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Military budget
Military budget
Military budget
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Military spending by country.
Global military expenditure in 2023

A military budget (or military expenditure), also known as a defense budget, is the amount of financial resources dedicated by a state to raising and maintaining an armed forces or other methods essential for defense purposes.

Financing militaries

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Military budgets often reflect how strongly a country perceives the likelihood of threats against it, or the amount of aggression it wishes to conjure. It also gives an idea of how much financing should be provided for the upcoming fiscal year. The size of a budget also reflects the country's ability to fund military activities.[1] Factors include the size of that country's economy, other financial demands on that entity, and the willingness of that entity's government or people to fund such military activity. Generally excluded from military expenditures is spending on internal law enforcement and disabled veteran rehabilitation. The effects of military expenditure on a nation's economy and society, and what determines military expenditure, are notable issues in political science and economics. Generally, some suggest military expenditure is a boost to local economies.[2] Still, others maintain military expenditure is a drag on development.[3]

Among the countries maintaining some of the world's largest military budgets, China, India, France, Germany, Japan, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States are frequently recognized to be great powers.[4]

In 2024, the United States spent 3.4% of its GDP on its military, while China 1.7%, Russia 7.1%, France 2.1%, United Kingdom 2.3%, India 2.3%, Israel 8.8%, South Korea 2.6% and Germany spent 1.9% of its GDP on defense.[5]

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, in 2024, total world military expenditure amounted to US$2.718 trillion. It increased 9.4 percent[6] over the previous year. With the Russo-Ukrainian War, European expenditures rose by 17 percent.[7]

Historic expenditure

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Military expenditure of the world from 1950 to 2022 in constant 2021 US$ billions
Defense spending in the UK over time
Main article: Past military expenditure by country

The Saturday Review magazine in February 1898 outlined the levels of military expenditure as a percentage of tax revenue spent by the then great powers for the year 1897:[8]

  • United States: 17%. (See Military budget of the United States.) The United States has fluctuated for decades, depending on the conflict of the time. The first spike in defense spending, and in turn taxes, came during the very beginning of the 19th century.[9] During World War I, the United States spent 22% of gross domestic product, while during peacetime, the government spent on as little as 1% Gross Domestic Product (GDP).[10] This changed following World War II as the United States government were experiencing an immense fear of the expansion of communism and therefore heightened security on all fronts. This was supported by Americans as it brought upon them a sense of security and the 3.6% GDP they were contributing to was a large decrease from the whopping amounts of capital being spent during WWII that exceeded 41%, before decreasing to 10% during the Cold War and for about two more decades after, including the Vietnam War, before beginning to decrease in the 1970s down to 6%, then 5.5% in 1979 before beginning to steadily incline once again.[10][9] After 2001, though, and the September 11 terrorist attacks, defense spending spiked again, peaking at 5.7% in 2010.[10]
  • Russian Empire: 21%
  • French Third Republic: 39%
  • British Empire: 39%
  • German Empire: 43%
  • Empire of Japan: 55%

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Military budget

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from Grokipedia
A military budget consists of all payments to meet the costs of forces, including personnel salaries, operational expenses, of equipment, maintenance, and research and development activities. Globally, military expenditure reached $2,718 billion in 2024, a 9.4 percent real-terms increase from 2023 and the steepest annual rise since the end of the , driven by conflicts in and the as well as escalating tensions between major powers. The led with $997 billion, comprising 37 percent of the world total and funding extensive capabilities, while and followed as the next largest spenders at approximately $296 billion and $109 billion respectively in 2023 figures adjusted for trends. As a percentage of GDP, military spending varies significantly, with at 37 percent in 2023 due to ongoing war, allies averaging around 2 percent amid commitments to reach that threshold, and the U.S. at about 3.4 percent, reflecting differing threat perceptions and strategic priorities. These budgets underpin through deterrence and readiness but frequently face scrutiny for inefficiencies, such as politically motivated allocations that prioritize domestic jobs over strategic needs, leading to wasteful projects and overruns. Empirically, sustained adequate funding has historically prevented costlier conflicts by maintaining military superiority, whereas chronic underinvestment correlates with vulnerability to aggression, as seen in interwar .

Definition and Components

Core Elements of Military Budgets

Military budgets encompass the financial resources allocated by governments to fund armed forces and related defense activities, typically disaggregated into standardized categories for comparability across nations. The (SIPRI) defines military expenditure to include all current and capital outlays on armed forces, defense ministries, paramilitary units trained for military roles, and military research and development, excluding and war damage payments. employs a similar framework, focusing on national government payments for equipment, infrastructure, personnel, and operations directly supporting military capabilities, reported in current prices and exchange rates. These categories enable analysis of how budgets prioritize sustaining forces versus investing in future capabilities. Personnel costs form a foundational element, covering salaries, , , pensions, and benefits for active-duty members, reservists, and defense employees. In many countries, this category absorbs 20-40% of total spending, reflecting the intensive nature of organizations where , retention, and welfare directly impact operational readiness. Operations and maintenance (O&M) expenditures support day-to-day functionality, including , supplies, transportation, facility upkeep, and exercises. This often represents the largest share in mature militaries, funding , sustainment of , and peacetime activities essential for deterrence and rapid response, though it can surge during conflicts to cover operations. Procurement involves capital investments in acquiring weapons systems, vehicles, , ships, and , aimed at modernizing inventories and addressing capability gaps. These outlays, typically 10-20% of budgets in advanced economies, prioritize platforms with long service lives, such as fighter jets or , and are influenced by technological competition and threat assessments. Research, development, test, and evaluation (R&D) funds innovation in like hypersonics, cyber defenses, and , enabling adaptation to evolving warfare domains. Allocations here, often 5-15% of budgets, underscore long-term strategic edges but face risks of cost overruns due to the inherent uncertainties of dual-use and classified projects. Military construction and infrastructure cover building and upgrading bases, , airfields, and support facilities, ensuring logistical resilience. This category, sometimes bundled with other capital expenses, supports force projection and survivability against peer adversaries. Other expenditures include support, space activities, and auxiliary costs not fitting primary categories, with SIPRI noting six total disaggregations for comprehensive tracking. Budgets may also incorporate supplemental or classified funds for contingencies, though transparency varies, complicating cross-national comparisons.

Measurement and Transparency Issues

Measurement of military budgets faces challenges due to varying definitions of what constitutes military expenditure across national and international sources. Organizations like the (SIPRI) adopt a broad definition that includes spending on armed forces, paramilitary forces where applicable, military research and development, and certain off-budget items such as supplementary appropriations for operations, while excluding veterans' benefits and past military aid. In contrast, national governments often report narrower figures limited to core defense ministry budgets, leading to discrepancies; for example, SIPRI's estimates for members frequently exceed official compilations because SIPRI incorporates additional expenditures like and some foreign aid with military components. These methodological differences complicate cross-country comparisons, as does the use of (PPP) adjustments for non-tradable goods like military labor, which can inflate estimates for low-wage economies by 10-70% relative to market exchange rates—yielding higher real spending figures for nations like and . Moreover, estimates of military expenditures differ across sources like SIPRI, Global Firepower, and Statista due to variations in calculation methods, exchange rate applications, inclusion or exclusion of aid and special funds, and transparency challenges, particularly for countries like China and Russia; SIPRI derives actual expenditures from open sources using a consistent broad definition, while Global Firepower relies on official budget estimates, and Statista aggregates data from multiple providers including SIPRI. Transparency issues exacerbate measurement inaccuracies, particularly in regimes with limited mechanisms. Authoritarian governments tend to provide less disaggregated data on budget breakdowns, such as contracts or personnel costs, compared to democracies, which correlates with higher risks of inefficiency and in spending allocation. For instance, China's official defense budget excludes significant paramilitary forces under the , dual-use research expenditures, and space-related programs, resulting in external estimates that are 40-50% higher than Beijing's reported $296 billion for 2024. Similarly, Russia's transparency has declined since its 2022 of , with increased reliance on classified "shadow" budgets obscuring the full scale of mobilization-related outlays beyond the official 6% of GDP. Classified and off-budget spending further hinders verifiable accounting in even democratic systems. , "black budgets" for intelligence and covert operations—estimated at tens of billions annually—remain shielded from public scrutiny to protect , though partial disclosures via leaks or reveal portions allocated to research on like unidentified aerial phenomena. Overseas contingency operations, such as those in and , historically bypassed regular budget cycles through supplemental appropriations, totaling over $2 trillion from 2001-2021 with limited real-time transparency on execution. International efforts, including reporting mechanisms, encourage voluntary disclosures but suffer from incomplete participation, as only about 70 countries submit annual military expenditure data, often in aggregated form that obscures line-item details essential for auditing efficiency. These opacity layers not only inflate uncertainty in global aggregates but also impede of spending's impact on military capability and economic trade-offs.

Global Overview

Top Spenders in 2024

In 2024, the five largest military spenders—the , , , , and —collectively accounted for 60% of the global total of $2,718 billion in military expenditure. The led with $997 billion, equivalent to 37% of worldwide spending and exceeding the combined expenditures of the subsequent nine largest spenders. China ranked second, allocating an estimated $314 billion, a 7% increase from 2023 driven by investments in advanced weaponry and personnel amid regional tensions. Russia's spending reached $149 billion, reflecting substantial escalation linked to its invasion of , though SIPRI notes challenges in verifying opaque official figures. followed with approximately $88 billion, bolstered by policy shifts toward higher defense commitments in response to European security threats. India's military outlays totaled $86.1 billion, a modest 1.6% rise, focused on border modernization and indigenous production capabilities. Among other notable spenders, the , , , , and featured prominently, with all 15 top global spenders recording increases except in isolated cases.
RankCountryExpenditure (USD billions)
1997
2314
3149
488
586.1

Projected Top Spenders in 2026

Actual military spending data for 2026 is not yet available. Projections from Global Firepower, based on their methodology which may differ from official sources such as SIPRI, estimate the top 10 defense spending countries as follows. For comparison, 2024 actual data from SIPRI showed the United States at $997 billion, China at $314 billion, and Russia at $149 billion.
RankCountryProjected Expenditure (USD billions)
1831.5
2303
3212.6
4127.4
5109
688.5
767.2
864
958
10Australia57.4
Global military expenditure in real terms declined following the end of the Cold War, with aggregate spending falling from peaks in the late 1980s amid reduced superpower rivalry. This downward trajectory persisted through the 1990s, stabilizing at lower levels in the early 2000s before modest increases linked to counter-terrorism operations. However, since 2015, world military outlays have risen annually, marking a decade of uninterrupted growth driven by resurgent geopolitical rivalries. In 2023, total global military spending reached $2,443 billion in constant 2023 prices, reflecting a 6.8 percent real-terms increase from —the sharpest year-on-year rise up to that point. This momentum accelerated in , with expenditure climbing to $2,718 billion, a 9.4 percent increase and the steepest annual jump since the Cold War's conclusion. Over the –2024 period, aggregate spending expanded by 37 percent, underscoring a structural shift toward higher baseline outlays amid conflicts in and the , NATO reinforcement commitments, and tensions in the . Regional trends in 2024 revealed pronounced variations in growth and burden. Europe experienced the fastest regional increase, propelled by security threats, with budgets nearly doubling in countries such as Poland and Germany. The Middle East registered the highest military spending as a share of GDP, surpassing 7% in several nations amid persistent conflicts. In the Asia-Pacific, China's steady expenditure growth was matched by elevations in Japan, South Korea, and India in response to regional tensions. The Americas comprised approximately 40% of global totals, led by the United States. Africa sustained relatively low overall spending but saw upticks in areas affected by conflict. These trends, tracked by the using consistent methodologies across consistent time series data from 1949 onward, highlight causal factors including Russia's 2022 invasion of —which prompted European nations to elevate defense budgets—and broader perceptions of eroding global stability. While post-Cold War demilitarization yielded temporary savings, recent escalations indicate a reversal, with 2024's global military burden rising to 2.5 percent of world GDP from 2.3 percent the prior year. Sustained increases risk diverting resources from development priorities, though proponents argue they deter aggression through credible deterrence.

Historical Context

Pre-20th Century Patterns

In ancient empires, military expenditures dominated state budgets due to the primacy of conquest and defense in sustaining power. In the from the 1st to 2nd centuries AD, military costs exceeded 50% of total revenues, primarily covering wages for 150,000-160,000 legionnaires and an equal number of , funded through tributes from conquered territories, agricultural taxes, and war spoils rather than extensive direct taxation. This pattern reflected causal imperatives of territorial expansion and internal security in pre-industrial economies, where armies consumed resources equivalent to a significant share of output, though precise GDP equivalents remain elusive due to limited economic data. Similar dynamics prevailed in other ancient polities, such as Persian and Hellenistic states, where tribute systems allocated disproportionate resources to standing forces and campaigns. Medieval Europe shifted toward decentralized funding mechanisms under , minimizing centralized cash budgets through obligations of in exchange for land grants. Lords and vassals provided knights and levies for limited campaigns, with rulers resorting to short-term taxes or (commutation fees) for prolonged efforts like the in the 11th-13th centuries, which escalated costs via hiring. This system constrained aggregate spending relative to later eras, as armies disbanded post-conflict and credit markets were underdeveloped, though military obligations effectively represented near-total government outlays where formal budgets existed. Empirical estimates suggest military efforts absorbed 100% of nascent state revenues during active warfare, underscoring the era's reliance on personal loyalties over fiscal extraction. The (c. 1500-1900) marked a transition to fiscal-military states with permanent standing armies, driving military shares of budgets to 70-90% in leading powers amid commercialization of warfare and interstate rivalry. In , expenditures rose from 29.4% of the budget (1535-1547) to 74.6% (1685-1813), financed by expanded taxation and public debt; the allocated 80-90% until the mid-17th century via investor-backed bonds. under devoted approximately 57% to war in 1683 and 52% in 1714, reflecting ballooning costs for larger forces—e.g., 100,000-200,000 men in the (1618-1648)—sustained by Colbertist tax reforms and loans, though frequent defaults highlighted fiscal strains. exemplified extremes, with military outlays comprising over 80% of revenues by the mid-18th century, enabling rapid but risking economic distortion. These trends, drawn from databases like the European State Finance Database, illustrate how professionalization and logistics compelled rulers to innovate revenue extraction, prefiguring 20th-century scales while remaining episodic in peacetime.

20th Century World Wars and Interwar Period

During , military expenditures among major belligerents surged dramatically as economies shifted to production, financed through taxes, bonds, and . France's military burden reached 43% of GDP, with defense accounting for 77% of . In the , spending peaked at 47% of GDP in 1918, reflecting the strain of prolonged mobilization. Germany's defense dominated its budget at 91% share, while the , entering late in 1917, saw its military burden average 7% of GDP over the conflict, with total costs equivalent to 52% of contemporaneous gross national product. These levels far exceeded pre-war norms, typically 2-5% of GDP, underscoring the unprecedented fiscal demands of industrialized warfare. In the interwar period from 1918 to 1939, military budgets initially contracted sharply due to demobilization and economic pressures, including the Great Depression, with global spending falling over 80% in major European powers within five years of the armistice. The United States maintained spending at 1-2% of GDP in the 1920s and 2-3% in the 1930s. Disarmament initiatives, such as the 1922 Washington Naval Treaty limiting capital ships and the 1930 London Naval Treaty, aimed to curb naval arms races, but compliance eroded amid rising tensions. Revisionist powers accelerated rearmament: Germany's military burden rose from 1.6% of GDP in 1933 to 18.9% by 1938, defying Versailles restrictions; Japan reached 22.7% in 1938 following its 1931 Manchurian invasion; France hovered at 7.2%, while the UK delayed significant increases until 1938, keeping levels below 5% earlier in the decade. World War II propelled military outlays to even greater heights, with governments prioritizing war production over civilian needs, often exceeding 40% of GDP. The escalated from 1.7% in 1939 to a peak of 41% by 1945, totaling over $4 trillion in adjusted terms. The United Kingdom hit 45-52% of GDP, 50% on average (peaking near 75% in 1944), and the [Soviet Union](/page/Soviet Union) 44%, reflecting total mobilization where defense shares of budgets exceeded 60-70% in most cases. These expenditures, financed heavily by and , dwarfed interwar figures and highlighted the causal link between geopolitical aggression and fiscal escalation, as aggressors like and outspent cautious democracies until full mobilization.

Cold War and Post-Cold War Shifts

During the Cold War, from 1947 to 1991, military budgets expanded significantly due to the U.S.-Soviet rivalry, with the United States maintaining defense spending at an average of approximately 8-10% of GDP from the 1950s through the Vietnam War era, peaking at over 15% during the Korean War in the early 1950s. By the late 1980s, U.S. spending hovered around 6% of GDP amid the Reagan administration's buildup to counter Soviet forces. Soviet military expenditure, estimated by open sources, reached about 15-20% of GDP, accounting for roughly 20% of global military spending by the Cold War's end, compared to the U.S. share of 36%. This bipolar competition drove worldwide military outlays to represent 4-5% of global GDP in the 1980s, prioritizing nuclear arsenals, conventional forces, and proxy conflicts. The in 1991 triggered a "," enabling sharp reductions in military budgets as the immediate threat of global superpower confrontation diminished. Global military spending declined by about 34% between 1986 and 1999, with procurement halved and employment in defense sectors reduced substantially. , defense outlays as a share of GDP fell from 5.2% in 1990 to around 3% by the late 1990s, freeing resources for domestic priorities while allies similarly downsized forces under frameworks like Britain's 1990 . Worldwide, the military burden dropped to about 2% of global GDP by the early 2000s, reflecting optimism about a unipolar era dominated by U.S. primacy and reduced great-power arms races. Post-Cold War trends shifted again after the September 11, 2001 attacks, with U.S. spending rising to fund operations in and , pushing the global total back toward 2.5% of GDP by 2008 before stabilizing. A decade-long decline followed until around 2015, but military expenditures have since surged, increasing 37% globally by to a record $2,718 billion—the steepest annual rise in 2024 at 9.4%—driven by renewed tensions including Russia's 2022 invasion of , China's military modernization, and regional conflicts. The world military burden reached 2.3% of GDP in 2023, exceeding Cold War-era averages in absolute terms due to economic growth, though percentages remain lower amid diversified threats like , cyber warfare, and peer competitors rather than singular ideological standoffs. These shifts underscore causal links between geopolitical stability and budget levels, with empirical data from sources like SIPRI highlighting how perceived threats directly correlate with expenditure patterns, independent of domestic political narratives.

Major National Examples

United States Military Budget

The allocates the largest military budget globally, comprising nearly 40 percent of worldwide military expenditures in 2023. For 2025, the Department of Defense requested $849.8 billion in base discretionary funding, enabling operations across active-duty forces, of advanced weaponry, and research into emerging technologies. This figure excludes supplemental appropriations for overseas contingencies, veterans' benefits, and Department of military activities, which can elevate total national defense outlays beyond $900 billion annually. As a share of , U.S. military spending stood at approximately 3.4 percent in 2024, lower than the 8-10 percent averages during the and era but sufficient to sustain a network of over 700 overseas bases and power projection capabilities unmatched by any other nation. Historically, U.S. defense outlays have fluctuated with geopolitical demands, spiking to 43 percent of GDP during before stabilizing at 3-5 percent post-1945 amid sustained commitments to and of Soviet expansion. Inflation-adjusted spending rose 62 percent from $506 billion in 1980 to $820 billion in 2023, driven by modernization needs and responses to post-9/11 conflicts, though it declined in real terms during the 1990s drawdown after the Cold War's end. Recent increases reflect strategic competition with and , with procurement emphasizing hypersonic missiles, sixth-generation fighters, and naval expansion to counter threats. The budget's composition prioritizes operational readiness and personnel costs. In 2024, operations and maintenance accounted for 38 percent of expenditures, funding , , and base sustainment, while and , development, test, and evaluation comprised about 30 percent combined for acquiring platforms like F-35 aircraft and Columbia-class submarines. Military personnel compensation, including pay and health benefits for 1.3 million active-duty members, represented roughly 25 percent, or $182 billion annually.
CategoryApproximate Share (2024)Key Allocations
Operations & Maintenance38%Fuel, repairs, training
Procurement15-20%Weapons systems, aircraft
Personnel25%Salaries, benefits
R&D10-15%Emerging tech, prototyping
Other (Construction, etc.)5-10%Facilities, revolving funds
This structure supports a force designed for deterrence and rapid global response, though audits have highlighted inefficiencies in contracting and supply chains, with the Pentagon failing comprehensive financial audits since their inception in 2017 due to outdated accounting systems. Congressional oversight via the annually scrutinizes allocations, balancing fiscal constraints with imperatives for technological superiority.

Chinese Military Expenditure

's official military budget, announced annually by the , reached 1.78 trillion yuan (approximately $246 billion USD) for 2025, reflecting a 7.2 percent increase from the previous year and marking the tenth consecutive year of single-digit growth. This figure encompasses expenditures on personnel, training, equipment, and operations for the (PLA), but excludes significant off-budget items such as funded through civilian ministries, contributions to paramilitary forces like the , and foreign arms acquisitions. The opacity of these disclosures limits precise accounting, as provides no detailed breakdown comparable to Western defense budgets, fostering reliance on external estimates for a fuller picture. Independent analyses consistently indicate that actual military outlays exceed official announcements by 40-90 percent when accounting for hidden expenditures. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) estimated China's 2024 spending at $314 billion, a 7 percent rise from 2023, driven by modernization priorities including naval expansion and missile programs. The U.S. Department of Defense's 2024 report on Chinese military power pegged the true budget at $330-450 billion for that year, incorporating dual-use infrastructure and science/technology investments that bolster military capabilities. Adjusting for purchasing power parity (PPP), which accounts for lower domestic costs in labor and materials, reveals even greater effective spending power. Estimates place China's PPP-adjusted 2024 defense outlays between $471 billion and $567 billion, narrowing the gap with U.S. levels but still trailing in absolute terms due to differences in force structure and operational demands. Over the past decade, real growth has outpaced nominal figures, fueled by economic expansion and strategic imperatives like territorial claims in the South China Sea and Taiwan contingencies, though as a share of GDP it has hovered around 1.7-2 percent. This sustained buildup supports PLA reforms initiated under Xi Jinping, emphasizing joint operations, cyber capabilities, and a blue-water navy, but raises concerns over transparency amid global tensions.
YearOfficial Budget (RMB trillion)Approximate USD (billion)Growth Rate (%)
20211.3552096.8
20221.4502307.1
20231.5552247.2
20241.6652327.2
20251.7802467.2

Russian and Other Key Players

Russia's military expenditure reached an estimated $149 billion in 2024, marking a 38 percent real-terms increase from 2023 and equivalent to 7.1 percent of its (GDP). This surge, more than double the 2015 level, has been driven primarily by the ongoing full-scale invasion of launched in February 2022, necessitating sustained of munitions, equipment, and personnel to maintain operational tempo despite high attrition rates. For 2025, Russia's planned total military outlays are estimated at 15.5 rubles (approximately $154 billion at current exchange rates), reflecting a modest 3.4 percent real increase over 2024, though official figures obscure some war-related spending reclassified under non-defense categories to mask the of commitments. Despite announcements of potential cuts in explicit national defense allocations from 2026 onward, the 2025 budget prioritizes war sustainment, with expenditures consuming over 40 percent of federal revenues and straining fiscal resources amid sanctions and economic adaptation via increased oil exports to non-Western buyers. Among other significant military spenders, ranked fifth globally in 2024 with $86.1 billion in expenditure, a 1.6 percent rise from the prior year, focused on modernization amid border tensions with and , including investments in indigenous production of , , and systems. , the seventh-largest spender at $80.3 billion, maintained high outlays equivalent to 7.3 percent of GDP to counter regional threats from and its proxies, funding advanced U.S. and European arms imports despite fluctuating oil revenues. The expended $81.8 billion, or 2.3 percent of GDP, upholding commitments and enhancing capabilities in response to Russian aggression, with plans for further increases toward 2.5 percent of GDP by the decade's end to bolster nuclear deterrence and expeditionary forces. These nations' budgets reflect strategic imperatives: India's on and regional balancing, 's on asymmetric defense against non-state actors and state rivals, and the UK's on interoperability and .

Financing Mechanisms

Primary Funding Sources

Military budgets are primarily financed through allocations from central government budgets, which are supported by domestic tax revenues, non-tax government income, and public sector borrowing. Tax revenues form the core foundation, encompassing personal income taxes, corporate profits taxes, payroll taxes, and indirect levies such as value-added or sales taxes; these collectively provide the bulk of fiscal resources in most nations, with military expenditures competing against other public priorities like social services and infrastructure. In fiscal year 2023, global military spending totaled approximately $2.44 trillion, largely drawn from such general revenues rather than dedicated military-specific taxes, though some countries impose selective levies during wartime or heightened threats. When tax and non-tax revenues prove insufficient—often due to competing demands or economic constraints—governments resort to borrowing via sovereign debt instruments, such as treasury bonds or bills, effectively deferring costs to future taxpayers through interest payments and principal repayment. This mechanism has been prevalent in deficit-financed budgets; for instance, , the 2024 national defense budget of $886 billion was partially covered by a federal deficit exceeding $1.8 , funded through net issuance of public debt held by investors. Borrowing predominates in advanced economies with established credit markets, allowing sustained defense outlays without immediate tax hikes, though it elevates long-term debt-to-GDP ratios and vulnerability to fluctuations. In resource-dependent economies, primary funding may include revenues from exports, such as oil and gas royalties or profits, which bypass broad taxation. , for example, allocated over 7% of its GDP to military spending in 2023, heavily reliant on hydrocarbon export earnings that constituted about 40% of , enabling outsized defense investments without proportional tax burdens on citizens. Similarly, draws significant portions from energy sector dividends, though sanctions have prompted shifts toward increased borrowing and domestic taxation since 2022. These resource-based models contrast with tax-heavy systems in and , where diversification reduces reliance on volatile commodities but heightens sensitivity to economic cycles and debates over tax rates. Foreign aid or international contributions represent marginal sources for most major militaries, typically limited to smaller states or alliance-specific funds like NATO's common budgets, which totaled €3.75 billion in 2024 from direct member state payments rather than loans or grants. Domestic arms sales or export revenues occasionally offset costs through offsets or reinvestments, but these do not constitute primary funding, serving instead as supplementary mechanisms. Overall, the blend of taxation and borrowing underscores a causal link between macroeconomic fiscal health and military capacity, with governments balancing immediate security needs against sustainability risks like or debt crises.

Budget Formulation and Oversight

In democratic nations, military budget formulation generally follows a multi-stage executive process aligned with strategies, culminating in legislative approval to ensure . This includes , resource prioritization, and fiscal allocation, often on an annual cycle, with legislatures exerting control through , appropriation, and powers. Oversight mechanisms encompass parliamentary committees, independent audits, and transparency mandates to verify expenditure alignment with policy goals and detect inefficiencies. The exemplifies this through the Department of Defense's Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution (PPBE) framework, established in the 1960s and refined over decades. Planning assesses threats and capabilities; programming develops multi-year program proposals; budgeting translates these into fiscal requests; and execution monitors implementation with adjustments for contingencies. The President submits the defense budget request to by the first Monday in February, covering the next starting October 1, such as the FY 2023 request overview detailing justifications for , operations, and personnel. Congressional oversight involves the House and Senate Armed Services Committees for policy review and Appropriations Committees for allocation, supplemented by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) for audits and the Department of Defense Inspector General for internal probes. For example, GAO reports from FY 2013 to 2023 documented $32.9 billion in fund realignments, reducing net by $5.4 billion and highlighting execution flexibilities. Recent reforms, including a 2024 commission proposal, aim to streamline PPBE amid criticisms of its rigidity in adapting to rapid threats. In non-democratic systems, formulation lacks independent legislative input, prioritizing executive directives with limited public scrutiny. China's process is directed by the Central Military Commission under control, with the annual budget announced at the in March—such as the 7.2% increase to approximately 1.67 trillion yuan ($230 billion) for 2025—but excludes significant off-budget elements like science and militia funding, rendering true oversight opaque and centralized. Russia's military budget, similarly executive-driven, receives rubber-stamp approval from the Federal Assembly, with growing classification post-2022 Ukraine invasion obscuring details; the 2025 allocation is estimated at 15.5 trillion rubles (about 3.4% real increase over 2024), funding and operations amid demands but with minimal external audits or transparency.

Economic and Strategic Rationales

Contributions to Security and Deterrence

Military expenditures enable the development and maintenance of forces capable of imposing high costs on potential aggressors, thereby deterring attacks through credible threats of retaliation or . This aligns with realist principles of , where relative power influences adversary calculations, reducing the likelihood of conflict initiation. Empirical analyses indicate that higher defense spending correlates with lower conflict probabilities. A study examining global data finds that a 12% increase in spending reduces the long-run probability of interstate conflict in democracies by approximately 3.6% relative to the baseline mean. Similarly, in regions prone to instability like , a 1% rise in the military spending-to-GDP ratio decreases conflict intensity, as measured by battle-related deaths. These findings hold after controlling for factors such as and alliances, suggesting a causal link via enhanced deterrence capabilities. During the , sustained high military budgets by the and allies exemplified deterrence in practice. U.S. defense spending averaged around 6-7% of GDP in the and 1960s, funding conventional forces, nuclear arsenals, and forward deployments that prevented direct Soviet incursions into despite ideological tensions. members collectively maintained expenditures above 3% of GDP, contributing to a stable balance that avoided escalation to general war. The Reagan administration's buildup, increasing the U.S. defense budget from $242 billion in fiscal year 1981 to $393 billion by 1989 (in constant dollars), pressured the Soviet economy—already burdened by its own 15-20% GDP allocation to military purposes—accelerating internal reforms and the eventual dissolution of the USSR without kinetic confrontation between superpowers. In contemporary contexts, robust military budgets continue to underpin deterrence against revisionist powers. Recent increases reflect the perceived end of the post-Cold War "peace dividend" era of reduced spending, rapid technological advancements in cyber capabilities, drones, and hypersonics requiring new investments for superiority, inflation in military costs exceeding general consumer price inflation, and prioritization of deterrence and readiness amid geopolitical tensions. The U.S. allocation of over $800 billion in 2023 supports global , including carrier strike groups and alliances like , which signal resolve against potential Chinese assertiveness in the . This posture has correlated with restraint in great-power interactions, as no peer competitor has initiated direct conflict with the U.S. or its core allies since , a period marked by American military predominance. While causation remains challenging to isolate amid confounding variables like nuclear weapons, the absence of observed invasions against well-armed democracies supports the efficacy of sustained investment in deterrent forces.

Economic Spillovers and Growth Effects

Military spending generates economic spillovers through direct fiscal multipliers, where increased and payrolls stimulate in supply chains, and indirect channels like technology diffusion from defense (R&D). Empirical estimates of fiscal multipliers for defense spending typically range from 0.6 to 1.6 in the short term (1-3 years), indicating that each spent may generate up to $1.60 in GDP output, though values often hover below or near unity due to partial crowding out of private investment. For instance, a model simulation of a 1% of GDP increase in military spending over three years yields a two-year GDP multiplier of 0.93, with effects peaking early before tapering due to higher rates and reduced consumption. These multipliers are generally lower than those for or spending (often 1.5-2.0), as defense outlays concentrate in specialized sectors with limited backward linkages to consumer goods. In advanced economies like members, short-run multipliers for military expenditures reach 1.5-1.6 in years two and three, driven by job creation in and services, but they decline thereafter as resources shift from higher-productivity civilian uses. Local U.S. studies from defense base expansions show income multipliers of 1.0-1.6, yet employment gains are modest at about four jobs per $1 million spent, reflecting leakages from imported inputs and skilled labor mobility. Cross-country analyses reveal heterogeneity: positive short-term growth in developing regions like MENA from 1990-2018, where military spending averaged 4-6% of GDP and supported industrialization, but neutral or negative long-term effects in nations due to opportunity costs. U.S. time-series data from 1947-2016 indicate no between defense outlays and GDP growth over extended horizons, suggesting spillovers do not persistently drive expansion. Defense R&D contributes distinct spillovers by accelerating civilian , with historical examples including the internet's origins in (funded by U.S. in the 1960s-1970s) and GPS technology developed for military navigation in the 1970s before commercial adoption. Quantitative evidence links a 1% rise in U.S. defense R&D to 0.01-0.02% long-run gains in affected industries, such as chemicals, via knowledge diffusion to private firms, though total spillovers have waned since the as dual-use technologies proliferate. In , defense-funded advancements in batteries, motors, and thermal management have transferred to automotive and sectors, yielding broader economic benefits estimated at 10-20% returns on public investment. However, surveys of the literature highlight challenges in isolating these effects, with recent studies increasingly finding net negative growth correlations from high military burdens (above 3-4% of GDP), as funds divert from and without commensurate offsets. Overall, while spillovers provide targeted gains, empirical consensus leans toward military spending yielding inferior growth effects compared to alternative public investments, contingent on institutional efficiency and geopolitical context.

Criticisms and Counterarguments

Allegations of Waste and Inefficiency

The (DoD) has faced persistent allegations of and inefficiency, exemplified by its failure to pass comprehensive financial . In November 2024, the DoD failed its seventh consecutive department-wide , with auditors unable to fully account for its $824 billion budget due to insufficient evidence on asset valuations, transaction completeness, and internal controls. These failures, as highlighted in Government Accountability Office () reports, signal vulnerabilities to , , and mismanagement, including untracked billions in transactions and discrepancies in property records. Specific programs underscore these issues. The F-35 Joint Strike Fighter modernization effort exceeded original estimates by over $6 billion as of September 2025, with delays pushing back technology upgrades and increasing lifecycle sustainment costs projected at more than $1.7 trillion through 2070. analyses in identified broader DoD-wide waste, such as improper payments and inefficient contracting, contributing to billions in avoidable expenditures annually. In , allegations center on systemic eroding efficiency despite rapid growth. High-profile purges, including the 2023 ousting of Defense Minister amid graft probes, have revealed inflated costs and substandard equipment, with studies estimating undermines spending effectiveness by diverting funds to patronage networks. The opacity of 's official expenditure figures—reported at $296 billion in 2023 by SIPRI estimates—exacerbates concerns, as unverified off-budget items may mask inefficiencies in modernization drives. Russia's military budget has drawn criticism for entrenched , particularly evident in its operations. scandals, such as the 2024 arrests of Deputy Defense Minister and others for bribes totaling millions, have led to procurement of faulty s, , and uniforms, resulting in operational failures like tire blowouts on . Despite increased spending to $109 billion in 2023, in the defense industry has yielded subpar equipment, with analysts attributing logistical breakdowns to diverted funds rather than strategic choices.

Debates on Opportunity Costs and Necessity

Critics of elevated budgets contend that such expenditures impose significant opportunity costs by reallocating funds from sectors like , , and , which empirical analyses suggest yield higher long-term economic returns, while also exacerbating public debt, hindering sustainable development goals, and diverting resources from climate action under SDG 13. For instance, a cross-country study of 116 nations from 1990 to 2018 found evidence of military spending crowding out expenditures, particularly in non-OECD countries, where a 1% increase in military share of GDP correlated with a 0.3-0.5% reduction in health spending share. Similarly, on 135 countries over 1992-2020 indicates that inefficient military sectors exacerbate growth drags by diverting resources from productive investments. These opportunity costs are amplified in resource-constrained environments, where military outlays—averaging 2.3% of global GDP in 2015 at $1,676 billion—could alternatively fund development initiatives with multiplier effects exceeding those of defense procurement. Proponents counter that military spending's necessity stems from deterrence against existential threats, arguing that underinvestment risks catastrophic conflicts whose economic toll dwarfs budgetary trade-offs. Post-Cold War expectations of a "peace dividend"—wherein reduced defense outlays post-1991 would boost growth through reallocation—largely failed to materialize, as U.S. spending dipped to 3% of GDP by the but rebounded amid operations in and , underscoring causal links between security vacuums and renewed escalations. IMF analyses affirm that ending conflicts yields growth gains via stability, yet historical data shows military restraint does not invariably prevent aggression, as seen in Russia's 2022 invasion of despite prior NATO spending cuts. In high-threat contexts, such as Israel's, comparative OECD data from 1980-2010 reveals minimal crowding out of health spending, suggesting adaptive budgeting preserves domestic priorities when threats necessitate robust defense. Debates intensify over growth impacts, with time-series evidence from U.S. data through 2023 indicating military expenditures generally impede GDP expansion by crowding private investment and fostering inefficiency, though disaggregated effects show R&D components occasionally spurring innovation. assessments highlight that while defense diverts from growth-optimal programs, its absence could erode the secure environment enabling commerce, as global trade relies on naval patrols and alliances deterring or blockades. Critics from libertarian perspectives, like those at the , advocate cuts to unsustainable levels—U.S. FY2025 requests exceeding $850 billion—citing fiscal unsustainability without commensurate security gains, yet conservative analyses rebut simplistic reductions as risking under-deterrence against peer competitors like , whose opaque budgets mask rapid modernization. Empirical surveys of military-growth links remain contested, with meta-analyses revealing negative net effects in peacetime but context-dependent positives during mobilization. These tensions reflect deeper causal realism: security as a public good underpins prosperity, yet bloated bureaucracies often inflate costs beyond marginal necessities, as evidenced by persistent inefficiencies in procurement where unit prices exceed commercial equivalents by factors of 2-5. Balanced reforms, per think tank proposals, could mitigate opportunity costs through efficiency audits without compromising deterrence, though ideological divides—evident in academia's tendency to overemphasize pacifist reallocations—complicate consensus.

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