Hubbry Logo
MasortimMasortimMain
Open search
Masortim
Community hub
Masortim
logo
7 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Masortim
Masortim
Masortim
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia
Part of a series on
Jews and Judaism
Religion
Texts
Tanakh
Talmud
Rabbinic
History
General
Ancient Israel
Second Temple period
Rabbinic period and Middle Ages
Modern era
Communities
Related groups
Population
Israel and Palestine
Africa
Asia
Europe
Northern America
Latin America and Caribbean
Oceania
Denominations
Culture
Customs
Music
Art
Cuisine
Literature
Surnames
Languages
Politics
Jewish political movements
Zionism

Masortim (Hebrew: מסורתיים, Masortiim lit. "traditional [people]", also known as Shomrei Masoret שומרי מסורת‎; lit. 'upholders of tradition') is an Israeli Hebrew term for Jews who perceive and define themselves as neither strictly religious (dati) nor secular (hiloni).[1] Their affinity is mainly to mohels and rabbis of Orthodox Judaism (for their brit milah, bar mitzvah, and weddings), and in 2015 they comprised roughly one-third of the Jewish population in Israel.[2]

Group

[edit]

Masortim—not to be confused with Masorti (or Conservative) Jews—observe many of the minhagim and halachot most associated with normative Judaism. Only a few authors, like Elliot Nelson Dorff, consider the American Conservative (masorti) movement and Israeli masorti group to be one and the same.[3] Similar to Dati and Haredi Israelis, most Masortim affirm a strong belief in God; endorse the belief that Israel was given by God to the Jews; keep kosher; observe Jewish holidays and Shabbat; and study Torah or Gemara semi-regularly.[4] Unlike their Orthodox and Haredi coreligionists, Masortim less frequently report regular synagogue attendance or prayer; public head-covering; belief in a conflict between science and religion; or support for remaking Israel into a halachic state.[5] Like Hilonim, most Masortim prefer Israel to be governed by democratic principles; keeping public transportation open on Shabbat; and extending the military draft to Haredi men.[6]

The number of Masortim is hard to determine since it is based upon the self-definition of the participants in surveys. According to a 2006 Israel Central Bureau of Statistics estimate, 39% of the Jewish Israeli population define themselves as Masortim.[7] In 2016, Pew Research Center put that figure at 29% of Israeli Jews (or 23% of Israeli adults).[8]

Traditions

[edit]

Shomrei Masoret perceive the preservation of the Jewish tradition, minhagim, and family customs as an educational and a family value.

The tradition, minhagim, and family customs are also relevant in terms of the Jewish denomination of origin affiliation, and thus the percentage of Shomrei Masoret is especially high among the Mizrahi denomination of origin affiliation. Many of them (and their offspring) define themselves as Shomer Masoret (or Masorti), even if some or part of their lifestyle's customs are generally accounted as secular (Hiloni), still, they pay heed to preserving and keeping the Jewish traditional heritage as it was observed in their or their parents' country of origin. In that context, the political party Shas (a religious-Orthodox Mizrahi-denomination political party) raised the banner of "להחזיר עטרה ליושנה‎" (Restore Past Glory), a slogan that swept many non-religious-Orthodox Mizrahi-denomination voters, who, nevertheless, see the importance of preserving their traditional denomination.

One may not find many Ashkenazi (European displacement) Israelis defining themselves as Shomer Masoret (or Masorati). This is because, among other reasons, the dichotomy that was created after the Age of Enlightenment between secular, Reform and Orthodox European Jews, was a dichotomy that did not exist among the Middle Eastern Jews.

Distinguishing qualities

[edit]

Masortim are not a denomination of Judaism but rather a sociological group, and their attitude towards the religious observance has much to do with one's personal preferences and tendencies, and in the context of their desire to see themselves as part of the comprehensive Jewish religious system, without being obligated to full observance of the 613 commandments.[1] Every Masorti has their own level of observance, which depends only on one's own free will and one's personal selection of what is perceived by them as a relevant religious commandment, tradition or custom of Orthodox Judaism.[1]

Nevertheless, one may ascribe to the majority of them a notable distinguishing quality – the preservation of the basic Jewish traditional minhagim, that are accounted as the most recognizable elements of Orthodox Judaism:[1]

  • Kashrut observance – Many Masortim give heed not to eat pork, shellfish, or any other non-Kosher food, and observe the separation of milk and meat kitchen activities and dishes.
  • Kiddush Shabbat – a weekly family dinner on the eve of every Shabbat, and sanctification (kiddush) of the entering day of Shabbat, over a kiddush cup of wine.
  • Mezuzah – affixing a mezuzah at the house's front door.
  • Attending their synagogues on Shabbat and on the most recognizable Jewish festivals (such as: Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur etc.), on a regular basis. Some even wear the tefillin every morning.
  • Following Orthodox traditions and maintaining an Orthodox atmosphere on family events, such as weddings, bar mitzvah, and brit milah.
  • Usually, the male wears a kippah (yarmulke) only on Shabbat and Jewish festivals, and thus does not appear observant-religious. Some keep a yarmulke within their pocket or in their car, instead of wearing it, as to be ready for any event or time that the Shabbat or a Jewish festival has come and thus is time for them to pull out the yarmulke and start observing, or so they will be ready to go to the synagogue at any given time, as well as attend a wedding or any other event with a religious aspect in it.

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Masortim

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Masortim (Hebrew: מסורתִים, lit. 'traditionalists') constitute a major sociological category within Israeli Jewish society, defined by self-identification as upholding Jewish traditions through selective religious observance, distinguishing themselves from both fully secular hilonim and strictly observant datiim. This group, often exhibiting medium levels of practice such as occasional , holiday participation, and cultural rituals without comprehensive halakhic commitment, comprises around 29% of according to surveys, with higher prevalence among Mizrahi and Sephardic populations. Masortim typically endorse Israel's dual character as a , demonstrate tolerance toward diverse lifestyles, and navigate tensions arising from the Orthodox monopoly on religious institutions, which impacts areas like and conversion. Their worldview emphasizes pragmatic adaptation of heritage to contemporary life, fostering a pluralistic approach amid Israel's religious-secular divides.

Definition and Classification

Sociological Framework in Israel

In Israeli sociological classification, Masortim constitute a distinct self-identified category within the Jewish population, positioned between and religious (dati or haredi) groups in the commonly used "four tribes" model of . This framework, derived from surveys of self-perception, portrays Masortim as embracing selective traditional practices amid modern lifestyles, without full commitment to halakhic observance or ideological . As of 2016, they comprised 29% of , reflecting a broad middle ground where observance varies widely— for instance, only 21% pray daily while 31% never pray, and 53% travel by car on the . More recent analyses indicate primary self-identification as Masorti at around 19%, though up to 45% claim it as a secondary identity, underscoring its porous and pragmatic nature. Sociologically, Masortim exemplify "modernity without secularization," integrating urban, professional lives with cultural retention of Jewish customs such as home-based kosher observance or holiday celebrations, often rooted in familial and ethnic traditions rather than doctrinal rigor. Predominantly of Mizrahi descent historically, their identity has expanded to include Ashkenazi, mixed, and post-Soviet immigrants, fostering a syncretic that prioritizes pluralism, personal , and loyalty to heritage over uniform . This lacks the institutional structure of other groups—no dedicated , educational networks, or rabbinic leadership—yet enables adaptive , with 64% marrying within the category but 35% intermarrying with dati or Jews, and 48% maintaining close friendships across subgroups. In broader Israeli society, Masortim serve as a demographic bridge amid religio-ethnic cleavages, advocating a Jewish-democratic state that balances religious freedom with public secular options; for example, 57% oppose enshrining as national law, yet attitudes toward Sabbath public transport split nearly evenly. Politically centrist (52% self-identify as such), they often support moderate and compromise on religion-state issues, countering polarization by endorsing conservative groups' right to traditional living while resisting ultra-Orthodox dominance. Their , emphasizing with Jewish past through multiple interpretive voices, mitigates tensions but highlights ongoing debates over authenticity, as traditional practices evade the philosophical consistency demanded by Orthodox or secular elites.

Distinction from Other Jewish Groups

Masortim, comprising approximately 29% of as of 2016, occupy a distinctive middle position on the spectrum of Jewish observance in , characterized by selective and variable adherence to religious traditions rather than strict halakhic compliance or wholesale rejection of ritual. This sets them apart from Hilonim (secular Jews, 49%), who prioritize ancestry and culture over —83% define Jewishness this way—and demonstrate minimal practices, such as 95% traveling by vehicle on the and only 1% praying daily. In contrast, Masortim affirm religious elements more robustly, with 53% traveling on the (indicating partial rather than full observance) and 21% engaging in daily , while 51% rate as somewhat important in their lives. Relative to Dati (religious Zionists, 13%) and Haredi (ultra-Orthodox, 9%), Masortim exhibit less comprehensive commitment to Orthodox standards; Dati individuals maintain near-zero Sabbath travel and 58% daily , viewing Jewishness primarily as a religious (52%), while Haredi rates reach 76% for daily and emphasize with 90% of friendships confined to their group. Masortim, by comparison, display internal diversity in practices—such as keeping kosher at home but not always in public—and foster broader social networks, with only 48% of friends sharing their subgroup identity, reflecting greater integration into secular society including routine , unlike the frequent exemptions among Haredi. Demographically, Masortim are disproportionately of Mizrahi (Oriental Jewish) origin, often tracing roots to North African and Middle Eastern communities, which correlates with their cultural emphasis on familial customs over doctrinal rigor—a less pronounced among the more Ashkenazi-dominant Hilonim and Haredi. Politically moderate (52% centrist), they diverge from Dati right-leaning tendencies (56% self-identify as right-wing) and Haredi insularity, yet share Hilonim openness to while resisting full . This hybrid identity fosters higher intergroup marriage rates (35% with Dati or Hiloni) than the endogamous patterns of other subgroups (85-95% intra-group).

Historical Development

Roots in Pre-State Jewish Communities

The Sephardic Jewish communities of the , present in since the medieval period and comprising a significant portion of the pre-Zionist Jewish population, embodied early forms of traditional Jewish life that foreshadowed Masortim practices. These groups, including Musta'arabim who had adopted language and customs, numbered around 10,000-15,000 by the mid-19th century and focused on religious study, prayer, and communal observance while engaging in trade and craftsmanship to supplement charitable support from abroad. Unlike the more insular Ashkenazi , Sephardim maintained a pragmatic approach to , prioritizing community welfare and local interactions in cities like , , , and , which allowed for selective adherence to rituals amid economic necessities. During the late Ottoman and British Mandate eras (1882-1948), additional Mizrahi immigrants from regions like , , and reinforced this traditional ethos, arriving in waves totaling several thousand prior to statehood. , for instance, began settling in from 1881 onward, with notable groups of 200-500 arriving in the and , bringing devout yet folk-oriented customs such as distinctive prayer melodies and lifecycle rituals that emphasized familial and cultural continuity over strict rabbinic stringency. These newcomers often worked in agriculture or urban trades under Zionist auspices, exposing them to secular influences while preserving observance, kosher dietary habits, and synagogue attendance as core identifiers, distinct from the ideological of European Zionist pioneers. This pre-state mosaic of Sephardic and early Mizrahi communities laid the groundwork for Masortim identity by modeling a that integrated religious traditions with adaptive, non-isolationist lifestyles, contrasting with both the ultra-Orthodox withdrawal from modernity and the rejection of ritual by Labor Zionists. By , these groups represented a minority within the Yishuv's roughly 650,000 but provided cultural continuity for post-independence traditionalism, particularly as mass Mizrahi immigration amplified their influence. Their emphasis on empirical communal needs over abstract doctrinal purity—evident in flexible interpretations of work prohibitions for sustenance—mirrored causal patterns of survival in multicultural , where full orthodoxy was often untenable without external support.

Post-1948 Immigration and Formation

Following the establishment of the State of in May 1948, mass immigration from Arab and Muslim-majority countries significantly shaped the emergence of Masortim as a distinct sociological and self-identified group within Israeli Jewish society. Between 1948 and 1951 alone, approximately 331,000 arrived from and , predominantly Mizrahi communities from nations such as , , , and , comprising the majority of these immigrants. Overall, nearly 600,000 immigrated to from 1948 to 1972, fleeing persecution, pogroms, and expulsions amid rising and the Arab-Israeli conflict. These newcomers brought entrenched cultural traditions rooted in pre-modern Jewish life under Islamic rule, where religious observance was woven into communal and familial customs rather than formalized rabbinic . In contrast to the predominantly secular Ashkenazi founding elite, who prioritized modernization and the negation of traditions, Mizrahi immigrants maintained pragmatic religious practices, such as home-based kosher observance, holiday celebrations, and veneration of saintly figures through pilgrimages, even as they adapted to urban labor and state institutions. This persistence stemmed from a integrating Jewish with everyday and family authority, resisting the Zionist establishment's secularizing policies in transit camps and development towns, where efforts to erode traditional attire, attendance, and customs met partial success but failed to eliminate core identities. Scholarly analyses, such as those by Moshe Shokeid, highlight how these immigrants redirected inward, preserving it against external pressures, which differentiated them from both fully observant Datiim and non-observant Hilonim. The Masortim category crystallized in the decades following these waves as a response to this cultural friction, encompassing Jews—initially over 50% Mizrahi—who self-defined through selective traditionality, neither embracing strict halachic stringency nor wholesale secularism. By the 1980s, surveys like those from the Guttman Center documented Masortim as roughly one-third of Israeli Jews, with Mizrahi heritage correlating strongly with this identity due to intergenerational transmission of customs amid socioeconomic mobility. This formation reflected not ideological innovation but empirical adaptation: traditionalism as a bulwark against assimilation, fostering a hybrid identity that critiqued secular Zionism's moral voids while avoiding ultra-Orthodox isolation.

Demographics and Distribution

In a 2016 comprehensive survey by the , 29% of self-identified as Masortim (traditional), making them the second-largest subgroup after secular Hilonim. This figure equated to approximately 1.8 million individuals at the time, given Israel's Jewish population of around 6.3 million. More recent assessments indicate a contraction in unequivocal Masortim self-identification, with analyses placing it at about 19% of as of the early 2020s. Israel's Jewish population has since grown to 7.2 million as of 2023, suggesting a current Masortim population in the range of 1.4 million, though precise enumeration varies by and definitions of traditional observance. Demographic trends reflect a gradual decline in the Masortim share, driven by intra-Jewish religious switching: a 2025 Pew analysis found that 22% of changed subgroups since childhood, with 10% raised as Masortim shifting away—predominantly toward secular identities. This pattern is more pronounced among younger adults under 35 (8% switching rate overall, but with net outflow from traditional categories) and those attaining higher education, where retention as Masortim drops below 50%. Conversely, while secondary affinity for Masortiyut (traditionalism as an adjective) remains broader at around 45%, primary group identification continues to erode amid broader pressures.

Ethnic Composition and Regional Variations

Masortim predominantly trace their ethnic origins to Mizrahi Jewish communities from , the , and parts of , whose immigration to Israel after 1948 shaped the group's traditionalist identity amid selective retention of religious customs. A 2020 Israeli Social Survey indicated that 46% of self-identified Masortim are children of Mizrahi fathers originating from these regions. This association stems from the mass influx of over 600,000 from Arab countries between 1948 and the early 1970s, many of whom settled in peripheral development towns and maintained cultural-religious rather than full or . While historically tied to Mizrahiyut, Masorti identification has broadened beyond ethnic exclusivity; Pew Research Center's 2016 survey of revealed that Sephardi/Mizrahi respondents were more likely to self-identify as Masortim (35%) compared to (24%), with mixed-ancestry groups falling in between at around 32%. Approximately half of Masortim exhibit diverse ethnic backgrounds, including growing Ashkenazi participation, reflecting intergenerational shifts and that dilute strict ethnic correlations. Regional variations mirror these ethnic patterns, with higher concentrations of Masortim in Israel's periphery—such as the Southern (Negev) and Northern (Galilee) districts—where post-independence Mizrahi settlements predominate in development towns like Dimona, Ofakim, and Beit She'an. These areas contrast with the more secular Central District (including Tel Aviv) and Orthodox-heavy Jerusalem District, where Masortim form smaller shares of the Jewish population (under 25% in urban cores per aggregated CBS social surveys). In peripheral locales, Masortim often comprise 30-40% of local Jews, sustaining community synagogues and festivals amid socioeconomic challenges, whereas metropolitan shifts toward higher education correlate with transitions to hiloni (secular) self-identification among younger Masortim.

Practices and Traditions

Religious Observance Patterns

Masortim in Israel exhibit moderate and selective religious observance, adhering to many traditional practices at home and during major holidays while showing flexibility in daily or public settings. According to a 2016 survey of , 57% of Masortim report observing all or most Jewish traditions, positioning them between the near-universal adherence of Haredim and Datiim (over 98%) and the minimal observance of Hilonim (3%). This pattern reflects a cultural commitment to rather than strict halakhic compliance, with practices often varying by gender, family background, and regional influences. Shabbat observance among Masortim is partial, emphasizing symbolic rituals over comprehensive restrictions. Eighty-five percent light candles on Friday evenings always or usually, a practice nearly universal among Orthodox groups but far higher than the 20% among secular Jews. However, only 41% consistently refrain from travel by car, bus, or train, with 53% engaging in such activity; similarly, 58% of Masorti men and 48% of women avoid handling money, indicating gendered differences in adherence. Synagogue attendance is limited, with 32% participating weekly or more, compared to 74-85% among Datiim and Haredim. Kashrut observance is stronger in domestic settings, where 86% maintain kosher homes, though this drops to 69% for eating out, reflecting pragmatic adaptations to modern life. This contrasts with full compliance among Orthodox Jews (100%) and minimal home observance among Hilonim (33%). Holiday participation remains robust: 83% fast all day on , and nearly all attend or host Seders, underscoring communal and familial priorities over individualized piety. Daily prayer and are less common, with only 21% reading religious texts weekly or more. Head coverings, a marker of public , are worn by 43% of Masorti men (any type) and just 11% of women, far below Orthodox rates (97% men among Datiim, 62% women). These patterns highlight Masortim's integration of tradition into secular lifestyles, with empirical data suggesting causal links to ethnic origins—such as higher observance among Mizrahi Masortim from traditional Middle Eastern communities—though self-reported surveys may understate inconsistencies due to .

Cultural and Familial Customs

Masortim emphasize familial continuity through selective adherence to Jewish traditions, often prioritizing cultural and communal expressions over rigorous halachic observance in daily life. Lifecycle events such as (circumcision of male infants on the eighth day), bar mitzvah ceremonies for boys at age 13, and weddings are typically conducted in an Orthodox framework, featuring rabbinical officiation and ritual elements to maintain familial and communal cohesion, even among those with lax personal practices. This approach reflects a pragmatic loyalty to ancestral customs, particularly among Mizrahi-descended families, where such rites reinforce ethnic identity and social bonds. In household settings, kosher observance is widespread, with 86% of Masortim maintaining at home, though only 69% extend it beyond the domestic sphere, allowing flexibility in familial meals that blend traditional foods with modern influences. customs center on family gatherings, including candle lighting (practiced by a majority) and refraining from handling —reported by 58% of Masorti men—while many engage in travel or other activities prohibited in stricter observance. These patterns underscore a familial of partial participation, fostering intergenerational transmission without imposing full . Holiday celebrations form a cornerstone of Masorti family life, with near-universal hosting or attendance at seders (aligning with the 93% national rate among , elevated among traditionals) and widespread on (83% nationally, with Masortim showing strong compliance). involves lighting candles for most families, often accompanied by communal meals emphasizing Mizrahi culinary traditions like rice and legumes, permitted under local customs. These events prioritize familial reunion and cultural reenactment over synagogue-centric piety, serving as vehicles for identity reinforcement amid secular pressures.

Social and Political Dimensions

Community Interactions and Identity

Masortim, comprising approximately 29% of as of 2016, define their identity through a flexible traditionalism that prioritizes cultural and ancestral ties to over strict religious dogma. Surveys indicate that 41% view Jewishness primarily in terms of ancestry or , while 24% emphasize as the core element, reflecting a that integrates selective observance with everyday secular influences. This approach fosters a "soft identity" centered on innate belonging to the Jewish collective, eschewing ideological extremes in favor of communal harmony and national cohesion within Israel's Jewish-democratic framework. A key marker of Masorti identity is the valuation of familial and transmissive practices; 73% identify strong family bonds as essential to being Jewish, with over half prioritizing the passing of traditions to children. While 42% deem adherence to halakha (Jewish law) central to Jewishness, actual observance varies widely, often adapting to modern life without full orthodoxy, which underscores a pragmatic realism over absolutist standards. Pride in is near-universal at 98%, though only 68% rate it as very important personally, distinguishing Masortim from more fervent subgroups like Haredim or Datiim. In community interactions, Masortim demonstrate greater cross-group permeability than other Jewish subgroups, aligning with their middle-ground positioning. Only 48% report that all or most close friends are fellow Masortim, positioning them as the most intermingled in social networks compared to 90% of Hilonim (secular) or 89% of Haredim who primarily befriend co-religionists. Marital patterns reflect this openness, with 36% of married or cohabiting Masortim partnered with non-Masortim Jews, versus 95% among Haredim. This fluidity extends to tolerance for diverse lifestyles, as Masortim consistently affirm the of conservative communities to uphold their practices, contributing to broader societal bridging amid Israel's religious divides.

Electoral and Policy Influence

Masortim, comprising approximately 33% of Israel's Jewish population as of 2020 Central Bureau of Statistics data, exert significant electoral influence due to their size and heterogeneous voting behavior, often acting as swing voters between right-wing and centrist blocs. In the March 2021 elections, 48% supported the Netanyahu-led bloc (primarily , with 56% of Masorti votes going to ), 37% backed anti-Netanyahu parties (such as at 11%), and 14% voted for , highlighting their lack of monolithic alignment compared to secular Jews (76% anti-Netanyahu) or Haredim (96% pro-Netanyahu). This fragmentation positions Masortim as decisive in close races, as their preferences can tip balances toward nationalist or moderate coalitions without the ideological rigidity of more observant groups. Historical patterns reinforce this role; a 2013 survey found 31% of self-identified traditional Jews favoring the -Yisrael Beytenu alliance, far outpacing support for left-leaning parties like Labor (5%), while remaining undecided at 36%, underscoring their potential to mobilize toward right-nationalist platforms. Masortim's lean toward and similar parties stems partly from ethnic composition, with many Mizrahi traditionalists prioritizing security and cultural preservation over secular-liberal agendas. In the 2022 elections, which saw a rightward shift securing 64 seats for the incoming , Masortim's consistent preference for such blocs contributed to outcomes favoring policies on settlement expansion and security, though specific breakdowns remain consistent with prior swings. On policy, Masortim advocate a balanced approach to religion-state relations, favoring preservation of Jewish traditions without Haredi-style enforcement or full secularization, influencing debates on issues like observance and conversions. A 2023 survey indicated 57% believe Jewish interests should inform Israel's religion-state policies, promoting pluralism over coercion and supporting democratic norms such as public transport on while opposing exemptions from . Their electoral weight has sustained the status quo on rabbinical for personal status matters, resisting reforms that might erode traditional practices, yet they back civil alternatives for non-Orthodox streams to accommodate diverse observance. This moderate stance tempers demands, as seen in governments relying on Masorti votes to negotiate compromises on draft laws and kosher certification, preventing extremes in either direction.

Criticisms and Controversies

Orthodox Critiques on Observance Standards

Orthodox Jewish authorities, including Haredi and Dati Leumi rabbis, frequently criticize Masortim for engaging in selective observance of , arguing that such inconsistency represents a form of that undermines the Torah's and fosters spiritual complacency. This view posits that choosing which mitzvot to uphold—such as maintaining kosher homes while disregarding full prohibitions or consistent use—implies a human judgment superior to divine command, effectively rewriting religious obligations rather than submitting to them fully. For instance, rabbinic commentators contend that partial adherence creates a false sense of fulfillment, discouraging deeper commitment and accelerating assimilation, as families transmit diluted practices to subsequent generations without the rigor needed for preservation. In the Israeli context, this critique extends to Masortim's medium-level practices, where empirical data shows lower rates of daily prayer (around 53% less frequent than among Datiim) and inconsistent Shabbat observance, yet claims to traditional identity persist. Haredi leaders, in particular, view this as "Jewish Lite," a superficial engagement that endangers communal standards by influencing public policy—such as advocating for flexible conversion or marriage criteria—without upholding Orthodox benchmarks, thereby diluting the Chief Rabbinate's halakhic oversight. Dati Leumi perspectives similarly highlight the risk of such selectivity eroding national religious cohesion, as Masortim's ambivalence toward full halakha contributes to broader societal fragmentation between observance and secularism. Proponents of these critiques, drawing from classical sources like the Rambam, emphasize that while any mitzvah performance merits reward, systemic selectivity signals rejection of halakha's binding nature, preferring outright —which avoids pretense—over a hybrid that rationalizes transgression. This stance has practical implications, including Orthodox non-recognition of Masortim-led religious acts and calls for to encourage full teshuva rather than accommodation of inconsistent standards.

Secular Perspectives on Inconsistency

Secular frequently characterize Masortim's religious practices as inconsistent due to their selective adherence to Jewish traditions, which blends elements of observance with modern secular behaviors without a unified doctrinal framework. This perception arises from observations of Masortim engaging in activities such as attending services on morning followed by attending soccer matches in the afternoon, or participating in holiday celebrations while permitting personal deviations like turning on a radio during Simhat Torah festivities. Moshe Shokeid has noted that traditional , including Masortim, "never developed a consistent set of behavioral rules or philosophical justifications to their mixed secularist-religious style," a view echoed in broader Israeli discourse where such practices defy the rigid religious-secular . This selective observance extends to public policy preferences, where Masortim often support state-enforced religious norms—such as restrictions on public transportation or commerce on —despite personal non-compliance, like driving automobiles on the same day. Surveys indicate that among Masortim, 53% report traveling by car on , yet a comparable proportion may favor policies limiting secular conveniences for others, leading secular critics to label this as opportunistic or hypocritical enforcement of traditions they do not fully uphold privately. Secular commentators argue that this approach undermines rational , prioritizing cultural over consistent application of halakhic standards, and perpetuates tensions in Israel's religiously divided . Critics from secular perspectives, including academics and public intellectuals, contend that Masortim's "medium level" of —characterized by irregular (less frequent than among Datiim) and partial holiday observance—reflects not authentic but a pragmatic ethnic identity that cherry-picks rituals for social cohesion without theological rigor. This viewpoint posits that such inconsistency erodes the credibility of religious claims in national debates, as Masortim's varying observance rates (e.g., higher among Mizrahi than Ashkenazi subgroups) appear driven by familial habit rather than principled commitment, fostering accusations of masquerading as tradition. In ethnographic analyses, this is framed as a challenge to secular , which demands all-or-nothing adherence to avoid perceived arbitrariness in blending with .

Debates on Cultural Preservation vs. Assimilation

Masortim, comprising approximately 29% of Israel's Jewish population as of recent surveys, occupy a middle ground in , selectively observing traditions such as holiday celebrations and partial Shabbat adherence while integrating into modern secular society. This positioning fuels debates over whether their approach bolsters cultural preservation by embedding Jewish customs into everyday life without rigid , or instead enables assimilation by diluting halachic standards under modernization pressures. Proponents of preservation, often Masortim themselves, contend that their "traditionism" sustains an authentic Jewish-national ethos, critiquing dominant secular culture for severing ethno-religious roots and promoting a homogenized identity that erodes and rituals. Empirical evidence highlights assimilation risks, with Pew Research indicating that 7% of raised as Masortim now identify as secular (), contributing to a lower retention rate of around 60% for the group compared to 93% for . This outflow, particularly among younger generations exposed to urban secular influences, suggests selective observance may serve as a transitional phase toward full rather than stable preservation, as children of Masortim disproportionately shift to less observant categories. Orthodox critics argue this inconsistency undermines long-term cultural continuity, viewing Masortim practices as a compromised "folk religion" prone to erosion without authoritative halachic enforcement, potentially accelerating identity dilution in a state blending Jewish symbols with liberal . Conversely, Masorti advocates emphasize resilience, noting that traditionists maintain higher attachment to Jewish symbols—like prioritizing over Israeli (59% vs. lower among hilonim)—and resist full assimilation by embedding customs in family and community life, even as external pressures like intermarriage rates (low at under 2% among overall) limit broader erosion. These debates reflect broader tensions in Israeli society, where Masortim's fluidity is praised for adaptability in a diverse but faulted for lacking the doctrinal anchors needed to counter secular drift, with demographic trends showing stable but not growing proportions amid rising haredi and dati shares.

Religious Mobility and Switching

Approximately 60% of raised as Masortim retain that identification into adulthood, reflecting moderate stability within the category but also notable fluidity compared to more extreme groups like Haredim (over 90% retention) or (93% retention). Among those who switch, the predominant direction is toward less observance, with 7% of all raised Masorti now identifying as (secular), contributing to a net loss for the Masorti sector. In contrast, shifts to greater observance are rarer, comprising about 3% who move to Dati or Haredi identities. Masortim serve as a transitional group, experiencing inflows from more religious upbringings; for instance, around 33% of those raised in religious (Dati) homes adopt a Masorti , providing some offset to outflows. Overall, 22% of change subgroups within , with Masortim accounting for 10% of switchers, often toward amid broader societal pressures like and . Switching rates decline with younger cohorts—33% among those aged 50 and older versus 8% under 35—indicating potential stabilization, though the directional bias toward reduced observance persists. Cross-religion conversion remains negligible, with fewer than 1% of those raised disaffiliating entirely from , underscoring the category's resilience against total abandonment despite internal mobility. These patterns align with empirical surveys tracking self-identification changes, highlighting causal factors such as familial influence weakening under modern influences, though Masortim's cultural embeddedness limits drastic shifts.

Impact of Modernization and External Pressures

Modernization in , characterized by rapid , technological advancement, and into global markets, has exerted significant pressure on Masortim by promoting lifestyles incompatible with full traditional observance. For example, the demands of a 24/7 have led to widespread selective compliance with restrictions, with only about 24% of Masortim consistently avoiding public transportation on the , despite higher rates of home-based kosher observance at 76%. This erosion reflects broader secular influences from and media exposure, which encourage individualistic interpretations of over halakhic stringency, contributing to a gradual shift where younger Masortim increasingly prioritize professional and . External pressures, including mass immigration waves such as the influx from the former comprising over 1 million newcomers—many of whom identified as culturally Jewish but minimally observant—have diluted traditional communal boundaries and amplified secular norms within mixed neighborhoods. These demographic shifts, combined with geopolitical stresses like ongoing security conflicts, have paradoxically reinforced ethnic for some Masortim while prompting others toward assimilation for social cohesion, as evidenced by stable but internally heterogeneous self-identification rates around 29% in mid-2010s surveys. However, Masortim demonstrate relative resilience against full , with 80% of those raised in the group retaining the identity into adulthood, distinguishing them from higher outflow rates among Dati (40% shifting to less observant categories). Globalization and digital connectivity further challenge Masortim by exposing communities to liberal Western values on family structure and gender roles, potentially accelerating intermarriage rates—estimated at 10-15% among non-Haredi —and cultural hybridization, though national tied to state institutions mitigates complete detachment from . Recent indicate a slight decline in unequivocal Masorti self-identification to 19% amid these forces, attributed partly to polarization toward either secularism or stricter Dati observance, yet without corresponding drops in core practices like holiday participation. These pressures underscore Masortiyut's adaptive tension between preserving inherited customs and navigating a modern state where economic imperatives often supersede ritual fidelity.

References

  1. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2016/09/27/american-and-israeli-jews-twin-portraits-from-pew-research-center-surveys/
  2. https://forward.com/news/335410/pew-report-meet-the-masorti-israels-traditional-tribe/
  3. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2016/03/08/israels-religiously-divided-society/
  4. https://boundlessisrael.org/paper/95/details
  5. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2016/03/08/in-israel-jews-are-united-by-homeland-but-divided-into-very-different-groups/
  6. https://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/old-yishuv-palestine-at-end-of-ottoman-period
  7. https://www.palestine-studies.org/en/node/78044
  8. https://cmes.fas.harvard.edu/publications/how-locals-became-settlers-mizrahi-jews-and-bodily-capital-palestine-1908-1948
  9. https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-jewish-community-under-the-palestine-mandate
  10. https://www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/JVP-Jews-of-the-middle-east-fact-sheet.pdf
  11. https://unpacked.media/who-are-the-mizrahi-jews/
  12. https://www.bjpa.org/content/upload/bjpa/beyo/Beyond%20the%20Religious-Secular%20FINAL%20REVISION.pdf
  13. https://www.jewishagency.org/jewish-population-rises-to-15-7-million-worldwide-in-2023/
  14. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2025/03/26/4-facts-about-religious-switching-within-judaism-in-israel/
  15. https://jppi.org.il/en/%25D7%2594%25D7%259E%25D7%25A1%25D7%2595%25D7%25A8%25D7%25AA%25D7%2599%25D7%259D/s/3.1.2/
  16. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2016/03/08/jewish-beliefs-and-practices/
  17. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2016/03/08/identity/
  18. https://jppi.org.il/en/%25D7%2594%25D7%259E%25D7%25A1%25D7%2595%25D7%25A8%25D7%25AA%25D7%2599%25D7%259D/s/4.4.1/
  19. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2016/04/04/religious-groups-in-israel-keep-to-themselves-when-it-comes-to-marriages-and-friendships-2/
  20. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2016/03/08/intergroup-marriage-and-friendship/
  21. https://jppi.org.il/en/%25D7%2594%25D7%259E%25D7%25A1%25D7%2595%25D7%25A8%25D7%25AA%25D7%2599%25D7%259D/s/3.2.4/
  22. https://en.idi.org.il/articles/39417
  23. https://www.algemeiner.com/2022/08/04/traditional-israeli-jews-have-decisive-influence-over-election-new-analysis-of-2020-vote-finds/
  24. https://www.timesofisrael.com/traditional-jews-vote-likud-beytenu-while-the-orthodox-choose-bennett/
  25. https://www.inss.org.il/publication/israel-elections-2022/
  26. https://ohr.edu/ask_db/ask_main.php/300/Q1/
  27. https://www.jpost.com/opinion/avoiding-depression-on-yom-kippur-376711
  28. https://www.asktherabbi.org/question/partial-observance/
  29. https://shs.cairn.info/revue-ethnologie-francaise-2013-4-page-583?lang=fr
  30. https://thelehrhaus.com/commentary/a-return-to-moderation-rabbi-lamms-passionate-plea-for-civility/
  31. https://www.policyarchive.org/download/13701
  32. https://shs.cairn.info/article/E_ETHN_134_0583/pdf?lang=en
  33. https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2016/03/Israel-Survey-Full-Report.pdf
  34. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13537903.2011.616041
  35. https://www.jewishwikipedia.info/ultra_orthodox_society_Israel.html
  36. https://jppi.org.il/en/%D7%94%D7%9E%D7%A1%D7%95%D7%A8%D7%AA%D7%99%D7%9D/s/5/
  37. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2016/03/08/religious-affiliation-and-conversion/
  38. https://momentmag.com/israel-secularizing-but-not-secular/
  39. https://www.ynetnews.com/jewish-world/article/hy3vcze6jg
  40. https://www.jstor.org/stable/jj.13083397
  41. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/289124368_Masortim_in_Israel_Modernity_without_Secularization_in_Hebrew_hmswrtym_bysrl_mwdrnywt_ll_hylwn
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.