non-invasive stimulation experiments, such as tDCS targeting dlPFC, enhance hypnotizability by 10-20% in some trials, implying causal plasticity in executive pathways underlies response amplification. Overall, evidence favors explanations rooted in enhanced executive inhibition of conflicting inputs over trance-like dissociation, aligning with causal chains from to neural reconfiguration without invoking unverified altered .

Empirical Evidence

Experimental Studies on Suggestibility

Standardized scales form the cornerstone of experimental investigations into hypnotic , quantifying objective and subjective responses to suggestions administered after induction. The Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale, Forms A and C (SHSS:A/C), developed by Weitzenhoffer and Hilgard in 1959 and 1962, respectively, include 12 items such as involuntary arm levitation, , and posthypnotic , scored via behavioral criteria with total scores from 0 to 12. These tools reveal as a normally distributed trait, with about 10-15% of individuals scoring high (8+), 70-80% medium (4-7), and the remainder low, stable over time with test-retest correlations of 0.60-0.80 across studies spanning decades. The Harvard Group Scale of Hypnotic Susceptibility (HGSHS:A), devised by Shor and in 1962, adapts similar items for group administration, facilitating large-scale experimentation. Comparative experiments demonstrate that hypnotic induction yields only a modest increment in suggestibility relative to direct waking suggestions. Reviews of scale administrations find induction increases average scores by 0.2-1.0 points on SHSS equivalents, equivalent to a small effect size (d ≈ 0.3-0.5), with high suggestibles responding comparably in both conditions and low suggestibles showing negligible gains. This limited additive effect aligns with non-state interpretations, as hypnotic susceptibility correlates strongly (r ≈ 0.60-0.70) with non-hypnotic imaginative and direct verbal suggestibility measures, per meta-analytic evidence from over 50 studies. Experiments isolating induction components, such as relaxation versus expectation cues, attribute gains primarily to motivational and contextual factors rather than trance per se. Targeted studies on specific suggestion domains highlight differential responsiveness tied to trait levels. In experimental pain paradigms, high suggestibles (SHSS ≥8) achieve 20-40% reductions in subjective and nociceptive responses to cold-pressor or thermal stimuli under analgesia suggestions, exceeding low suggestibles and waking controls by effect sizes of d=0.8-1.2; a synthesis of 85 trials linked outcomes to and vivid imagery compliance. Cognitive suggestions, like negative hallucinations (ignoring visual targets), elicit behavioral inhibition in 60-80% of high suggestibles versus 10-20% of lows, with eye-tracking data confirming reduced . Hilgard's "hidden observer" series induced profound analgesia in high suggestibles, who reported zero verbally yet signaled accurate ratings (e.g., 4-6 on 10-point scales) via concealed channels like finger , interpreted as evidence of dissociated monitoring; replication critiques, however, attribute this to demand characteristics, as simulators produce similar bifurcated reports under experimenter prompting. Individual and contextual moderators influence experimental outcomes. Meta-analyses of dissociative disorder cohorts show elevated suggestibility (Hedges' g=0.92) compared to healthy controls, with 18 studies using induced scales confirming heightened ideomotor and phenomenological compliance. Absorption capacity and prior hypnosis exposure predict 20-30% of variance in responses, while online adaptations of HGSHS yield scores within 0.5 points of in-lab norms, enabling broader sampling without undermining validity. These findings underscore suggestibility as a multifaceted trait, where hypnosis amplifies but does not fundamentally alter baseline responsiveness in controlled settings.

Meta-Analyses of Efficacy

A meta-analysis of 57 randomized clinical trials, published in 2004, examined hypnosis as a standalone treatment compared to untreated controls across diverse outcomes including , anxiety, and change, yielding a weighted average post-treatment of d = 0.56, classified as medium. This effect persisted at follow-up (d = 0.51), with larger effects observed in studies using traditional inductions (d = 0.65) versus modern suggestion-based approaches (d = 0.30). However, the analysis noted limitations such as small sample sizes in many included studies and a predominance of older trials, potentially inflating effects due to less rigorous controls. In pain management, a 2019 systematic review and meta-analysis of 18 randomized controlled trials (RCTs) found hypnosis significantly reduced pain intensity (Hedges' g = 0.74 overall), with stronger effects for experimental pain (g = 1.03) than clinical pain (g = 0.36). Hypnosis outperformed no-treatment or waitlist controls but showed diminished advantages against active psychological interventions (g = 0.18), suggesting contributions from expectation and suggestion rather than hypnosis-specific mechanisms. A 2024 meta-analysis of adjunctive hypnosis in 12 RCTs for clinical pain further supported efficacy versus usual care (standardized mean difference = -0.54 for pain reduction), though heterogeneity and risk of bias in blinding were highlighted as confounders. For anxiety, a 2019 of 15 RCTs reported hypnosis achieved greater reductions than controls, with treated participants outperforming 79% of control participants at post-treatment (Hedges' g = 1.12). Efficacy was notably higher when hypnosis was integrated with cognitive-behavioral therapy (g = 1.60) versus standalone (g = 0.79), and effects held at follow-up (g = 0.95). Moderators included hypnotizability, with high-susceptible individuals showing amplified benefits, but the cautioned that many trials lacked sham controls, risking overestimation from nonspecific factors like therapeutic alliance. Meta-analyses in other domains yield mixed results. For irritable bowel syndrome, a 2021 review of 12 RCTs found hypnotherapy reduced global gastrointestinal symptoms (standardized mean difference = -0.58), though not always statistically superior to sham at subgroup levels. In sleep outcomes, a 2018 meta-analysis of 7 RCTs indicated hypnosis shortened sleep latency versus waitlist controls (Hedges' g = -0.74) but not sham interventions (g = -0.18), implying placebo-equivalent effects. Across mental health applications, a 2024 expert consensus informed by meta-analytic evidence rated hypnosis as highly effective (≥70% endorsement) for stress reduction, well-being enhancement, and pain, but less consistently for conditions like depression or PTSD where evidence bases are sparser. Overall, while meta-analyses demonstrate reliable benefits over minimal controls, smaller effects against active or sham comparators underscore the role of expectancy and suggest limited unique efficacy beyond established psychotherapies.

Neuroimaging and Physiological Data

Neuroimaging studies, including (EEG), (fMRI), and (PET), reveal patterns of altered brain activity during hypnosis, though findings exhibit heterogeneity due to variations in induction methods, suggestions, and participant hypnotizability. EEG research consistently identifies increased (4-8 Hz) oscillations, particularly in highly hypnotizable individuals, correlating with enhanced and modulation; for instance, greater theta power over the left hemisphere has been observed in responsive subjects during hypnotic analgesia. fMRI and PET scans demonstrate reduced activation in the (ACC) and insula, regions associated with salience detection and executive control, during hypnotic states compared to baseline or non-hypnotic relaxation; this deactivation is more pronounced in high hypnotizables, potentially reflecting diminished conflict monitoring and heightened absorption. Specific studies report decreased dorsal ACC activity via fractional amplitude of low-frequency fluctuations (fALFF) in the blood-oxygen-level-dependent (BOLD) signal among highly susceptible participants. Connectivity analyses show decoupled (DLPFC) from the default mode network alongside strengthened DLPFC-insula links, suggesting shifts in attentional and self-referential processing. A of activation likelihood estimation (ALE) across studies confirms modulation of executive, salience, and default mode networks, with consistent increases in activity linked to mental imagery, but no singular neural signature emerges due to methodological variability. Physiological measures indicate hypnosis induces autonomic nervous system (ANS) shifts toward parasympathetic dominance, evidenced by decreased heart rate (HR), elevated high-frequency heart rate variability (HRV) reflecting vagal tone, and reduced skin conductance levels (SCL) or responses (SCR). In high hypnotizables, these changes are amplified during relaxation or analgesic suggestions, with studies showing lowered SCR to nociceptive stimuli and increased Analgesia Nociception Index (ANI) scores. Respiration rate often declines, further supporting relaxation, though responses vary by suggestion type—e.g., phobic imagery may elevate it transiently. Low hypnotizables exhibit less consistent ANS modulation, highlighting trait-dependent efficacy. These patterns align with hypnosis facilitating reduced sympathetic arousal, but meta-reviews note inconsistencies across larger samples, underscoring the need for standardized protocols.

Practical Applications

Hypnotherapy for Pain and Psychological Conditions

Hypnotherapy involves inducing a hypnotic state to deliver therapeutic suggestions aimed at alleviating symptoms. In , multiple meta-analyses indicate moderate efficacy, particularly as an adjunctive intervention. A 2019 and of 15 trials found hypnosis significantly reduced intensity (effect size g = 0.74) and emotional distress associated with , with stronger effects in clinical settings compared to analogs. Similarly, a 2013 of seven studies on reported a moderate overall effect size (d = 0.54) for hypnosis in reducing experience, though benefits were more pronounced for experimental than self-reported chronic conditions. Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) support these findings; for instance, a 2024 RCT of perioperative hypnosis in oncologic patients demonstrated reduced in-hospital consumption by approximately 20-30% compared to standard care. Evidence also shows hypnosis decreases analgesic requirements during procedures like dental extractions and , with one of labor RCTs reporting a relative risk of 0.51 for needing pharmacological analgesia. However, effects often diminish without ongoing sessions, and high-quality, large-scale trials remain limited. For musculoskeletal and neuropathic , a 2022 and of 13 studies concluded hypnosis provided small to moderate relief (standardized mean difference -0.36), outperforming waitlist controls but comparable to other psychological interventions like cognitive-behavioral therapy. In disability-related , a 2014 of 10 controlled trials noted significant short-term reductions in experience and , though long-term were sparse. Adjunctive hypnosis has shown promise in enhancing education for nonspecific , with a recent RCT reporting greater reductions in interference at 12 weeks follow-up. These outcomes align with neurophysiological suggesting hypnosis modulates perception via altered attention and descending inhibitory pathways, though responses and participant expectancies contribute substantially. Regarding psychological conditions, a 2024 meta-analysis of 45 RCTs across mental and somatic outcomes found hypnosis yielded small to moderate effects on anxiety (Hedges' g = 0.40) and depression (g = 0.35), with benefits most evident when integrated with established therapies like CBT. For anxiety disorders, hypnosis combined with psychotherapy reduced symptoms more than psychotherapy alone in several trials, including a reduction in generalized anxiety scores by up to 25% post-treatment. In irritable bowel syndrome (IBS), a psychosomatic condition with strong psychological components, gut-directed hypnotherapy RCTs have demonstrated sustained symptom relief; one review of multiple trials reported 40-50% of patients achieving clinically significant improvements in abdominal pain and bloating lasting up to five years. For posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), preliminary evidence from RCTs suggests hypnosis aids symptom processing; a 2022 trial found spiritual-hypnosis-assisted therapy superior to fluoxetine in reducing PTSD severity scores by 30-40% at six months, potentially via enhanced emotional regulation without pharmacological side effects. In depression, a 2024 systematic review of controlled trials indicated moderate certainty evidence that hypnotherapy improved long-term depression severity compared to CBT alone, with effect sizes around d = 0.50, though short-term gains were equivalent. Hypnosis also shows utility in sleep disturbances comorbid with psychological distress, with a systematic review of 24 studies reporting benefits in 58% of cases for outcomes like insomnia severity and sleep quality, particularly in anxiety-linked insomnia. Despite these findings, efficacy varies by hypnotizability, with high-susceptible individuals showing larger effects (up to 1.5 times greater). Critics note that many studies suffer from small samples (n < 50) and risk of bias in blinding, and hypnosis does not outperform active controls like supportive therapy in all domains, suggesting non-specific factors like rapport play a role. Overall, while empirical data support hypnotherapy's role in symptom reduction for these conditions, it functions best adjunctively, with calls for larger RCTs to clarify mechanisms beyond suggestion and relaxation.

Forensic and Investigative Contexts

Hypnosis has been utilized in forensic and investigative contexts primarily to enhance the recall of eyewitnesses and victims in criminal cases, with applications dating back to the mid-20th century in practices. Proponents initially argued it could recover suppressed details, as seen in early uses by police departments in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s for cases involving or trauma-induced gaps. However, empirical reviews indicate that while hypnosis may increase the quantity of reported details, it does not significantly improve the accuracy of compared to non-hypnotized interviews. A meta-analytic examination of forensically relevant studies found no reliable evidence of superior accuracy in hypnotized eyewitnesses, with gains often attributable to rather than veridical retrieval. The primary risks in forensic hypnosis stem from heightened , which can lead to the incorporation of false memories or fabricated details presented with undue . Laboratory and field studies demonstrate that hypnotized individuals, particularly those highly susceptible to hypnosis, are prone to confabulating events not witnessed, influenced by leading questions or the hypnotist's expectations. This vulnerability persists even with procedural safeguards, as hypnosis does not discriminate between accurate and inaccurate information, often amplifying errors in a manner indistinguishable from truth to the subject. Multiple analyses, including sociocognitive perspectives, attribute such effects not uniquely to a hypnotic state but to and contextual cues, underscoring the technique's unreliability for evidentiary purposes. In courts, hypnotically refreshed testimony faces substantial barriers to admissibility, with most jurisdictions deeming it per se unreliable under standards like Frye or Daubert due to its potential for distortion. Federal and state rulings, such as those excluding out-of-court hypnotic statements, reflect consensus on its scientific invalidity for fact-finding, though limited exceptions exist for defendants refreshing their own testimony under strict controls, as affirmed in Rock v. Arkansas (1987). Despite occasional investigative use by agencies like the FBI in the past, contemporary guidelines from psychological bodies caution against reliance on hypnosis, favoring evidence-based methods like cognitive interviewing to minimize contamination. Overall, the technique's deployment has declined since the 1980s amid accumulating evidence of its inefficacy and hazards, rendering it a marginal tool in modern forensics.

Self-Hypnosis and Behavioral Change

Self-hypnosis techniques, typically involving self-guided relaxation, focused attention, and , are employed to influence habits such as , , and stress-related behaviors by enhancing motivation and reducing automatic responses. Practitioners often use scripted audio recordings or mental to reinforce desired changes, with the rationale that heightened in a self-induced facilitates internalization of behavioral cues. However, empirical support for sustained habit modification remains limited, as self-hypnosis primarily demonstrates in symptom relief rather than outperforming established cognitive-behavioral interventions. A 2018 systematic review and of 22 randomized controlled trials found yielded medium-to-large effect sizes for conditions like anxiety and stress, which can indirectly support behavioral change by improving self-regulation, but required active practice in at least three sessions for benefits; passive audio methods alone showed weaker or null results. For , a 2019 Cochrane review of multiple trials concluded there is insufficient evidence that , including self-directed variants, exceeds other behavioral supports or no treatment in achieving six-month rates, with quit rates typically under 20% across interventions. Similarly, a 2022 randomized pilot trial of audio for , based on the of Change, reported no significant differences in weight reduction (-0.63 kg vs. 0 kg in controls, p=0.148) or progression through change stages after three weeks, attributing null findings to the study's small sample and short duration. Evidence suggests self-hypnosis may serve as a low-risk adjunct for initiating behavioral shifts, particularly when combined with therapist guidance, but standalone applications often fail to produce lasting modifications due to reliance on individual and practice adherence. A 2024 meta-analysis indicated hypnosis interventions incorporating elements were more effective for outcomes when paired with professional delivery, implying self-only methods may underperform for entrenched habits like or substance use. Overall, while self-hypnosis can enhance perceived control and reduce relapse triggers via suggestion, rigorous trials underscore its modest incremental value over or standard therapies, with no consistent demonstration of causal superiority in altering core behavioral patterns.

Stage and Entertainment Uses

Stage hypnosis, also known as entertainment or comedy hypnosis, consists of public performances in which a hypnotist selects volunteers from an audience and induces behaviors such as , , hallucinations, or comedic actions through verbal s, typically for humorous effect. These shows emerged in the early 19th century, tracing roots to public demonstrations by figures like Abbé José Custódio de Faria in around 1813, who shifted emphasis from Mesmer's to the power of , influencing later stage adaptations. By the mid-20th century, performers like Ormond McGill integrated hypnosis into and television acts, popularizing it as a staple of live entertainment, with modern iterations often featuring rapid inductions and crowd participation in theaters or corporate events. Performers begin by screening audience members through preliminary suggestibility tests, such as hand-clasping or eye-closure exercises, to identify the 10-20% of individuals who score high on hypnotic susceptibility scales like the Stanford Hypnotic Susceptibility Scale. Only these highly suggestible volunteers proceed onstage, where the hypnotist employs authoritative commands, environmental control (e.g., dim lights, music), and escalating suggestions to elicit responses like involuntary laughter, regression, or post-hypnotic cues. Empirical observations indicate that these effects stem from a combination of genuine heightened suggestibility—evident in physiological changes such as reduced frontal cortex activity during suggestions—and social factors including compliance, role-playing, and audience pressure, rather than a universal trance state applicable to all participants. Studies of stage performances confirm that low-suggestible individuals rarely respond convincingly, underscoring the selective process as key to the illusion of total control. While entertaining, stage hypnosis can shape public misconceptions, portraying hypnosis as mind control rather than a state of focused attention and responsiveness; shows audiences exposed to such shows report increased belief in hypnosis's potency but decreased about its mechanisms, potentially confounding therapeutic applications. Safety data from systematic reviews indicate rare adverse effects, with incidents like headaches or embarrassment attributable more to performance stress than hypnosis itself, though ethical guidelines from bodies like the National Guild of Hypnotists recommend pre-show disclosures and volunteer to mitigate claims. Critics, including skeptics like Theodore , argue that many responses reflect waking compliance amplified by expectancy, supported by experiments where non-hypnotized subjects mimic stage behaviors under similar .

Military and Specialized Applications

Hypnosis has been employed in military contexts primarily for therapeutic purposes, such as and treatment of trauma-related disorders. During the (1861–1865), practitioners used hypnotic techniques to alleviate pain and anxiety among wounded soldiers, representing one of the earliest documented applications in combat settings. In (1939–1945) and the subsequent period, hypnosis was applied to address battle fatigue and early forms of post-traumatic stress in troops, with clinicians reporting reductions in symptoms through suggestion-based interventions. Studies conducted during the (1955–1975) further explored its utility for similar issues, leading to formalized protocols for in military medical practice. In contemporary U.S. military health systems, clinical hypnosis is integrated into whole health programs, particularly for managing and stress-related conditions among veterans and active-duty personnel. The Department of endorses hypnosis for these indications, citing evidence from controlled trials showing decreased intensity and improved emotional regulation post-treatment. For instance, randomized studies have demonstrated that hypnosis outperforms controls in reducing average pain interference and depressive symptoms over three to six months in veteran populations. Applications extend to (PTSD), where hypnosis facilitates trauma reprocessing; a clinical review indicates statistically significant decreases in re-experiencing symptoms compared to non-hypnotic groups. However, efficacy varies by individual , and meta-analyses emphasize the need for adjunctive use with evidence-based therapies like cognitive-behavioral approaches. Specialized applications in intelligence and interrogation have historically involved hypnosis, though with limited success and significant ethical concerns. The CIA's Project MKUltra (1953–1973) included subprojects testing hypnosis alongside drugs for behavioral modification and , as detailed in declassified Senate hearings revealing over 130 experiments across institutions. Predecessor efforts like Project Bluebird (1950s) incorporated hypnosis in interrogation teams to assess defector reliability, often combined with polygraphs and narcosis. CIA analyses from the era, such as a 1960 Studies in Intelligence article, concluded that while hypnosis could induce relaxation and compliance in cooperative subjects, it failed to compel truthful disclosures or override resistance reliably, due to confabulation risks and subject awareness. Independent evaluations, including those by psychologist Martin Orne, highlighted inaccuracies in hypnotic testimony, attributing them to heightened rather than enhanced recall. These programs, later deemed illegal and ineffective for mind control, underscore hypnosis's limitations in coercive contexts, prioritizing voluntary therapeutic uses over manipulative ones.

Controversies and Critiques

Debates Over Hypnotic State Reality

State theorists, such as , posit that hypnosis induces a distinct characterized by dissociation, where executive control is divided into parallel streams, enabling phenomena like the "hidden observer" in which subjects report awareness of sensations (e.g., pain) despite hypnotic analgesia suggestions. Hilgard's neodissociation theory, developed in the 1970s, draws on experiments where highly suggestible participants under hypnosis exhibited involuntary responses and compartmentalized awareness, interpreted as evidence of a neurophysiological split rather than mere compliance. Proponents argue this state enhances responsiveness beyond baseline imagination or expectation, supported by findings of reduced activity in studies during hypnotic analgesia, suggesting diminished executive oversight. Non-state theorists, including and Steven Jay Lynn, contend that hypnosis does not produce a unique trance or altered state but instead amplifies through social compliance, role enactment, and response expectancies, with effects replicable in waking contexts via direct suggestions. Their , rooted in social cognitive frameworks, emphasizes that labeling suggestions as "hypnotic" increases perceived involuntariness without necessitating dissociation, as demonstrated in studies where non-hypnotic imaginative involvement yields comparable outcomes in reduction and hallucinations. Critics of state views highlight the lack of consistent physiological markers unique to hypnosis—such as EEG patterns indistinguishable from relaxed —and argue that high correlates more with traits like absorption than any induced state. Empirical efforts to resolve the debate have yielded inconclusive results, with meta-analyses showing hypnotic enhancements in (effect sizes around 0.2-0.5 standard deviations) but no definitive biomarkers for a categorical state change. For instance, while some fMRI data indicate state-like connectivity alterations during hypnosis, these overlap with and effects, undermining claims of specificity. Reviews from the onward portray the state-non-state dichotomy as a false binary, with hybrid models acknowledging subjective alterations driven by expectancy rather than . As of 2024, the field lacks consensus, with state theories retaining support among clinicians valuing phenomenological reports, while non-state perspectives dominate for their parsimony and alignment with behavioral data.

Risks of Induced False Memories

Hypnosis heightens suggestibility, enabling the implantation of false memories that subjects experience as authentic, often through mechanisms like source misattribution and imagery inflation during hypnotic regression or guided suggestions. Experimental paradigms, such as misinformation tasks and the Deese-Roediger-McDermott procedure, reveal elevated false memory rates under hypnosis compared to waking states, with highly hypnotizable individuals showing particular vulnerability regardless of whether formal induction occurs. A mega-analysis of eight studies reported false memory development in 15-30% of participants exposed to hypnotic suggestions. In therapeutic applications, hypnosis has contributed to confabulated recollections of trauma, as evidenced by cases where suggestive techniques elicited implausible events later deemed fabricated. For example, in 1986, patient Nadean Cool developed memories of satanic rituals, , and under hypnotic , leading to a $2.4 million settlement against her in 1997 after the memories were identified as iatrogenic. Similarly, Beth Rutherford's 1992 sessions, incorporating hypnosis, produced false claims of repeated rape and forced abortion by her father, contradicted by medical records, resulting in a $1 million settlement in 1996. These incidents underscore how hypnosis amplifies the risk of therapists unwittingly shaping patient narratives, particularly in recovered practices prevalent in the 1980s and 1990s. Forensic uses of hypnosis for eyewitness enhancement carry comparable dangers, as it promotes pseudomemories and distortions from leading questions, reducing overall accuracy. Studies indicate that hypnotic recall of infancy or remote events yields high rates of fabrication, with one experiment finding 79% of subjects reporting detailed false memories post-hypnosis. U.S. courts have responded variably; while the in Rock v. Arkansas (1987) declined to per se exclude hypnotic , emphasizing case-specific reliability assessments, many jurisdictions impose strict safeguards or inadmissibility due to inherent risks, as seen in ongoing critiques of its evidentiary value. An Italian criminal case in 2022 further affirmed judicial recognition of hypnosis-induced false memories, ruling a therapist liable for implanting recollections in a minor. Such findings highlight the causal pathway from hypnotic compliance to erroneous , prioritizing empirical scrutiny over presumptions of recovery.

Ethical Concerns and Potential Harms

One primary ethical concern in hypnosis practice is the requirement for , wherein practitioners must fully disclose potential risks such as heightened , which can lead to unintended alterations in or , prior to inducing a state. This is particularly critical with vulnerable populations, including children, where additional safeguards like parental involvement and practitioner competence under supervision are mandated to prevent exploitation or psychological injury. Ethical codes from bodies such as the American Hypnosis Association emphasize client welfare, prohibiting the use of hypnosis for manipulation, control, or harm, and requiring adherence to local laws on and dual relationships. A significant potential harm arises from the induction of false memories, as hypnotic procedures enhance and susceptibility to , often producing detailed but fabricated recollections that individuals later accept as genuine. Laboratory studies demonstrate that hypnosis increases rates in paradigms like the Deese-Roediger-McDermott task, with higher hypnotizability correlating to greater distortion independent of the itself. In clinical contexts, suggestive techniques during hypnosis have contributed to recovered memory therapies that implanted narratives, leading to familial ruptures and legal miscarriages, as evidenced by cases where patients pursued unfounded accusations post-session. Other risks include psychological distress from delving into unresolved traumas without adequate safeguards, potentially exacerbating conditions like dissociation or anxiety, and inadvertent adverse effects such as client delusions accusing the practitioner of impropriety. Physical harms may occur indirectly if hypnosis substitutes for medical evaluation, delaying diagnosis of underlying issues like pain masking serious pathology. The absence of federal regulation in many jurisdictions, including the United States, permits unqualified individuals to practice, heightening misuse risks and underscoring the need for verifiable credentials and ethical oversight. Despite these codes, empirical data indicate that harms persist when practitioners overstate efficacy or ignore suggestibility's causal role in memory distortion.

Accusations of Pseudoscience and Overreach

Critics have accused hypnosis of constituting primarily due to the absence of robust, replicable evidence distinguishing a unique "hypnotic state" from ordinary heightened or relaxation, with studies showing inconsistent brain activity patterns across individuals rather than a uniform trance-like alteration. For instance, functional MRI research has failed to identify consensus neural signatures for hypnosis, leading skeptics to argue it relies on subjective reports and placebo-like effects rather than objective physiological changes measurable beyond expectation biases. This view posits that claims of profound dissociation or in hypnosis overreach empirical boundaries, as susceptibility varies widely—only about 10-15% of people are highly hypnotizable, with brain connectivity differences explaining resistance in others, undermining universal validity assertions. Overreach accusations intensify in therapeutic and forensic applications, where hypnosis has been lambasted for promoting unverifiable recoveries of "repressed" memories, often conflated with pseudoscientific notions of direct unconscious access akin to outdated Freudian hydraulics, which himself abandoned by 1896 after finding it unreliable and prone to fabrication. In legal contexts, forensic hypnosis has drawn sharp rebuke as enabling miscarriages of justice, exemplified by cases like the 1976 abduction of bus driver Sidney Reso, where hypnotic testimony contributed to wrongful convictions without objective safeguards against or leading suggestions, as illusory correlations masquerade as evidence absent . Critics, including psychologists aligned with , contend such practices violate basic standards of the by prioritizing anecdotal responsiveness over controlled, double-blind trials, particularly when extrapolated to fringe uses like past-life regression or extraterrestrial encounter retrieval, which lack any empirical corroboration and echo mesmerism's discredited paradigm. Despite endorsements from bodies like the for limited applications such as —supported by meta-analyses showing moderate effect sizes (e.g., Cohen's d ≈ 0.7 for procedural pain)—detractors highlight systemic overreach by hypnotherapists marketing it as a for conditions like or trauma without consistent superiority to cognitive-behavioral alternatives in randomized controlled trials. This criticism underscores a pattern where evidentiary successes in suggestion-based analgesia are inflated to validate broader metaphysical claims, fostering pseudoscientific creep; for example, demonstrations, while entertaining, perpetuate myths of involuntary control that misrepresent voluntary compliance as compulsion, as dissected by skeptics emphasizing and social compliance over innate induction. Such overextensions, per forensic and psychological analysts, not only erode public trust but risk ethical harms by diverting patients from evidence-based interventions, with historical precedents like the 1980s "satanic panic" satanic ritual abuse hysterias partly fueled by uncritical hypnotic regressions later debunked as iatrogenic artifacts.

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