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Percy Cox
Percy Cox
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Major-General Sir Percy Zachariah Cox, GCMG, GCIE, KCSI, KBE, DL (20 November 1864 – 20 February 1937) was a British Indian Army officer and Colonial Office administrator in the Middle East.[1] He was one of the major figures in the creation of the current Middle East.

Key Information

Family and early life

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Cox was born in Harwood Hall, Herongate, Essex,[2] one of seven children born to Julienne Emily (née Saunders) Cox and cricketer Arthur Zachariah Cox ( Button). He was educated initially at Harrow School where he developed interests in natural history, geography, and travel. In February 1884, being his father's third son and therefore without significant inheritance, Cox joined the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, and was commissioned as a Lieutenant into the Cameronians, joining their 2nd Battalion in India. In November 1889, an outstanding planner, he transferred to the Bengal Staff Corps. On 14 November 1889 he married Louisa Belle, youngest daughter of Irish-born surgeon-general John Butler Hamilton.

British Somaliland and Muscat (1893–1903)

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After holding minor administrative appointments in Kolhapur and Savantvadi in India, Cox was posted to British Somaliland, which was then administered from India, as Assistant Political Resident at Zeila. He transferred to Berbera in 1894. He was promoted to captain in February 1895. In May 1895 he was given command of an expedition against the Rer Hared clan, which had blocked trade routes and was raiding the coast. With only 52 Indian and Somali regulars and 1,500 poor quality, untrained local irregulars, he defeated the Rer Hared in six weeks. Later that year 1895, he was promoted to be assistant to the Viceroy of India's agent in Baroda.

For 1899 he had intended to join the US expedition under A Donaldson Smith between the River Nile and Lake Rudolf, but in October 1899, the new Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon appointed Cox Political Agent and consul at Muscat, Oman, inheriting a tense situation between the British, French and Arabs who regarded the area as under their influence. The French had leased a coaling station from Sultan Feisal, the local ruler, for the French Navy. The French also gave protection to the local slave trade, which the British opposed. Feisal was ordered by the British under Cox to board the British merchantman SS Eclipse, whose guns were trained on his palace and reprimanded and informed that his annual subsidy could be withdrawn by the British government.

Cox managed to successfully end French influence in the area; turning the subsidy around, and agreeing that Feisal's son could receive an education in England and visit the Delhi Durbar. When Lord Curzon visited Muscat in 1903, he judged that Cox virtually ran the place. Cox was promoted to the rank of major on 6 February 1902,[3] and was invested Companion of the Order of the Indian Empire; whereas Feisal was rewarded for loyalty with Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire in Curzon's gift.

Political Resident in Persian Gulf (1904–1919)

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In June 1904, Major Cox was appointed first British Acting Political Resident in the Persian Gulf and Consul-General for Fars province, Lurestan and Khuzestan and the district of Lingah, residing in the Persian side of the gulf at the city of Bushehr. He began a remarkable correspondence and friendship with Captain William Shakespear, appointed Cox's deputy Political Resident to Persia. Their frank exchange of views at Bandar Abbas was a major element of pre-war policy in the near east. Cox considered peace the priority, in the maintenance of good relations with the Ottomans, who held all the tribal loyalties, whilst prompting India to change policy towards Ibn Saud, the Wahhabi ruler of Nejd and later king of Saudi Arabia, from 1906[citation needed].

One of the few allies was Shaikh Mubarak of Kuwait, whose shared intelligence eventually aided the desert war. Cox was assiduous with his briefs: he prepared in great detail, in fluent Arabic, when he wrote Shaikhs. Warned by the former ambassador to Constantinople of Turkish escalation; preparations were made to make Arabian friends. British forces were called into Bushehr in 1909, and then again to Shiraz in 1911. Cox promised Sheikh Khazal of Muhammarah that troops would protect when the Turks threatened to invade. Khazaal leased the Shatt al-Arab waterway on the Euphrates to the Anglo-Persian Oil Company for the construction of refineries. In 1910 Cox wrote a full report on Shakespear's findings to India, which was passed to London.[4] He was promoted to Lieutenant-colonel in February 1910. Cox promoted trade in the Persian Gulf which doubled between 1904 and 1914, suppressed the illegal arms trade; and improved communications. In 1911 he was created a Knight Commander of the Order of the British Empire. In 1908 oil fields were discovered in the region of Abadan. On 16 July 1909, after secret negotiation with Cox, assisted by Arnold Wilson, Sheik Khaz'al agreed to a rental agreement for the island including Abadan.[5][6][7][a]

He was confirmed as Resident, a post which he occupied highly successfully until 1914, when he was appointed Secretary to the British Raj. Cox feared reprisals in Arabia would make the tribes turn towards Germany. But the Foreign Office was engrossed with events in Europe.[8] Among his other achievements while at Bushire was the establishment of the state of Kuwait as an autonomous kaza within the Ottoman Empire by the Anglo-Ottoman Convention of 1913, where he improved relations with local ruler, Mubarak, by opening negotiations with Ibn Saud.[citation needed]

The Turks signed a treaty in London on 29 July 1913 concerning Royal Navy patrols in the Persian Gulf littoral, when Cox met then at the Port of Uqair on 15 December 1913. Cox noted their "intractability" and also warned the Foreign and Commonwealth Office about Ibn Saud; the "increased authority of the Wahhabi Chief".[9] Captain Shakespear's letter had passed via Riyadh to the Suez Canal in which his secret War-camp negotiations with Ibn Sa'ud, had revealed the latter's deep hatred of the Turks, who brutalised his people and threatened his ancestral rights. Shortly after his return to India, Sir Percy was sent back to the Persian Gulf as Chief Political Officer with the Indian Expeditionary Force when World War I broke out in August 1914, still with a brief to prevent Turkish entry on the German side. The Islamic Jihad to crush the British and seize Mesopotamia coincided with Turkey's declaration of war in October 1914.[citation needed]

Ibn Saud's mortal enemy, Ibn Rashid, was in the Turkish coalition. Cox sent his deputy to protect Ibn Saud, whose army was attacked at the Battle of Jarrab on 24 January 1915. Shakespear was in command of the artillery when he was charged down and killed in the melee. Sir Percy received immediate authorisation to draft a Treaty of Khufaisa with the Wahhabi ruler with the aim of forming a broader Arab alliance.[10] By April 1915 Cox was based at Basrah where he received a significant Treaty between Ibn Saud and his enemy Ibn Rashid; partition of Arabia in a spirited alliance to rid the peninsula of the Ottomans.[11] They finally met on Boxing Day 1915 at Darin, an island of Tarut, in the bay of Qatif, just north of Bahrain, where they signed the Treaty of Darin.[12][13]

A local difficulty in Mesopotamia

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Cox was Secretary to the Government of India, its chief civil servant, and third in order of precedence.[b] He was despatched to the Gulf as Chief Political Officer with the rank of honorary major-general. The arrival of General Nixon from Simla was "shabby...jobbing" as the military build-up enclosing India's plan to capture Baghdad troubled the veteran political time-servers, morally responsible to humanity and to civilization.[14]

For want of a more bland administration, Cox complained to Viceroy Lord Curzon that Barrett, whom Nixon replaced, had not wanted to go to Amara in pursuit of a policy of annexation.[15] In a surprise attack upriver on Qurna before midnight on 6 December 1914, Commander Nunn and a small fleet managed to link up with Brigadier Fry's units of the 45th to force the Turk to surrender; ultimately, by land and by sea, a typical pincer movement in combined operations enabled only 45 officers and 989 men to take a garrison of 4,000 men.[16] At 1.30 pm on 9 December, Sir Percy and Fry took the formal handover from Head of Vilayet, Vali of Basra, Subhi Bey, ending the Battle of Qurna.[17] Cox was not one for sentimentality: but the Turkic rulers had been guilty of several barbarisms: stoning women, and severing thieves' hands off; traitors and spies were buried up to their necks in sand.[1]

During 1915 he saw action with Major General Charles Townshend's expeditionary force. Throughout the Great War Cox masterminded the Imperial relationship with Turkic Mesopotamia/Iraq. By December 1915, Townshend's division had been defeated at Battle of Ctesiphon and retreated to be besieged in Kut al-Amara. Cox left with Brigadier Leachman's cavalry brigade sent back to Basra. General Townshend came to hate "this accursed country"; fly-blown. Historians point to his brilliant defence of the fort at Chitral on the North-West Frontier in 1895, as evidence of suitability for appointment. Townshend, although promised a relief force from Nixon, knew that it was an unrealistic prospect. Although substantial redoubts were constructed during September to December 1915, the cross-river route remained vulnerable to attack.[18] Townshend blamed Cox for the failure to evacuate civilians in time. Cox was firmly against exposing them to the winter cold. In this assessment he was supported by Arnold Wilson, who wrote that a general was not competent to judge what protection civilians needed.[19][20] On reflection Cox suggested that the 500 departing unit should turn back; but Colonel Gerard Leachman told him the roads being drenched and muddy were impassable. These men had left on 6 December to be transported downriver to safety. 2,000 would-be fit cavalry men and officers remained behind with the infantry.[21]

Influence in Iraq

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Cox and Gertrude Bell with Abdul Aziz Ibn Sa'ud, during the Arab Revolt, Basrah, 1916

Aged 25, Cox first travelled in the Middle East. In 1915 he was sent by the British army to negotiate: On 6 October he met Leachman at Aziziyeh to discuss how to free Baghdad.[22] An emissary was sent into the city to see Nuri al-Said. The Iraqi commander in the pay of the Ottomans was responsible to Talaat Pasha, one of the Young Turks whose coup d'état had seized power in Constantinople/Istanbul. Cox was deeply sceptical about "conciliating with the Arabs".[23]

Nuri's Basra Reform Society were negotiating with Cox when the British appointed the violent and intemperate Sayyid Talib as governor of the province. He was eager to work with the Imperial forces, but was deeply unpopular with local Shias. Cox ordered Talib and Nuri to be arrested; they were promptly deported to prison in India for treasonous attempts to stir up revolt. The general turned statesman-diplomat disapproved of army plans to extend the autonomous region; advising against plans to invade into the interior, which he knew to be fraught with dangers. In January 1915, Sir John Nixon's appointment to head a new division with orders from Shimla encouraged the diplomat to draft a similar text for General Nixon that launched the fateful mission to Kut al-Amara.[c] "This would create endless problems for Great Britain..." wrote Gerard Leachman in March 1915, explorer, traveller from India.[24]

Cox early on spotted the important alliance that lay with Ibn Saud.[25] In his capacity as the senior Foreign and Commonwealth Office official, Cox received secret intelligence reports on Ottoman troop movements. In his dealings he was "stoic, patient and tolerant, never allowing any hint of frustration no matter how perverse the commands of his government or the action of his people...".[26]

In January 1915, he was alerted to the Banu Lam and Bani Turuf tribes mobilising for war, declaring Jihad in Persia. Cox was confident that "Qurna was strong" and would hold against an assault.[27] It was imperative to protect the oil pipelines into the Gulf at Abadan;[28] the government ordered a brigade to this duty. Cox was well aware from his own experiences of the vulnerability of the frontier. He was highly respected as a quick, efficient, tireless and energetic soldier-diplomat, as well as being incorruptible. He held a genuine interest in local people, the Arabs and Persians, and was a shrewd and patient listener. As a politician he was a good speaker of Arabic and Turkish. But he knew when to shut up: he kept silent often in the Bedu presence, yet knew when to speak up, which impressed the Arab sensibilities. To Gertrude Bell he became an indispensable and close friend; whom she fondly admired.[2]

By 1914, Cox was a champion of Arab nationalism, working closely with Gertrude Bell, and T. E. Lawrence to that end. During April 1916, Kitchener offered a series of blatant bribes up to £2 million via General Halil "to the people of Kut", disgusted Cox left with Leachman's cavalry brigade sent back to Basra.[29] Gertrude Bell reported she was staying with Sir Percy and Lady Cox in March 1916, living next door to the Military GHQ.[30] On 8 March, Cox had returned from Bushire wherefore gathering intelligence. By May, George Lloyd had joined the unit from London because their work was "political not military," the "Egyptian link" being with the new Arab Bureau.[31]

Triumph and capture of Baghdad

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Cox's main priority was to protect and prevent Ibn Saud from joining the Turkish side in the war. He met the Arab Sheikh at Al-Ahsa Oasis where a Treaty was signed guaranteeing a subsidy of £5,000 per month. Cox knew that Sir Mark Sykes was the champion of Sharif Husein, a rival candidate for the desert kingdoms. The delicate diplomatic balance arose as General Maude took Baghdad in March 1917;[32] and Allenby Jerusalem that December. Taking part in the campaigns in Mesopotamia and Palestine, he was promoted to Honorary Major-General in May 1917. During this time he established strong relations with Ibn Saud, the powerful ruler of the Nejd, with whom he had already had dealings while Resident, and when he gained the nickname Kokus.[d]

For the next year Cox was of central importance to the Government of Baghdad, living in a large house where he entertained high society Sheikhs; the arrival of Fahad Bey, Sheikh of Amareh, and others instilled confidence in the British Residency. On 8 September 1918, he visited Tehran, for the first time. The negotiations largely completed Cox was installed as Britain's first ambassador at Tehran in November 1918.[33] At the end of hostilities with the Ottoman Empire, Cox was appointed Acting Minister in Tehran, negotiating the Anglo-Persian Agreement. That winter he returned to Europe, attending the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919[34].

Appointment as High Commissioner of Iraq and Iraqi Revolt (1920)

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Following the Iraqi Revolt of 1920, British colonial administrators felt a more effective and cheaper method to rule the area would be to create an Iraqi government in which British influence was less visible. It was in this environment that Sir Percy Cox took up residence in Baghdad as the first High Commissioner under the Iraqi Mandate, travelling via Kut el-Amara.[35]

Later, reflecting on Britain's new policy and the difficulties involved, Cox wrote to Lady Bell:

The task before me was by no means an easy or attractive one. The new line of policy which I had come to inaugurate involved a complete and necessarily rapid transformation of the facade of the existing administration from British to Arab and, in the process, a wholesale reduction in the numbers of British and British-Indian personnel employed.[36]

Acting as High Commissioner, Cox collaborated with former Ottoman officials and tribal, sectarian, and religious leaders and oversaw the creation of a largely Arab provisional government, or "Council of State," with the purpose of seeing the young country through the turbulent period following the revolt. Cox selected as president the (Sunni) religious leader Abd Al-Rahman Al-Gillani, the Naqib of Baghdad. Council members were culled from local elites whom Cox felt could be relied upon to support the British agenda.[37] The satisfactory functioning of this interim government allowed Cox to attend the Cairo Conference, convened by the new Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill in 1921.[38]

The 1921 Cairo Conference and the crowning of King Faisal

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Coronation of Faisal as King of Iraq. Faisal seated, to his right are British High commissioner Percy Cox and Lieutenant Kinahan Cornwallis, to his left commander-in-chief of all British troops in the Mesopotamia Commander General Aylmer Haldane.[39]

Among the points Cox considered salient coming into the 1921 Cairo Conference was the reduction of British spending in Iraq and the selection of a ruler for the country. To satisfy the first item, Cox proposed a plan to cut immediately expenditure and withdraw troops from Mesopotamia. On the question of who should rule Iraq, Cox considered the best option to be one of the sons of the Sharif of Mecca, with whom the British had a special relationship during the war due to promises made during the McMahon–Hussein Correspondence. At the conference, the Sharif's son Faisal emerged as the preferred choice, with Cox noting that Faisal's military experience in World War I as well as his vast political skills made him the most qualified to raise an army and rule Iraq effectively.[40]

Cox would later write that the decision in favour of Faisal was "easiest to arrive at ... by the process of elimination," reasoning that local candidates for the throne would split the support of the major parties in Iraq while Faisal, as a result of his experience and his respected family name, would enjoy the "general if not the universal support of inhabitants."[36] After arranging an election of sorts of Faisal's asking, Cox would go on to proclaim Faisal as King of Iraq on 23 August 1921 in Baghdad,[41] upon which event the provisional cabinet formed by Cox resigned.[36]

...For some time past letters have been passing between Sir Percy and Ibn Saud The Conquest of Hayil by the latter in November makes his frontiers continuous with the Iraq. Sir Percy is anxious to arrange a treaty between him and Faisal.[42]

For his remaining years as the High Commissioner of Iraq, Cox continued to greatly influence Iraqi government and events in the country, using his power behind the throne to advise and put pressure on Faisal where necessary, including lavish festivities. On 2 June 1922, King Faisal's court was entertained at the High Commissioner's residency in Baghdad to celebrate the royal birthday.[43] In his subsequent eulogy on his friend Gertrude's death, Cox recalled that 'On 20 April 1923 a treaty was signed with Turkey with proviso that "Nothing in this Protocol shall prevent a fresh agreement from being concluded...and negotiations shall be entered into between them before expiration of the above period." The parenthesis did not preclude the uncovering and exposure of the fraudulent Protocols of the Elders of Zion, later used by the Nazis, which International Jewry explicitly refuted. Yet the San Remo Treaty with Turkey included explicit acceptance of the British Mandate of Palestine – the Zionist home land.[e]

Remaining term as High Commissioner of Iraq, Ambassador in Baghdad (1920–1923)

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King Feisal's election had been confirmed by referendum in July 1921. British executive officers were removed from power. On 23 August 1922, King Faisal was struck with appendicitis and rendered unable to rule for several weeks. At this moment, a debate was raging over the nature and extent of British control over Iraqi affairs through treaty obligations. In perhaps the boldest action of his political career, Cox seized control and instituted direct British rule. Cox, in effect, became acting King of Iraq and undertook such measures as jailing and transporting those hostile to foreign intervention; silencing opposition parties and media; and even ordering the bombing of tribal insurgents.[44]

Interpretation of these events varies greatly depending on the source: John Townsend writes that Cox's actions "demonstrated British infallibility, illusory though it might have been" and that what transpired amounted to "perhaps [Cox's] greatest single achievement."[41] Ahmad Shikara is not as kind, calling Cox's measures "severe and unpopular" and noting that Faisal himself held "strong objections to the High Commissioner's actions."[45] Cox's own account contradicts, as he writes that not only were his actions necessary for the stability of the state, but that Faisal, upon recovery, "thanked me cordially for the action taken during the interregnum."[36] Whatever the case, Cox's actions succeeded in preserving the status quo for the British, and Faisal resumed his rule in September after being a reluctant signatory to a twenty-year treaty.[46]

Acting Political Resident at Tehran

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Cox was the acting British Minister in Tehran when the Anglo-Iranian Agreement was concluded on 9 August 1919.[47] He exchanged formal letters with Vosuq. The Iranians wanted three main concessions: territory, trade and tariff agreements all to be accepted. Iran did not necessarily share with Britain their multi-country approach to diplomacy.[f] The first approach made to Britain was at the Paris Conference. The Iranians wanted to adopt Wilsonian self-determination principles.[48] The Empire provided loans, financial and military expertise, and infrastructure development e.g. building ports, harbours, bridges and railways. By the end of September 1919, the situation had worsened for the Whites, and so Vosuq approached the British embassy, while Firuz in Paris spoke to the British ambassador. In London Curzon warned the Russians off Iran, after Firuz's visit had concluded only five days before on 15 October 1919. Vosuq would make himself the class enemy by siding with Britain. In October 1919 a special mission warned the Whites off Baku. And the following month Cox requested British troops to defend the province of Khorasan.[49] Cox's relations with the Persians were somewhat spare. On the one hand the vast country was supposedly acting as a barrier to Russian threats of invasion and Turkish activity in Mesopotamia, and on the other it was a long way from both India and London. The Foreign Secretary, Lord Curzon was forced to write to Cox on 17 May 1920, that there was little or no military help that could be sent to the small British mission.[50]

Meanwhile, Britain attempted to secure guarantees from the Soviets that territorial integrity of Britain's trading and military interests in the region would be respected. Curzon was far from happy that any negotiations should be entered with Soviet Russia. They could not be trusted, and so he simply failed to inform Cox that the Iranians would be negotiating a separate pre-arranged treaty[51]. The Persians were themselves apprehensive about their own prospects; and Curzon typically toughed it out with stiff upper lip, reassuring Cox that things would work out. But Curzon thought that trade embargoes and sanctions were the way to put pressure on Russia[52]. What was worse for Curzon, was Firuz contentment with turning instead to France for help. Their agreement was dubbed renversement des alliances – an oblique reference to the perceived snub to British interests. In Tehran they sang the praises of French Foreign Minister, Stephen Pichon. If Curzon was said to be arrogant, it was because he was more aware than most of the consequences for India of destabilizing the region by powers seeking the oil.[53]

The new Prime Minister of Iran was now obliged to continue an agenda already set by his predecessor, to conclude the Anglo-Persian Agreement on Oil. But the British were posed with a constitutional impasse: how could Parliament ratify an agreement when the Russian invaders now occupied the territory? The Iranians were content to reciprocate by demanding the removal of British contingents, to be placatory to Moscow at the end of the year from 3 December 1920.[54]

A conclusion for the kingdoms of the east?

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The remainder of Cox's term as High Commissioner was spent negotiating the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty, years 1921 and 1922, which established "the infant State of Iraq". Faisal's objection to the British Mandate of Iraq and his insistence on formal independence were in need of a fine diplomatic touch. Britain wished to keep its interests alive in Iraq while at the same time appearing to have no control over its government.

To this end, Cox negotiated the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty, which forced many of the original terms of the Mandate system on Iraq but avoided the term "mandate" and granted British protection to Faisal against rivals such as Ibn Saud. This treaty was signed on 10 October 1922; but not before an incident in August in the Palace grounds that amounted to an attempted coup d'état against the High Commissioner. In his absence the Naqib of Baghdad had signed a number of complaints for opponents. They were immediately arrested for treason. Shortly thereafter, Cox utilized his good relationship with Ibn Saud at Uqair to establish the boundaries between the Saudi kingdom, Iraq, and Kuwait in order to ensure that Britain would not have to defend Iraq from the Saudis.[55][additional citation(s) needed] He was appointed GCMG. In her letters, the famed adventurer, archaeologist, and author Gertrude Bell writes of the effectiveness of Cox's diplomacy: "Ibn Saud is convinced that the future of himself and his country depends on our goodwill and that he will never break with us. In point of fact the treaty is on exactly the lines that Sir Percy stipulated."[36] This was to be Cox's final significant act as High Commissioner since he retired on 4 May 1923 and was succeeded by Sir Henry Dobbs, High Commissioner to the Kingdom of Iraq until 1929.[g] He received a roving commission to be Plenipotentiary in the negotiations with Turkey over the border with northern Iraq. There was a great deal of animosity. The Turks resented British censoriousness over the alleged Armenian massacres of 1919, and the fate of the Kurds in Eastern Anatolia.[56] Cox though was in contact with Halil Beg Bedir Khan and members of the Society for the Rise of Kurdistan and argued the Kurdish demands should be considered as well.[57] The following year he was the Plenipotentiary at the Geneva Conference. He worked with Lloyd George in May 1925 framing the legal parameters for illegal arms shipments known as the Convention for Control of Arms Traffic. Oxford university awarded an Honorary Doctorate of Civil Laws in 1925, and then four years later Manchester university granted an Honorary Doctorate of Law.[58]

Relationship with Gertrude Bell

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Gertrude Bell

Throughout his career in Iraq, Cox was in close connection with his aforementioned colleague Gertrude Bell. Their relationship seems unambiguously to be one of mutual admiration and respect. In her writing, Bell describes Cox as possessing an "air of fine and simple dignity," praising his "kindness and consideration," and claiming that his disposition towards her amounted to "an absurd indulgence." Bell describes Cox's political and diplomatic prowess, calling him "a master hand at the game of politics." She notes the respect that he enjoyed with the peoples of Iraq and when writing about Cox's dealings with Ibn Saud even declares, "It's really amazing that anyone should exercise influence such as his...I don't think that any European in history has made a deeper impression on the Oriental mind." Cox, for his part, returns the high regard, referring to Bell's "indefatigable assistance". He continued...to the greater degree to which Gertrude enjoyed my confidence and I her devoted co-operation, a co-operation which I know from my successor she rendered with the same singleness of purpose for him – Sir Henry Dobbs that is.[59]

Marriage and children

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Lady Cox (Louisa Belle Cox, née Hamilton) was appointed Dame Commander of the Order of the British Empire (DBE) in the 1923 Birthday Honours.[60]

The couple's only son, Derek Percy Cox, was killed in action in 1917 aged twenty one,[61] and their only daughter died at birth. Their only grandchild was Derek's son, Derek Percy Zachariah Cox (1918–1942), of the Royal Navy, formerly a flight lieutenant.[62][63]

Retirement and death

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After Cox's departure from Baghdad, he was never again employed in any official position by the British government, but served as a delegate to several conferences. Cox devoted much of the rest of his life to the Royal Geographical Society, serving as its president from 1933 to 1936.[41]

Sir Percy Cox died suddenly while out hunting at Melchbourne, Bedfordshire, in 1937. He apparently felt ill and dismounted, collapsing on the road beside his horse; by the time he was found by another huntsman, Lord Luke, he was already dead. The coroner recorded a verdict of heart failure.[41]

See also

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Bibliography

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Sir Percy Zachariah Cox (20 November 1864 – 20 February 1937) was a British diplomat and colonial administrator who advanced imperial interests in the Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia through military and political roles in the Indian Army's political service. Cox entered government service in India in 1884, rising to key positions including consul-general at Bushehr in 1904, where he managed British influence amid Persian and Ottoman rivalries. During World War I, as political officer with Indian Expeditionary Force D, he secured the Trucial States' loyalty and negotiated the 1915 Treaty of Darin with Abdulaziz ibn Saud, establishing a British protectorate over Najd in exchange for recognition of Saudi expansion against rivals. Appointed acting Political Resident in the Persian Gulf, he coordinated anti-Ottoman operations and border delineations, including Kuwait's semi-autonomy within the Ottoman Empire via the 1899 Anglo-Ottoman agreement he helped enforce. In 1920, Cox became for (then ), tasked with implementing the League of Nations mandate by forging a centralized state from disparate Ottoman vilayets amid tribal revolts and Arab nationalist unrest. He collaborated with local leaders, former Ottoman officials, and figures like Faisal ibn Hussein to install a Hashemite , culminating in Faisal's 1921 and the 1922 Anglo-Iraqi Treaty, which secured British air basing rights and advisory influence while granting nominal independence. His tenure stabilized the region through decisive suppression of the 1920 revolt but drew criticism for imposing artificial borders that prioritized strategic control over ethnic or sectarian cohesion, foreshadowing long-term instability. Cox's later diplomatic efforts included mediating Saudi-Iraqi frontiers via the 1922 Uqair Protocol, balancing Wahhabi ambitions with mandate obligations. Retiring in 1923, his pragmatic —rooted in on-ground intelligence and alliances—defined Britain's interwar footprint, earning him honors like GCMG and GCIE despite the empire's eventual retreat.

Early Life and Initial Career

Family Background and Education

Percy Zachariah Cox was born on 20 November 1864 at Harwood Hall, Herongate, Essex, as the youngest son of Arthur Z. Cox, a member of an established East Anglian landowning family, and his wife Julienne Emily Cox. His father died in 1870, after which Cox was raised primarily in Brighton. The family background emphasized traditional British gentry values, with Cox benefiting from connections that facilitated his entry into elite military and administrative circles. Cox received his early education at , a leading public school known for preparing sons of the British elite for military and imperial service. He then attended the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, passing into the institution in 1882, where he trained for a commission in the . This education equipped him with the classical and practical skills valued in the Indian Political Service, including languages, geography, and administrative governance, though specific academic distinctions from his time at either institution are not prominently recorded in contemporary accounts.

Service in British Somaliland and Muscat (1893–1903)

Cox began his political service in in 1893, when he was appointed vice-consul at , a remote coastal post at the edge of the desert. /Cox,_Percy_Zachariah) There, as a captain in the British Indian Army's political department, he handled consular duties amid the protectorate's sparse administration, which was managed from and focused on suppressing local unrest and securing trade routes. In 1894, he transferred to , serving as vice-consul until 1895, where his responsibilities included monitoring tribal dynamics and facilitating British influence against competing powers like and in the ./Cox,_Percy_Zachariah) These postings honed his skills in frontier diplomacy, though they involved no major military campaigns; Somaliland's operations at the time centered on punitive expeditions against the "Mad Mullah" Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, which Cox supported administratively rather than leading. By 1899, Cox was appointed consul and political agent at , Oman, succeeding Christopher George Forbes Fagan amid strained Anglo-Omani relations exacerbated by the predecessor's mishandling of local crises. /Cox,_Percy_Zachariah) Under British protection since the , faced internal tribal challenges and external pressures from French commercial interests, which Cox countered effectively by negotiating with Sultan Faisal bin Turki to restore stability and limit foreign encroachments. His diplomatic efforts earned the sultan's trust, leading to rapid professional advancement; Curzon, who selected him for the role, later noted during a 1903 visit that Cox effectively governed the residency. During his tenure, Cox conducted exploratory journeys into Oman's interior, mapping routes and establishing geographical fixes that aided British strategic knowledge of the region. He was promoted to major on 6 February 1902, reflecting his success in navigating the protectorate's complex tribal and fiscal issues./Cox,_Percy_Zachariah)

Residency in the Persian Gulf (1904–1919)

Administrative Reforms and Stabilization Efforts

As Political Resident in the Persian Gulf based at Bushire from 1904 to 1919, Percy Cox prioritized stabilizing the region under British protection by mediating disputes among local rulers and enforcing maritime peace. He conducted extensive tours along the Trucial Coast, personally engaging with sheikhs to resolve intertribal conflicts and reinforce the Perpetual Maritime Truce of 1853, which curtailed piracy remnants through naval enforcement and diplomatic pressure. Under his oversight, British patrols suppressed gun-running to inland tribes, intercepting shipments that fueled unrest in Afghanistan and Arabia, thereby enhancing security for Gulf trade routes. Cox advanced administrative consistency by negotiating exclusive agreements with protected states, prohibiting sheikhs from foreign alignments or territorial concessions without British consent, as exemplified in confirmations to rulers in 1906. In and , he supported rulers against internal challenges, formalizing 's autonomous status under Sheikh in November 1914 amid tensions, which deterred Ottoman incursions. These efforts extended to curbing the slave trade via coordinated seizures and treaties, reducing illicit activities that undermined regional order. A pivotal stabilization measure was the in December 1915, where Cox secured Ibn Saud's loyalty to Britain in exchange for recognition of his territories, countering Ottoman and German influences and safeguarding eastern Gulf flanks. Through such , Cox transformed fragmented sheikhdoms into a more cohesive sphere of British influence, prioritizing empirical control over abstract interventions while navigating local customs. His approach emphasized first-hand intelligence from agents and rulers, yielding verifiable reductions in cross-border threats by 1919.

Handling Local Conflicts and "A Local Difficulty" in Mesopotamia

As Political Resident in the Persian Gulf from 1904 to 1919, Percy Cox managed recurrent tribal disputes and external encroachments that threatened British navigation and commercial access to via the waterway. These conflicts often stemmed from raiding between Arab sheikhs, disrupting pearling and trade routes, and Ottoman attempts to consolidate control over border territories nominally under Persian but inhabited by autonomous Arab tribes. Cox's strategy prioritized through subsidies—totaling thousands of rupees annually to compliant sheikhs—and binding agreements that aligned local leaders with British interests, avoiding costly military expeditions while countering Ottoman influence. The "A Local Difficulty" specifically referred to the 1909 crisis in (modern ), a strategic entrepôt on the Persia-Ottoman frontier controlling the River outlet into . Following the 1908 , Ottoman forces mobilized to subdue Sheikh Khaz'al ibn Jabir, the semi-independent Arab ruler of Muhammara, whose domain extended into and commanded key oil-bearing lands. Khaz'al appealed to Britain for support amid Ottoman threats of invasion, prompting Cox—assisted by political officer Arnold Wilson—to promise military protection if needed. Through secret negotiations, Cox secured Khaz'al's loyalty, culminating in a 16 July 1909 rental agreement granting Britain rights to Abadan for an refinery and pipeline, in exchange for recognizing Khaz'al's autonomy. This diplomatic resolution averted direct confrontation, as Ottoman ambitions were checked by British naval presence in the Gulf and warnings from , preserving as a buffer against expansion into proper. Cox renewed protection assurances to Khaz'al four times between 1908 and 1914, embedding British influence without formal and facilitating pre-war concessions that later proved vital during the 1914 . The approach exemplified Cox's preference for pragmatic alliances over confrontation, stabilizing the frontier amid broader Anglo-Ottoman tensions over the Baghdad Railway and navigation rights.

World War I Contributions and Mesopotamian Administration

Role as Chief Political Officer

In November 1914, shortly after the Ottoman Empire's declaration of war on Britain, Percy Cox was appointed Chief Political Officer to Indian Expeditionary Force 'D', the Anglo-Indian contingent dispatched to to secure the oil-rich regions around the and counter Ottoman advances. Operating from his base in after its capture on 23 November 1914, Cox advised successive military commanders, including Major-General Sir Arthur Barrett and later Lieutenant-General Sir John Nixon, on the political dimensions of operations, emphasizing the need to cultivate alliances with local Arab sheikhs and tribal leaders to avoid guerrilla disruptions along supply lines. His dual role as titular Political Resident in the allowed him to coordinate broader regional diplomacy, including communications with the regarding Ottoman intrigues among Gulf principalities. Cox's primary responsibilities encompassed negotiating truces with and valley tribes, distributing subsidies to secure their neutrality or active support against Ottoman forces, and establishing rudimentary civil administrations in occupied areas to legitimize British presence beyond mere . In , he implemented measures to restore trade and irrigation systems, appointing local notables to advisory councils while suppressing pro-Ottoman elements, which helped stabilize the rear during the grueling 1915-1916 advances toward and . These efforts mitigated the risk of tribal uprisings, particularly after the British setback at the Siege of Kut-al-Amara in April 1916, where Ottoman appeals to pan-Islamic solidarity failed to ignite widespread revolt due to Cox's preemptive engagements. By early 1917, as British forces under General Sir Frederick Maude prepared the final push to —captured on 11 March—Cox's political groundwork ensured tribal non-interference, facilitating logistical sustainment across 400 miles of contested terrain. His tenure as Chief Political Officer concluded with his promotion to Civil on 25 April 1917, shifting focus from wartime liaison to amid the Mesopotamian Administration Committee's deliberations on his expanded authority. This role underscored Cox's pragmatic approach, prioritizing empirical alliances over ideological commitments, though later critiques noted the provisional nature of these arrangements sowed seeds for instability.

Influence on the Capture of Baghdad and Post-War Occupation

As Chief Political Officer to the Mesopotamian Expeditionary Force from November 1914, Percy Cox managed relations with local Arab sheikhs and tribes in southern , securing their neutrality or support through subsidies and assurances, which stabilized supply lines and rear areas critical to the British advance up the River toward . This political groundwork mitigated guerrilla threats and facilitated for General Sir Stanley Maude's forces, contributing indirectly to the unopposed entry into on 11 1917 following the Ottoman withdrawal after the Battle of Baghdad. In the spring of 1917, Cox relocated his headquarters from to with Maude's , where he focused on initial civil administration amid wartime constraints, dispatching small teams of British officers to assess and organize local in the newly occupied vilayets. He proposed a proclamation declaring the Baghdad province under joint British-Indian civil-military authority to emphasize continuity and limit perceptions of , but Maude overrode this on 19 March 1917 with his own promising no permanent , respect for Islamic customs, and freedom from indemnities or interference in religious endowments, aiming to conciliate the populace and prevent uprisings. Cox's efforts laid the foundation for provisional councils involving local notables, though military priorities dominated until the Ottoman surrender. Following the on 30 October 1918, Cox assumed the role of Civil Commissioner for the occupied territories in late 1918, transitioning administration from to a more structured civilian framework while contending with Ottoman remnants, tribal unrest, and emerging demands for self-rule under the Sharifian banner. In this capacity, he coordinated with the and Foreign Office to delineate occupation zones, procure resources for reconstruction, and suppress Bolshevik-influenced agitation among Indian troops, maintaining order through a mix of co-optation of Sunni elites and punitive measures against dissidents. By April 1918—prior to full post-war consolidation but amid expanding control—Cox had drafted memoranda advocating partitioned administration with under direct British oversight, reflecting pragmatic assessments of ethnic divisions and the impracticality of immediate independence given infrastructural collapse and security vacuums. His tenure emphasized fiscal restraint, rejecting expansive promises to that could provoke fiscal backlash, and prioritized oil infrastructure safeguards over ideological commitments to autonomy. Cox's administration faced criticism for over-reliance on Indian bureaucratic models ill-suited to Mesopotamian tribal dynamics, yet it averted widespread through grain imports and repairs, stabilizing the occupation until his departure for Persia in 1919. This period marked a causal shift from to tentative , where political acumen in tribal pacts—honed from pre-war Gulf residencies—countered the military's focus on suppression, though underlying resentments over unfulfilled wartime pledges to Sharif Husayn fueled latent opposition.

High Commissionership in Iraq (1920–1923)

Appointment Amid the Iraqi Revolt

The of 1920 erupted in July amid widespread opposition to British direct rule under Civil Commissioner Arnold T. Wilson, fueled by Arab nationalist aspirations for independence and resentment over post-World War I mandate arrangements that preserved substantial British influence. Tribal leaders, urban nationalists, and religious figures coordinated uprisings across central and southern , initially achieving territorial gains before British forces, including bombings and ground reinforcements from , suppressed the rebellion by late October at a cost of over 6,000 Iraqi deaths and significant British casualties and expenses exceeding £40 million. The revolt exposed the unsustainability of Wilson's militarized administration, prompting to pivot toward indirect governance via an Arab-led provisional authority to stabilize the mandate while retaining veto powers over defense and . In response, the British Cabinet appointed Sir Percy Cox, formerly Political Resident in the , as for in early October 1920, tasking him with ending , consulting local elites, and forming a consultative council to transition to semi-autonomous rule under Faisal ibn Hussein. Cox arrived in on October 11, 1920, and promptly issued proclamations dissolving governance, amnestying non-leader rebels, and establishing a comprising 37 Arab members—predominantly Sunni notables, Shia landowners, and tribal sheikhs—advised by British officials including as Oriental Secretary. This structure, while nominally indigenous, centralized authority in under Cox's oversight, enabling him to co-opt key tribal loyalties through subsidies and appointments, thus quelling residual unrest and laying groundwork for the 1921 decisions. Cox's diplomatic experience in Gulf affairs and rapport with Arab leaders positioned him to implement this effectively, though it relied on Britain's preponderance to enforce compliance.

Cairo Conference, Monarchical Installation, and State Formation

The , convened by as Colonial Secretary from March 12 to 30, 1921, in , , aimed to formulate British policy for the post-World War I mandates, including (later ), amid efforts to reduce military expenditures while maintaining strategic interests such as oil access and air routes to . Percy Cox, serving as for since October 1920, participated as a key advisor due to his extensive on-the-ground experience in the region, contributing to discussions on local governance and tribal dynamics that shaped recommendations for a cost-effective administration reliant on air power and subsidies rather than large ground forces. The conference resolved to establish a under Faisal ibn Hussein, son of Sharif Hussein of Mecca, as a Hashemite monarchy within the British mandate framework, with Faisal's installation contingent on a plebiscite to legitimize his rule and align with Arab nationalist sentiments following the 1916 . Implementing the conference outcomes, Cox oversaw a plebiscite from July 19 to 20, 1921, across 's provinces, where voters were asked to endorse Faisal's candidacy; official results reported approximately 96% approval in urban areas like and , though the process was structured to favor the outcome, with opposition voices suppressed and tribal leaders influenced through British mediation. On August 23, 1921, Cox formally proclaimed Faisal as King Faisal I in 's Serail, declaring unanimous tribal support and framing the accession as a national mandate, an event marked by ceremonial processions and attended by British officials, which solidified the monarchical structure as a buffer against the 1920 Iraqi Revolt's anti-colonial unrest. This installation positioned Faisal as a constitutional under the (ratified later), granting Britain advisory rights, military basing privileges, and economic concessions in exchange for protection and infrastructure development. State formation under Cox's administration transitioned Iraq from provisional councils—established post-1920 revolt with 37 members representing Shia, Sunni, and minority interests—to a centralized kingdom by 1922, incorporating a consultative assembly and legal codes adapted from Ottoman precedents while integrating British administrative expertise to stabilize revenue from customs and agriculture. Cox negotiated with Faisal to balance Hashemite legitimacy against local Shia and Kurdish skepticism, fostering a nascent Iraqi army of 7,000 by 1922 trained by British officers, and delineating administrative provinces to curb tribal autonomy, though persistent revolts like the 1922 southern uprisings necessitated RAF bombings and subsidies totaling £4 million annually. By 1923, these efforts yielded a fragile state apparatus, with Faisal's court in Baghdad serving as the executive hub, yet reliant on Cox's arbitration in disputes, such as allocating ministerial posts to pro-British figures, underscoring the mandate's hybrid sovereignty until Iraq's nominal independence in 1932.

Border Delineations and Territorial Resolutions

During his tenure as for from 1920 to 1923, Percy Cox played a pivotal role in resolving territorial disputes in the region, particularly through arbitration at the Uqair Conference in late 1922. Amid ongoing raids and claims between , , and the (under ), Cox convened meetings to delineate boundaries, starting with discussions on November 19, 1922, involving Iraqi officials and representatives. The conference culminated on December 2, 1922, at Uqair in , where Cox, acting as mediator and arbitrator, imposed borders when negotiations stalled. Cox drew straight-line boundaries using a red pencil on maps during a five-day session, establishing the Iraq-Kuwait border and adjusting Kuwait's southern frontiers to favor Najd, thereby reducing Kuwait's territory in exchange for securing Iraq's recognition by Ibn Saud. This resulted in the Uqair Protocol, which created a Saudi-Iraqi neutral zone and a Saudi-Kuwaiti neutral zone to accommodate nomadic movements while formalizing state frontiers. The protocol effectively persuaded Ibn Saud to acknowledge Iraq's sovereignty over disputed areas, stabilizing the frontiers amid British imperial interests in oil access and regional control. These delineations, however, sowed seeds for future conflicts, as the arbitrary lines disregarded tribal and historical claims, later cited by in its 1990 invasion of . Cox's unilateral decisions reflected British diplomatic but prioritized geopolitical expediency over local consensus, a pattern in post-Ottoman boundary-making. No formal occurred immediately, with adjustments persisting into later decades, underscoring the provisional nature of the 1922 resolutions.

Final Years as High Commissioner and Ambassador

In 1922, amid ongoing negotiations to define the parameters of British involvement in , Cox signed the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty on October 10, establishing a framework for alliance that granted Britain air bases, transit rights, and advisory roles in military and financial affairs for an initial period of twenty years, while committing to support 's eventual admission to of Nations as an independent state upon fulfillment of treaty obligations. The treaty, though not ratified by until 1924, reflected Cox's efforts to balance imperial interests with local aspirations for , reducing direct British administrative control while retaining influence through embedded advisors. As debates intensified in over the League of Nations mandate and fiscal burdens of occupation, Cox managed internal Iraqi politics by mediating between King Faisal's government and tribal elements wary of prolonged foreign oversight, including assurances against premature troop withdrawals that could destabilize the nascent state. On May 3, 1923, he delivered a pivotal public announcement in —authorized by His Majesty's Government and endorsed by King Faisal—reaffirming Britain's adherence to the treaty's principles, pledging assistance for Iraq's League membership conditional on parliamentary ratification, and clarifying that British forces would remain only as needed for security, thereby addressing nationalist anxieties over mandate perpetuity. Cox's tenure concluded with the orderly handover of the High Commissionership to Sir Henry Dobbs in May 1923, after which he departed , having solidified Iraq's foundational institutions amid persistent challenges from fiscal constraints and regional threats. This transition, executed without major disruption, underscored his pragmatic approach to devolving power while safeguarding British strategic footholds, though ratification delays highlighted underlying Iraqi reservations about advisory dependencies.

Later Diplomatic Engagements

Acting Residency in Tehran and Persian Affairs

In late 1918, following the ending hostilities with the , Percy Cox was appointed Acting British Minister to Persia in , serving in this capacity until 1920. His tenure occurred amid Persia's post-war instability, including economic collapse, exacerbated by wartime blockades, and threats from Bolshevik encroaching from the north, which prompted Britain to seek mechanisms for stabilizing the region while safeguarding its oil interests and routes to . Cox played a central role in devising and negotiating the Anglo-Persian Agreement of 1919, initiating confidential talks in early 1919 with Hassan Vossuq al-Dowleh and cabinet figures such as Nosrat al-Dowleh Firuz. The resulting accord, signed on 9 August 1919, committed Britain to providing loans, reorganization advisors, and technical experts for Persia's finance, roads, and telegraph systems, while requiring Persia to consult Britain on foreign loans, matters, and key appointments—effectively granting Britain predominant influence over Persian governance without formal annexation. British policymakers, including Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon, viewed the agreement as a means to counter Soviet expansion and Ottoman revivalism by fostering a dependent Persian stability, though it aligned with imperial priorities over Persian autonomy. The agreement provoked intense domestic backlash in Persia, with nationalists decrying it as a veiled that undermined , leading to demonstrations, press campaigns, and the Vossuq cabinet's resignation in June 1920; it was never ratified by the Persian parliament. Cox's efforts, conducted through indirect persuasion and alignment with pro-British Persian elites, highlighted Britain's post-war strategy of but ultimately faltered against rising anti-colonial sentiment, contributing to strained Anglo-Persian relations into the 1920s. He departed in October 1920 to assume the British High Commissionership in , marking the end of his direct involvement in Persian affairs.

Broader Implications for Eastern Kingdoms

Cox's negotiations leading to the Anglo-Persian Agreement of August 1919 sought to consolidate British influence in Persia through financial aid, military reorganization, and advisory roles, effectively positioning Britain as the dominant external power amid post-World War I chaos and Bolshevik threats from the north. The agreement, drafted under Cox's direct involvement as acting minister in Tehran from late 1918, promised Persia a £2 million loan and British officers for its gendarmerie, but it provoked widespread nationalist opposition, including protests in Tehran and refusal by the Majlis to ratify it, underscoring the limits of overt imperial control in a fragmented state. This backlash fueled anti-British sentiment, contributing to the political vacuum that enabled Reza Khan's 1921 coup and subsequent consolidation of power, which prioritized Persian sovereignty and reduced foreign leverage in the south. In parallel, Cox's diplomatic maneuvering extended to Persia's southern frontiers and interactions with emerging Arab potentates, stabilizing British interests in the against tribal incursions and Qajar weakness. His prior residency in Bushire (1904–1914, resumed intermittently) emphasized maritime security and containment of German or Ottoman intrigue, policies that indirectly shaped Persia's relations with neighboring sheikhdoms like and , preserving buffer zones for Gulf trade routes. These efforts, extended through his Tehran tenure, deterred Russian expansion southward while fostering alliances with figures such as Sheikh Khazal of , whose autonomy Cox guaranteed via 1919 understandings to counterbalance central Persian authority. The ripple effects traversed into nascent Arab kingdoms, where Cox's cultivation of ties with —evident in wartime pacts from 1915 and border talks—prioritized British access to over Persian . By mediating disputes that could destabilize Iraq's eastern flank, Cox's approach reinforced the Uqair Protocol's delineations, ceding Iraqi territory to Saudi control to avert conflict, a pragmatic concession that entrenched Wahhabi expansion but sowed enduring territorial grievances. This realignment marginalized Persian claims in the Gulf, bolstering 's consolidation of the Saudi state by 1932, yet it exemplified causal trade-offs: short-term imperial stability at the expense of homogeneous ethnic polities, fostering latent in post-colonial borders. Overall, Cox's engagements exemplified a realist privileging empirical control of oil concessions and sea lanes, yielding temporary in the east but catalyzing nationalist backlashes that unraveled mandates by the 1930s. In Persia, the agreement's collapse accelerated centralization under , curtailing tribal autonomies Cox had tacitly supported; in and Arabia, his frameworks enabled monarchical viability amid mandate constraints, though artificial frontiers amplified sectarian fissures evident in later revolts. These outcomes, rooted in Cox's on-ground assessments rather than metropolitan idealism, highlight how localized power balances predefined the Middle East's inter-kingdom dynamics, with British withdrawal post-1923 exposing vulnerabilities to ideological upheavals.

Personal Relationships and Life

Collaboration with Gertrude Bell

Gertrude Bell first encountered Percy Cox in Basra in 1916, where she was recommended to him by Viceroy Charles Hardinge and began contributing intelligence and advisory work on Arab affairs amid British military operations in Mesopotamia. Following the capture of Baghdad in March 1917, Cox appointed Bell as Oriental Secretary, a role in which she served as liaison between British authorities and local Arab leaders, leveraging her linguistic expertise in and Persian alongside deep regional knowledge. Their professional partnership, marked by mutual respect and reliance, intensified after Cox's temporary departure for in 1918, during which Bell continued advisory functions under interim administrators. Upon Cox's return to Baghdad as High Commissioner in October 1920, amid the Iraqi Revolt's suppression, he elevated Bell's position within the administration, designating her as his principal advisor on Oriental matters and entrusting her with key diplomatic engagements. Together, they advocated for over direct colonial governance, emphasizing under British oversight to stabilize the mandate territory, a stance that contrasted with more interventionist views held by predecessors like A.T. Wilson. In implementing this approach, Cox and Bell coordinated the 1921 outcomes, including the selection and installation of Faisal I as king, where Bell's on-the-ground assessments of tribal loyalties and Hashemite viability informed Cox's negotiations with . Their collaboration extended to territorial delineation, notably insisting on incorporating into against proposals for separate Kurdish or Turkish administration, arguing that economic unity via oil resources and geographic cohesion outweighed ethnic fragmentation risks. Bell's role involved drafting advisory memoranda, facilitating consultations with sheikhs and nationalists, and managing intelligence on potential unrest, while Cox provided executive authority to enact these policies, fostering a provisional by 1922 that balanced monarchical authority with consultative assemblies. This partnership persisted until Cox's departure in 1923, after which Bell advised his successor, Henry Dobbs, though their joint efforts laid foundational structures for 's post-mandate governance.

Marriage, Children, and Private Life

Cox married Louisa Belle Hamilton, the youngest daughter of Surgeon-General Sir John Butler Hamilton of the Royal Army Medical Corps, on 14 November 1889 in , , . The couple had met during Cox's early service in , and their union provided personal stability amid his extensive postings in the and beyond. Louisa Cox, later honored as Louisa Belle Cox DBE, supported her husband's career through long separations typical of , though details of their domestic life remain sparse in historical records. The marriage produced one son, Derek Percy Cox, born during the early years of their union. No further children are documented in reliable biographical accounts, reflecting perhaps the demands of Cox's itinerant professional life or personal circumstances not publicly detailed. Derek Cox's own life drew little attention in primary sources, with no prominent public roles noted. Cox's private life emphasized discretion and family loyalty over public exposition, consistent with the ethos of British imperial administrators of the era. Residing periodically in , such as at East Horndon, , after retirements from active duty, Cox maintained a low-profile existence focused on reading, correspondence, and occasional societal engagements rather than seeking personal acclaim. His wife outlived him, passing in 1956, underscoring the enduring but understated nature of their partnership amid a career defined by geopolitical exigencies.

Retirement, Death, and Enduring Legacy

Post-Retirement Activities

Following his retirement from the High Commissionership in in May 1923, Cox returned to and resided briefly in before acquiring a house to reestablish ties there. In 1924, he served as Britain's plenipotentiary delegate in negotiations with over the Turco-Iraqi frontier, leveraging his prior expertise in regional boundaries. That same year, he acted as India's representative at , addressing international matters pertinent to British imperial interests. Cox undertook occasional diplomatic travels abroad, consistent with his longstanding regional knowledge, though these diminished in scope compared to his active career. In 1925, he conducted excursions in , documenting geographical and exploratory observations that reflected his earlier experiences in the . These findings were published as "Some Excursions in Oman" in the Geographical Journal (volume 66, no. 3, September 1925, pp. 193–227), providing detailed accounts of , tribes, and routes. In his later years, Cox maintained a low-profile retirement in a apartment, engaging in country pursuits such as hunting with the Oakley Foxhounds, which aligned with his English rural upbringing. He received no further formal appointments but retained influence through informal consultations on Middle Eastern affairs, drawing on his foundational role in Iraq's .

Circumstances of Death

Sir Percy Zachariah Cox died on 20 February 1937 at Melchbourne, Bedfordshire, at the age of 72, from a heart attack incurred while participating in a fox hunt with the Oakley hounds. He had been riding during the hunt when he abruptly felt ill, prompting him to dismount from his horse before collapsing beside it on the roadside. Contemporary accounts in British newspapers, including The Times, confirmed the sudden nature of the event, with no indications of prior health warnings or suspicious elements. His death marked the abrupt end of a life spent largely in active diplomatic service abroad, contrasting with his retirement pursuits in England.

Achievements, Criticisms, and Long-Term Impact

Cox's primary achievements centered on stabilizing British interests in the post-World War I through diplomatic maneuvering and administrative oversight. As Civil Commissioner of Iraq from October 1920 to 1921, he orchestrated the transition from military occupation to civilian governance following the 1920 , negotiating the installation of Faisal I as king on August 23, 1921, via a plebiscite that secured 96% approval amid controlled conditions. This move aligned with the 1920 decisions, embedding British advisory influence while nominally granting Arab leadership. Earlier, as Political Resident in the , Cox negotiated the on December 26, 1915, with Abdulaziz ibn Saud, establishing a over in exchange for recognizing Saudi sovereignty and aiding anti-Ottoman efforts, which included military subsidies and non-interference pledges. In border delineation, Cox chaired the Uqair Conference in November 1922, unilaterally adjusting frontiers to cede Iraqi-claimed territories to and , thereby averting immediate Wahhabi incursions into southern and securing oil access routes, though this favored strategic British priorities over local tribal claims. His tenure as until October 1923 further entrenched the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty framework, mandating British air bases and military advisors, which suppressed revolts through RAF operations costing approximately £1.5 million annually by 1922. Criticisms of Cox's administration highlight its authoritarian colonial character, with detractors arguing he functioned as an unelected "acting king" by imprisoning and exiling opponents, such as Shia leaders during 1922 tribal negotiations, to enforce compliance. Parliamentary inquiries, including the 1920 Commission, exposed broader systemic failures in early occupation under his political oversight, such as inadequate supply lines contributing to the 1916 , though Cox's diplomatic role post-dated these lapses. Locally, his decisions at Uqair fueled enduring grievances, as they disregarded tribal territories, exacerbating future Saudi-Iraqi tensions without ethnographic surveys. Reliance on aerial policing, endorsed by Cox to minimize ground troops, drew ethical rebuke for indiscriminate bombings on rebellious villages, prioritizing fiscal efficiency over humanitarian norms. Long-term, Cox's interventions foundationalized Iraq's Hashemite and state apparatus, fostering a centralized Sunni-led that persisted until the 1958 coup, while embedding British extraterritorial privileges until formal independence in 1932. His Saudi treaty and Uqair boundaries prefigured the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's 1932 formation, stabilizing Gulf sheikhdoms under British but sowing seeds for resource disputes, as evidenced by the 1960s Buraimi Oasis conflict tracing to 1922 demarcations. These arrangements underscored a realist prioritization of imperial connectivity—linking to Mediterranean routes—over , influencing post-colonial Middle Eastern realignments where artificial borders perpetuated proxy instabilities absent organic federations.

References

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