Hubbry Logo
Mormonism and womenMormonism and womenMain
Open search
Mormonism and women
Community hub
Mormonism and women
logo
7 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Mormonism and women
Mormonism and women
from Wikipedia

The status of women in Mormonism has been a source of public debate since before the death of Joseph Smith in 1844. Various denominations within the Latter Day Saint movement have taken different paths on the subject of women and their role in the church and in society. Views range from the full equal status and ordination of women to the priesthood, as practiced by the Community of Christ, to a patriarchal system practiced by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), to the ultra-patriarchal plural marriage system practiced by the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (FLDS Church) and other Mormon fundamentalist groups.

Definition of women

[edit]

The LDS Church does not recognize trans women as women, but defines gender as the "biological sex at birth".[1] The church teaches that if a person is born intersex, the decision to determine the child's sex is left to the parents, with the guidance of medical professionals, and that such decisions can be made at birth or can be delayed until medically necessary.[2]

Women in LDS Church history

[edit]

Nineteenth and early 20th-century accounts of Latter-day Saint history often neglected women's role in founding the religion. The 1872 history The Rise, Progress, and Travels of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints does not name any women. The seven-volume history, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (1872) by B.H. Roberts only mentions a few women.[3][page needed] A notable exception to this was 19th century historian Edward Tullidge, who Claudia Bushman said "stood alone as a Mormon feminist historian before the revitalization of the women's movement in the 1970s."[4] However, a number of women had significant supporting roles; for example, Joseph Smith's wife, Emma Hale Smith, served as a scribe during translation of the Book of Mormon and was the subject of one of the church's early revelations, which included direction to compile the church's first hymnal.[5] Emma Smith also served as head of the Relief Society, originally a self-governing women's organization within the church, which is one of the oldest and largest women's organizations in the world.[6]

Women's suffrage

[edit]

In the secular sphere, Utah Territory was at the forefront of women's suffrage; in 1870, it became one of the first states or territories in the Union to grant women the vote,[7] though the federal government removed the franchise from women in 1887 via the Edmunds–Tucker Act. Education and scholarship was also a primary concern for Mormon women. Religious missions, like Bathsheba W. Smith's mission to southern Utah to preach "woman's rights", were launched.[8]: 318  The Woman's Exponent magazine, the unofficial publication of the Relief Society, published a 1920 editorial in favor of "equal rights before the law, equal pay for equal work, [and] equal political rights", stating that a women's place is not just "in the nursery" but "in the library, the laboratory, the observatory."[9]

In 1873, Ann Eliza Young gained national attention after she divorced and sued Brigham Young, who was President of the Church at the time. Ann Eliza accused Young of neglect, cruel treatment, and deserting herself and her children in the harsh conditions of frontier Utah.[10] In 1874, she became one of the first women to testify before the US Congress, and was influential in the antipolygamy legislation passed in the late 1800s.[11]

Late-19th-century Utah had the most liberal divorce laws in the United States at the time. The laws were advantageous to women: any woman who insisted on a divorce got one. The divorce rate in late 19th-century Utah came close to 30 percent. This divorce rate was inflated by people from other states seeking an easy divorce in Utah.[12] In 1896, Martha Hughes Cannon was the first woman in the nation elected to state senate. She ran against her husband.[13]

Laying on of hands and priesthood

[edit]

In the early church, women would sometimes lay hands on another person to give them a special "women's blessing". Patty Bartlett Sessions recorded giving and receiving blessings from other women in her work as a midwife,[14] as did Louisa Barnes Pratt in her life as a pioneer and a missionary.[15]: 153  While not given by virtue of priesthood ordination,[16][17][18] these "women's blessings" were a normal part of religion at the time.[15]: 153  Relief Society president Eliza Snow believed that women did not need to be "set apart" to officiate in temple ordinances or in administering to the sick.[6][19]: 92 She advised that women confide personal issues to the Relief Society president and her counselors, rather than the bishops.[6] Women also participated in the Anointed Quorum in the early church.[8]: 366 

Current LDS Church policy dictates that the act of giving blessings "by laying on of hands" is only to be performed by those ordained to offices in the Melchizedek priesthood, which offices are only held by men.[20] However, a 2015 essay published in The Gospel Topics section of the church's website states that while neither Joseph Smith nor any other church leader ordained women to the priesthood, women do exercise priesthood authority without ordination.[21]

Trans women may be able to receive the priesthood as long as they do not pursue medical, surgical, or social transitioning, as priesthood and temple ordinances are assigned according to birth sex.[1]

Polygamy

[edit]

The status of women in the LDS Church has been a source of public debate beginning in the 19th century, when the church found itself at odds with the United States federal government over its practice of polygamy.[a] Polygamy was introduced into the LDS Church when Joseph Smith prayed about the plural marriage as practiced in the Old Testament. The practice was established in the church in 1831. It continued until 1890 when Wilford Woodruff received a revelation, known as the "Manifesto", that stopped plural marriage. Following the Manifesto, many groups and individuals left the church in order to continue the practice; however, these groups have no affiliation with the church today.[22]

Although some church leaders are known to have large polygamous families, two-thirds of the men who practiced polygamy in the church only had two wives. Women were able to divorce their husbands. Among the church population as a whole, at its peak, only 25 to 30 percent of members were part of polygamist families by 1870.[23] Despite the legal and cultural issues related to the Mormon practice of polygamy, 19th-century women played a significant public leadership role in Latter-day Saint culture, politics, and doctrine.[7] Some view the role of women in the 19th-century church as the zenith of women's institutional and leadership participation in the church hierarchy.[24]: 239–64 [24]: 265–86 [25]

When speaking of polygamy, generally only two extremes are considered: "Mormon women were either highly empowered agents or submissive dupes." To note only these extremes, however, is to ignore that Mormon women chose to participate in polygamy and the fact that it was a part of their daily lives. Polygamy caused many women to grapple with their faith, but also allowed them to grow closer to God and to make and keep covenants.[3][page needed]

Women in polygamous relationships at the time described the experience as a great trial that taught them self-denial. Many were Protestant converts and believed that their suffering helped to purify them.[3]: 27  Even when the practice was established, it was not always accepted. Mothers discouraged their daughters from entering into plural relationships. For many, the decision to accept polygamy and practice it was an agonizing and difficult process that brought them closer to God. Some women did not accept polygamy at first and had to pray about, study, and question the practice before receiving an answer from God and accepting it.[3] Elizabeth Graham MacDonald saw polygamy as a form of discipline that taught her subordination to God and her family.[3]: 28  For some women, like Hannah Tapfield King, plural marriage was a way for women to obtain the highest blessings of salvation. King's husband was not a member of the church, and although he did convert, the couple was not able to be sealed in the temple. King was sealed to Brigham Young but only for the next life. She remained married to her husband throughout her life and never had relations with Young but was able to ensure blessings for herself through polygamy that she would not otherwise have received in this life. After accepting polygamy, Edith Turbin declared "I had rather to be the 20th wife of an honorably God-fearing Man, than to be the only wife of any one of two thirds of the Men in the world."[3]

Gender roles

[edit]

Ezra Taft Benson stated that women have qualities of faithfulness, benevolence, and charity that balance the "more aggressive and competitive nature of man". Speaking of women working in professions equal to men, Howard W. Hunter said, "I hope the time never comes when women will be brought down to the level with men, although they seem to be making these demands in meetings held ... all over the world."[26]

Church activity

[edit]

Ecclesiastically, the LDS Church is firmly committed to traditional gender roles. Women have a certain degree of authority in some areas, including leadership positions with authority over children and other women, although these women leaders receive supervision and guidance by male priesthood-holding leaders.[27][28] Women are "endowed" with priesthood power, but are not ordained to priesthood office.[8]: 366  Though not considered clergy, women play a significant part in the operation of local congregations[29] teaching classes to adults, teenagers, and children and organizing social, educational, and humanitarian activities. Women may also serve as missionaries, and a select few may perform certain ordinances such as washing and anointing on behalf of women in church temples.[6] Women who have had an abortion (except in the case of rape, incest, or when the mother's life is in danger) are usually excluded from missionary service, as are women who have borne a child out of wedlock, and women under 40 who have been divorced.[30] On October 6, 2012, church president Thomas S. Monson announced that all male missionaries, regardless of nation, could serve from age 18.[31] Prior to the announcement, members from some countries were allowed to serve from the younger age to avoid conflict with educational or military requirements.[32] It was also announced that young women may serve beginning at age 19 instead of 21.[31] Missions typically last two years for males, 18 months for females, and 1 to 3 years for older couples.

Aside from the years starting in 1967[19]: 26[33] until 1978[34][35] women have been allowed to pray in sacrament meetings. Women leaders have regularly given sermons at the church's semi-annual general conference, but it was not until 2013 that a woman was invited to pray during a general session of the conference.[36]

A survey conducted in 2012 of 500 Mormons in the United States showed that if they were married to a Latter-day Saint spouse, men and women had equal levels of church activity. Almost half of the men surveyed agreed that a good Latter-day Saint should obey without knowing why, while only 31 percent of women agreed. About 20 percent of the women stated that "women do not have enough say in the church."[3] A 2024 social media post stating, "There is no other religious organization in the world ... that has so broadly given power and authority to women", was met largely with a negative response, with many LDS women stating it was untrue.[37]

In 2019, it was announced that any baptized woman could serve as a witness for the baptism of a living person outside the temple, and any woman holding a current temple recommend, including a limited-use recommend, could be a witness for a proxy baptism for a deceased person, and any woman who was an endowed member with a current temple recommend could serve as a witness to sealing ordinances, living and proxy.[38] In 2023 a local practice in San Francisco of having women sit on the stand before the congregation along with the male "presiding authorities" was ended by a regional church authority.[37]

Marriage

[edit]

LDS Church leaders have taught on many occasions that a woman should obey her husband. Some examples from the 1800s include that of Orson Pratt who wrote in 1852 that a woman should not marry a man unless she "had fully resolved herself to submit herself wholly to his counsel, and let him govern as the head".[3]: 27  Additionally, apostles Heber C. Kimball and George A. Smith both taught in the temple in the 1840s that a wife must be "in subjection" to her husband.[39]: 145 [40][41]: 116  Young also taught in the temple that Adam only received the tokens of the priesthood after learning to not listen to his wife, and that women won't get back to God unless they follow a man back.[40][41]: 208  Because these teachings on women were given by top leaders in temple they became unquestioned parts of LDS culture.[40]

Other examples of teachings on LDS women in marriages include church president Harold B. Lee's 1972 article "Maintain Your Place as a Woman" which stated, "the wife is to obey the law of her husband" (with the caveat "only as he obeys the laws of God").[42] In contrast, Spencer W. Kimball said that a man "presides" rather than "rules".[43]: 18  Early prophet Brigham Young stated of his wives, "The influence of my women over me is no more than the buzzing of a fly's wing in winter." He also stated, "A woman is the dirtiest creature, dirtier than a man", and "Men are honest, but if a woman won't lie, she is a miracle."[44]

Initially, early church members defined "celestial marriage" as a polygamous relationship, but the term now refers to any marriage sealed in the temple.[45]: 144  After the Manifesto prohibiting plural marriage, members felt that there was a lack of available Mormon men for women to marry, even though there were a sufficient number. Fiction from the Young Woman's Journal attempts to make religious marriage attractive by describing it as romantic.[45] Unmarried LDS women are promised that if they are faithful, they will have the opportunity to marry in the afterlife.[45]

Same-sex marriage

[edit]

LDS women who are married to other women may receive church discipline including ex-communication.[46][47][48] In order to receive church ordinances such as baptism, and to enter church temples, women are required to abstain from sexual activity with other women.[49][50] Additionally, in the church's plan of salvation non-celibate lesbian individuals will not be allowed in the top tier of heaven to receive exaltation unless they repent, and a marriage to a man is a requirement for exaltation.[51][52] However, they are allowed to attend weekly church worship services.[53]

The church's policies and treatment of LGBT people has long been a source of controversy both within and outside the church.[54][55][56] They have also been a significant cause of disagreement and disaffection by members.[57][58][59] Transgender women are similarly barred from all temple ordinances including temple marriage as of 2023.[60][61]: 145 

Working and responsibility to children

[edit]

The Family: A Proclamation to the World states that "Mothers are primarily responsible for the nurture of their children",[62] and an article on women in the church on the official church website states that women have "the greater gift and responsibility for home and children and nurturing there and in other settings."[63] Numerous quotes from General Authorities support the assertion that women are fundamentally different from men, not just in their physical bodies, but in their spiritual makeup as well. Harold B. Lee said that women have a special "mother's intuition".[26]

Brigham Young said "As I have often told my sisters in the Female Relief Societies, we have sisters here who, if they had the privilege of studying, would make just as good mathematicians or accountants as any man; and we think they ought to have the privilege to study these branches of knowledge that they may develop the powers with which they are endowed. We believe that women are useful not only to sweep houses, wash dishes, make beds, and raise babies, but that they should stand behind the counter, study law or physic [medicine], or become good book-keepers and be able to do the business in any counting house, and this to enlarge their sphere of usefulness for the benefit of society at large".[64] Many women in Brigham Young's time worked; in 1874, Utah had a respectable class of literate and professional women and a visitor noted that no profession was closed to women.[65]: 510  After the church officially ended polygamy, church members adopted a more mainstream Victorian view towards women's work, which confined women's roles to the home.[66] By 1920, the church's ideals for women mirrored society's until the 1960s and 70s, when some Church leaders strongly advised against (presumably married) women working outside the home. Spencer W. Kimball said, "Numerous divorces can be traced directly to the day when the wife left the home and went out into the world into employment." Gordon B. Hinckley made allowances for single mothers and other women in similar circumstances: "I recognize [...] that there are some women (it has become very many, in fact) who have to work to provide for the needs of their families. To you I say, do the very best you can."[67] A 1986 Ensign article emphasized that husband and wife share the responsibility of providing for their children's temporal needs, and that each family would prayerfully decide if a mother would go to work.[68] Mormon women were to reject the secular values of individuality and devote themselves to the eternal women's roles of marriage, motherhood, and submissiveness.[13]

The messages of church leaders regarding working women were reflected in the Relief Society's housework curriculum. Throughout the 1950s, Relief Society lessons were written by career women who balanced home and work life.[69]: 208  Each lesson was listed with the author's name, allowing readers to match a name to the curriculum. However, by the 1970s, the church discontinued the lessons written by specific individuals and the use of an author's byline.[69]: 208  Relief Society lessons were then created to be messages from the church as a whole, "providing no individual model of a professional woman for others to know and follow".[69]: 208 

One 1990 study by Laurence Iannaccone found that starting in 1963, statements from church leaders were highly variable on women's topics. After Ezra Taft Benson's 1987 talk "To the Mothers in Zion" exhorting women to not work outside the home, many women quit their jobs and some women attending Brigham Young University (BYU) wondered if they should continue their studies. Then-BYU-president Jeffrey R. Holland stated that BYU especially welcomed women, and encouraged personal study and revelation about how to follow church guidelines.[70][71]: 1244  The same study found that as the church affirmed new sex roles, the number of living endowments increased (a sign of committed new membership) but the number of endowments for the dead decreased (a sign of committed, experienced member activity). It also found the opposite was true; as the church affirms traditional roles, the number of living endowments increased and the number of endowments for the dead increased.[71]: 1244 

Some scholars have found that multi-level marketing firms are more prevalent in Mormon communities due to these conflicting responsibilities. Operating a home-based business is seen as increasing the ability to provide for the family, while still physically being present in the home.[72] LuLaRich is a documentary about LuLaRoe, a clothing company started by a Mormon couple, which explores these beliefs and how they translated into recruiting distributors for the product.[73][74]

Clothing

[edit]

Brigham Young said that women's dress should reflect that they are separate from the world. On one occasion he called his daughters together and announced that they were too quick to follow the fashions of "the world", and he insisted they modify their manner of dress. His older daughters had taken to loosening their tight skirts when they were to see their father, in order to make their bustles seem less conspicuous. Young asked them to stop wearing bustles altogether and implored them to cut back on the frivolities of their appearance in order to set an example for the rest of the female members of the church to follow.[75]

After Joseph F. Smith complained about the indecency of some LDS women's attire, Amy Brown Lyman led the Relief Society, YLMIA, and Primary in issuing dress guidelines for Mormon women in 1917. These guidelines were not closely followed by members. In 1951, Elder Spencer W. Kimball gave the talk "A Style of Our Own: Modesty in Dress and Its Relationship to the Church", which was reprinted in the Church News and defined modesty for Mormons in the latter half of the 20th century. Kimball said that Latter-day Saint women should have a unique style of their own that did not include strapless dresses, shorts, form-fitting sweaters, or dresses with low necks or backs. Immediately following the talk, many women changed their wardrobes to conform to Kimball's instructions and called their wardrobes "kimballized", but the church issued no formal dress standards. In 1957, the Mutual Improvement Association published a pamphlet on modesty in general. It advised women against "flaunt[ing] one's figure", and also emphasized modesty in speech and conduct. A 1959 Improvement Era column counseled teenage girls to keep their clothing clean and ironed.[76]

In the 1960s, the counterculture movement started to influence the dress of Mormon youth. Short skirts, beards and long hair for men, and dirty clothing became popular. Fearing that the counterculture fashions would negatively influence morals, leaders began to advise on dress codes more stringently. Men received instruction to avoid long hair and beards because of their association with counterculture; women's dress standards were created to protect their virtue. The miniskirt in particular was denounced as unfashionable as well as immodest. The church's modesty rhetoric in the 1960s and 70s also encouraged women to dress femininely especially as androgynous styles became more popular. A more feminine dress style was associated with acceptance of traditional feminine gender roles of the 1950s.[76]

In 1965, the first For the Strength of Youth pamphlet was published, and the first presidency encouraged youth and their parents to conform to its regulations. It prescribed skirts that covered the kneecaps and forbade low-cut, strapless, and low-backed attire. It encouraged women to "always try to look feminine" and stated that slacks (rather than skirts or dresses) were appropriate only for hiking and other sports. The 1968 For the Strength of Youth pamphlet denounced soiled and sloppy clothing and said that women should not be in public with her hair in curlers. In 1972, the pamphlet was changed to state that skirts should be "of modest length." Dallin H. Oaks published a formal dress code for BYU in 1971, which allowed pant suits but no other pants for women. Jeans were allowed in 1981, and knee-length shorts in 1991. A specific prohibition against tattoos and multiple earrings was added in 2000. Sister missionaries also received special instruction in dressing professionally starting in 1977. The church published a dress code for its own employees in 1980, which did not allow pant suits.[76]

Finding modest dresses, shorts, and swimsuits presents a challenge to some LDS women. The La Canada first ward in California sewed modest swimsuits for themselves in 1976.[76] One group of LDS young women in Kansas worked with Nordstrom to propose modest dress ideas, garnering over 9,000 women's signatures in support of making more modest dresses available.[77][78]

In 2012 and 2013, some LDS women participated in "Wear Pants to Church Day", in which they wore trousers to church instead of the customary dresses to encourage gender equality within the church.[79][80] Over one thousand women participated in 2012.[80]

In 2017, the church announced that its female employees could wear "professional pantsuits and dress slacks" while at work; dresses and skirts had previously been required.[81]

In 2018, it was announced that female missionaries of the church could wear dress slacks except when attending the temple and during Sunday worship services, baptismal services, and mission leadership and zone conferences.[82]

Until 2022, the For the Strength of Youth pamphlet for LDS youth defined modest dress standards for young women: "Young women should avoid short shorts and short skirts, shirts that do not cover the stomach, and clothing that does not cover the shoulders or is low-cut in the front or the back."[83] The pamphlet also counseled women to only wear one pair of earrings.[83] Women who have gone through the temple endowment and wear temple garments must cover their garments, which cover shoulders, midriff, and thighs.

In 2022, the church released a new edition of For the Strength of Youth which includes fewer prescriptive standards for dress and grooming. The new edition instead emphasizes the spiritual principles behind the standards. For example, the new passage which corresponds to the past edition's statement on modesty now reads: "Avoid styles that emphasize or draw inappropriate attention to your physical body instead of who you are as a child of God with an eternal future. Let moral cleanliness and love for God guide your choices." The wording in the new edition also eliminates the previous edition's differentiation between female and male modesty.[84]

Some[quantify] members feel that when leaders emphasize dressing modestly to young women, they only emphasize the sexualization of women's bodies and encourage women to judge each other by their physical appearance.[85] Other members feel that modest dress is the first defense against immorality, and that dressing modestly will help individuals act modestly.[76]

Trans women are counseled to dress and groom themselves as men, and are advised that those who socially transition will experience some church membership restrictions for the duration of this transition.[1]

Factors affecting mental health

[edit]

Mormon women are no more likely than other women to report experiencing depression,[86][87] however, Mormon women who experience depression have specific challenges. A 1993 dissertation by Marleen Williams found a few differences in how Mormon women experience depression. Compared to mildly depressed Protestant women, mildly depressed Mormon women felt more guilt and self-blame, took responsibility for others' behavior, and depended on others for approval.[87]: 48  Compared to non-depressed Mormon women, mildly depressed Mormon women were more likely to have role conflicts and feel their gender role restricted their behavior.[87]: 51  A 1984 study by David Spendlove found that poor health, low income, less education, and less perceived caring from spouse were positively correlated with depression in LDS women in Utah.[86]: 491  Spendlove also found that for women in Utah in 1984, women who work "may be at a higher risk of depression" than those who do not.[86]: 494 

Other studies have examined specific subgroups of Mormon women. A study by Ann Pritt in 1998 found that Mormon women who were sexually abused were more likely to feel distant from God, blame themselves for bad things that happen to them, and be more pessimistic in general compared to Mormon women who were not sexually abused (with both parties having received counseling at some point).[88] Another study by Jacobsen and Wright in 2014 found that Mormon women who experience same-sex attraction feel isolation and worthlessness and need to form a positive self-identity.[89]

In the temple

[edit]

Menstruation

[edit]

In December 1866, Brigham Young gave advice that women should wait a week from the start of menstruation before participating in the endowment.[90]

Some temples in 2012 still did not allow women to perform baptisms for the dead during their menstrual period, despite official policy to the contrary.[91]

Endowment

[edit]

A 1936 policy forbade women whose husbands were not endowed from receiving their own endowment, whether their husbands were members of the church or not. The ostensible reason for the prohibition was to maintain peace and harmony in the home. Gradually the policy changed, first for women whose husbands were members of the church, and then on 12 February 1986, for all women whose husbands were unendowed providing they have the consent of their husbands.[90]

In the temple endowment, women were urged to each be a priestess "unto her husband", while men were promised they would be priests to God;[19]: 282  but in January 2019, that was removed from the endowment process, in accordance with other changes that included more lines for Eve in their ritual performance of the Book of Genesis.[92][93] Also in 2019, a letter from the church's First Presidency stated that "Veiling an endowed woman's face prior to burial is optional." It had previously been required. The letter went on to say that such veiling, "may be done if the sister expressed such a desire while she was living. In cases where the wishes of the deceased sister on this matter are not known, her family should be consulted." That same year veiling of women during part of the temple endowment ceremony was discontinued.[94]

Prayer circles

[edit]

In current Latter-day Saint temple practice, the endowment ritual contains a prayer circle, where some participants stand in a circle and repeat a prayer given by a single person. Women were first included in the ceremony on September 28, 1843.[95] After 1846, it was uncommon for women to participate in prayer circles without their husbands. Under Eliza R. Snow's guidance, some women made women-only prayer circles. In 1896, the first presidency advised against Relief Society prayer circles, but some Relief Societies continued the practice.[96] In 1978, the First Presidency discontinued all prayer circles except those performed in a temple as part of the endowment.[97] Since members of prayer circles had to be approved by the first presidency, continuing this tradition in a worldwide church made for unwieldy paperwork.[96]

Religiously significant women

[edit]

Heavenly Mother

[edit]

Along with the promotion of women's rights in the secular sphere, women in Utah, like renowned poet Eliza R. Snow, spoke of women's equality in sacred matters.[6] This included the development of a Heavenly Mother theology.[8] Joseph Smith discussed the doctrine of a Heavenly Mother as early as the 1840s. The idea of a Heavenly Mother expanded to a loving mother who sent each of us off on our journey to this earth and who will welcome us back to her again after death. As written in poems by Mormon authors, "[Heavenly Mother] oversees key moments for individual souls in the Mormon progressive plan of salvation." These ideas were expressed throughout the early 1800s. Today, church leaders continue to mention Heavenly Mother, although less frequently and embellished than in early church history. Neal A. Maxwell affirmed the ideas or a homecoming expressed in Snow's poetry about Heavenly Mother by saying, "Could such a regal homecoming be possible without the anticipatory arrangements of a Heavenly Mother?"[3][page needed]

In the 1970s and 1980s church members began to write speculations about a Heavenly Mother and even to pray to her in meetings. In the 1980s and 1990s the church stopped these practices. There were publications made in Dialogue during this time period that suggested that Heavenly Mother is the Holy Ghost.[3] In 2015 an essay was published in The Gospel Topics section of the church's website, which surveyed 171 years of statements about a Mother in Heaven.[21]

Eve

[edit]

Mormonism rejected the Augustinian doctrine of original sin, which held that humanity inherits the sin of Adam and Eve in which they ate the forbidden fruit.[98] This sin was historically blamed on Eve, and was thought to be the source of women's submissive and dependent state. The movement's second Article of Faith states, "We believe that men will be punished for their own sins, and not for Adam's transgression."[99]

Civil rights

[edit]

Reproductive rights

[edit]

The LDS Church opposes elective abortion based on a belief in the "sanctity of human life".[100] The church allows members to abort pregnancies in some rare circumstances. According to an official statement, "The Church allows for possible exceptions for its members when: Pregnancy results from rape or incest, or a competent physician determines that the life or health of the mother is in serious jeopardy, or a competent physician determines that the fetus has severe defects that will not allow the baby to survive beyond birth." The statement goes on to say, "Abortion is a most serious matter and should be considered only after the persons involved have consulted with their local church leaders and feel through personal prayer that their decision is correct." The statement also clarifies that the LDS church does not favor or oppose specific legislation or public demonstrations concerning abortion.[100]

In the past the use of birth control methods including artificial contraception was explicitly condemned by LDS Church leaders. Beginning in July 1916, apostles were quoted stating that birth control was a "pernicious doctrine" and that "limiting the number of children in a family...is sinful".[101][102] As recently as 2003 a church manual was published containing a quote from the late church president Spencer W. Kimball stating that the church does not "condone nor approve of" measures of contraception which greatly "limit the family".[103] The current church stance is that "decisions about birth control and the consequences of those decisions rest solely with each married couple" and that they should consider "the physical and mental health of the mother and father and their capacity to provide the basic necessities of life for their children" when planning a family.[104] The church "strongly discourages" surgical sterilization like vasectomies and tubal ligation and encourages members to only turn to it for serious medical conditions after discussing it with a bishop.[105] The church's insurance company Deseret Mutual Benefits Administrators which provides coverage for its employees does not cover any form of birth control and will only cover sterilization by vasectomy or tubal ligation for a couple if the woman has already had five children or is over forty.[106][107][108]

Equal Rights Amendment

[edit]

According to historian Ardis Parshall, in 1943, women within positions of leadership in the LDS Church backed the amendment.[109]

In the 1970s, the LDS Church came out against the Equal Rights Amendment. The LDS Church in Utah requested that ten women from each ward attend the Utah International Women's Year in 1977 to support the church's position on the Equal Rights Amendment and other women's issues. The fourteen thousand attendees, mostly Latter-day Saint women recruited in their wards, voted on platforms before hearing their discussion and rejected all the national resolutions[13]—even those that did not advocate a moral position opposed to that of the LDS Church.[110] In 1978, the LDS church encouraged nine thousand female members in greater Las Vegas, Nevada, to canvass their neighborhoods with anti–Equal Rights Amendment pamphlets and encouraged all members to vote.[13]: 636–637  Nevada did not ratify the amendment.[13]: 637  Sonia Johnson[111] fought against the church in support of the Equal Rights Amendment and was excommunicated; a December 1979 excommunication letter claimed that Johnson was charged with a variety of misdeeds, including hindering the worldwide missionary program, damaging internal Mormon social programs, and teaching false doctrine.[112] Also in 1979, the Alice Reynolds forum was forbidden from discussing the amendment in the Alice Reynolds reading room at Brigham Young University; the club subsequently found a different place to meet.[113]: 52 

Dissent

[edit]

Within and outside the church mainstream, there is a minority of LDS women who raise concerns regarding church policy and doctrine. However, any members who are viewed as publicly oppositional toward the church's current structure are subject to ecclesiastical discipline, including excommunication for apostasy.[b][114][115]

20th and 21st centuries changes in church policies about women

[edit]

The First Presidency made the Relief Society an auxiliary to the church, removing their independent financial status in 1970.[13] In 1977, First Presidency member N. Eldon Tanner told a meeting of church leaders that presidency of the Relief Society should be considered a partner with the Melchizedek priesthood.[116]

Other developments during the presidency of Spencer W. Kimball included having young women class advancements recognized in sacrament meeting and, in 1978, the First Presidency and Quorum of the Twelve Apostles issued a policy which approved of women praying in sacrament meeting. Women had been barred praying in sacrament meeting from 1967[8][33] to 1978.[34][35] In 1980, the general presidents of the Relief Society, Young Women, and Primary were invited to sit on the stand with the male general authorities during general conference.[117] In 1984, a woman spoke in general conference for the first time since 1931; since then, women have spoken in every general conference.[118] In 1978, a conference session specifically for women was added, initially two weeks before the October general conference, which was later changed to one week beforehand, then to Conference Weekend itself in 2018.[119] In the April 2013 general conference, women gave prayers for the first time.

In 1978, a policy that a woman was not allowed to be a Sunday School president was clarified to a bishop in a Boston suburb.[120] Also in 1978, Alice Colton Smith, a member of the Relief Society General Board, remarked in a letter to Leonard J. Arrington that women were once permitted to join in or stand as an observer at the blessing of her baby, but now were rarely permitted to do so.[120] In 1975, the LDS church allowed Maureen Ursenbach Beecher to continue to work in the History Division after the birth of her daughter. Previously, the church's policy was to terminate new mothers' employment; after consulting with their legal counsel, the church changed their policy to allow women employees to continue working after several weeks of maternity leave.[120]: 243–244 

Brigham Young University (BYU), the LDS Church's flagship educational institution, has made several changes in its policy towards women. In 1975, the four-year, full tuition and boarding expenses presidential scholarship was changed from only being available to men to being available to an equal number of men and women.[116] BYU established a Women's Research Institute in 1978.[121] Among its directors over its 21 years of existence was Marie Cornwall. At the end of 2009, BYU restructured its Women's Studies Programs, freeing more money for research on women's issues by ending an institute staff, placing the Women's Studies Minor in the Sociology Department and thus putting all the money that had been split between research and staff directly into research expenditures.[121]

In 2013, the church adjusted the leadership council in its missions to include a greater role for the wife of the mission president and by creating a new role, called "sister training leader". The new Mission Leadership Council expands the use of councils to govern the church at every level.[122][123] Also in 2013, the organization Ordain Women was established by LDS women who supported the extension of priesthood ordinations to women. On November 1, 2013, the church announced that beginning in 2014, a general women's meeting, conducted by the Relief Society, Young Women, and Primary organizations, would be held in connection with its bi-annual general conferences.[124] In 2015, the church appointed women to its executive councils for the first time: Linda K. Burton, president of the Relief Society, Rosemary Wixom, president of the Primary, and Bonnie L. Oscarson, president of the Young Women's organization, to three high-level church councils (one woman to each).[125][126]

Mormon feminism

[edit]

Mormon feminism is a feminist movement concerned with the role of women within Mormonism. Mormon feminists advocate for a more significant recognition of Heavenly Mother,[8]: Ch. 1  the ordination of women, gender equality,[96] and social justice grounded in Mormon theology and history.[7][127] The modern form of the movement has roots that go back to the founding of Mormonism, including the largely independent operation of the female Relief Society, priesthood blessings by women in early church history, and the women's suffrage movement in the western United States.[8]

Fundamentalist groups

[edit]

Mormon fundamentalists are groups or individuals who have broken from the dominant form of Mormonism practiced by the LDS Church.[128] Since the mid-19th century, numerous fundamentalist sects have been established, many of which are located in small, cohesive, and isolated communities in areas of the Western United States, western Canada, and Mexico.[128] Mormon fundamentalists advocate a return to Mormon doctrines and practices which, they believe, were wrongly abandoned, such as plural marriage, the law of consecration, the Adam–God doctrine, the Patriarchal Priesthood, elements of the Mormon endowment ritual, and often the exclusion of blacks from the priesthood.[128]

Plural marriage is generally considered the most central and significant doctrine separating fundamentalists from mainstream Mormonism.[128] In Mormon fundamentalist groups, women are typically expected or encouraged to adhere to a strongly patriarchal perspective on women's roles and activities and, in many cases, participate in plural marriage.[128]

Even though women in fundamentalist groups are often expected to rear children and other domestic tasks, it is not accurate to assume that all women in polygamous relationships in Mormon fundamentalist groups are powerless. Mormon women in fundamentalist groups experience their gender roles differently than women in the LDS church. In fundamentalists sects, sex is viewed as a necessary evil for reproduction. Women who are menstruating, lactating, or pregnant are not expected to have sex with their husbands.[129]: 20  One fundamentalist woman said that because her husband had other wives, she didn't feel pressured to sexually satisfy her husband. Fundamentalist women help their husbands seek other wives, and many say that for their husbands to look for a wife without consulting existing wives would be akin to infidelity.[129]: 21  Some wives in polygamous marriages feel closer to their sister wives than to their husbands. In some polygamous relationships, a wife nurtures her husband's relationship with his other wives by encouraging her husband to spend time with them. Sister wives help each other with childrearing, cooking, and other domestic tasks. Women in polygamous relationships have their own bedrooms, while their husbands are treated as visitors. Sister wives also often control the household's finances.[129]: 22–24  The studies that examined the experience of fundamentalist women did not examine underage marriage, which the authors felt was a separate issue.[129]: 22–25  The 2008 police raid of the FLDS Texas compound found that 12 girls were married before age 16 and sexually abused.[130]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Sources

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The doctrines and practices of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints regarding women emphasize eternal distinctions between male and roles, with men ordained to priesthood offices for leadership and family provision, while women are tasked with primary nurturing responsibilities and over auxiliaries such as the . From the church's founding, women have been integral to its expansion through organizations like the , established on March 17, 1842, in , by to promote relief efforts, , and spiritual development among members, growing into a global network aiding charitable initiatives. A defining historical feature was of plural , introduced by in the and publicly announced in , which bound an estimated 20,000 to 30,000 women to polygamous unions until its discontinuation via official manifesto in 1890 to resolve conflicts with U.S. law. In contemporary Mormonism, women access priesthood power through covenants and temple ordinances without holding priesthood keys themselves, amid higher-than-average fertility rates—Utah women averaging around 2.0 children per woman in recent decades, exceeding national figures—and encouragement of , though doctrinal priorities on family often shape career and marital patterns. These elements have sparked internal debates over , yet the church maintains complementary roles as central to divine order.

Theological Foundations

Doctrine of Womanhood and Gender Complementarity

In the doctrine of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, is an essential, eternal attribute of the individual, originating in the premortal existence and persisting through mortality into the as a core element of divine identity and purpose. This principle was formally declared in "The Family: A Proclamation to the World," issued on September 23, 1995, by the Church's First Presidency and Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, which affirms that " is an essential characteristic of individual premortal, mortal, and eternal identity and purpose." The proclamation roots this in the belief that men and women are spirit children of heavenly parents, created in God's image with innate differences that enable complementary contributions to the divine plan of salvation and exaltation. Gender complementarity underscores that men and women possess distinct physiological, emotional, and spiritual capacities ordained by God, rather than interchangeable functions, fostering interdependence within marriage and family as the foundational unit of society and eternity. Men bear the responsibility to preside over families in righteousness, hold priesthood authority to administer ordinances, and provide physical and temporal necessities, while women are divinely appointed to nurture children through bearing, rearing, and loving them—a role equated with the creative power of God. These roles are not hierarchical in worth but symbiotic, with the 1995 proclamation specifying that "husband and wife have a solemn responsibility to love and care for each other and for their children" through equal partnership, though guided by the husband's presiding stewardship. Church manuals further describe these differences as inherent and divinely purposed, enabling men and women to fulfill unique aspects of God's work, such as priesthood governance for men and maternal influence for women. The doctrine of womanhood elevates women's eternal role as co-equal participants in progression toward godhood, where they exercise divine attributes of creation and alongside men in celestial kingdoms. Motherhood is portrayed not as a temporal but as an eternal endowment, embodying three key qualities: the power to bear , the capacity to rear them in righteousness, and the innate gift to love unconditionally, mirroring heavenly patterns of divine parenthood. This framework rejects notions of , insisting that deviations from these roles, such as through same-sex attraction or identification, do not alter one's eternal gender but require alignment with divine order for full exaltation. Teachings emphasize that women's contributions, while distinct from priesthood , access priesthood power through covenants and temple ordinances, ensuring their integral place in eternal family sealing and progression.

Heavenly Mother and Divine Feminine

In Latter-day Saint theology, the concept of Heavenly Mother refers to the divine consort of and the mother of human spirits, forming heavenly parents who engendered all humanity in a pre-mortal existence. This doctrine holds that men and women are literal offspring of these exalted beings, inheriting divine potential through eternal gender distinctions. The belief underscores a paired divine parenthood, where Heavenly Mother participates in the creation and nurturing of spirits, though her role is not elaborated in canonical scriptures like the Bible or . Official teachings affirm Heavenly Mother's existence as a revealed truth originating with , though public statements remain limited to avoid speculation. The earliest prominent reference appears in Eliza R. Snow's 1845 hymn "O My Father," which questions parental singularity in heaven and asserts a mother's presence, reflecting early Mormon cosmological views of eternal families. In 1909, the First Presidency stated that while a Mother in Heaven exists, "present knowledge" is confined, emphasizing worship directed solely to the Father through Jesus Christ. Subsequent leaders, including in 1991, have reiterated the doctrine's importance for affirming women's eternal dignity without expanding revelatory details. The Church's 2016 Gospel Topics essay "Mother in Heaven" consolidates these points, describing the belief as cherished yet cautioning against unverified attributes or worship, which could veer into . The in Mormonism extends from Heavenly Mother to imply women's co-eternal nature and capacity for exaltation alongside men, mirroring heavenly parenthood in mortal sealing ordinances. This framework posits gender as an essential, pre-existent attribute essential for godhood, where exalted women become queens and priestesses in celestial realms. However, church authorities discourage independent speculation or rituals honoring Heavenly Mother, as seen in a 2019 statement addressing unauthorized groups promoting her . Scholarly analyses, such as a 2011 survey of over 600 historical references from 1844 onward, reveal consistent but sparse affirmations in talks and writings, often tied to motherhood's sanctity rather than autonomous feminine divinity. Feminist interpretations in academic works sometimes amplify her as a symbol of underrepresented power, yet these diverge from official restraint, potentially introducing cultural biases favoring egalitarian revisions over revealed limits.

Eve, the Fall, and Eternal Roles

In Latter-day Saint theology, the Fall of is regarded not as a tragic error but as an essential and divinely foreordained step in of , enabling mortality, agency, procreation, and progression toward exaltation. This perspective contrasts with traditional Christian interpretations that emphasize and a loss of innocence without redemptive purpose; instead, scriptures such as 2 Nephi 2:25 in the state that "fell that men might be; and men are, that they might have joy," highlighting the Fall's role in introducing opposition, knowledge of , and the capacity for eternal growth. Eve's actions in the receive particular doctrinal emphasis as an exercise of foresight and agency that advanced the plan. According to the Pearl of Great Price, partook of the first after recognizing that without it, "they would have remained in a state of , having no joy, for they knew no misery; doing no good, for they knew no sin." This choice allowed for the fulfillment of God's command to "multiply and replenish the earth," positioning as the "mother of all living" and initiating human family structures essential to eternal progression. Church leaders have described her decision as courageous and wise, underscoring women's innate capacity for discerning long-term familial and redemptive outcomes over immediate obedience. These events inform Latter-day Saint teachings on eternal gender roles, where identities are viewed as immutable characteristics predating mortality and persisting into . The 1995 document "The Family: A Proclamation to the World," issued by the First Presidency and Apostles, declares that " is an essential characteristic of individual premortal, mortal, and eternal identity and purpose," with men and women possessing complementary strengths ordained for distinct yet interdependent responsibilities. Women are doctrinally associated with nurturing, bearing, and rearing life—a role exemplified by —while men hold presiding and priesthood stewardship, enabling joint exaltation through eternal marriage where families continue as the fundamental unit of divine society. Eternal roles thus extend the principles of the Fall, emphasizing that women's divine attributes of motherhood and relational stewardship are not temporal constructs but intrinsic to premortal existence and postmortal godhood. Doctrinal manuals affirm that exaltation requires these differences: women participate in creating and guiding spirit children eternally, complementing men's role in providing and protecting, as neither can achieve fullness independently. This framework posits that the Fall's consequences—mortality and family formation—reveal God's intent for gendered eternal partnerships, fostering joy through opposition and covenantal unity rather than undifferentiated equality.

Historical Development

Early Church Era (1830s-1840s)

In July 1830, shortly after the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was organized on April 6, a revelation directed to , of founder , outlined her responsibilities as an "elect lady." The text instructed her to "expound scriptures, and to exhort the church" and to select hymns for worship, while emphasizing her primary duties to support her husband, receive an inheritance in , and fulfill roles as and through covenant-keeping. No conferral of priesthood office or authority to perform ordinances was specified; instead, her contributions were framed within supportive and familial capacities, reflecting revelations that assigned priesthood keys and offices exclusively to men during this period. Early female adherents, including and , participated in church formation through transcription, hosting meetings, and community support amid relocations to (1831), and (1833–1838). Women contributed to practical needs, such as providing food and shelter for converts, while facing shared persecutions, including expulsion from , in 1833, where approximately 1,200 Saints, including families led by women, were driven from homes. Joseph Smith's teachings emphasized women's moral influence and exhortations to virtue, as in a 1839 discourse urging female members to avoid "lightmindedness" and cultivate purity for spiritual gifts like , but without granting ecclesiastical offices. Priesthood ordinances, such as baptisms and confirmations, were administered by ordained men, with women receiving blessings through male authority rather than independent . By the 1840s in Nauvoo, Illinois, Joseph Smith organized the Female Relief Society of Nauvoo on March 17, 1842, appointing Emma Smith as president and instructing approximately 20 women on its purposes: relieving the poor, increasing faith, and fostering order. In meetings, he addressed women directly on priesthood principles, stating on April 28, 1842, that the society would receive instruction "thro' the order which God has established" via appointed male leaders, and metaphorically "turned the key" to confer organizational legitimacy, not priesthood ordination. This enabled women to visit the sick, sew garments for temple use, and exhort members, expanding their roles in benevolence and instruction while operating under male priesthood oversight; Joseph remarked the church was not "perfectly organized until the women were thus organized." No records indicate women performing priesthood-specific functions like conferring the Holy Ghost during this era.

Polygamy and 19th-Century Reforms

Plural marriage, also known as , was introduced as a divine commandment to in the early 1830s, with the first recorded plural union occurring around 1833 between Smith and . By Smith's death in 1844, historical estimates indicate he had entered into plural marriages with 30 to 40 women, including teenagers such as 14-year-old and some who were already civilly married to other men, a practice termed . The doctrine, outlined in Section 132 (recorded in 1843 but not publicly disseminated until later), framed plural marriage as essential for exaltation in the highest degree of the celestial kingdom, requiring women to be sealed to priesthood-holding men to achieve eternal progression and motherhood in the ; participants viewed it as a restoration of biblical practices like those of Abraham, despite initial secrecy due to societal opposition. Women entering these unions often did so under religious conviction, believing it aligned with God's will for raising righteous seed amid perceived end-times urgency, though personal accounts reveal varied emotional responses, including jealousy and isolation. Under , who succeeded Smith as church president in 1847, plural marriage expanded publicly after its announcement at a church conference on August 29, 1852, becoming a defining feature of Mormon society in . Young himself was sealed to approximately 55 women, fathering 57 children with 16 of them, exemplifying the system's scale where by 1857, an estimated 20-30% of Mormon families practiced it, involving thousands of women who managed households amid resource scarcity on the frontier. For women, the arrangement imposed economic and relational strains—dividing husbands' time and finances—yet some, like , defended it in writings as spiritually empowering, contrasting it with monogamous society's perceived moral decay, and linking it to communal that fostered skills in , , and . Critics, including former plural wife in her 1875 exposé, highlighted degradations such as emotional neglect and hierarchical rivalries among co-wives, contributing to external perceptions of systemic subjugation, though empirical studies of diaries indicate many women derived agency from theological purpose and mutual support networks. By the late 1870s, federal antipolygamy legislation intensified pressures on the church, with the 1882 and 1887 Edmunds-Tucker Act disincorporating the church, seizing assets, and disenfranchising practitioners, particularly affecting women who lost voting rights granted earlier in in 1870. These measures, enforced through arrests of over 200 men by 1889, disrupted families and threatened communal dissolution, prompting church leaders to weigh divine command against existential survival. On September 25, 1890, President issued the , declaring an end to new plural marriages as a revelation-driven concession to civil law, motivated by visions of impending church destruction without compliance; this facilitated Utah's statehood in 1896 but required women to adapt to monogamy, with some experiencing relief from divided loyalties while others mourned the doctrinal shift. Sporadic post- unions persisted into the early , leading to a 1904 declaration enforcing excommunication, solidifying the reform's permanence and redirecting women's roles toward singular family units.

Suffrage, Relief Society, and Organizational Roles

In 1870, the Territorial Legislature enacted a law granting women the right to vote, making women the second group in the United States—after those in —to secure under an equal rights provision, predating the national 19th Amendment by fifty years. This enfranchisement stemmed from Mormon leaders' strategic response to federal anti-polygamy pressures, as church president and territorial leaders viewed women's votes as a means to demonstrate communal for plural practices amid congressional scrutiny. On , 1870, women cast ballots in the municipal election, marking the first such instance under a women's law in the U.S. Mormon women actively participated, organizing mass meetings—such as one in January 1870 attended by thousands—to affirm their agency and counter portrayals of in polygamous unions. Suffrage rights were revoked nationwide for Utah women via the Edmunds-Tucker Act of , which dissolved the church's legal entity and aimed to dismantle by disenfranchising female voters, regardless of personal practice. Restoration occurred upon 's statehood in 1896, after the church's renouncing new plural marriages, allowing women to resume voting and influencing local politics through organizations like the . Early Latter-day Saint precedents for female input dated to 1831, when women voted on congregational matters to sustain male leaders' decisions, reflecting a pattern of advisory rather than authoritative roles. The , formally organized as the Female Relief Society of Nauvoo on March 17, 1842, under Joseph Smith's direction with as president, provided Mormon women their primary institutional platform for collective action. Initially focused on aiding the poor, widows, and orphans through sewing circles and welfare, it expanded to encompass , moral instruction, and , becoming one of the largest women's organizations in 19th-century America with over 1,300 members by 1844. Smith instructed the group to "relieve the poor, the sick, and the distressed," while emphasizing spiritual duties like visiting the needy and promoting virtue, positioning it as a counterpart to male quorums without conferring priesthood . Post-Nauvoo, the reconstituted in under Eliza R. Snow's leadership from 1867, coordinating vast charitable efforts—including during the 1870s grasshopper plagues—and advocating for through petitions and publications like the Woman's Exponent, which ran from 1872 to 1914. Women in the organization managed literacy classes, training, and grain storage programs that sustained families during economic hardships, demonstrating practical autonomy in temporal affairs. Beyond the , Mormon women filled organizational roles in auxiliary bodies like the Young Ladies' Retrenchment Association, established in 1869 under Brigham Young's call for youth moral reform, which evolved into the Young Women organization by 1880 with dedicated presidencies led by women such as Elmina S. Andrews. The Primary Association, founded in 1878 for children aged 4–11, similarly placed women in leadership to oversee and service projects, reporting to male stake presidents but exercising discretion in program implementation. These structures enabled women to teach doctrine, organize events, and counsel members locally, though always subordinate to priesthood hierarchies, fostering skills in administration and without altering doctrinal distinctions. By the late , such roles integrated women into church governance peripherally, supporting welfare systems that distributed aid equivalent to millions in modern terms during crises like .

Priesthood Authority and Ordinances

Women's Access to Priesthood Power via Covenants

In the theology of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, women do not receive ordination to priesthood offices, which are reserved for males, but they gain access to priesthood power through making and keeping covenants with God, particularly via temple ordinances. This access enables women to draw upon divine power for personal righteousness, family responsibilities, and service in the Church, as articulated in official doctrine. Priesthood power, distinct from priesthood authority or keys, is described as the capacity to act in God's name, available to covenant keepers regardless of ordination status. Central to this access is the temple endowment ceremony, introduced by in 1842, where participants—both men and women—receive covenants that endow them with priesthood power. President emphasized in 2019 that endowed women can access God's power to fulfill divine roles, stating, "The heavens are just as open to women who are endowed with God’s power flowing to them in their personal lives and in their service in the Church." This endowment links to 84, the "oath and covenant of the priesthood," which church leaders interpret as applying to women through their participation in ordinances, promising magnification of capacities when covenants are kept. Baptismal covenants provide initial access, but temple covenants amplify it, allowing women to invoke priesthood blessings in daily life, such as through prayer or leadership in organizations like the , founded in 1842. Church apostle clarified in 2014 that "priesthood ordinances and priesthood authority pertain to women as well as men," with keys directing women's callings and service, though women rely on male-ordained holders for certain administrative functions. Women exercise this power in contexts like family governance, where a mother's covenant-based authority supports child-rearing and spiritual guidance, or in communal settings, such as presidencies set apart by priesthood holders to lead welfare efforts affecting thousands annually. By May 2024, over 6.8 million women worldwide participated in such covenant paths, per statistics, demonstrating practical application amid critiques that this model subordinates women, a view church doctrine rejects by emphasizing complementary eternal roles. This covenantal framework underscores causal links between obedience and , with empirical church reports noting increased personal among endowed women, such as in sustaining large families—averaging 3.4 children per Latter-day woman in 2020 surveys—through accessed divine strength. Limitations persist: women cannot perform ordinances like without male priesthood accompaniment, reinforcing the doctrine's gendered structure rooted in revelations to from 1830 onward.

Laying on of Hands and Healing Practices

In the early history of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, women participated in healing the sick through practices including the , as an expression of rather than ordained priesthood . On April 28, 1842, during a meeting of the newly organized Nauvoo , taught that "respecting the female laying on hands, he further remark'd, there could be no devil in it if gave his sanction by ; there could be no more sin in any female laying her hands on the sick than in wetting the face with a bottle of oil." This endorsement aligned with biblical precedents, such as Mark 16:18, where believers—without distinction of sex—are promised power to lay hands on the sick for . Women, often as primary caregivers, extended their nurturing roles into these rituals, frequently anointing with oil prepared for sacred use and then placing hands on the afflicted to pronounce blessings of comfort and recovery. Historical records document numerous instances of women being set apart specifically for such ministrations, particularly within circles. For example, in the 1870s and 1880s, church leaders like commended women for healing family members and others through faith-based , viewing it as complementary to priesthood ordinances performed by men. These practices persisted into the early , with women in some stakes washing, , and the sick collaboratively before calling priesthood holders to seal the ordinance. However, by the 1920s, under President Heber J. Grant's administration, informal reports of women independently laying hands prompted clarification that such acts should defer to priesthood authority when available, reflecting a doctrinal emphasis on male headship in formal ordinances. The custom largely phased out after 1946, as church standardization prioritized priesthood blessings for healing to maintain uniformity. In contemporary church practice, women do not perform formal blessings of healing by , which require priesthood ordination per 42:44. Instead, women may a sick person's head with consecrated oil—typically in the presence of a priesthood holder who then lays hands to seal the anointing and pronounce the blessing. Exceptions allow mothers or women to lay hands on a in urgent situations without priesthood present, invoking for divine intervention, as affirmed in church teachings that prioritize immediate care. This framework underscores women's spiritual authority through covenants and , distinct from the Aaronic or priesthoods held exclusively by men, while preserving empirical patterns of communal healing rooted in 19th-century pioneer experiences where women's involvement demonstrably supported family resilience amid scarce medical resources.

Temple Ordinances Performed by Women

In temples of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, endowed women serve as ordinance workers and perform the initiatory ordinance for female participants, which includes washing, anointing with oil, and clothing in the garment associated with the holy priesthood. These elements prepare recipients symbolically for further temple rites and confer associated blessings pronounced by the officiating women. The ordinances derive authority from the priesthood keys held by the temple president, enabling women to act in this capacity without holding ecclesiastical priesthood office themselves. These practices originated in the period (1842–1846), where women administered preparatory washings and anointings to other women in anticipation of endowments, beginning with the first female initiations in September 1843 under Joseph Smith's direction. By that time, dozens of women had received such ordinances, reflecting Smith's teachings that temple rites—though inherently priesthood ordinances—extended sacred authority to both sexes for covenant-making without ordaining them to office. In contemporary practice, women continue to officiate in these gender-specific initiatory rites much as in the early church, while men perform analogous ordinances for males. Recent adjustments expanded women's temple roles; in 2019, the First Presidency authorized endowed women to serve as witnesses for baptisms and sealings, previously limited to men. This change aligns with the church's doctrine that women, through temple endowment covenants, access priesthood power to bless themselves, families, and others, distinct from the ordained priesthood held exclusively by men.

Family and Gender Roles

Marriage, Eternal Progression, and Complementarity

In The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, is viewed as a covenant essential to exaltation, the highest degree of in the celestial kingdom, where participants may achieve eternal increase and progression toward godhood. This doctrine, outlined in 132, describes the "new and everlasting covenant" of as the mechanism through which faithful couples receive "a continuation of the seeds forever and ever," enabling them to become "gods" with eternal offspring. Without such a sealing ordinance performed by priesthood in a temple, marriages dissolve at , and individuals cannot attain the fulness of exaltation independently. Eternal progression for women is inseparable from this marital framework, as exaltation requires partnership with a to mirror the divine union of Heavenly Father and Heavenly . Women, as eternal daughters of , progress toward becoming queens and priestesses unto their husbands, jointly inheriting thrones and kingdoms through obedience to celestial law. This progression emphasizes the continuation of units eternally, with women bearing roles in nurturing spirit children, contingent on the couple's unified faithfulness. Unmarried women or those in non-celestial unions may inherit terrestrial or telestial glories but lack the capacity for independent godhood or eternal procreation. Complementarity in underscores distinct yet interdependent roles ordained by divine design, where men and women possess inherent differences in gifts, capacities, and responsibilities that enable mutual fulfillment of . Husbands are tasked with presiding in righteousness, providing for families, and holding priesthood keys, while wives are to nurture children and create homes, with both roles viewed as equal in eternal significance despite functional asymmetry. as an essential, eternal characteristic fosters this complementarity, rejecting interchangeable roles and affirming biological and spiritual distinctions as foundational to marital unity and progression. This framework holds spouses accountable within their covenant, promoting harmony through voluntary submission to divine order rather than cultural .

Motherhood, Childbearing, and Family Responsibilities

In The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, doctrinal teachings emphasize motherhood as a divine role central to God's plan of , with women viewed as co-creators with God in bearing spirit children into mortality. The 1995 proclamation "The Family: A Proclamation to the World," issued by the First Presidency and Apostles, states that "mothers are primarily responsible for the nurture of their children" and that "the family is ordained of God," with gender roles reflecting divine design wherein women possess the unique capacity to bear and rear offspring. This framework positions childbearing and nurturing as sacred duties that enable eternal progression, drawing from scriptural precedents such as the biblical command to "multiply and replenish the earth" interpreted through modern revelation. Church leaders have consistently taught that motherhood extends beyond biological childbearing to encompass spiritual nurturing and influence across generations, with women described as having an innate capacity for and moral guidance essential to stability. For instance, , sixth , emphasized in 1917 that a mother's influence "extends from generation to generation" and that "great responsibility rests upon the mothers in " to instill and virtue. This role is not confined to biological mothers; unmarried or childless women are encouraged to fulfill maternal responsibilities through mentoring youth and , as articulated in teachings that "motherhood is more than bearing children; it is the essence of who we are as women." Doctrinally, the church promotes childbearing within heterosexual marriage as a means to fulfill divine commandments and achieve exaltation, discouraging practices like elective abortion except in cases of rape, incest, severe health risks to the mother, or lethal fetal abnormalities. This pronatalist orientation has historically correlated with higher fertility rates among members; a 2015 Pew Research Center analysis found that U.S. Mormons aged 40-59 averaged 3.4 children per woman, compared to 2.1 for the national average, though rates have declined in recent decades amid broader societal trends. Utah, with its high concentration of Latter-day Saints, maintained a total fertility rate of 2.6 in 2008—above the U.S. replacement level of 2.1—but fell below that threshold by 2023. Family responsibilities are framed as complementary partnerships, with mothers tasked primarily with day-to-day child-rearing, , and emotional development, while obligated to support fathers in provision and , and vice versa. The specifies that "in these sacred responsibilities, fathers and mothers are obligated to help one another as equal partners," promoting practices like family prayer, scripture study, and home-centered education to foster unity and spiritual growth. This model underscores causal links between maternal investment and child outcomes, with empirical correlations in LDS populations showing lower rates of (7.8% in versus 11.4% nationally in the 1980s) attributed to doctrinal emphases on and within .

Educational Attainment and Economic Participation

Mormon women pursue higher education at rates comparable to or exceeding national averages, reflecting doctrinal emphasis on learning as a divine pursuit applicable to both sexes. A 2009 analysis reported that 61% of U.S. had attained at least some , surpassing the contemporaneous national figure of 50%. Earlier comparative studies, such as one from benchmarking Latter-day Saints against the general population, similarly found LDS women exceeding national averages in overall . However, completion rates for bachelor's and advanced degrees among Mormon women trail those of Mormon men and, in high-density areas like , fall below national women's averages due to frequent interruptions for marriage and childbearing. For example, women began attending at rates above the U.S. average until the early , after which participation dipped below national levels, with attributing this to cultural prioritization of family formation over degree completion. In regions with concentrated LDS populations, such as County, approximately 30% of women initiate college studies without finishing, as motherhood emerges as the higher imperative despite initial valuation of . A 2020 qualitative study of Mormon women confirmed this tension, noting that while participants regarded as important, familial roles consistently superseded academic persistence, with many expressing doctrinal pressure to sequence life priorities around childrearing. ranks lowest nationally in women's graduate degree attainment, a disparity linked to these patterns rather than lack of access or encouragement, as church institutions like facilitate high enrollment but see gendered outcomes influenced by fertility norms. Economic participation among Mormon women aligns with teachings framing and motherhood as primary vocations, resulting in labor force rates below national benchmarks for married and childbearing women. As of 2023, 's married women exhibited a 59.5% labor force participation rate, compared to 68.5% nationally, with similar gaps persisting in prior years (e.g., 57.1% in versus 59.4% U.S. in 2019 data). Among devout Latter-day Saints, only 58% of married women with present husbands engage in paid work, a figure correlating inversely with and church involvement. Employed LDS women are disproportionately educated, unmarried or childless, and less frequent church attendees, suggesting that workforce entry often accompanies divergence from traditional structures. Doctrinal statements reinforce this orientation, designating women's principal economic role within the domestic sphere to nurture units, which empirically sustains higher but constrains formal market involvement. In LDS-dominated samples, full-time working women report fewer desired children and reduced participation, indicating causal trade-offs between career pursuits and adherence to complementary gender ideals. Despite these patterns, women overall comprise over 40% of the state labor force, with increasing part-time and entrepreneurial activity among mothers, though full-time year-round employment remains at 36%—substantially below men's 60%.

Modesty Standards and Cultural Practices

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints teaches as a principle of humility and reverence toward the body, viewed as a sacred creation housing the spirit. Official guidelines in For the Strength of Youth, a resource for adolescents updated in 2022, counsel avoiding clothing or hairstyles that are extreme, casual, or attention-seeking, emphasizing choices that honor personal dignity and avoid immodesty such as tight, short, low-cut, or revealing attire. These standards, rooted in scriptural directives like 1 Corinthians 3:16-17, apply to both sexes but culturally influence women's selections toward covered shoulders, knee-length skirts or dresses for formal settings, and opaque fabrics that do not accentuate the figure. Temple garments represent a distinctive cultural practice linked to among endowed adult women, who receive them during the endowment ordinance as symbols of covenants made with . Worn beneath everyday , the garments—historically one-piece undergarments extending to wrists, knees, and neck—serve to remind wearers of temple commitments and physically encourage coverage of the body, prompting outer garments like longer hemlines and higher necklines to conceal the garment's form and sacred markings. In August 2025, the Church introduced revised garment options for women, including shorter sleeves, cap sleeves, and leg lengths ending mid-thigh, alongside breathable fabrics, to enhance wearability while preserving covenant symbolism and principles; these changes followed member feedback on comfort, particularly in active lifestyles, without altering doctrinal requirements. Cultural enforcement of occurs through family instruction, curricula, and youth activities like Young Women classes, where leaders stress its role in fostering and self-respect amid societal pressures. on endowed Latter-day Saint women describes garments as empowering agents of spiritual focus and bodily discipline, though some report adaptive challenges in professional or athletic contexts. Mixed-methods studies link Mormon teachings to higher body esteem among women who internalize them as protective rather than restrictive, correlating with lower rates of compared to secular peers, though external fashion conformity can introduce tension. Adherence remains voluntary post-endowment, with temple recommend interviews assessing worthiness based on covenant-keeping rather than stylistic checklists.

Temple Worship and Sacred Practices

Endowment Ceremonies and Women's Covenants

In the temple endowment ceremony of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, participants receive instruction on God's plan of salvation and enter into covenants promising obedience to divine laws, with associated blessings of knowledge and power. Introduced by in , on May 4, 1842, the endowment was initially administered to men before being extended to women, with the first group of women—including —receiving it on September 28, 1843. These covenants, made after a period of instruction and symbolic , are considered essential for exaltation and include commitments to the law of obedience, the law of sacrifice, the law of the gospel, the law of chastity, and the . For women, the covenants emphasize personal accountability to , with the law of obedience requiring adherence to commandments as revealed through prophets, and the law of sacrifice entailing willingness to devote time, talents, and means to building 's kingdom. The law of the gospel involves striving for charity and in conduct toward others, while the law of consecration commits participants to dedicate their lives and resources to the church's purposes. The law of chastity specifically covenants abstinence from sexual relations outside of legal marriage between a man and a woman, alongside fidelity within marriage, underscoring the church's doctrine of eternal family units. Historically, the ceremony's wording for women included a directive to "hearken" to their husbands in righteousness as a proxy for obedience to God, a phrase rooted in 19th-century interpretations of scriptural hierarchy in marriage, such as Ephesians 5:22-24. This element, present from the Nauvoo period through the 20th century, drew criticism for reinforcing spousal authority structures. In January 2019, under church president Russell M. Nelson, the endowment script was revised to standardize covenants for men and women alike, removing the gendered "hearken" language and eliminating requirements for women to veil their faces during prayer, while affirming equal direct covenants to God. The church described these updates as enhancing clarity and focus on doctrinal equality without altering core promises, though some observers noted they responded to member feedback on perceived imbalances. Church doctrine holds that through these covenants, endowed women access priesthood power to fulfill divine roles, particularly in family and temple settings, without holding the priesthood office reserved for men. Participation requires a temple recommend, obtained after affirming worthiness including adherence to and , and the ceremony remains confidential, with public descriptions limited to generalized summaries to preserve sanctity. Empirical data on covenant adherence is unavailable due to the private nature of temple worship, but church leaders assert the endowment equips women for eternal progression alongside men.

Menstruation Policies and Temple Access

In The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, temple access and participation in ordinances during are not governed by any explicit doctrinal or church-wide policy. The General Handbook of Instructions, which outlines official procedures for temple worship, makes no reference to as a barrier to entry or ordinance performance. This absence indicates that restrictions, where they occur, arise from local temple practices or rather than centralized mandate. A notable exception applies to proxy baptisms for the dead, an initiatory ordinance involving full immersion in a font while clad in white temple attire. In some temples, menstruating women have been advised or required to abstain from this activity due to practical concerns over , potential staining of ceremonial garments, and maintenance of the baptismal facilities. Such guidance echoes biblical precedents on purity, such as Leviticus 15:19–24, though LDS theology does not classify as moral uncleanness. Men encounter no analogous physiological restrictions for any temple ordinances. In March 2012, the Salt Lake Tribune reported instances where adolescent girls were denied participation in proxy baptisms solely due to menstruation, sparking internal debate and clarification that no universal policy justified the exclusion. Church-affiliated commentators, including those on platforms like By Common Consent, emphasized that doctrinal or policy grounds for barring women are absent, recommending discreet use of tampons to facilitate involvement without compromising cleanliness. These episodes underscore variability across the church's approximately 170 temples worldwide as of 2023, with some locations enforcing stricter hygiene protocols than others. The disparity affects primarily young women aged 12 and older eligible for limited temple baptisms, potentially limiting their frequency of service compared to male peers. women undergoing endowments, sealings, or initiatory ordinances report no systemic barriers during , though personal comfort with garment protocols—worn post-endowment—may influence attendance. This framework prioritizes operational sanctity over , aligning with the church's emphasis on worthiness interviews for temple recommends rather than bodily states.

Prayer Circles and Communal Worship

In the Latter-day Saint tradition, prayer circles represent a ritualized form of communal known as the "true order of ," introduced by during the early 1840s as part of temple worship practices. Participants form a circle around an , typically linking arms or hands, to offer unified petitions, with one individual voicing the on behalf of the group while others sustain it through silent or affirmative participation. This practice draws from biblical precedents, such as ancient scriptural references to encircled , and evolved from earlier Protestant-style "prayer rings" observed in Mormon gatherings as early as 1833. Women's involvement in prayer circles began prominently in Nauvoo, Illinois, where Joseph Smith proposed the practice to the Female Relief Society on April 28, 1842, encouraging women to engage in collective prayer for the welfare of the Saints amid persecution. By the mid-19th century, dedicated women's prayer circles emerged within the , independent of male quorums, allowing women to convene for spiritual intercession without requiring ecclesiastical office, a feature that persisted in some form until the early . These circles emphasized communal solidarity, with women reporting heightened spiritual efficacy through the format, though historical records indicate varying participation levels tied to temple worthiness rather than gender-specific authority. In modern temple settings, circles integrate women equally with men, requiring balanced numbers of participants—often couples or matched pairs—clad in ceremonial garments to encircle the altar during ordinances like the endowment or sealing. A designated officiator, typically a male temple worker holding priesthood keys, leads the vocal , but women's active presence symbolizes covenantal unity and shared divine access, fostering a communal experience distinct from standard congregational meetings. This structure underscores doctrinal complementarity, where women's voices and contribute to collective efficacy, though the practice remains confined to temples since the 1920s, shifting from broader uses to sacred exclusivity. Empirical accounts from participants highlight the circles' role in enhancing group cohesion, with no documented gender-based disparities in spiritual outcomes when adherence to protocols is maintained.

Empirical Outcomes for Women

Mental Health and Well-Being Studies

Empirical studies indicate that women affiliated with The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) generally exhibit outcomes comparable to those in the broader population, with often serving as a against distress while certain cultural emphases may introduce vulnerabilities. A comprehensive review of 46 peer-reviewed studies from to 2022 analyzed 117 outcomes among LDS members, finding that 71% demonstrated positive associations between and , including reduced depression and anxiety through mechanisms like intrinsic commitment and spiritual . For LDS women specifically, active religious involvement correlates with lower anxiety levels and higher self-reported purpose in life, though negative religious —such as —can exacerbate anxiety. Recent national survey data from Pew's 2024 Religious Landscape Study highlight elevated well-being among U.S. LDS women, with 35% reporting being "very happy"—the highest rate among religious groups surveyed and significantly above rates for Jews, other faiths, or the unaffiliated (p < 0.05). Married LDS women showed particularly low unhappiness (5%, significantly below Catholics at 11% and other Christians at 17%; p < 0.05), alongside 72% experiencing a deep sense of spiritual peace and well-being at least weekly—the highest across denominations (p < 0.05). These outcomes strengthen with higher religiosity; for instance, LDS women whose spouses view religion as "very important" reported 42% "very happy" rates, compared to 14% when spouses deem it unimportant (p < 0.05). Family life satisfaction also exceeds peers, with 27% rating it "excellent" (significantly higher than Muslims or nones; p < 0.05). Depression rates among LDS women align closely with Protestant women, showing no significant differences in symptom severity (mean Beck Depression Inventory score of 6.69 for LDS vs. 5.45 for Protestants; p > 0.05). However, perfectionism exhibits a strong inverse correlation with depression in both groups (r = -0.35 for LDS women; p < 0.001), and endorsement of traditional roles correlates with elevated depressive symptoms specifically among LDS women (r = -0.35; p < 0.001). Reviews note mixed depression findings, with elderly LDS women at somewhat higher risk in some cohorts, yet overall spiritual strength and religious commitment inversely predict depression-related concerns. LDS women demonstrate advantages in body image and related well-being metrics, reporting higher body esteem and lower prevalence than national college student averages. Spiritual factors, such as experiences of grace, further reduce anxiety and appearance-related preoccupations. While —home to a majority LDS population—records female rates above the national average (approximately 8.9-11.5 per 100,000 vs. 5.9 nationally in recent years), studies attribute this to multifaceted causes including and access to means rather than religious alone, with religiosity often buffering against suicidality in adherent populations.

Family Stability, Divorce Rates, and Fertility

Latter-day Saint families exhibit higher rates of marriage and lower rates of divorce among those participating in temple sealings compared to non-temple marriages and the U.S. general population, contributing to greater overall family stability. According to a 2012 Pew Research Center survey, 67% of Mormon adults were married, exceeding the 52% national figure, with Mormons also reporting stronger emphasis on family unity through religious practices. Empirical studies indicate that temple-sealed marriages, which involve sacred covenants emphasizing eternal progression, have divorce rates of approximately 1-2%, significantly below the 8-12% rate for non-temple Latter-day Saint marriages and the U.S. average of around 25% for first marriages. Active church attendance correlates with reduced divorce, with 15% of regularly attending Latter-day Saint women divorced versus 26% among less active women. However, overall Latter-day Saint divorce rates are only 5-10% lower than national averages, reflecting influences like younger marriage ages and external societal pressures. These patterns suggest that doctrinal commitments to eternal marriage foster stability, particularly for women who often prioritize roles within the , though broader trends show convergence with secular norms. A Pew Religious Landscape Study found 9% of surveyed reported being , lower than many religious groups, attributed in part to communal support and teachings against dissolution. Family stability is further supported by higher intergenerational continuity in early family formation, with studies showing consistent rank-ordering in marital timing across Mormon generations. Nonetheless, some analyses, including self-reported surveys, place Latter-day Saint divorce at around 52%, slightly above the then-national 48%, highlighting variability by activity level and region. Fertility rates among Latter-day Saint women remain elevated relative to U.S. averages, aligned with teachings on the divine role of motherhood and pronatalist doctrines, though declining over time. Mormons aged 40-59 report an average of 3.4 children per woman, compared to 2.1 for the general U.S. in that cohort, with a median of 2.42 children overall. , with its high Mormon concentration, had a total (TFR) of 2.33 in 2014, down from 4.30 in 1960, but still above the national rate; by 2022, 's TFR fell to 1.85, only marginally exceeding the U.S. average amid broader demographic shifts. Religious influences, including conversion patterns and emphasis on childbearing before age 35, sustain higher , with studies linking church activity to larger sizes and positive interactions. Recent trends indicate convergence toward replacement-level (around 2.1), influenced by economic factors and delayed childbearing, despite persistent doctrinal encouragement for multiple children.

Achievements in Education and Leadership

Mormon women have demonstrated notable progress in , often exceeding national averages in initial pursuit of higher education despite cultural emphases on early and motherhood. A 2009 Pew Research Center survey found that 61% of Latter-day Saints (LDS) adults, including women, had attended some college, compared to 50% of the U.S. general population. Church leaders have consistently encouraged women's , with figures like Jean A. Stevens Bingham promoting global access to schooling for girls and sharing examples of LDS women leveraging degrees for and family support. Historical publications such as the Woman's Exponent (1872–1914) advocated for women's intellectual development, contributing to early advancements like LDS women entering medical fields as doctors and nurses before such paths were widely accepted for women in the U.S. However, completion rates reveal trade-offs, with approximately 28% of LDS women holding bachelor's degrees as of early 2010s data, comparable to LDS men but trailing broader U.S. trends for women (around 40% by 2020s). In , where LDS members predominate, women initiate at high rates—65.3% of female high school graduates enroll versus 57.6% of males—but advanced degree attainment lags nationally, with women earning the lowest share of graduate degrees among U.S. states, attributed in studies to family formation priorities. Despite this, LDS women have achieved leadership in academia, with a 2024 BYU highlighting 15 female administrators' journeys in higher education roles at the church-affiliated university. In church leadership, women hold presiding roles over major auxiliaries, directing programs for millions worldwide. The , the church's women's organization founded in 1842 with over 7 million members, is led by a presidency called by the church president, overseeing welfare, education, and spiritual instruction with significant autonomy. Current President , serving since 2022, exemplifies professional achievement, having practiced law, served as general counsel for Intermountain Healthcare, and become the first woman on the University of Utah's Board of Trustees. Historical figures include , second president (1866–1887), who organized women's cooperatives and education efforts amid pioneer hardships. Secular leadership milestones include Martha Hughes Cannon, an LDS physician and suffragist who in 1896 became the first woman elected to a U.S. state senate (Utah), defeating her own ex-husband. In politics, Paula Hawkins served as the first woman from a southern state elected to the U.S. Senate (1981–1987), focusing on child protection legislation. Mia Love, an LDS member, became the first black Republican woman in Congress (2015–2019), representing Utah. Business leaders include Carol F. Wittwer, the first female vice president at Marriott International, advancing hospitality operations globally. These examples reflect LDS women's integration of faith-driven service with professional and civic influence, though priesthood structures limit women to auxiliary presidencies rather than general authorities.

Policy Changes and Adaptations

20th-Century Shifts in Roles and Policies

In the early decades of the , the expanded its scope to include formalized educational programs and social welfare initiatives, adapting to professional standards in and . Under leaders like and Susa Young Gates, the organization developed curricula drawing on contemporary expertise to attract younger women, emphasizing , skills, and . This period saw involvement in public welfare collaborations, including adoption services and health initiatives, reflecting a continuity of women's organizational established in the . The 1930s introduction of the Church's welfare program further integrated women into structured relief efforts, with sisters managing food production, storage, and distribution amid the . By mid-century, post-World War II teachings shifted emphasis toward women's primary roles in homemaking and child-rearing, discouraging outside employment where feasible to prioritize family stability. This doctrinal focus intensified in the and , aligning with broader cultural ideals of domesticity, though for women remained encouraged as preparation for motherhood. The 1960s correlation program marked a significant administrative , centralizing auxiliary organizations like the under priesthood quorum oversight to streamline Church operations and ensure doctrinal uniformity. This reduced the operational independence of women's leadership, with general auxiliary presidencies now reporting directly to male general authorities, a change formalized by 1972. Amid rising , 1970s general conference addresses heightened rhetoric on women's divine roles in the home, with invoked more frequently than in prior decades. The Church's stance against the () from 1972 to 1982 exemplified efforts to preserve distinct gender roles, arguing the amendment could erode legal protections for women in areas like , , and motherhood exemptions. Church leaders mobilized thousands of Latter-day Saint women through letter-writing campaigns and legislative lobbying, particularly in unratified states like , framing opposition as safeguarding traditional family structures rather than denying equality. By the late , temple endowment adjustments in 1990 removed certain interpretive elements perceived as subordinating women, aligning ceremonies more closely with egalitarian language while retaining core covenants. These shifts reflected adaptive responses to social pressures, balancing continuity in women's familial responsibilities with incremental administrative and rhetorical refinements.

21st-Century Developments and Recent Updates

In October 2012, Church President announced a reduction in the minimum age for full-time missionary service, lowering it from 21 to 19 for women, which resulted in a significant increase in female missionaries, comprising about 20% of the total missionary force by subsequent years. This change facilitated greater participation by young women in proselytizing efforts, aligning with the church's emphasis on hastening the work of salvation. During the April 2013 General Conference, Jean A. Stevens, first counselor in the Primary general , became the first woman to offer a in the church's semiannual worldwide meetings, marking a shift from prior practices where such invocations were exclusively male. Subsequent conferences have included women in these roles more frequently, reflecting adjustments to promote visibility of female voices in ecclesiastical proceedings. Temple endowment ceremonies underwent revisions effective January 2019, eliminating the requirement for women to their faces during and modifying covenants so that women promise obedience directly to rather than through their husbands, reducing prior language emphasizing spousal submission. These updates, implemented without public explanation from church leaders, were interpreted by some as responses to member feedback on perceived imbalances, shortening the ceremony duration to approximately 80-82 minutes. In October 2019, the First Presidency authorized women and girls to serve as official witnesses for baptisms—both living and vicarious—and temple sealings, expanding from previous restrictions limited to male holders of the Priesthood. This policy aligned with broader adjustments allowing baptized youth to witness ordinances, emphasizing inclusivity in sacred rites while maintaining doctrinal distinctions in priesthood authority. In July 2017, the church introduced six weeks of paid maternity leave for employees and permitted pants as professional attire in certain work settings, addressing practical accommodations for working mothers. More recently, in August 2025, a new style of women's temple garments was unveiled, featuring updated designs for comfort and , which some members had advocated for years amid discussions on evolving cultural needs. Under President Russell M. Nelson's since 2018, initiatives have included increased representation in general addresses and councils, alongside global programs enhancing support for women and children, though priesthood ordination remains reserved for men per doctrine.

Controversies and Civil Engagements

Reproductive Rights and Family Planning

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints opposes elective for personal or social convenience, viewing it as contrary to God's commandments regarding the sanctity of human life, while permitting the procedure in limited circumstances such as , , severe fetal abnormalities, or serious risks to the mother's physical or . This position, reaffirmed in official statements as recently as October 2024, counsels members against submitting to, performing, arranging, or encouraging such elective procedures, though the church maintains political neutrality and has neither endorsed nor opposed specific legislative efforts on . Church emphasizes procreation within as a divine responsibility, but it does not prohibit contraception or methods, leaving decisions to couples after prayerful consideration, with strong discouragement of surgical sterilization except in cases of grave health risks. Empirical data indicate that Latter-day Saint women exhibit higher fertility rates than the U.S. average, with a 2015 Pew Research Center analysis reporting an average of 3.4 children per Mormon woman compared to 2.1 nationally, attributed in part to religious teachings promoting and childbearing as central to eternal progression. Longitudinal studies, including those examining religious across countries, link these patterns to doctrinal emphases on size without mandatory limits, though rates have declined in recent decades amid broader societal trends, dropping Utah's rate to 1.85 births per by 2023. Controversies arise from perceptions that the church's teachings constrain women's reproductive , with critics arguing that cultural expectations within Mormon communities pressure adherence to large families, potentially limiting access to contraception or even in permitted cases. Pro-life advocates, including some conservative commentators, contend the exceptions-based policy undermines an absolute defense of life, while pro-choice groups highlight tensions with movements for unrestricted access, as seen in debates following the 2022 Dobbs decision where Utah's aligned more restrictively than church guidelines. The church's historical involvement in family policy, such as opposition to the in the 1970s-1980s partly due to concerns over potential erosion of protections for motherhood and family structures, has fueled claims of prioritizing traditional roles over individual rights, though official responses emphasize personal agency within doctrinal bounds. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints formally opposed the (ERA) beginning in the mid-1970s, citing concerns that its vague wording would erode legal distinctions between men and women, potentially undermining traditional family roles and protections for mothers and children. Church leaders argued that the amendment's clause—"Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the or by any State on account of "—could invalidate state laws exempting women from drafts, require co-ed facilities, facilitate on demand by removing fetal protections tied to maternal status, and mandate unisex public restrooms and prisons, thereby prioritizing absolute legal sameness over biological and social differences. In a 1978 First Presidency letter to church leaders, the amendment was framed as a moral issue with profound implications for the family unit, prompting organized opposition in states like , , and where ratification votes were pending. This stance involved significant mobilization of church members, particularly women, who wrote letters, testified at legislative hearings, and lobbied against ; in , for instance, anti-ERA efforts contributed to the state's rejection of the amendment in 1975 and again in subsequent extensions. The church distributed pamphlets outlining these risks, emphasizing that while equal opportunities for women were already advancing through targeted legislation like the and of 1972, the ERA's blanket approach risked unintended consequences without commensurate benefits. Dissent emerged within the church, leading to the formation of Mormons for ERA in 1977, a group of members who advocated , arguing it would codify protections against sex-based without the feared disruptions; however, this faction faced excommunications and marginalization, as church doctrine prioritizes distinct gender roles derived from scriptural interpretations of eternal family organization. Legally, the church has consistently supported —granting it to women in , decades before the 19th Amendment—and opposed sex-based discrimination in employment and education, as evidenced by endorsements of civil rights measures protecting individual rights without altering doctrinal complementarity between sexes. In litigation, such as challenges to church practices under Title VII, leaders have defended policies like male-only priesthood as religious exemptions under the First Amendment, maintaining that legal equality does not require institutional uniformity in private associations. As recently as December 2019, the church reaffirmed its opposition to the , stating it would "have damaging effects on the " amid renewed pushes in unratified states like and . This position reflects a broader legal philosophy favoring legislation tailored to empirical sex differences—such as maternal leave protections—over constitutional amendments that could impose judicial interpretations overriding -centric policies.

Claims of Gender Inequality and Responses

Critics of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints have argued that the policy restricting priesthood to men constitutes by denying women access to authoritative roles in church governance and rituals, such as performing ordinances or serving in bishoprics. This restriction, rooted in revelations to in the 1830s and reaffirmed by subsequent prophets, positions men as primary decision-makers in ecclesiastical matters, with women leading auxiliary organizations like the but lacking veto power over male-led councils. Another point of contention involves historical temple endowment ceremonies, where until revisions in 1990 and 2019, women covenanted to "hearken" to their s as part of obedience to , interpreted by some as subordinating women to male even if the husband deviated from godly . Church leaders respond that men and women possess equal divine worth and potential for exaltation, with differences in roles reflecting eternal, God-ordained natures rather than inferiority; for instance, priesthood is delegated to men to complement women's roles in nurturing and , ensuring balanced without implying superiority. Regarding temple covenants, officials clarify that women's promises to hearken to husbands are reciprocal and conditional on the husband's adherence to God's law, as revised wording in emphasizes direct covenants by both spouses to obey divine commandments, removing prior phrasing that could suggest unilateral . Empirical data from a survey indicates broad acceptance among members, with 90% of Latter-day Saint women opposing female priesthood , suggesting that many perceive the structure as equitable in practice despite external critiques. In the , adaptations such as women offering prayers in general conferences since and serving as witnesses in baptisms have expanded visibility, while female leaders preside over global women's organizations, though ultimate doctrinal authority remains with male quorums. Church statements maintain that true equality arises from complementary responsibilities, not identical functions, aligning with scriptural precedents where divine roles differ by without diminishing eternal stature.

Dissent and Alternative Perspectives

Mormon Feminist Movements

Mormon feminist movements within the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) emerged prominently during the 1970s, coinciding with the broader in the United States, as some Latter-day Saint women sought expanded roles, doctrinal clarifications on gender, and institutional changes such as female to the priesthood. These efforts often framed critiques around perceived disparities in ecclesiastical authority, temple practices, and leadership opportunities, while affirming continued faith in core church teachings for many participants. Initial expressions included scholarly essays in journals, such as the 1971 publication of feminist-leaning pieces in Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, which explored women's historical contributions and contemporary inequalities. Key organizations formed to sustain dialogue and advocacy. Exponent II, launched in 1974 as a quarterly , provided a platform for Latter-day Saint women to publish essays, poetry, and discussions on , motherhood, and church policies, drawing inspiration from the 19th-century Woman's Exponent periodical that had championed and initiatives. The Mormon Women's Forum International, established in 1981, facilitated conferences and networking among feminist-identifying members, focusing on issues like priesthood authority and gender roles without initially demanding ordination. These groups emphasized empirical historical analysis of women's past prominence in early church organizations like the , founded in 1842, to argue for restored influence amid modern correlations that centralized male leadership. Tensions escalated in the late and over political issues, notably the church's opposition to the (ERA). Sonia Johnson, a prominent ERA supporter, was excommunicated in 1979 for her public campaigns and book From Housewife to Heretic, which church leaders viewed as undermining prophetic counsel on family roles and gender distinctions rooted in doctrine. This pattern continued with the 1990s "" disciplinary actions, including excommunications of feminists Janice Allred in 1995 for writings on Heavenly Mother and goddess theology, and Margaret Toscano in 2000 for essays advocating women's priesthood access, actions the church justified as addressing public advocacy against revealed policies. A resurgence occurred in the with , founded in 2013 by Kate Kelly to petition for female through organized actions like attending male-only priesthood sessions at general conferences. Kelly's in 2014 followed her refusal to disavow the group's objectives, which church spokesmen described as deliberate rebellion against doctrinal boundaries established by and subsequent prophets, including the exclusive male priesthood as essential for eternal family sealing and . The church responded by affirming women's spiritual through covenants and auxiliary organizations but rejecting as incompatible with scriptural precedents and modern , leading to reduced visibility for such amid member attrition and online ex-Mormon communities. While these movements highlighted valid historical empowerments—such as women's early in 1870—they often clashed with the church's causal emphasis on complementary, divinely ordained gender roles for procreation and priesthood keys, resulting in ongoing schisms rather than policy shifts.

Fundamentalist Groups and Retained Practices

Fundamentalist Mormon groups emerged in the early as schisms from the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, rejecting the that curtailed plural marriage and adhering to what they view as the original restorationist doctrines, including as essential for celestial exaltation. These groups, estimated at 30,000 to 50,000 adherents across organizations like the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (FLDS, founded circa 1930s) and the (AUB, established 1950s), retain the 1843 revelation to in Section 132, interpreting it as mandating plural marriage for worthy priesthood holders to achieve the highest heavenly kingdom. Women in these groups are doctrinally positioned as co-participants in this covenant, with eternal progression tied to bearing children within polygamous unions, though temporal authority remains vested in male patriarchs. Retained practices emphasize women's roles in domesticity and prolific childbearing, with plural wives often sharing households and child-rearing duties under a single husband's direction, reflecting 19th-century Mormon communal ideals adapted to insular communities. In FLDS enclaves such as Short Creek (now , and ), women adhere to codified standards of modesty, including ankle-length dresses, long braided hair, and prohibition of or short sleeves, enforced as markers of piety and separation from secular influences dating to post-1953 raid responses. Marriages are typically arranged by the group's or priesthood , with girls groomed from for early unions—often plural—to fulfill divine commands, as articulated in fundamentalist texts like those of early leaders and . While doctrine affirms women's spiritual equality in eternity, practical authority flows through husbands, limiting women's public leadership to supportive roles like mentoring younger wives or performing private blessings within marital bounds. Variations exist among groups; the AUB permits more individual choice in selecting co-wives and integrates women into semi-autonomous economic activities, yet upholds as optional but superior for , with women deriving status from size and . Empirical observations from defectors and ethnographies indicate that these retained structures foster large —averaging 6-10 children per —but correlate with challenges like resource strain and hierarchical dynamics where senior wives hold precedence. Fundamentalists defend these practices against mainstream critiques by citing scriptural precedents and personal testimonies of fulfillment, contrasting them with the mainline church's abandonment as . However, legal interventions, such as the 2011 conviction of FLDS leader for child sexual assault tied to underage plural marriages, highlight tensions between retained doctrines and contemporary laws.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.