Hubbry Logo
MsiriMsiriMain
Open search
Msiri
Community hub
Msiri
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Msiri
Msiri
Msiri
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia
Msiri portrayed in an 1886 book.

Msiri (c. 1830 – December 20, 1891) founded and ruled the Yeke Kingdom (also called the Garanganze or Garenganze kingdom) in south-east Katanga (now in DR Congo) from about 1856 to 1891. His name is sometimes spelled 'M'Siri' in articles in French. Other variants are "Mziri", "Msidi", and "Mushidi"; and his full name was Mwenda Msiri Ngelengwa Shitambi.[1]

Msiri's origins and rise to power

[edit]
Southern Central Africa in 1890 showing the central position of Msiri's Yeke Kingdom and the principal trade routes, with the approximate territories of Msiri's main allies (names in yellow) and the approximate areas occupied by European powers (names in orange — does not show spheres of influence or borders). The east coast trade was controlled by the Sultan of Zanzibar. Areas of influence of other tribes and of France and Germany are not shown.

From Tabora to Katanga

[edit]

Msiri was a Nyamwezi from Tabora in modern-day Tanzania and a trader, like his father Kalasa, involved in the copper, ivory and East African slave trade controlled by the Sultan of Zanzibar and his Arab and Swahili agents. The main trade route went to Ujiji on Lake Tanganyika and then to Lake Mweru and Katanga.[2]

Military power

[edit]

Msiri realised access to guns was the key to power, and in Katanga, he had copper and ivory resources to trade for them. He formed a militia and started to conquer his neighbours. He also married into the Luba royal family, starting his practice of using wives as spies.[3][4]

He depended on the east coast trade for his guns and gunpowder, which passed through the territory of his rivals, making supplies expensive and unreliable. Instead he turned to the west coast, sending his nephew Molenga to the Ovimbundu and Portuguese traders around Benguela in Angola, and a trader there called Coimbra became his supplier. The Luba people to his north-west had controlled the west coast trade, but Msiri took it over and halted their southwards expansion.[3]

Msiri now had the power and influence to form alliances as more of an equal with warlords such as Tippu Tip, who controlled the eastern Congo from Lake Tanganyika up to what is now Uganda in the north-east, and the Nyamwezi leader Mirambo who controlled the land route between Lake Tanganyika and the coast, and he sought to emulate them. Msiri achieved what other tribes and the Portuguese had tried without as much success, which was to trade across the continent, with both coasts.

By the time of David Livingstone's visit to Mwata Kazembe VIII in 1867, Msiri had taken control of most of the Mwata's territory and trade on the west bank of the Luapula River.[5] Tippu Tip wanted revenge on Kazembe for killing six of his men, and he formed an alliance with Msiri to attack and kill Mwata Kazembe in 1870,[6] and Msiri subsequently influenced the appointment of his successors. Msiri's control of south-east Katanga and its copper resources was consolidated.[5]

Msiri's strategy

[edit]
Msiri's favourite wife, the Portuguese-Angolan Maria de Fonseca, who died a grisly death at the hand of Msiri's adopted son and successor.

In a region and age dominated by armed traders, Msiri was very successful. His control of the trade routes between the Atlantic and Indian Oceans took ruthlessness and arms (and over his neighbours, Msiri had what would be called in the west ‘superior military technology’). But it also took a strategic eye, and the guile and persuasion required to form alliances with hundreds of other tribes, rulers and traders. He did this through his wives, who numbered more than 500. He took a wife from the village of each subordinate chief, making the chief think this gave him an advocate at Msiri's court, but the wife was used to spy on the chief instead and to obtain information about his dealings and loyalty.[4] The wife could also be used as a hostage in case of any rebellion by that chief.

Msiri also cemented alliances with other powerful trading partners through marriage. His favourite wife was said to be Maria de Fonseca, sister of his Portuguese-Angolan trading partner Coimbra.[7] Msiri married one of his own daughters to Tippu Tip.[6]

In 1884, wishing to gain some advice on how to deal with the approaching European colonial powers, he invited a Scottish missionary, Frederick Stanley Arnot, who he had heard was in Angola, to come to his capital at Bunkeya, 180 km west of the Luapula River. In 1886 Arnot arrived and was the first white person to settle in Katanga. After three years he went back to Britain to recruit more missionaries, including Charles Swan and Dan Crawford.[8]

Thus, the first missionaries in Katanga did not decide to go there at their own initiative. Msiri's strategy worked: the missionaries' advice prevented him being taken in by the first British and Belgian expeditions (see below).[8] It is also possible that Msiri had the idea to hold the missionaries hostage in case of any war with the Europeans, in the same way that he held hostage the women of subject tribes.[9][10]

The scramble for Katanga and killing of Msiri

[edit]

British Expeditions (Sharpe and Thomson), 1890

[edit]

Cecil Rhodes’ British South Africa Company (BSAC) and Belgian King Leopold II’s Congo Free State (CFS) both wanted to sign treaties with Msiri to fulfil their colonial ambitions and competed to do so. Some of Msiri's subordinate chiefs and trading competitors took the opportunity of the arrival of new powers in the region to start rebellions against his authority. In November 1890 Alfred Sharpe arrived in Bunkeya from Nyasaland on behalf of the BSAC and the British Commissioner in Central Africa/Nyasaland, Sir Harry Johnston, with a mineral rights concession and a British protectorate treaty for signature. The explorer Joseph Thomson was sent by the BSAC to meet up with and reinforce Sharpe's mission in Bunkeya, but its route was blocked by a smallpox epidemic and it could not continue.[11]

Arnot was still in Britain but Charles Swan and Dan Crawford were present. Msiri and his officials could not read English and Sharpe described the agreement favourably, but Arnot had advised Msiri to have any treaties translated, and Swan now gave the same advice. For this the missionaries were later the subject of resentment and anger on behalf of the BSAC,[8] because when the treaty's real contents were revealed to Msiri, enraged, he sent Sharpe away empty-handed.[5] Sharpe was sure Msiri would not sign away his sovereignty to any other power, and he advised Johnston to wait until he was 'out of the way'.

Belgian Expeditions (Le Marinel and Delcommune), 1891

[edit]

On 18 April 1891 Leopold sent an expedition of about 350 men led by Paul Le Marinel. He obtained a brief letter signed by Msiri and witnessed by Swan (and probably drafted by him), that Msiri would accept CFS agents in his territory.[12] It did not mention agreeing to the CFS flag being hoisted nor to recognising Leopold's sovereignty, and its lack of precision was probably designed to keep Leopold at bay, so a few months later the Delcommune Expedition followed up to try to achieve those objectives, but again Msiri refused. Expecting that the BSAC would try again with Thomson, Leopold resolved to take stronger action with his third expedition of 1891.[13]

The Stairs Expedition and the killing of Msiri

[edit]
Main article: Stairs Expedition to Katanga

On December 14, 1891 the armed Stairs Expedition of the CFS arrived in Bunkeya with 400 troops and porters, led by Canadian mercenary, Captain W. G. Stairs, ordered by Leopold to raise the CFS flag and claim Katanga by force if necessary.[14] Negotiations commenced and Msiri indicated he might agree to a treaty if supplied with gunpowder.[5]

According to the Stairs Expedition's doctor Joseph Moloney and third officer Christian de Bonchamps, with negotiations at stalemate, Msiri reacted to an ultimatum and to Stairs flying the CFS flag without his consent, by departing in the night to a fortified village at Munema on the outskirts of Bunkeya. The next day, 20 December 1891, Stairs sent his second-in-command, Belgian Lieutenant Omer Bodson with de Bonchamps and 100 askaris to arrest Msiri. Despite de Bonchamps' concerns about the danger, Bodson went into Munema with a dozen men and confronted Msiri in front of about 300 of his warriors. Msiri said nothing but in anger started to draw the sword which had been a gift from Stairs. Bodson drew his revolver and shot Msiri three times, killing him. A fight erupted, and Bodson was shot and mortally wounded by one of Msiri's men, dying later.[15][16]

The oral history of the Garanganze people contains some contradictions about the incident. In one story, Msiri speared Bodson to death and was shot by other members of the expedition.[17]

The fate of Msiri's head

[edit]

In an article published in Paris in 1892, de Bonchamps revealed that having carried Msiri's body back to their camp, the expedition cut off his head and hoisted it on a pole as a 'barbaric lesson' to the Garanganze.[16] Moloney's book is silent on the subject. Dan Crawford was at a Belgian outpost 40 km away and, relying on a Garanganze report, he wrote that after shooting Msiri, 'Bodson' cut off his head and shouted "I have killed a tiger! Vive le Roi!".[18]

Garanganze oral history says that the body returned to them by Stairs for burial was headless, and that the expedition kept the head. One account says that it cursed and killed everyone who carried it[19] and eventually, this included Stairs himself, who died of malaria six months later on the return journey, and it was alleged he had with him Msiri's head in a can of kerosene.[5] The history of Msiri's successors says that the head was buried under a hill of stones in Zambia, but it also says Msiri's successor 'caught and killed all the Europeans on the expedition'.[20]

In 1974 Congolese artist Tshibumba Kanda-Matulu said:

In all truth, we don't know where this head went. Is it in Europe, in some Museum, in the house of Leopold II, or with whom? Up to this day, we don't know."[19]

Katanga after Msiri

[edit]

The expedition's askaris massacred many of Msiri's people that day at Munema, and the population dispersed. On condition he sign CFS treaties, Stairs installed Msiri's adopted son as chief in his place but of a much reduced area, and restored the Wasanga chieftainships which Msiri had overthrown 30 years before. The Stairs Expedition left after seven weeks when another CFS expedition (the Bia Expedition) arrived from north. It was too small to maintain effective control, and moved to eastern Katanga. Left without any CFS troops to keep the peace, disorder and instability occupied the vacuum left by Msiri for some time as the chiefs fought among themselves, and Dan Crawford moved to Lake Mweru and set up a mission to which many Garanganze moved to escape the strife.[5]

The British accepted the Congo Free State's possession of Katanga (the administration of which Leopold vested in the Compagnie du Katanga) and an Anglo-Belgian agreement was signed in 1894. The slave trade from south-east Katanga to Lake Tanganyika declined, though in the Congo Free State slavery as practiced by King Leopold II's agents did not end until after the country was taken over by the Belgian state in 1908. Some of the Garanganze people returned to Bunkeya and continued the Garanganze chieftaincy which, despite internal exile for some years, continues to this day, using the name 'Mwami Mwenda' after Msiri's first name,[1] ruling a population of about 20,000.

Evaluation

[edit]

According to one European source:

There can be little doubt, judging from various contemporary accounts, that his rule was arbitrary, vindictive, cruel, and despotic. He was a warlord who enslaved his neighbours and whose capital was surrounded by palisades on which hung the skulls of his enemies.[8]

Cruel punishments

[edit]
Msiri's boma at Bunkeya. The objects on top of the four poles, below which some of Msiri's warriors are gathered, are heads of his enemies. More skulls are on the stakes forming the stockade.[16]

Msiri was said to punish his enemies and other miscreants by mutilation (cutting off ears), burial up to the neck and being left to starve, or being shut up in a hut to be eaten by a pack of starving dogs.[21] Execution by beheading was certainly carried out, as witnessed by the heads placed on poles. Ironically the Stairs expedition meted out the same treatment to Msiri himself.[16]

Msiri's capital Bunkeya and surrounding villages had a population estimated at 60,000–80,000 in 1891.[4] A year after Msiri's death, it was 10,000–20,000. In that part of Africa people disperse into the bush when threatened. For instance, David Livingstone reported twenty years earlier that Mwata Kazembe VII Chinkonkole Kafuti so tyrannised his people that many had moved away, and he could muster scarcely 1000 men. Continuing the contrast with Msiri, when the assassins sent by Msiri and Tippu Tib advanced on his boma, Chinkonkole Kafuti's people did not warn him, but let him be taken by surprise.[6]

Arnot's description of Msiri

[edit]

Of the contemporary written accounts of Msiri, all were by or based on accounts of people in the pay of either Leopold or the BSAC, the only exception being Arnot and his missionary colleagues, the closest there were to neutral observers. Arnot referred to Msiri as "a thorough gentleman," and established a working relationship with him, with a certain amount of mutual respect. Msiri gave Arnot land to build his own hut, a small clinic, a church, and a school. When Arnot returned to London he recruited three more missionaries to go to Msiri in Bunkeya.[8]

Arnot's diaries say of living in Bunkeya:

... the quietness and peace that reigns is remarkable. The fear of Msidi is great. He is sharp and severe in his government, though I see or hear of nothing in the way of torture or cruelty ... executions are common, but death is inflicted at once ... [the cases] have been those of actual crime....[4]

The Stairs Expedition's reports

[edit]

A political quotations website offers these as the last words of Omer Bodson:

I don't mind dying now that I've killed Msiri. Thank God my death will not be in vain. I've delivered Africa from one of her most detestable tyrants.
— Omer Bodson, dying words to Military Doctor Moloney.[22]

Moloney, the Stairs Expedition's doctor, wrote up his account on his return to London in 1892.[23] Influenced by the writings of men such as Livingstone, public opinion in Britain began to clamor for reforms which benefited the indigenous subjects of the British Empire.[24] Moloney noted that Msiri had his "apologists" in London.[25] King Leopold had to legitimise his Congo Free State's claim to Katanga under the Berlin Conference's Principle of Effectivity, so a justification for the killing of Msiri was required. The Stairs Expedition's reports were used in Europe to emphasise self-defence as the reason for his death, coupled with the claim he was a bloodthirsty tyrant.[26] Moloney's quotation of Bodson's dramatic dying words helped in this respect.

The question remains as to whether Msiri was being described as a bloodthirsty tyrant to the same extent before he was killed, when his signature to a treaty was being assiduously courted by the imperial powers.

See also

[edit]
[edit]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Msiri

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Msiri (c. 1830 – 20 December 1891) was an Unyamwezi leader who founded and ruled the , a militarized state in southeastern Katanga (present-day ), from approximately 1856 until his death. Originating from the Unyamwezi region in modern , he migrated westward across around 1850 with followers who became known as the Yeke, leveraging trade networks and firearms to conquer and subjugate local populations such as the Sanga. Msiri's kingdom, with its capital at Bunkeya, expanded to an area comparable in size to France through systematic conquests, often led by his son Mukanda Bantu, who raided Sanga villages and suppressed resistance via . He monopolized trade in , from local mines, salt, and slaves, maintaining routes to both the Atlantic and coasts, which supplied him with guns and powder to reinforce his . His administration was marked by brutal enforcement, including burying enemies alive and displaying impaled heads around the fortified capital to deter opposition. Facing the , Msiri negotiated with European agents from the , such as those led by Le Marinel and Delcommune in 1891, while resisting full subjugation and permitting only a distant . He sought to balance powers like the and to preserve independence, but on 20 December 1891, during the Stairs Expedition, he was shot by Belgian officer Omer Bodson at Bunkeya; his head was severed and briefly taken as a before being abandoned. Msiri's Yeke state represented one of the most effective 19th-century African immigrant-built polities, reliant on transcontinental and coercive dominance rather than indigenous alliances alone.

Early Life and Migration

Origins in

Msiri originated from the region in Unyanyembe, the core territory of the in present-day western , a prominent hub for 19th-century long-distance trade caravans linking the African interior to coastal markets. Born around 1830 into a family engaged in commerce, he grew up amid networks that facilitated the exchange of , copper crosses, slaves, and other goods, with Nyamwezi porters playing a central role as transporters and intermediaries. His father, Kalasa Muzwiri, was a Nyamwezi trader and chief who secured trade routes eastward around and amassed wealth through dealings in copper and other commodities, providing Msiri with early exposure to mercantile operations and leadership. Tabora itself, emerging as a key settlement by the mid-19th century, attracted Arab-Swahili merchants and fostered rivalries among local rulers, including conflicts with figures like , which shaped the volatile environment of Nyamwezi politics and trade. Msiri's formative years in this setting honed his skills in caravan organization, armed escorts for protection against raids, and negotiations, laying the groundwork for his later migrations and conquests.

Journey to Katanga and Initial Alliances

Msiri, a Nyamwezi leader from in present-day , succeeded his father Ngongo (also known as ), a prominent long-distance trader, and assembled a warband of approximately 200-300 Nyamwezi warriors and porters to migrate southward in pursuit of untapped resources including mines, , and slaves for export. This expedition, motivated by competition over trade routes dominated by figures like in Unyamwezi, departed around 1860 and followed established caravan paths through southern , likely passing via Ufipa where Msiri acquired a local wife, Kamfwa, before crossing into southeastern Katanga. Upon entering Katanga, Msiri's group encountered fragmented polities of Sanga, Tabwa, and Lamba peoples, lacking centralized authority, which facilitated opportunistic alliances rather than immediate conquest. His first key partnership was with Chief Katanga, a Sanga whose name later denoted the broader region; Msiri provided military aid by leading raids to pillage the village of Kapema, a disobedient sub-chief, thereby enforcing Katanga's authority and securing safe passage and tribute for his followers. These pacts emphasized mutual benefit, with Msiri leveraging his firearms—acquired via prior coastal trade—to demonstrate superiority over local spears and arrows, while gaining intelligence on mineral sites and grazing lands. Supplementary ties included informal trade links with Zanzibari Arab caravans from the east and Luso-African merchants from to the west, exchanging guns and cloth for initial and consignments, which bolstered Msiri's arsenal and economic position without formal claims at this stage. By the late , these foundations enabled Msiri to transition from ally to , as dependencies on his grew amid local .

Establishment and Expansion of the Yeke Kingdom

Founding in the 1860s

Msiri, a Nyamwezi leader from the region in present-day , migrated westward with a small band of followers seeking control over trade routes and resources in the Katanga area during the mid-19th century. Arriving in southern Katanga around 1856, he initially positioned himself among the local Sanga chiefdoms of the Upemba Depression, forging strategic alliances through diplomacy and intermarriage to gain a foothold. By the early 1860s, Msiri had begun leveraging superior organization and access to firearms acquired via traders to challenge and subdue fragmented local authorities, marking the inception of his conquests. These early efforts capitalized on the region's rich deposits and supplies, which Msiri's group exploited to build . He appointed himself or was recognized as successor to a Sanga chief, using this legitimacy to consolidate authority over surrounding territories west of the Luapula River. Through targeted raids and alliances, such as with Chief Katanga, Msiri's forces imposed tribute systems and military dominance, transforming a trading expedition into the embryonic by the late . This phase laid the groundwork for expansion, as his Nyamwezi warriors—known for their discipline—outmatched local defenses reliant on traditional weapons. The founding was characterized by pragmatic to local power dynamics rather than outright , with Msiri integrating Sanga elements into his administration while maintaining Yeke military supremacy. By 1870, these 1860s foundations had enabled control over much of the copper-rich territory, though full kingdom consolidation followed later.

Conquests and Territorial Control

Msiri initiated his conquests in Katanga by leveraging initial alliances with local leaders, such as aiding Chief Katanga against a rebellious sub-chief, which positioned him to claim authority over the Lamba people around 1860 after eliminating the chief's sons in a succession dispute. By 1868, he had consolidated control over the region east of the through military campaigns against indigenous groups, including the Sanga and Lunda, establishing Bunkeya as the capital of an expanding domain. The Yeke forces, armed with firearms acquired via in , , and slaves, subjugated neighboring tribes along key trade routes to , defeating Lunda adversaries and halting Luba southward expansion, thereby securing dominance over south-central Africa's east-west commerce corridor. Msiri divided the conquered territories into administrative provinces known as mayanga, each governed by loyal Yeke subordinates who enforced tribute collection and suppressed resistance, such as through raids on Sanga villages that provoked guerrilla counterattacks. At its peak in the mid-1880s, the encompassed approximately 500,000 square kilometers—comparable in size to —under , with additional extracted from peripheral areas, maintained via a combination of coercive violence, resource monopolies, and strategic marriages with traders from Nyamwezi, , and Portuguese-Angolan networks. This territorial extent reflected Msiri's adaptive use of superior weaponry and economic leverage rather than mere numerical superiority, enabling one of Central Africa's largest 19th-century conquest states.

Capital at Bunkeya

Bunkeya, situated in the Lufira Valley roughly 75 kilometers north of modern in present-day , functioned as the fortified political and economic hub of Msiri's from the late 1870s onward. Msiri relocated his base there around 1880 after initial settlements nearer to Kambove, leveraging its strategic position amid converging trade routes from east and west to consolidate control over mines, stockpiles, and salt production. The capital's layout reflected a structured urban arrangement uncommon in precolonial , divided into districts—estimated at 43 by 1886—each governed by appointed chiefs or Msiri's senior wives, with fields of manioc and separating quarters. At its core lay Nkuru, encompassing Msiri's residence, the high court, and warehouses brimming with commodities like crosses, tusks, salt, cloth, and , underscoring Bunkeya's role as a cosmopolitan trade nexus drawing Nyamwezi caravans and local tributaries. Surrounding areas included fortified palaces, such as those in Kimpata under Msiri's first wife Nihanga, featuring defensive walls, pits, and wells alongside Ruga-Ruga warrior barracks. Bunkeya's defenses centered on Msiri's compound, ringed by wooden stockades adorned with impaled heads of defeated foes to deter intruders and . The settlement's swelled to become the Copperbelt's largest precolonial , described as an "immense and cosmopolitan metropolis," though exact figures remain debated amid reports of and flight by late 1891. Its economic vitality fueled Yeke expansion, channeling resources eastward via Arab-Swahili networks while blocking Luba and Lunda incursions. European expeditions targeted Bunkeya amid the 1880s , with forces under Paul Le Marinel arriving in March 1891, followed by William ' group in December, which Msiri initially hosted warily, refusing interior posts but permitting one 60 kilometers distant near the Lofoi River. Tensions peaked on December 20, 1891, when Msiri was assassinated in the Munema district by Captain Omer Bodson during negotiations; Bodson perished in retaliation at Kaleba, and Yeke resistance crumbled as the fort burned and the flag rose by December 30. Post-Msiri, Bunkeya depopulated rapidly under his successor Mukanda Bantu's failed defiance, shifting Yeke power dynamics toward collaboration.

Military and Defensive Capabilities

Organization of the Yeke Army

The Yeke army, central to Msiri's conquests and maintenance of the kingdom, was formed from Nyamwezi migrants who arrived in Katanga around 1850 and established dominance through superior firepower acquired via trade in , , and slaves. These core Yeke warriors were supplemented by local recruits from subjugated groups such as the Sanga and Luba, though loyalty was enforced through coercion rather than integration, leading to frequent revolts. The force lacked a rigid hierarchical structure akin to European models but operated as a centralized under Msiri's direct authority, with war parties dispatched for raiding and expansion. Leadership was familial and merit-based among Yeke elites; Msiri's son, Mukanda Bantu, frequently commanded major offensives, such as assaults on Sanga villages, reflecting a system where trusted kin or proven fighters led semi-autonomous bands rather than formal regiments. Exact troop numbers are undocumented, but contemporary accounts describe assemblies large enough to overwhelm local resistances, with Msiri mustering forces capable of securing an empire roughly the size of by the . Armament emphasized imported muskets and , traded from coastal and Europeans, providing a decisive edge over adversaries reliant on spears and bows; however, ammunition shortages made alliances with suppliers critical. Tactically, the army favored rapid raids on settlements to seize resources and captives, combined with guerrilla ambushes against resistors like the Sanga, who exploited terrain for hit-and-run defenses. This approach sustained economic extraction— from mines and from hunts—while deterring internal dissent, though it bred resentment that fueled uprisings by 1891. The Yeke's military prowess derived less from numerical superiority or drill than from firearms-enabled and Msiri's strategic control of trade routes, which replenished supplies and integrated captives as porters or auxiliaries. By the time of European incursions, such as the 1891 Stairs Expedition, the army's outdated muskets proved vulnerable to modern rifles, exposing limitations in organization and logistics.

Strategies of Conquest and Raiding

Msiri's conquests relied on the strategic acquisition and deployment of firearms, traded for , , and slaves from Arab-Swahili , enabling his Yeke forces to overpower local groups lacking equivalent weaponry. By the mid-1880s, the Yeke possessed an estimated 2,000 to 3,000 muskets, which formed the backbone of semi-professional units that conducted raids and expeditions against tribes such as the Sanga and Luba. These arms provided a decisive advantage in open engagements and village assaults, allowing Yeke warriors to enforce demands and extract resources systematically. Raiding parties, known as bulungu, were organized under mutwale commanders appointed directly by Msiri, each leading contingents of approximately 20 gunmen supported by 60 to 100 lightly armed fighters equipped with spears and arrows. These units targeted villages for slaves—who were traded for more firearms—and , employing to avoid prolonged resistance while exploiting terrain features like caves and mountains for defensive advantages during retreats. Msiri's banangwa officials oversaw quota enforcement in conquered areas, dispatching expeditions to suppress non-compliance, as seen in a campaign under commander Dikuku involving 400 men to secure the Lufira River region. Conquest strategies combined military pressure with selective alliances; initial alliances with local chiefs gave way to subjugation once Yeke superiority was established, as in the takeover of Sanga lands claimed as Msiri's personal domain. Sons like Mukanda Bantu led village raids to reassert control and reopen trade routes blockaded by rebels, using fortified positions around Bunkeya to . This cycle of raiding fueled further armament, sustaining expansion until internal rebellions like the 1891 Sanga insurgency exposed vulnerabilities in overextended forces.

Economic Foundations

Resource Exploitation: Copper and Ivory

Msiri's derived its economic power primarily from the exploitation of Katanga's abundant deposits and resources, which he secured through and control of routes following his migration to the around 1856. mining, conducted by subjugated local populations such as the Sanga under systems, involved extracting ore smelted into ingots, crosses, or threads for export, enabling Msiri to dominate southern and eastern Katanga by the 1880s. These resources were traded eastward via and Nyamwezi caravans to and westward to Angolan ports, exchanging for firearms, , fabrics, and pearls essential for military expansion. Ivory procurement complemented as a key export, leveraging the Yeke's origins as an elephant hunters' to organize hunts and collect tusks from the region's populations, often supplemented by tributes from allied or conquered chiefs. By monopolizing east-west corridors spanning approximately 500,000 km², Msiri amassed wealth that funded a professional army and fortified his capital at Bunkeya, transforming Katanga into a pivotal hub for transcontinental commerce from the Atlantic to the . This , sustained until Msiri's death in 1891, allowed the Yeke to eclipse neighboring polities like the Luba Empire through strategic alliances and coercive extraction.

Slave Trade and Acquisition of Firearms

Msiri's derived significant economic power from the capture and export of slaves, obtained through military raids on neighboring Sanga and other local populations, which supplied labor, tribute, and commodities for long-distance trade. These raids targeted villages to extract slaves alongside and , with Yeke forces under Msiri's command systematically attacking resistant communities to enforce subjugation and tribute obligations. Slaves were marched in caravans eastward to Arab-Swahili traders at ports like or westward to intermediaries at , forming part of a broader network linking Katanga's interior to coastal markets. This slave trade directly facilitated the acquisition of firearms, which Msiri viewed as indispensable for maintaining dominance; slaves, , and were exchanged primarily for , , and from coastal suppliers. By the 1870s, such transactions had equipped a core Yeke estimated at around 2,000 men with imported muskets and flintlocks, providing a decisive edge over adversaries armed with traditional weapons. The influx of guns perpetuated a cycle of , as superior firepower enabled further raids to procure more slaves and resources, solidifying Msiri's control over Katanga's mineral-rich territories despite the inferior quality of many trade guns, which often malfunctioned in humid conditions. Firearms imports intensified after Msiri's arrival in Katanga around , with Nyamwezi trading networks—leveraging his origins—channeling weapons from Zanzibari and merchants involved in the commerce. While and formed the bulk of exports by volume, slaves were prized for their high value in barter, as coastal traders demanded commodities to meet demand for labor and porters. This dependency on slave-derived arms underscored the kingdom's predatory , where territorial expansion relied on escalating rather than sustainable production.

Governance and Social Order

Administrative Structure and Local Relations

Msiri's administration centered on a centralized authority vested in himself as mwami, supported by a cadre of Yeke warriors and kin who enforced rule over conquered territories spanning approximately 500,000 square kilometers by the . The kingdom's territory was divided into districts, each administered by one of Msiri's bagoli—favorite wives selected from diverse ethnic groups, including Nyamwezi immigrants and local Sanga women—to oversee tribute collection, labor mobilization, and local security. These appointees functioned as provincial governors, maintaining Yeke dominance through delegated military detachments rather than fully autonomous local , which minimized rebellion risks but concentrated power in Bunkeya. Relations with indigenous groups, particularly the Sanga and Luba, began with strategic alliances, such as Msiri's marriage to the daughter of Chief Katanga around 1860, which provided initial protection against local hostility and access to mines. Subsequent conquests subjugated Sanga chiefs as tributaries, compelling them to deliver annual quotas of , crosses, and slaves in exchange for nominal under Yeke overseers; failure to comply invited punitive raids by musket-armed Yeke battalions. This tributary system, while enabling economic extraction, bred resentment due to Msiri's assertion of proprietary rights over Sanga lands and resources, culminating in guerrilla resistance by the as locals viewed Yeke rule as exploitative foreign imposition. Alliances with distant traders from and further bolstered Msiri's leverage, allowing firearm imports that widened the military gap with unarmed local polities.

Justice System and Punishments

Msiri served as the supreme judicial authority in the , personally adjudicating disputes and crimes to enforce order among his multi-ethnic subjects, including conquered groups prone to resistance. His judgments were characterized by severity, which contemporaries attributed to maintaining control over a vast, resource-rich territory amid constant raiding and intrigue. Missionaries of the , resident in Bunkeya from 1886, observed that Msiri avoided torture, distinguishing his methods from more brutal practices in neighboring states. Capital punishment was frequently applied for grave offenses such as , , or failure to remit , with even minor suspicions of disloyalty often proving fatal. Executions typically involved beheading, followed by impaling the severed heads on poles around the capital or execution sites as a public deterrent and symbol of authority. This practice extended to defeated enemies and internal transgressors, reinforcing Msiri's reputation for unyielding rule. Lesser infractions, including or , resulted in offenders being chained together in groups and assigned to forced labor, such as , portering, or campaigns, effectively turning into economic utility for the kingdom. Such measures underscored Msiri's pragmatic approach to , where doubled as a tool for resource extraction and military readiness, though they contributed to perceptions of tyranny among subjugated peoples.

European Interactions Prior to Conflict

British Probes: Sharpe and Thomson Expeditions (1890)

In 1890, the (BSAC), under , dispatched two expeditions to the in Katanga to secure mining concessions and treaties from Msiri, aiming to preempt Belgian and other European rivals in exploiting the region's and resources. Alfred Sharpe, operating from as a BSAC agent and British vice-consul, led one probe northward, while Scottish explorer Joseph Thomson led another from the south across the River. These efforts reflected broader imperial competition, with Msiri leveraging European interest to bolster his autonomy without ceding control. Sharpe's expedition reached Msiri's capital at Bunkeya on , 1890, where he was initially welcomed at the British mission station established by Frederick Arnot. Sharpe sought to persuade Msiri to place Katanga's mineral wealth under British protection and grant exclusive trading rights to the BSAC, offering firearms and other incentives in return. Msiri, however, rebuffed these overtures, refusing to swear allegiance to or commit to concessions that would undermine his sovereignty, though Sharpe succeeded in obtaining treaties with neighboring chiefs such as for areas east of the Luapula River and . Sharpe narrowly escaped death during the visit amid local tensions but withdrew without achieving his primary objective. Thomson's expedition, commissioned by to map territories north of the and negotiate mining rights with local rulers, advanced from the south but encountered logistical challenges, including difficult terrain and resistance from intermediaries. By November 18, 1890, Thomson abandoned the push to Bunkeya, failing to reach Msiri directly and securing only limited peripheral agreements rather than the core Katanga concessions sought by the BSAC. Msiri's strategic evasiveness toward both probes preserved his independence temporarily, as he demanded tangible proofs of European power—such as superior weaponry—before entertaining alliances, a stance informed by prior interactions with traders like . The failure of these 1890 initiatives highlighted Msiri's diplomatic acumen in the , delaying British foothold in Katanga until subsequent Belgian efforts in 1891. ' company, undeterred, pivoted to indirect pressures, but the probes underscored the Yeke ruler's resistance to foreign overlordship amid escalating great-power rivalries.

Belgian Advances: Le Marinel and Delcommune (1891)

In April 1891, Paul Le Marinel led a Congo Free State expedition of over 300 porters and Hausa soldiers to Msiri's capital at Bunkeya, aiming to secure a treaty recognizing Leopold II's sovereignty and establish a Belgian post in Katanga. The group arrived on 18 April, but a gunpowder explosion upon entry weakened their position and demonstrated vulnerabilities. After months of negotiations, Msiri refused direct submission or a post within Bunkeya, instead permitting a station approximately 60 km away on the flood-prone and malaria-infested Lofoi River; Le Marinel obtained only a vaguely worded letter allowing Free State agents presence in the region, which Msiri later disavowed as implying full allegiance. Le Marinel departed in June without a binding agreement, leaving a small garrison at the Lofoi outpost, which faced immediate logistical hardships. Later that year, Alexandre Delcommune's expedition, dispatched from the stations after a grueling 15-month overland trek with heavy porter and losses, reached Bunkeya on 6 1891 to leverage Le Marinel's letter and press for Msiri's acceptance of the Belgian and authority. Msiri, wary of European encroachments and prioritizing his amid internal unrest, rebuffed these overtures during limited interviews, granting no concessions beyond temporary hospitality. Delcommune's group lingered briefly but achieved no territorial or political gains before withdrawing, underscoring Msiri's consistent strategy of evasion and minimal accommodation to delay colonial penetration. These failed advances highlighted the 's overextended supply lines and Msiri's tactical leverage through controlled access and environmental barriers, setting the stage for more forceful Belgian measures.

The Stairs Expedition and Final Confrontation

Expedition Mandate and Arrival

The Stairs Expedition was commissioned in 1891 by King to assert the 's authority over the resource-rich Katanga region, preempting rival British interests led by the . Captain William Grant Stairs, a Canadian-born officer previously involved in Henry Morton Stanley's , was selected to command the mission on Stanley's recommendation. The explicit mandate required Stairs to secure Msiri's submission—through or coercion if persuasion failed—granting the rights to minerals such as and , while establishing administrative outposts and hoisting the Free State's flag. Comprising European officers including Belgian Captain Omer Bodson, approximately 300-400 Zanzibari askaris equipped with rifles, and local porters, the expedition departed from stations near and traversed nearly 1,000 miles of disease-ridden terrain plagued by Arab-Swahili raiders and hostile tribes. Departing in mid-1891, the force overcame supply shortages and skirmishes, arriving at Msiri's fortified capital of Bunkeya on December 14, 1891, after outpacing a concurrent Belgian effort under Alexandre Delcommune. Upon reaching Bunkeya, a sprawling boma enclosure housing Msiri's court and thousands of subjects, Stairs established camp several hundred meters outside the walls to maintain a show of force while requesting an initial audience. This positioned the expedition to leverage their superior firepower against Msiri's Yeke warriors, who relied on traditional weapons supplemented by limited firearms acquired through trade.

Negotiations and Resistance

The Stairs Expedition arrived at Msiri's capital of Bunkeya on December 14, 1891, with approximately 400 armed troops and porters, under orders from the to secure Katanga's submission through treaty or force. After a customary three-day wait, Msiri received the expedition leaders on December 17, exchanging gifts in a display of initial courtesy before negotiations commenced. Stairs demanded that Msiri sign a treaty acknowledging sovereignty over his territory, raise the Free State's flag, and potentially perform a blood brotherhood ritual to seal the agreement. Msiri resisted these overtures, employing delaying tactics honed from prior encounters with European agents, such as the 1891 Delcommune mission, where he had avoided formal concessions while maintaining control. He refused to comply with the demands, instead countering with requests for supplies and the removal of a lingering agent named Legat, signaling his intent to extract benefits without ceding . Over the following three days, talks stalled amid feigned compliance from both sides, with Msiri leveraging his fortified position and local alliances to avoid direct capitulation. Faced with impasse, issued an on December 20, 1891, requiring Msiri to sign the by the next day or face consequences, but Msiri evaded by fleeing to his fortified village at Munema, underscoring his strategic resistance to European overlordship. This maneuver prolonged the standoff, forcing the expedition to pursue him with a detachment of 100 askaris under Omer Bodson, rather than allowing immediate territorial handover. Msiri's actions reflected a pattern of calculated defiance, prioritizing over accommodation with the , whom he viewed as a threat to his resource-based power structure in Katanga.

Killing of Msiri (December 1891)

On December 14, 1891, the Expedition, comprising approximately 400 troops and porters under Captain William Grant , arrived at Bunkeya, Msiri's capital in the . Initial negotiations ensued, with Stairs demanding Msiri's acceptance of the Congo Free State's flag and on behalf of King Leopold II; Msiri refused and fled toward a secondary residence at Munema. On December 20, ordered his second-in-command, Belgian Lieutenant Omer Bodson, along with Marquis Adolphe de Bonchamps and 100 askaris, to apprehend Msiri. During the confrontation, Msiri drew his sword in resistance; Bodson responded by firing three revolver shots, mortally wounding the king. Msiri's son, Masuka, retaliated by shooting Bodson, who died from his wounds the following day; de Bonchamps then killed Masuka. In the immediate aftermath, expedition members decapitated Msiri's body, impaling his head on a stake outside Bunkeya as a deterrent to potential resistors. Msiri's headless corpse was returned to his followers for burial, while the head was initially preserved but later abandoned en route due to superstitions among porters. This act marked the effective end of Msiri's resistance and facilitated the 's claim over Katanga.

Aftermath: Succession and Head's Fate

Following Msiri's death on December 20, 1891, Captain William Grant Stairs installed Mukanda-Bantu, Msiri's son, as successor to the in Bunkeya. Mukanda-Bantu signed an act of submission recognizing the sovereignty of the , after which the CFS flag was raised over the capital. The new ruler's authority was confined to a diminished with a radius of approximately 50 miles around Bunkeya, transforming the once expansive kingdom into a colonial . This arrangement restored some pre-Msiri chieftainships, such as those of the Wasanga, but triggered widespread instability as rival groups contested power amid the dispersal of Msiri's followers and a resulting . In the immediate aftermath, Mukanda-Bantu commanded limited influence, reduced to camping among ruins with only a small entourage. Over time, he consolidated some control by cooperating with Belgian authorities, relocating to Litupisha, though the Yeke fragmented further under colonial encroachment. Msiri's head was decapitated post-mortem by the Stairs Expedition and initially displayed impaled on a post near Bunkeya, emulating the king's own punitive customs against defeated foes. The expedition retained the head during their withdrawal, transporting it in a tin or basket. Yeke oral traditions, as recounted by descendants including Marcel Mukanda-Bantu, assert that the returned body for lacked the head, which allegedly cursed carriers—bringing and misfortune—prompting its abandonment near a river bordering and the Congo. Its precise end is undocumented, with accounts suggesting possible near Pweto or submersion in water.

Legacy and Assessments

Achievements in State-Building and Order

Msiri established the around 1856 after migrating to southern Katanga with Nyamwezi followers, progressively conquering Lunda rulers and securing control over the copper-rich region by 1870. He centralized authority by adopting Lunda models while introducing novel political titles, ceremonial practices, and alterations to , thereby forging a cohesive administrative framework. The kingdom's territory expanded to approximately the size of , with Bunkeya serving as the fortified capital and hub for transcontinental trade routes linking eastern and western coasts. Msiri divided the realm into provinces termed mayanga, each overseen by appointed Yeke representatives or allied local rulers tasked with upholding order, enforcing royal edicts, collecting tributes, and mobilizing warriors for defense and expansion. This provincial system extended direct oversight from the to and the Luapula River, integrating chiefdoms through obligations of loyalty and resource contribution. Military reforms underpinned the maintenance of internal order and external security; in the 1870s, Msiri procured firearms through alliances with Arab-Swahili traders like Tippu Tib, equipping his forces with rifles that surpassed local adversaries' weaponry and enabled subjugation of resistant tribes. This professionalized army, drawn from loyal Yeke clans and augmented by conscripts, enforced discipline across the kingdom, deterring rebellions and securing trade monopolies in , slaves, and that generated prosperity and reinforced state legitimacy. By the mid-1880s, Msiri's direct governance yielded substantial tribute from peripheral areas, sustaining a stable polity amid regional volatility until challenged by European powers.

Criticisms: Tyranny, Slavery, and Internal Oppression

Msiri maintained absolute authority through systematic and , eliminating rivals and enforcing loyalty via executions and . Accounts from European explorers portrayed him as deriving pleasure from personally administering punishments, including burying subjects alive and dismembering offenders as spectacles to deter . His demanded servility from subordinates, rewarding informants while punishing perceived disloyalty with death, fostering an atmosphere of fear among his warriors and administrators. The Yeke kingdom's expansion relied heavily on and the incorporation of captives into its military and labor systems, with Msiri trading slaves alongside and to acquire firearms from Arab-Swahili . Conquered groups, such as the Sanga and other local Katangese peoples, were subjected to forced in goods and manpower, with resistance met by punitive expeditions that enslaved entire villages. This internal slave economy supported Msiri's of batongole overseers, many of whom were themselves former slaves elevated to enforce subjugation on subject populations. Oppression extended to economic control, where Msiri monopolized trade routes and resources, compelling local chiefs to relinquish or face , as seen in his campaigns against the Wasanga clans around 1870–1880. Such policies bred widespread , with subject tribes viewing Yeke rule as alien domination marked by arbitrary seizures and cultural imposition, contributing to fragile alliances that unraveled upon his in 1891. While Msiri's centralization imposed order on fragmented societies, critics among contemporaries highlighted how his tyranny prioritized personal aggrandizement over sustainable , exacerbating ethnic tensions that persisted into the colonial era.

Debates on Resistance to Colonialism

Msiri's refusal to submit to the (CFS), despite repeated expeditions from 1889 onward, has led some observers to frame his actions as a form of resistance preserving African autonomy in Katanga amid the . After Paul Le Marinel's 1889 mission, Msiri rejected formal allegiance but permitted a 60 km from his capital Bunkeya, strategically delaying direct colonial oversight for over six years following the 1885 . In 1891, he similarly rebuffed Alexandre Delcommune and evaded treaties with the , leveraging rival European interests to maintain leverage until the Expedition's arrival. Proponents of this view, often in popular narratives, depict Msiri as a defiant obstructing through diplomatic maneuvering and posture. Critics, however, contend that Msiri's opposition was not principled anti-colonialism but a self-interested defense of his Yeke kingdom's exploitative structure, which he had imposed as a Nyamwezi through conquest, , and tribute extraction from local groups like the Sanga. Contemporaneous accounts highlight his tyrannical methods, including burying enemies alive and displaying impaled heads, practices that paralleled the brutality later associated with colonial regimes but predated them in his rule. Notably, as the 1891 Sanga rebellion erupted against Yeke oppression—employing guerrilla tactics in southern Katanga—Msiri's forces allied with the nascent CFS Lofoi station and troops to suppress it, demonstrating pragmatic collaboration with Europeans against internal threats rather than unified resistance. This selective engagement underscores that his stance prioritized regime survival over broader opposition to foreign influence, as evidenced by his reliance on Arab-Swahili trade networks for firearms and ivory/slave exports. The debates further hinge on Msiri's non-local origins and the kingdom's fragility: founded in the 1860s via invasion from Tanganyika, the Yeke polity faced chronic revolts, with post-Msiri succession under Mukanda Bantu shifting to outright , including CFS-authorized raids on rebels. Historians caution against romanticizing his defiance, noting it delayed but did not avert incorporation into the CFS, where Yeke elites adapted to colonial rather than sustaining insurgency. Accounts like those linking Msiri's fortified compound—adorned with human remains—to inspirations for Joseph Conrad's portray him as emblematic of pre-colonial savagery, complicating narratives of noble resistance. Ultimately, from expedition diaries and local testimonies reveals Msiri's maneuvers as amid power vacuums, not ideological opposition to , which emerged later in African history.

Long-Term Impact on Katanga

The of Msiri on December 20, 1891, created a profound in Katanga, exacerbating ethnic tensions between the conquering Yeke elite—immigrants from present-day —and local populations such as the Sanga, who had long resented Yeke dominance through slave raids, tribute extraction, and militarized control. This instability manifested in the Sanga rebellion of the 1890s, a decentralized guerrilla campaign targeting Yeke strongholds, supply lines, and deliveries, which eroded the Yeke monopoly on and foreshadowed patterns of localized resistance against centralized authority in the region. Belgian forces capitalized on these divisions, allying with Yeke remnants to suppress the Sanga uprising by the mid-1890s, thereby securing control over Katanga and installing compliant local rulers under the administration. This consolidation enabled systematic resource extraction, building directly on the Yeke kingdom's established networks for , , and slave , which Msiri had centralized since the to exchange for firearms and European . By the early 1900s, concessions to firms like the industrialized , yielding over 200,000 tons of annually by the and positioning Katanga as the Belgian Congo's primary economic engine, though at the cost of forced labor and that persisted into . Politically, Msiri's legacy endured in Katanga's semi-autonomous identity, forged through his conquests and resistance to European treaties, which delayed full incorporation until 1892 but ultimately integrated the region into colonial structures that prioritized extraction over local governance. The influx of Yeke and associated traders under Msiri introduced enduring ethnic hierarchies and commercial orientations, contributing to post-colonial fragmentation, including the (1960–1963), where mineral wealth fueled separatist ambitions amid national instability. These dynamics perpetuated conflict-prone warlordism and resource-driven violence, as seen in recurring rebellions and the "resource curse" effects where Katanga's deposits—copper output exceeding 1 million tons yearly by the —exacerbated inequality rather than fostering broad development.

References

  1. https://www.africamuseum.be/en/discover/history_articles/the_yeke_and_the_congo_free_state
  2. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/id/document/33693
  3. https://apcentral.collegeboard.org/series/east-africa-indian-ocean-basin-world-economy-1760-1880/3-caravans-and-impact-long-distance-trade
  4. https://summit.sfu.ca/_flysystem/fedora/2022-07/b12240734.pdf
  5. http://www.africafederation.net/Katanga_History.htm
  6. https://www.101lasttribes.com/tribes/yeke.html
  7. https://brill.com/display/book/9789047440031/Bej.9781571053374.i-586_012.pdf
  8. https://copperbelt.history.ox.ac.uk/2019/03/21/beyond-the-male-gaze-images-of-katangese-women-rachel-taylor/
  9. https://encyclopaediaafricana.com/msiri-ngelengwa/
  10. https://www.academia.edu/142945823/Beyond_the_Heart_of_Darkness
  11. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Msiri
  12. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/id/document/3181103
  13. https://kingmsiri.com/the-mayanga-or-provinces-of-msiris-empire/
  14. https://www.britannica.com/place/central-Africa/Development-of-the-slave-trade
  15. https://scholarexchange.furman.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1003&context=ant-publications
  16. https://www.africamuseum.be/publication_docs/Baloji%20Couttenier%202014.pdf
  17. https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9780773566712-018/pdf
  18. https://kids.kiddle.co/Stairs_Expedition_to_Katanga
  19. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-african-history/article/guns-politics-and-culture-in-central-africa-the-gun-in-central-africa-a-history-of-technology-and-politics-by-giacomo-macola-athens-ohio-university-press-2016-pp-xv-249-8000-hardback-isbn-9780821422120-3295-paperback-isbn-9780821422113/1E418E296FB63B738B58C8B2E5255121
  20. https://www.worldhistory.biz/sundries/44126-msiri-yeke-kingdom.html
  21. https://kingmsiri.com/brief-history-of-the-bayeke-2/
  22. https://journals.flvc.org/ASQ/article/download/136053/140495/262053
  23. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-african-history/article/reassessing-the-significance-of-firearms-in-central-africa-the-case-of-northwestern-zambia-to-the-1920s/151CABC91033A517493F87155EC8CD1F
  24. https://brill.com/display/book/edcoll/9789004256248/B9789004256248-s003.pdf
  25. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/236416952.pdf
  26. https://oxfordre.com/africanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277734-e-146
  27. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40754038
  28. https://kingmsiri.com/historic-sites-of-bunkeya/
  29. https://www.jstor.org/stable/179873
  30. http://www.africafederation.net/SCRAMBLE_KATANGA.htm
  31. https://www.nhm.ac.uk/CalmView/record.aspx?src=CalmView.Persons&id=PX9528
  32. https://www.jstor.org/stable/29778412
  33. https://antiquarianauctions.com/lots/joseph-thomson-1
  34. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP80-00926A003000040001-5.pdf
  35. https://dokumen.pub/african-exploits-the-diaries-of-william-stairs-1887-1892-1nbsped-9780773566712-9780773516403.html
  36. https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/06/30/the-stairs-expedition-canadian-atrocities-in-the-congo/
  37. https://talkafricana.com/mwenda-msiri-the-african-king-killed-by-belgian-colonialists/
  38. https://military-history.fandom.com/wiki/William_Grant_Stairs
  39. https://www.africamuseum.be/publication_docs/Baloji%2520Couttenier%25202014.pdf
  40. https://antiquarianauctions.com/lots/with-captain-stairs-to-katanga-inscribed-copy-of-the-author-s-account-of-the-most-controversial-african-expedition-in-history
  41. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft158004rs&chunk.id=d0e8684&toc.id=d0e8649&brand=ucpress
  42. https://www.scribd.com/document/308314779/M-Siri-Stairs-Expedition-to-Katanga
  43. https://oxfordre.com/africanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277734-e-1441
  44. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09592318.2019.1638545
  45. https://asq.africa.ufl.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/168/v18i1.pdf
  46. https://www.jstor.org/stable/216890
  47. https://oxfordre.com/anthropology/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190854584.001.0001/acrefore-9780190854584-e-485
  48. https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/20.500.12657/96008/1/9781040270677.pdf
  49. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.2024.2303363
  50. https://voxdev.org/lasting-effects-colonial-era-resource-exploitation-congo
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.