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Marquesan language
Marquesan language
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Marquesan
Èo ènana (North Marquesan)
Èo ènata (South Marquesan)
Native toFrench Polynesia
RegionMarquesas Islands, Tahiti
Native speakers
8,700 (2007 census)[1]
Language codes
ISO 639-3Either:
mrq – North Marquesan
mqm – South Marquesan
Glottologmarq1246  Marquesan
nort2845  North Marquesan
sout2866  South Marquesan
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Marquesan is a collection of East-Central Polynesian dialects, of the Marquesic group, spoken in the Marquesas Islands of French Polynesia. They are usually classified into two groups, North Marquesan and South Marquesan, roughly along geographic lines.[2]

Phonology

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The most striking feature of the Marquesan languages is their almost universal replacement of the /r/ or /l/ of other Polynesian languages by a /ʔ/ (glottal stop).[3]

Like other Polynesian languages, the phonology of Marquesan languages is characterized by a scarcity of consonants. The consonant phonemes are:

Labial Alveolar Velar Glottal
Plosive p t k ʔ
Fricative f v h
Nasal m n ŋ
Liquid r

Of this small number of consonants, /ŋ/ is found only in eastern Nuku Hiva (Tai Pi Marquesan), and /f/ is found only in South Marquesan dialects. In writing, the phoneme /ŋ/ is written ⟨n(g)⟩, and /ʔ/ is written ʻ, the ʻokina.

Unlike most Austronesian languages, the /ŋ/ is not an isolated nasal: it is found only in conjunction with a following /k/. So, whereas the Samoan word for 'bay' is faga, pronounced [ˈfa.ŋa], it is hanga in Tai Pi Marquesan, and is pronounced /ˈha.ŋka/. This word is useful to demonstrate one of the more predictable regular consonantal differences between the northern and southern dialects: in North Marquesan, the word is haka, and in South Marquesan, it is hana.[citation needed]

The phoneme /h/ is represented with the letter ⟨h⟩; however, it is realized phonetically as [h], [x], or [s], depending on the following vowel.[example needed]

The vowel phonemes are the same as in other Polynesian languages, long and short versions of each:

Front Central Back
Short Long Short Long Short Long
High i u
Mid e o
Low a

In their study of the Ùa Pou dialect of Marquesan, Mutu and Teìkitutoua interpret the long vowels /aː eː iː oː uː/ as sequences of two identical vowels /aa ee ii oo uu/, and list their allophones as [ɑː ɛː iː ɔː uː], while noting that [ɔː] is slightly raised.

/i/ is [ɪ] when following another vowel, [i~ɪ] elsewhere.

/e/ is [e] when preceding a high vowel, [ə] following /a/, and [ɛ] elsewhere.

/a/ is [ʌ], though slightly higher before other vowels, especially /i/ and /u/.

/o/ is [ɔ], which slightly assimilates to the frontness of adjacent vowels.

/u/ is [u].[4]

Alphabet

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Marquesan alphabet
A E F H I K M N O P R S T U V
a e f h i k m n o p r s t u v

The Marquesan Language Academy has adopted an orthography similar to Turo Raapoto's Tahitian orthography, using the grave on the vowels to indicated a preceding glottal stop consonant, the macron to indicate a long vowel and the circumflex to indicate both.[5] Some authors use the apostrophe ⟨’⟩ or the turned apostrophe ⟨ʻ⟩ to write the glottal stop, as is done in several other Polynesian languages.[6]

Morphosyntax

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Noun and verb phrases

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Verbal particles are placed before the verb they modify.[7]

Verbal Phrase[8]
Verbal Particles example example in a sentence
past i i ui (asked) te mehai i iu (the youth asked)
present te...nei te maakau nei (think) te maakau nei au i tuu kui (I think of my mother)
perfective u/ua u hanau (was born) u hanau au i Hakehatau (I was born at Hakehatau)
imperfective e e hee (going) e hee koe i hea (where are you going?)
inceptive atahi a atahi a kai (then they eat) iu pao taia, atahi a kai (...when finish that, then do they eat)
imperative a a hee! (go!) a hee io te tante (go to the doctor!)

A noun phrase in Marquesan is any phrase beginning with either a case marker or a determiner. Case markers or prepositions always precede the determiners, which in turn precede the number markers. As such, they all precede the noun they modify.[9]

Nominal Phrase Markers[9]
Articles Demonstratives Other
definite singular te/t- this tenei a certain titahi
indefinite e/he that tena other tahipito
dual/paucal definite na that tea
anaphoric hua
Nominal Number Markers[8] Number Markers
dual mou
dual/paucal mau
plural tau

There are 11 personal pronouns which are distinguished by singular, dual, and plural. As well as that, there are two other personal pronouns which distinguish possession.[10]: 100 

Pronouns[10]: 101 
Singular Dual/Paucal Plural Possession
1st
person
exclusive au/-ʻu maua matou tuʻu
inclusive taua tatou
2nd person koe koʻua kotou to
3rd person ia ʻaua ʻatou

Complex sentences use verbal nouns in subordinate clauses.

ex:

Te

DEF

hakaiki

chief

kei

big

mei

from

Hanaiapa

Hanaiapa

te

DEF

ono-tina

hear-devb

te

def

hakaiki

chief

momo

lesser

Te hakaiki kei mei Hanaiapa te ono-tina te hakaiki momo mei[what language is this?]

DEF chief big from Hanaiapa DEF hear-devb def chief lesser from

Hanaiapa, o Tua-i-kaie, ua noho me te vehine pootu oko[11]

Possession

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Margaret Mutu & Ben Teìkitutoua (2002) present descriptions and examples of possession in Ùa Pou (a north Marquesan dialect). All examples in this section are taken from their work. See notes for more information.

Possession in Marquesan is marked by prepositional particles affixed to the noun phrase which they modify. These prepositional particles relate the phrase as a whole to other parts of the sentence or discourse and therefore can be considered centrifugal particles.[12] Possession is essentially different from the other types of adposition modification in that it marks a relationship between two noun phrases as opposed to that between the verbal phrase and the noun phrase.

There are four possession markers in Marquesan. They are the prepositions: a, o, na and no. Possessive prepositions a and o translate as 'of' while na and no are attributive, possessive prepositions which translate either as 'belong to, of' or 'for'.[13]

a and o possessive prepositions

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In these examples, the relation of two noun phases with the use of the possessive prepositions a and o can be seen. The preposition is affixed to the possessor noun phrase which in turn dominates the possessed phrase.

ex:

Úa

PFV

tihe

arrive

mai

hither

te

DEF

vahana

husband

a

of

tenei

this

tau

PL

vehine

woman

Úa tihe mai te vahana a tenei tau vehine

PFV arrive hither DEF husband of this PL woman

"The husband of these women has arrived."

ex:

Úa

PFV

tau

land

ma

path

ùka

top

o

of

te

DEF

haè

house

Úa tau ma ùka o te haè

PFV land path top of DEF house

"(It) landed on top of the house."

na and no attributive, possessive prepositions

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In these examples, we see the relation of constituents which form a noun phrase. This is an example of attributive, alienable possession.

ex:

…ùa

PFV

ìò

taken

i

STATAG

-a

PERS

Tainaivao

Tainaivao

è

INDEF

tama

son

na

of (belong to)

Pekapeka…

Pekapeka

…ùa ìò i -a Tainaivao è tama na Pekapeka…

PFV taken STATAG PERS Tainaivao INDEF son {of (belong to)} Pekapeka

'(she) was taken by Tainaivao, a son of Pekapeka.'

ex:

À

IMP

too

take

tēnei

this

vaka

canoe

no

for

koe

2SG

À too tēnei vaka no koe

IMP take this canoe for 2SG

'Take this canoe for yourself.'

Dominant vs subordinate possession

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Marquesan distinguishes between two contrastive types of possession.[12] The first can be described in very broad terms as possession in which the possessor is dominant, active, superior, or in control of the possessed. A and na mark this type of possession:

ex:

E

NP

ìò

take

koe

2SG

he

INDEF

mea

thing

vehine

woman

na

of

ia

him

E ìò koe he mea vehine na ia

NP take 2SG INDEF thing woman of him

"You will get a wife for him."

On the other hand, o and no indicate possession where the possessor is subordinate, passive, inferior to, or lacking in control over the possessed:

ex:

Ù

PFV

kave

bring

mai

hither

koe

2SG

i

DO

tēnā

that

kahu

dress

no

for

ia

her

Ù kave mai koe i tēnā kahu no ia

PFV bring hither 2SG DO that dress for her

"You have brought that dress for her (to wear)."

Locative phrases

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Locative constructions in Marquesan follow this pattern (elements in parentheses are optional):

Preposition - (Modifier) - lexical head - (Directional) - (Demonstrative) - (Modifier) - Possessive Attribute/Attributive Noun Phrases[10]: 282 
ex:

Huʻi-ʻia

turn-PASS

atu

DIR

t-o

ART-POSS

ia

3SG

keo

bottom

ʻi

LD

tai

sea

Huʻi-ʻia atu t-o ia keo ʻi tai

turn-PASS DIR ART-POSS 3SG bottom LD sea

"Its bottom is turned seawards."[10]: 284 

This locative syntactic pattern is common among Polynesian languages.[10]: 282 

Dialect diversity

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North Marquesan is spoken in the northern islands (Nuku Hiva, Ua Pou, and Ua Huka), and South Marquesan in the southern islands (Hiva Oa, Tahuata, and Fatu Hiva). In Ua Huka, which was almost entirely depopulated in the 19th century and repopulated with people from both the Northern and Southern Marquesas, the language shares traits of both North Marquesan and South Marquesan. Comparative data on the various dialects of Marquesan can be found in the Linguistic Atlas of French Polynesia (Charpentier & François 2015).[3]

The most noticeable differences between the varieties are Northern Marquesan /k/ in some words where South Marquesan has /n/ or /ʔ/ (glottal stop), and /h/ in all words where South Marquesan has /f/.

The table below compares a selection of words in various dialectal varieties of Marquesan, according to the Linguistic Atlas of French Polynesia,[14] with their pronunciation in the IPA. Tahitian and Hawaiian are also added for comparison.

North Marquesan South Marquesan Hawaiian Tahitian
Nuku Hiva Ua Pou Ua Huka Hiva Oa Fatu Hiva Hawaii Tahiti
hello /kaːʔoha/ /kaːʔoha/ /kaːʔoha/ /kaːʔoha/ /kaːʔoha/ /aloha/ /ʔia ora na/
(/arofa/ 'love, compassion')
human being /ʔenana/ /ʔenana/ /ʔenana/ /ʔenata/ /ʔenata/ /kanaka/ /taʔata/
life /pohuʔe/ /pohuʔe/ /pohuʔe/ /pohoʔe/ /pohoʔe/ /ola/ /ora/
body /nino/ /nino/ /tino/ /tino/ /tino/ /kino/ /tino/
mouth /haha/ /haha/ /haha/ /fafa/ /fafa/ /waha/ /vaha/
head /upoko/ /upoko/ /upoko/ /upoʔo/ /upoʔo/ /poʔo/ /upoʔo/
to see /ʔite/ /kite/ /ʔite/ /ʔite/ /ʔite/ /ʔike/ /ʔite/
to speak /tekao/ /tekao/ /tekao/ /teʔao/ /teʔao/ /ʔoːlelo/
(/kaʔao/ 'to tell tales')
/parau/
dog /peto/ /peto/ /peto/ /nuhe/ /nuhe/ /ʔiːlio/ /ʔuːri/
louse /kutu/ /kutu/ /kutu/ /ʔutu/ /ʔutu/ /ʔuku/ /ʔutu/
yesterday /tinahi/ /nenahi/ /tinahi/ /tinahi/ /tinahi/ /nehinei/ /inaːnahi/
sky /ʔaki/ /ʔaki/ /ʔani/ /ʔani/ /ʔani/ /lani/ /raʔi/
moon /meama/ /meama/ /mahina/ /mahina/ /mahina/ /mahina/ /ʔaːvaʔe/
wind /metaki/ /metaki/ /metani/ /metani/ /metani/ /makani/ /mataʔi/
sea /tai/ /tai/ /tai/ /tai/ /tai/ /kai/ /miti/
(/tai/ 'sea, salt')
coral /puka/ /puka/ /puna/ /feʔeo/ /feʔeo/ /koʔa/
(/puna/ 'plaster, mortar')
/puʔa/
fish /ika/ /ika/ /ika/ /iʔa/ /iʔa/ /iʔa/ /iʔa/
octopus /heke/ /heke/ /heke/ /feʔe/ /feʔe/ /heʔe/ /feʔe/
island, land /henua/ /henua/ /henua/ /fenua/ /fenua/ /honua/ /fenua/
river /kaʔavai/ /kaʔavai/ /kaʔavai/ /kaʔavai/ /kaʔavai/ /kahawai/ /ʔaːnaːvai/
taro /taʔo/ /taʔo/ /taʔo/ /taʔo/ /taʔo/ /kalo/ /taro/
coconut /ʔehi/ /ʔehi/ /ʔehi/ /ʔeʔehi/ /ʔeʔehi/ /niu/ /haʔari/
house /haʔe/ /haʔe/ /haʔe/ /faʔe/ /faʔe/ /hale/ /fare/
man (male) /vahana/ /vahana/ /vahana/ /ʔahana/ /ʔahana/ /kaːne/ /taːne/
woman /vehine/ /vehine/ /vehine/ /vehine/ /vehine/ /wahine/ /vahine/
grandmother /tupuna kui/
('grandparent mother')
/tupuna kui/
('grandparent mother')
/tupuna kui/
('grandparent mother')
/tupuna vehine/
('grandparent woman')
/tupuna vehine/
('grandparent woman')
/kupuna wahine/
('grandparent woman')
/maːmaː ruːʔau/
('mom old person')
chief, king /hakaʔiki/ /hakaʔiki/ /hakaʔiki/ /hakaʔiki/ /hakaʔiki/ /aliʔi/ /ariʔi/
traditional temple
precinct, marae
/meʔae/ /meʔae/ /meʔae/ /meʔae/ /paepae/ /heiau/ /marae/
you (singular) /ʔoe/ /koe/ /ʔoe/ /ʔoe/ /ʔoe/ /ʔoe/ /ʔoe/

The northern dialects fall roughly into four groups:

The southern dialects fall roughly into three groups:

North Marquesan exhibits some original characteristics. While some Polynesian languages maintained the velar nasal /ŋ/, many have lost the distinction between the nasals /ŋ/ and /n/, merging both into /n/. North Marquesan, like South Island Māori dialects of New Zealand, prefers /k/. Another feature is that, while some Polynesian languages replace *k with /ʔ/, North Marquesan has retained it. (Tahitian and formal Samoan have no /k/ whatsoever, and the /k/ in modern Hawaiian is pronounced either [k] or [t] and derives from Polynesian *t.)

The dialects of Ua Huka are often incorrectly classified as North Marquesan; they are instead transitional. While the island is in the northern Marquesas group, the dialects show more morphological and phonological affinities with South Marquesan. The North Marquesan dialects are sometimes considered two separate languages:[citation needed] North Marquesan and Tai Pi Marquesan, the latter being spoken in the valleys of the eastern third of the island of Nuku Hiva, in the ancient province of Tai Pi. Puka-Pukan, spoken in Puka-Puka and the Disappointment Islands in northeastern Tuamotu, is a dialect of South Marquesan, and should not be confused with the homonymous Pukapukan language spoken in Pukapuka, one of the Cook Islands.

References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Marquesan language, known natively in its dialects as ʻeo ʻenana (North Marquesan) or ʻeo ʻenata (South Marquesan), is an Eastern Polynesian language belonging to the , specifically the of the . It is spoken primarily in the archipelago of , where it serves as the indigenous tongue of the local population. The language encompasses two principal dialects—North Marquesan (ʻeo ʻenana), spoken on islands such as , ʻUa Pou, and ʻUa Huka, and South Marquesan (ʻeo ʻenata), spoken on Hiva ʻOa, Tahuata, and —which exhibit but distinct phonological traits, including the North's replacement of Proto-Central-Eastern *f with /h/ (e.g., haʻe for "" versus South faʻe). These dialects trace their origins to phonological innovations dating back to around the 10th century A.D., distinguishing Marquesan from related Proto-Tahitic languages. Marquesan is closely related to other Polynesian languages like Hawaiian and Mangarevan, sharing roots in the Proto-Eastern Polynesian lineage within the Oceanic subgroup of Austronesian. The language features a typical Polynesian structure, including vowel-heavy , VSO , and extensive use of for grammatical purposes, though it has undergone simplification in consonants compared to earlier proto-forms. Historical influences, including isolation of the Marquesas since their settlement around the A.D. and European contact from the late onward, have shaped its development, with French annexation in accelerating cultural shifts. Dialectal variation remains pronounced due to the archipelago's rugged terrain and historical inter-island conflicts, leading to ongoing leveling through mutual lexical borrowing in modern usage. Today, Marquesan is classified as endangered, with a shift toward French as the dominant language in homes, , and media—95% of broadcasts are in French—resulting in most children under 15 acquiring only passive knowledge or none at all. The 2017 census recorded a Marquesas of 9,346, with estimates of around 5,000–8,000 speakers of Marquesan (including partial proficiency and ) as of the ; fluency remains limited primarily to older generations. Revitalization efforts, including dictionary projects and community documentation, aim to preserve its rich oral traditions, spatial reference systems, and connections to Marquesan cosmology and landscape terminology; recent initiatives include dictionaries and ELDP-funded programs as of the 2020s.

Overview and classification

Language family and origins

The Marquesan language belongs to the Austronesian , specifically within the Oceanic branch, and is classified as part of the Eastern Polynesian subgroup, more precisely in the East-Central Polynesian division under the Marquesic group. This positioning reflects its descent from Proto-Oceanic through Proto-Eastern Polynesian and Proto-Central-Eastern, with the Marquesic subgroup encompassing closely related languages spoken across the Pacific. Marquesan shares close genetic ties with Hawaiian and Mangarevan within the Marquesic group, as well as broader relations to Tuamotuan in the East-Central Polynesian context, evidenced by shared phonological innovations from Proto-Polynesian (PPn). Key among these are the retention of PPn *t as /t/ and the shift of PPn *k to /ʔ/ (glottal stop), which distinguish the Nuclear Polynesian languages, including Marquesan, from earlier stages. Additionally, reconstructions from Proto-Central-Eastern highlight Marquesan-specific developments, such as the change of *p (via intermediate *f) to /h/ in northern dialects, as seen in cognates like North Marquesan haʔe for "house" compared to southern faʔe. These innovations, emerging after Polynesian settlement in the Marquesas around the 12th century CE, underscore the divergence of Marquesan dialects within the Marquesic group. The name "Marquesan" derives from the archipelago, which was named Las Marquesas de Mendoza in 1595 by Spanish explorer de Mendaña after his patron, García Hurtado de Mendoza, the Marquis of Cañete and of . This European designation has since been applied to the indigenous languages spoken there, reflecting colonial naming conventions rather than native terms like Te Fenua ʔEnata ("The Land of People").

Historical context

The Marquesan language traces its origins to the arrival of Polynesian settlers in the , part of the broader Austronesian expansion into . Archaeological evidence from the Hanamiai site indicates initial around AD 1160–1266 (95% credible interval), with voyagers likely originating from Central Polynesia, such as the or . This settlement introduced Proto-Central Eastern Polynesian, from which Marquesan subsequently diverged through local innovations, developing into a distinct language with North and South dialects. The language split into North Marquesan (spoken on , ‘Ua Pou, and ‘Ua Huka) and South Marquesan (on , Tahuata, and ), differentiated by phonological shifts like the replacement of *f with /h/ in the north (e.g., ha‘e for "house" versus South Marquesan fa‘e). European contact began in 1791 when American explorer Joseph Ingraham visited the northern Marquesas aboard the brig Hope, followed by French navigator Étienne Marchand later that year. French colonization formalized in 1842, when Dupetit-Thouars annexed the islands, integrating them into and initiating significant linguistic influences. This period introduced French loanwords, particularly in administration, religion, and daily life, adapting to Marquesan —such as hitoro (North) or fitoro (South) from French "citron" for "," and haraoa (North) or faraoa (South) from English "flour" via French mediation. Religious terminology also incorporated French elements through Catholic activities, reflecting the islands' integration into the French colonial sphere. Under French rule from the mid-19th to 20th centuries, Marquesan faced suppression as part of broader assimilation policies promoting French as the language of governance, education, and social mobility. Colonial education systems prioritized French instruction, marginalizing indigenous languages like Marquesan, which were often restricted to informal or domestic contexts; this shift accelerated language endangerment by discouraging transmission to younger generations. By the early 20th century, French dominance in schools and administration had reduced Marquesan's public role, though it persisted in oral traditions and community interactions. Documentation efforts began in the with Catholic missionaries, notably Bishop Ildefonse Dordillon, who arrived in 1845 and compiled extensive materials on Marquesan. His anonymous grammar was published in 1904, followed by a comprehensive in 1931–1932, providing foundational lexical and grammatical records that preserved pre-colonial forms amid ongoing colonial pressures. These works, based on decades of fieldwork, remain key references for understanding historical Marquesan structure and vocabulary.

Distribution and dialects

Geographic range

The Marquesan language is spoken exclusively in the , a remote in consisting of 12 volcanic islands with a total land area of 1,049 km² (405 sq mi). Of these, only six are permanently inhabited: , Ua Pou, Ua Huka in the north, and , Tahuata, and in the south. The islands span a vast maritime expanse, with the northern and southern groups separated by about 150 km of open ocean, contributing to their overall isolation from other Polynesian archipelagos. Nuku Hiva serves as the primary northern hub, where North Marquesan is predominantly spoken, while functions as the key southern center for South Marquesan; the other islands align with these dialectal zones based on their geographic positions. This north-south division reflects the archipelago's physical layout, with steep, rugged terrain and deep bays that historically limited frequent inter-island contact after initial Polynesian settlement around the AD (ca. 900–1200 AD), according to recent archaeological evidence. Such navigational barriers, including strong currents and mountainous interiors unsuitable for overland travel, fostered linguistic divergence over time. Beyond the Marquesas, Marquesan is maintained in extraterritorial migrant communities, particularly in , where many residents from the archipelago have relocated for economic opportunities—according to the 2017 , about 29% of the Marquesan population was born in —preserving elements of the language within diaspora networks. Smaller pockets exist among emigrants in , supporting cultural transmission through family and community practices.

Major dialects

The Marquesan language is primarily divided into two major dialect groups: North Marquesan (known as 'eo 'enana) and South Marquesan ('eo 'enata), reflecting a north-south geographic divide across the . North Marquesan is spoken on the islands of , Ua Pou, and Ua Huka, while South Marquesan is used on , Tahuata, and . These dialects are mutually intelligible, with ongoing dialect leveling through shared vocabulary and forms, though distinct phonological and lexical features persist. Within North Marquesan, sub-varieties include Tai Pi on and distinct forms on eastern and western Ua Pou, with Ua Huka featuring a transitional that combines elements from North and South Marquesan due to historical depopulation and repopulation from other Marquesan islands. South Marquesan exhibits greater homogeneity but includes sub-dialects such as Pepane (on eastern and ) and Teie (on western and Tahuata). These sub-varieties form a , with transitional features emerging from inter-island contact. A prominent phonological distinction involves the reflex of Proto-Central Eastern Polynesian f: North Marquesan typically shifts it to /h/, as in ha'e "house" or hitoro "lemon," whereas South Marquesan retains /f/, yielding fa'e "house" and fitoro "lemon." Additionally, the Ua Pou variety of North Marquesan preserves Proto-Central Eastern Polynesian k in some positions, such as kite "see, know," where other dialects use a glottal stop ('ite). Lexical variations also occur, such as minor differences in terms for natural features or objects, though core vocabulary like vai "water" remains shared across dialects.

Sociolinguistic profile

Speaker demographics

The Marquesan language is spoken by an estimated 5,000 to 8,000 individuals including partial proficiency as of recent assessments, accounting for a significant portion of the roughly 9,500 residents across the Marquesas Islands archipelago as of 2022. This figure encompasses speakers with varying levels of proficiency, though precise counts are challenging due to the oral nature of the language and widespread bilingualism. According to the 2017 census conducted by the Institut de la statistique de la Polynésie française (ISPF), 66.9% of the population aged 15 and older in the Marquesas reported using Marquesan as the primary language spoken at home, equating to about 4,700 individuals based on the archipelago's total population of 9,346 at the time. Demographic patterns reveal a pronounced generational divide in , with higher proficiency concentrated among elders over 60 years old, who often maintain native-level command shaped by pre-dominant French influence. In contrast, usage and decline sharply among younger cohorts, particularly those under 30—who comprise about 70% of the —due to the pervasive role of French in , media, and daily urban life. Gender distribution shows rough parity overall, though women exhibit a slight advantage in heritage language transmission within family settings, contributing to intergenerational continuity despite broader shifts. Bilingualism is nearly universal, with 97% of the Marquesas aged 15 and older proficient in French as of the 2017 census, resulting in frequent between Marquesan and French in conversational contexts. Secondary languages such as English and Tahitian play minor roles, primarily through , migration, and regional interactions in . Marquesan remains predominantly an oral language, thriving in informal domains like gatherings, community , and traditional ceremonies, where it preserves cultural narratives and social bonds. Its presence in formal is limited, confined mostly to optional cultural programs, while official and institutional settings overwhelmingly favor French.

Language status and revitalization

The Marquesan language is classified as definitely endangered according to criteria, as children no longer learn it as a mother tongue in the home, with the youngest fluent speakers on the verge of shifting to French due to institutional dominance and limited intergenerational transmission. This status reflects broader pressures on in , where French serves as the primary medium of and administration, restricting Marquesan's use to informal domains among older generations. Revitalization efforts have gained momentum since the early , with Marquesan integrated into curricula as a local subject, allocating 2–5 hours per week in bilingual programs to promote immersion and . Community-driven initiatives include broadcasts on local radio stations, where Marquesan is used for news, , and to reach younger audiences. Festivals such as the Matava'a o te Henua Enata, held every four years, further support language use through performances, workshops, and oral traditions, fostering intergenerational engagement. Key organizations and resources contribute to these efforts, including linguistic projects like Gaby Cablitz's comprehensive dictionary of Marquesan dialects, which aids documentation and teaching. Digital tools, such as online dictionaries and vocabulary apps, provide accessible learning materials for speakers and learners worldwide. However, challenges persist, including urban migration to in , which disperses communities and accelerates the decline of fluent speakers by exposing to French-dominant environments. Despite this, successes in —bolstered by the 2024 UNESCO World Heritage designation of the —have increased visibility and encouraged language use in guided tours, performances, and heritage events.

Phonology

Consonants

Marquesan features a notably restricted inventory of consonant s, characteristic of many , with between 8 and 9 consonants depending on the dialect. Northwestern Marquesan, spoken on , Ua Huka, and Ua Pou, includes the phonemes /p/, /t/, /k/, /ʔ/, /m/, /n/, /h/, and /v/. Southeastern Marquesan, spoken on , Tahuata, and , has /p/, /t/, /ʔ/, /m/, /n/, /f/, /h/, and /v/. An additional phoneme /ŋ/ appears in the Taipivai subdialect of eastern within the Northwestern group. A primary dialectal distinction involves the treatment of Proto-Polynesian *f, realized as /h/ in Northwestern Marquesan and preserved as /f/ in Southeastern Marquesan, leading to lexical doublets such as *fare ("house") becoming ha'e in the north and fa'e in the south. The /h/ exhibits allophonic variation, surfacing as , , or based on the quality of the following . This f/h split represents a key marker separating the major dialects, as detailed in the discussion of major dialects. The consonants can be organized by place and manner of articulation as follows:
Manner/PlaceBilabialAlveolarVelarGlottal
ptk (Northwestern only)ʔ
Nasalmnŋ (limited)
vh (with allophones [h, x, s])
Labiodental f (Southeastern only)
Note: The fricatives /f/ and /v/ occur with dialectal distribution as indicated; /h/ is universal but with dialectal realizations. The velar nasal /ŋ/ is restricted to one subdialect. /k/ is absent in Southeastern Marquesan. Consonant clusters are rare in native Marquesan , as the adheres to strict phonotactic constraints prohibiting such sequences in core lexicon; any occurrences are typically limited to loanwords from French or other contact .

Vowels and diphthongs

The Marquesan possesses five oral phonemes in both short and long forms: /a/, /aː/, /e/, /eː/, /i/, /iː/, /o/, /oː/, and /u/, /uː/. These exhibit typical open qualities, with /a/ realized as , /e/ as or [ɛ], /i/ as , /o/ as , and /u/ as . Diphthongs occur frequently in Marquesan as combinations of two distinct s within a , including common forms like /ai/, /au/, /ei/, and /ou/; these are treated phonologically as sequences of two independent vowel phonemes rather than unitary diphthongal phonemes. In processes like , which often marks plurality, intensity, or aspect, Marquesan employs partial CV- prefixation to the base.

Phonotactics and prosody

Marquesan are highly restrictive, featuring a basic structure of (C)V, where are open and consist of an optional followed by a single , with no allowance for consonant clusters or closed in the core structure. This results in words that predominantly end in vowels, promoting a rhythmic flow of open without initial or medial sequences. The /ʔ/ functions primarily as an onset , maintaining the open pattern, though some dialects permit limited nasal codas, contributing to minor variations in closure. Prosodically, Marquesan lacks contrastive tone and relies on stress for suprasegmental prominence, with primary stress predictably assigned to the penultimate in most words, aligning with broader Polynesian patterns. Long s can attract stress in certain positions, such as the final long in disyllabic forms (e.g., hetúu '') or the initial long in trisyllabic ones (e.g., máamaʔi ''), but the default penultimate placement holds in the absence of such features. Intonational contours provide additional prosodic cues, including rising patterns for yes/no questions and lengthening of phrase-final stressed s to mark boundaries. Reduplication patterns in Marquesan conform strictly to these phonotactic rules, typically employing partial CV- prefixation to the base for deriving or intensives, as in kāko 'to eat' becoming kākao for repeated or eating actions, ensuring the output remains within the (C)V framework without introducing illicit clusters. Full is rarer but follows similar constraints, reinforcing lexical derivations while preserving open integrity.

Orthography

Writing system

The Marquesan language, like other Polynesian languages, was exclusively oral prior to European contact, relying on spoken transmission for cultural knowledge, genealogies, and narratives. The introduction of a written form occurred in the mid-19th century through the efforts of Hawaiian Protestant missionaries dispatched by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, who arrived in the Marquesas Islands around 1834 and began transcribing religious texts and basic literacy materials using a Latin-based script adapted from the Hawaiian orthography. This shift accelerated after the establishment of the French protectorate in 1842, which integrated written Marquesan into administrative and educational contexts alongside French, marking a transition from purely oral traditions to a documented language used in Bibles, hymns, and early grammars. The modern writing system employs a Latin alphabet consisting of the a, e, i, o, u and the consonants f, h, k, m, n, p, t, v (with f used in southern dialects and h in northern dialects). The is marked by a on the following (e.g., à, è, ì, ò, ù), essential for word differentiation, as seen in pairs like i ('to') and ì (dative marker). Early transcriptions by missionaries and linguists often omitted or inconsistently marked the , leading to ambiguities, but its inclusion became standard to preserve phonetic accuracy. The 20th-century standardization of the was advanced by the Académie marquisienne (Te Haè tuhuka èo ènana / Faè tuhuna èo ènata), which formalized conventions drawing on pan-Polynesian practices to promote consistency in , , and media, ensuring the script's viability for revitalization efforts. The was updated in 2023 to further standardize use and structure.

Orthographic conventions

The orthography of Marquesan employs the Latin alphabet with diacritics to represent its phonemes, following conventions established by the Académie marquisienne (Tuhuka èo ènana). The basic consonant mappings include for /p/, for /t/, for /k/, for /m/, for /n/, for /v/, and or for the /h/ or /f/ depending on . In northern dialects, represents the reflex of Proto-Polynesian *f and *s (e.g., <heʔe> for ), while southern dialects use for the same sounds (e.g., <feʔe>). The velar nasal /ŋ/ is spelled and preserved in the Taipivai subdialect (Northwestern), but merges with /k/ in other Northwestern varieties and with /n/ (spelled ) in Southeastern dialects. The glottal stop /ʔ/, a phonemic consonant, is obligatorily marked to distinguish minimal pairs, such as "to count" versus <kàa> "to burn," where the grave accent (`) on the following vowel indicates the stop (e.g., <à>, <è>, <ì>, <ò>, <ù>). When the glottal stop precedes a long vowel, a circumflex accent is used (e.g., <â>, <ê>). This representation aligns with the bi-univocal phoneme-grapheme correspondence promoted by the Académie marquisienne. Vowels are represented by for the five oral short vowels /a e i o u/, with macrons (<ā ē ī ō ū>) indicating long counterparts /aː eː iː oː uː/. Diphthongs, such as /ai/ and /au/, are spelled as consecutive vowel letters (e.g., , ) without special markings. The system assumes open syllables (CV structure) with no final consonants or clusters, and stress falls on the penultimate syllable unless a long vowel alters it. While the Académie marquisienne's conventions aim for standardization since 2001, dialectal variations persist, particularly in northern () versus southern () realizations, and there is no fully unified orthography across all Marquesan varieties. Inconsistent application of the glottal stop mark also occurs in non-official texts, sometimes substituting an apostrophe (<'>) for the grave accent.

Grammar

Word classes and morphology

The Marquesan language features a relatively small set of major word classes, including nouns, verbs, adjectives, pronouns, and prepositions, with minimal across categories. Nouns lack marking for , number, or case, relying instead on , determiners, or constructions to indicate plurality or . Verbs are similarly uninflected for tense, aspect, , or number, with such distinctions expressed through preverbal particles or adverbs rather than morphological changes. Adjectives function primarily as a subclass of stative verbs, describing states or qualities and integrating into verbal predicates without separate adjectival . Prepositions form a closed class that encodes spatial, temporal, and relational meanings, often combining with nouns to form locative or directional phrases. Derivational morphology in Marquesan is productive but limited, emphasizing and occasional prefixation over suffixation. , a common process in , serves to intensify meanings or derive related forms from base words; for example, the nui ('big') becomes nunui ('very big') through partial of the initial syllable. Prefixation is rare but includes the causative prefix ha'a- (or variants like haka-), which derives transitive verbs indicating causation, such as ha'a-moe ('to put to sleep') from moe ('to sleep'). These processes apply across word classes, including to nouns and stative verbs, to expand the without altering core syntactic roles. Pronouns constitute a distinct class with inclusive/exclusive distinctions in the first person plural, reflecting social and participatory nuances typical of . The inclusive form tātou refers to 'we' including the addressee, while the exclusive mātou excludes them; similar oppositions appear in dual and paucal forms, such as taua (inclusive dual) versus maua (exclusive dual). These pronouns inflect minimally for number but show no gender marking and function both as subjects and objects. Overall, Marquesan morphology prioritizes analytic strategies over synthetic ones, aligning with the isolating tendencies of Eastern .

Noun and verb phrases

In Marquesan, noun phrases typically consist of a head preceded by determiners such as the definite article te (singular) or tau (plural), and optionally followed by modifiers like adjectives or numerals. The indefinite article he introduces non-specific nouns, as in he tama ("a "), while mass nouns often lack articles altogether. Possessives and numerals precede the head, but descriptive modifiers such as adjectives follow it, yielding structures like tagata nui ("big man"). like nei ("this") or ("that") also postpose to the head for deictic specification. Marquesan noun phrases exhibit no grammatical agreement for number or gender; plurality is indicated through articles like tau or quantifiers such as tahipito ("several"), rather than inflection on the noun itself. Definiteness is encoded via the choice of article, with te marking specific reference and he non-specific, as in te fenua ("the land") versus he vai ("water," indefinite mass). Proper nouns and locative nouns typically omit articles, streamlining phrases like Hiva Oa (a place name). Verb phrases in Marquesan center on a head , often preceded by tense-aspect-mood (TAM) particles like 'ua (perfective) or e (imperfective), and may include subject or object pronouns as clitics. Adverbs and directional particles, such as mai ("hither") or atu ("thither"), follow the to indicate manner or direction, as in haere mai ("come here"). Serial constructions are prevalent, allowing multiple verbs to chain without conjunctions to express complex events, for example to'o tuku ("take and put"). Like noun phrases, Marquesan verb phrases lack agreement for number or , relying instead on contextual pronouns or TAM particles for subject and object roles. Objects are marked by articles if nominal, as in kite te tagata ("see the man"), but pronominal objects cliticize directly to the . This structure supports concise expressions, with adverbs integrating post-verbally to modify the entire .

Possession

In Marquesan, possession is expressed through a system of prepositional particles that integrate into noun phrases, distinguishing between alienable and inalienable relationships based on the nature of the possessed item. Alienable possession, marked by the o-class particle, applies to general, transferable items such as objects or acquired goods. For example, te va'a o ia translates to "his/her/its canoe," indicating ownership that can change hands. In contrast, inalienable possession uses the a-class particle for inherent, non-transferable connections, particularly body parts and kinship terms. An example is te rima a te tamaiti, meaning "the child's hand." This binary classification reflects broader Polynesian patterns, where the choice of particle encodes semantic hierarchies of closeness and control. Attributive possessives employ the particles na (for alienable, part-whole relations) and no (for inalienable), often denoting origin, purpose, or component parts without full pronominal specification. For instance, na te va'a means "the canoe's" (e.g., its parts or attributes), emphasizing a subordinate relationship within the whole. These forms integrate directly into s, as detailed in general noun phrase structure. The system further incorporates dominant and subordinate distinctions based on social or relational status between possessor and possessed. A dominant possessor (higher status, such as an elder relative) uses the a-class for inalienable items, as in te tamaiti a te mātua for "parent's " (where the parent holds higher status). Conversely, subordinate relations reverse this, employing o-class for lower-status possessors, such as a 's parent in te māmā o te tamaiti. This prioritizes cultural notions of authority and intimacy in possession marking. Prepositional possessive phrases follow full paradigms varying by person, number, and noun type (common vs. proper). For common nouns, the o-class (alienable) uses forms like singular tōku (my), (your sg.), tōna (his/her/its), tō mātou (our incl.), tō mātou (our excl., adjusted for dialect), tō outou (your pl.), tō rātou (their); the a-class (inalienable) parallels with tāku, , tāna, etc. Examples include tōku va'a ("my canoe," alienable) and tāku rima ("my hand," inalienable). For proper nouns, the paradigm shifts to 'o with genitive, as in te va'a 'o Hiva Oa ("the canoe of Hiva Oa"). Plural forms extend with tau or mou prefixes for groups, e.g., tau tō mātou ("our [pl.] canoes"). These constructions allow flexible embedding in larger phrases while maintaining the alienable/inalienable divide.

Locative and spatial expressions

In Marquesan, locative and directional relations are primarily expressed through a set of prepositions that encode static , , and deictic movement. The preposition i marks static , as in i te fale 'at the house', where it precedes a to specify the place of an event or entity. The preposition ki indicates direction or , typically combining with motion verbs to denote movement toward a destination, such as approaching a . Additionally, mai conveys 'hither' or motion toward the speaker, functioning deictically in spatial descriptions, while atu expresses 'thither' or motion away from the speaker, often highlighting separation in direction. Marquesan spatial grammar employs a rich system of frames of reference, integrating body-part metaphors to describe relative and intrinsic orientations. Terms like mua 'front', derived from the body part 'face', are used in relative frames oriented to the speaker or intrinsic frames based on an object's facing direction, allowing speakers to conceptualize space anthropomorphically. In contrast, absolute frames rely on environmental landmarks, such as uta 'inland/uphill' and tai 'seaward/downhill', which reflect the islands' topography rather than egocentric perspectives. These prepositions and terms combine postpositionally in phrases, where the locative element follows the verb or noun to build complex spatial expressions, as seen in constructions like haere ki mua 'go to the front'. Dialectal nuances distinguish northern and southern varieties of Marquesan in directional terminology, particularly for wind-based orientations. In northern Marquesan ('eo 'enana), terms like matagi 'north wind' may exhibit phonological variations compared to southern Marquesan ('eo 'enata), influencing how cardinal directions are referenced in spatial discourse. Such differences underscore the language's adaptation to local ecological cues, with possession occasionally intersecting spatial contexts through relational encoding of landmarks.

Clause and sentence structure

Marquesan exhibits a predominant verb–subject–object (VSO) word order in declarative clauses, aligning with the canonical structure of Eastern Polynesian languages. In this arrangement, a preverbal aspect or mood marker often precedes the verb, followed by the subject noun phrase marked by the common article te, and then the object if present. For instance, the declarative sentence Ua haere te tamaiti translates as "The child went," where ua signals perfective aspect, haere is the verb meaning "go," and te tamaiti is the subject "the child." Declarative clauses typically incorporate aspectual markers to indicate tense or mood, with ua denoting perfective or completed actions, as in the example above; e for imperfective or ongoing actions, such as E haere te tamaiti "The child is going"; and no marker for imperatives or certain non-past contexts. clauses are primarily formed through rising intonation for yes/no questions or by fronting interrogative words for content questions, without major syntactic reconfiguration from declaratives. Polar questions may also employ particles like pe for emphasis, while imperatives use the bare verb stem, often with direct address, as in Haere! "Go!" directed at a single addressee. Subordination involves dependent clauses that precede the main clause, with relative clauses postposed to the head noun and introduced by the particle 'o functioning as "who" or "which." An example is te tamaiti 'o ua haere "the child who went," where the relative clause modifies the subject. Temporal subordinate clauses use markers like 'ohia "when" or deverbative forms, as in 'Ohia u peipei te kai, 'u pe'au 'hua kaioi "When you have eaten your food, then you can go," illustrating the dependent clause's precedence and its role in sequencing events. Negation is achieved with the preverbal particle aita, which alters the basic to negator–subject–verb–object (NegSVO) and applies primarily to declarative clauses with aspectual nuances. For example, Aita te tamaiti (i) haere means "The child did not go," negating the perfective action. Aspectual variations include 'a'ore for more emphatic or existential and 'a'oe before the in or irrealis contexts, such as 'A'oe au e inu 'i tenâ mea "I shall not drink that."

Lexicon and cultural aspects

Core vocabulary features

The Marquesan language, as part of the Eastern Polynesian , retains a substantial core inherited from Proto-Polynesian, including terms such as *moana for '' (reflected as moana in both North and South Marquesan dialects) and *waka for '' (realized as vaka or ), which underscore the maritime heritage of Polynesian-speaking peoples. Similarly, the word for '' derives from Proto-Polynesian *fale, appearing as ha'e in North Marquesan and fa'e in South Marquesan, with the dialectal variation in the initial (h- vs. f-) representing a phonological innovation unique to the Marquesic branch. The term for 'person' or 'human being', 'enata in South Marquesan (and 'enana in North Marquesan), evolves from Proto-Polynesian *taŋata, but exhibits a characteristic Marquesic shift where the initial *t- is lost or altered, distinguishing it from forms like tangata in Maori or tagata in Samoan. These shared roots, comprising a significant portion of basic (with retention rates around 56% between Marquesan and Hawaiian in core ), form the foundation of everyday expression while allowing for regional adaptations. A prominent semantic field in Marquesan vocabulary is nautical and maritime terminology, reflecting the islands' isolation and reliance on seafaring for survival, trade, and cultural exchange. Words like 'canoe' and moana 'ocean' not only denote essential elements of but also extend metaphorically to concepts of journey and vastness, as seen in expressions describing voyages that connected Marquesans to distant archipelagos like and . This lexicon emphasizes the cultural centrality of the sea, with terms for components and sailing techniques preserving knowledge of double-hulled voyaging canoes central to ancestral migrations. Borrowings from colonial and modern contact languages have integrated into Marquesan, particularly from French due to administrative influence and English through and . French loans include fitoro (South Marquesan) or hitoro (North Marquesan) '', adapted from French citron, and other everyday items like '' from . English borrowings appear in domains of and introduced goods, such as faraoa (or haraoa) '' from English flour, ihepe 'ship' from ship, kati 'cask' from cask, and moni '' from , often phonologically adjusted to fit Marquesan sound patterns. These integrations, documented in early 20th-century dictionaries, highlight adaptation to European-introduced concepts while maintaining phonological simplicity. Compounding and derivation are key mechanisms for lexical expansion in Marquesan, allowing the creation of new terms from existing roots to describe novel ideas or actions. For instance, tā-vaha combines the distributive prefix tā- with vaha 'to spread' to mean 'spread everywhere', while tī-'ave merges tī- (intensive) with 'ave 'carry' to denote 'carry on arms'. Such processes, including noun-verb or noun-noun , are productive for denoting complex concepts, as in the bivocalic core morphs that form the basis of polyvocalic expansions in the lexicon. This morphological flexibility, shared with other but innovated in Marquesan through simplified , enables efficient vocabulary growth without heavy reliance on direct loans for all modern needs.

Influence on place names and toponymy

The Marquesan language significantly influences the toponymy of the Marquesas Islands, where place names often derive from descriptive terms that capture the rugged topography and environmental features of the archipelago. These names typically exhibit transparent etymologies, reflecting the language's integration of lexical items with spatial and landscape concepts. For instance, major islands bear names like Hiva Oa and Nuku Hiva, which derive from descriptive terms evoking the remote and prominent nature of the southern and northern Marquesas, respectively. Such descriptive patterns underscore how Marquesan speakers historically named locations based on observable geographic attributes, embedding cultural perceptions of scale and distance into the landscape. Body-part metaphors further enrich Marquesan toponymy, drawing on anatomy to describe landforms and thereby anthropomorphizing the . Peaks and ridges, for example, are frequently labeled with terms like Māhale, meaning "," to denote prominent, elevated features that resemble the brow, while capes and promontories may use mata'ae, combining "eye" and "forehead" to suggest protruding, watchful outcrops. This metaphorical extension aligns with broader Polynesian linguistic traditions but is particularly vivid in Marquesan due to the islands' dramatic volcanic cliffs and valleys. Additionally, terms incorporate spatial , such as mua ("front" or "uphill") and muri ("back" or "downhill"), which orient names relative to the island's steep inclines and directional flows, as seen in compounds that specify positions along ridges or valleys. In contemporary French Polynesia, Marquesan-derived place names are widely preserved in official usage, supporting cultural identity amid colonial influences. Islands and bays retain indigenous designations, such as Taiohae for the administrative center on , ensuring that these terms continue to encode historical and ecological knowledge. This retention is evident in governmental and touristic documentation, where Marquesan names like Te Henua 'Enata ("The Land of Men") serve as the archipelago's traditional title, fostering continuity in Polynesian heritage.

References

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