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Philip IV of France
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Philip IV (April–June 1268 – 29 November 1314), called Philip the Fair (French: Philippe le Bel), was King of France from 1285 to 1314. By virtue of his marriage with Joan I of Navarre, he was also King of Navarre and Count of Champagne as Philip I from 1284 to 1305. Although Philip was known to be handsome, hence the epithet le Bel, his rigid, autocratic, imposing, and inflexible personality gained him (from friend and foe alike) other nicknames, such as the Iron King (French: le Roi de fer). His fierce opponent Bernard Saisset, bishop of Pamiers, said of him: "He is neither man nor beast. He is a statue."[2][a]
Key Information
Philip, seeking to reduce the wealth and power of the nobility and clergy, relied instead on skilful civil servants, such as Guillaume de Nogaret and Enguerrand de Marigny, to govern the kingdom. The king, who sought an uncontested monarchy, compelled his vassals by wars and restricted their feudal privileges, paving the way for the transformation of France from a feudal country to a centralised early modern state.[3] Internationally, Philip's ambitions made him highly influential in European affairs, and for much of his reign, he sought to place his relatives on foreign thrones. Princes from his house ruled in Hungary and in the Kingdom of Naples, and he tried and failed to make another relative the Holy Roman Emperor.
The most notable conflicts of Philip's reign include a dispute with the English over King Edward I's duchy in southwestern France and a war with the County of Flanders, who had rebelled against French royal authority and humiliated Philip at the Battle of the Golden Spurs in 1302. The war with the Flemish resulted in Philip's ultimate victory, after which he received a significant portion of Flemish cities, which were added to the crown lands along with a vast sum of money. Domestically, his reign was marked by struggles with the Jews and the Knights Templar. In heavy debt to both groups, Philip saw them as a "state within the state" and a recurring threat to royal power. In 1306 Philip expelled the Jews from France, followed by the total destruction of the Knights Templar in 1307. To further strengthen the monarchy, Philip tried to tax and impose state control over the Catholic Church in France, leading to a violent dispute with Pope Boniface VIII. The ensuing conflict saw the pope's residence at Anagni attacked in September 1303 by French forces with the support of the Colonna family. Pope Boniface was captured and held hostage for several days. This eventually led to the Avignon Papacy of 1309 to 1376.
His final year saw a scandal amongst the royal family, known as the Tour de Nesle affair, in which King Philip's three daughters-in-law were accused of adultery. His three sons were successively kings of France: Louis X, Philip V, and Charles IV. Their rapid successive deaths without surviving sons of their own would compromise the future of the French royal house, which had until then seemed secure, precipitating a succession crisis that eventually led to the Hundred Years' War (1337–1453).
Youth
[edit]A member of the House of Capet, Philip was born in 1268 in the medieval fortress of Fontainebleau (Seine-et-Marne) to the future Philip III, the Bold, and his first wife, Isabella of Aragon.[4] His father was the heir apparent of France, being the eldest surviving son of King Louis IX.[5]
In August 1270, when Philip was two years old, his grandfather died while on Crusade, his father became king, and his elder brother Louis became heir apparent. Only five months later, in January 1271, Philip's mother died after falling from a horse; she was pregnant with her fifth child at the time and had not yet been crowned queen beside her husband. A few months later, one of Philip's younger brothers, Robert, also died. Philip's father was finally crowned king at Rheims on 15 August 1271. Six days later, he married again; Philip's stepmother was Marie, daughter of the duke of Brabant.
In May 1276, Philip's elder brother Louis died, and the eight-year-old Philip became heir apparent. It was suspected that Louis had been poisoned and that his stepmother, Marie of Brabant, had instigated the murder. One reason for these rumours was the fact that the queen had given birth to her own first son the month Louis died.[6] However, both Philip and his surviving full brother Charles lived well into adulthood and raised large families of their own.
The scholastic part of Philip's education was entrusted to Guillaume d'Ercuis, his father's almoner.[7]
After the unsuccessful Aragonese Crusade against Peter III of Aragon, which ended in October 1285, Philip may have negotiated an agreement with Peter for the safe withdrawal of the Crusader army.[8] This pact is attested to by Catalan chroniclers.[8] Joseph Strayer points out that such a deal was probably unnecessary, as Peter had little to gain from provoking a battle with the withdrawing French or angering the young Philip, who had friendly relations with Aragon through his mother.[9]
Philip married Queen Joan I of Navarre (1271–1305) on 16 August 1284.[10] The two were affectionate and devoted to each other and Philip refused to remarry after Joan's death in 1305, despite the great political and financial rewards of doing so.[11] The primary administrative benefit of the marriage was Joan's inheritance of Champagne and Brie, which were adjacent to the royal demesne in Ile-de-France, and thus effectively were united to the king's own lands, expanding his realm.[12] The annexation of wealthy Champagne increased the royal revenues considerably, removed the autonomy of a large semi-independent fief and expanded royal territory eastward.[12] Philip also gained Lyon for France in 1312.[13]
Navarre remained in personal union with France, beginning in 1284 under Philip and Joan, for 44 years. The Kingdom of Navarre in the Pyrenees was poor but had a degree of strategic importance.[12] When in 1328 the Capetian line went extinct, the new Valois king, Philip VI, attempted to permanently annex the lands to France, compensating the lawful claimant, Joan II of Navarre, senior heir of Philip IV, with lands elsewhere in France. However, pressure from Joan II's family led to Phillip VI surrendering the land to Joan in 1329, and the rulers of Navarre and France were again different individuals.
Reign
[edit]After marrying Joan I of Navarre, and becoming Philip I of Navarre, Philip ascended the French throne at the age of 17. He was crowned as King on 6 January 1286 in Reims. As king, Philip was determined to strengthen the monarchy at any cost. He relied, more than any of his predecessors, on a professional bureaucracy of legalists. To the public he kept aloof, and left specific policies, especially unpopular ones, to his ministers; as such he was compared to a "useless owl" by Bishop Saisset. Others like William of Nogaret idealized him, praising him for his piety and support of the Church.[14] His reign marks the transition to a more centralized administration, characterized by the emergence or consolidation of the King's Council, the Parlement and the Court of Auditors, a move, under a certain historical reading, towards modernity.
Foreign policy and wars
[edit]War against England
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (April 2023) |

As the duke of Aquitaine, English King Edward I was a vassal to Philip and had to pay him homage. Following the Fall of Acre in 1291, however, the former allies started to show dissent.[15]
In 1293, following feuding between English and French sailors that led to several seized ships and the sacking of La Rochelle, Philip summoned Edward to the French court. The English king sought to negotiate the matter via ambassadors sent to Paris, but they were turned away with a blunt refusal. Philip addressed Edward as a duke, a vassal, and nothing more, despite the international implications of the relationship between England and France.
Edward next attempted to use family connections to achieve what open politics had not. He sent his brother Edmund Crouchback, who was Philip's cousin as well as his step-father-in-law, in attempts to negotiate with the French royal family and avert war. Additionally, Edward had by that time become betrothed by proxy to Philip's sister Margaret, and, in the event of the negotiations being successful, Edmund was to escort Margaret back to England for her wedding to Edward.
An agreement was indeed reached; it stated that Edward would temporarily relinquish Gascony to Philip as a sign of submission in his capacity as the duke of Aquitaine. In return, Philip would forgive Edward and restore Gascony after a grace period. Philip would also revoke the previous summons to Edward to appear in the parliament of Paris, and meet the English king at Amiens. It was further agreed that Edward was to marry Philip IV's sister Margaret.[16] On 3 February 1294, orders were given by Edward I to allow the French to take possession of the Gascon strongholds.[17]
Philip IV, however, again summoned Edward I on 21 April, to appear personally before the French court. Edward rejected the summons, and on 19 May he was forfeited of Aquitaine, Gascony and other French possessions for failure to appear in person.[17] A French army was then sent to occupy the confiscated territories. In response Edward I renounced his homage to Philip IV and began preparations for war.
The ensuing 1294–1303 Gascon War was the inevitable result of the competitive expansionist monarchies, but the direct campaigns between the two countries in Aquitaine and Flanders were inconclusive. Instead, the larger consequences were from the taxation undertaken to pay for them and in the alliances used. France initiated the Auld Alliance between itself and Scotland, underwriting much of the prolonged First Scottish War of Independence. Meanwhile, England assisted Flanders in its own war against France; the decimation of a generation of French nobility at the Battle of the Golden Spurs forced Philip to abandon his occupation of Aquitaine.[18]
Pursuant to the terms of the interim 1299 Treaty of Montreuil, the marriage of Philip's young daughter Isabella to Edward's son Edward II was celebrated at Boulogne on 25 January 1308. Meant to further seal a lasting peace, it eventually produced an English claimant to the French throne itself, leading to the Hundred Years' War.[citation needed]
War with Flanders
[edit]Philip suffered a major setback when an army of 2,500 noble men-at-arms (knights and squires) and 4,000 infantry he sent to suppress an uprising in Flanders was defeated in the Battle of the Golden Spurs near Kortrijk on 11 July 1302. Philip reacted with energy two years later at the Battle of Mons-en-Pévèle, which ended in a decisive French victory.[19] Consequently, in 1305, Philip forced the Flemish to accept a harsh peace treaty which exacted heavy reparations and penalties and added to the royal territory the rich cloth cities of Lille, Douai, and Bethune, sites of major cloth fairs.[20] Béthune, first of the Flemish cities to yield, was granted to Mahaut, Countess of Artois, whose two daughters, to secure her fidelity, were married to Philip's two sons.
Crusades and diplomacy with Mongols
[edit]Philip had various contacts with the Mongol power in the Middle East, including reception at the embassy of the Uyghur monk Rabban Bar Sauma, originally from the Yuan dynasty of China.[21] Bar Sauma presented an offer of a Franco-Mongol alliance with Arghun of the Mongol Ilkhanate in Baghdad. Arghun was seeking to join forces between the Mongols and the Europeans, against their common enemy the Muslim Mamluks. In return, Arghun offered to return Jerusalem to the Christians, once it was re-captured from the Muslims. Philip seemingly responded positively to the request of the embassy by sending one of his noblemen, Gobert de Helleville, to accompany Bar Sauma back to Mongol lands.[22] There was further correspondence between Arghun and Philip in 1288 and 1289,[23] outlining potential military cooperation. However, Philip never actually pursued such military plans.
In April 1305, the new Mongol ruler Öljaitü sent letters to Philip,[24] the Pope, and Edward I of England. He again offered a military collaboration between the Christian nations of Europe and the Mongols against the Mamluks. European nations attempted another Crusade but were delayed, and it never took place. On 4 April 1312, another Crusade was promulgated at the Council of Vienne. In 1313, Philip "took the cross", making the vow to go on a Crusade in the Levant, thus responding to Pope Clement V's call. He was, however, warned against leaving by Enguerrand de Marigny[25] and died soon after in a hunting accident.
Finance and religion
[edit]
Mounting deficits
[edit]Under Philip IV, the annual ordinary revenues of the French royal government totalled approximately 860,000 livres tournois, equivalent to 46 tonnes of silver.[26] Overall revenues were about twice the ordinary revenues.[27] Some 30% of the revenues were collected from the royal demesne.[26] The royal financial administration employed perhaps 3,000 people, of which about 1,000 were officials in the proper sense.[28] After assuming the throne, Philip inherited a sizable debt from his father's war against Aragon.[29] By November 1286 it reached 8 tonnes of silver to his primary financiers, the Templars, equivalent to 17% of government revenue.[30] This debt was quickly paid off, and, in 1287 and 1288, Philip's kingdom ran a budget surplus.[30]
After 1289, a decline in Saxony's silver production, combined with Philip's wars against Aragon, England and Flanders, drove the French government to fiscal deficits.[30] The war against Aragon, inherited from Philip's father, required the expenditure of 1.5 million LT (livres tournois) and the 1294–99 war against England over Gascony another 1.73 million LT.[30][29] Loans from the Aragonese War were still being paid back in 1306.[29]
To cover the deficit, Pope Nicholas IV in 1289 granted Philip permission to collect a tithe of 152,000 LP (livres parisis) from the Church lands in France.[27] With revenues of 1.52 million LP, the church in France had greater fiscal resources than the royal government, whose ordinary revenues in 1289 amounted to 595,318 LP and overall revenues to 1.2 million LP.[27] By November 1290, the deficit stood at 6% of revenues.[27] In 1291 the budget swung back into surplus only to fall into deficit again in 1292.[27]
The constant deficits led Philip to order the arrest of the Lombard merchants, who had earlier made him extensive loans on the pledge of repayment from future taxation.[27] The Lombards' assets were seized by government agents and the crown extracted 250,000 LT by forcing the Lombards to purchase French nationality.[27] Despite this draconian measure, the deficits continued to stack up in 1293.[27] By 1295, Philip had replaced the Templars with the Florentine Franzesi bankers as his main source of finance.[31] The Italians could raise huge loans far beyond the capacities of the Templars, and Philip came to rely on them more and more.[31] The royal treasure was transferred from the Paris Temple to the Louvre around this time.[31]
Devaluation
[edit]
In 1294, France and England went to war and in 1297, the county of Flanders declared its independence from France. This conflict accelerated the financial problems incurred by the French monarch.[32] As warfare continued and fiscal deficits persisted, Philip had no remedy but to use debasement of coinage as an alternative tool to meet his military expenditures.[33] This measure made people wary of taking their coins to royal mints, preferring to take their silver abroad to exchange it for strong currencies, which by 1301 led to a dramatic disappearance of silver in France.[31] Currency depreciation provided the crown with 1.419 million LP from November 1296 to Christmas 1299, more than enough to cover war costs of 1.066 million LP in the same period.[32]
The resulting inflation damaged the real incomes of the creditors such as the aristocracy and the Church, who received a weaker currency in return for the loans they had issued in a stronger currency.[31] The indebted lower classes did not benefit from the devaluation, as the high inflation ate into the purchasing power of their money.[31] The result was social unrest.[32] By 22 August 1303 this practice led to a two-thirds loss in the value of the livres, sous and deniers in circulation.[34]
The defeat at the battle of Golden Spurs in 1302 was a crushing blow to French finance: the 15 months which followed this battle saw a depreciation of the currency by 37%, and new decrees were issued forbidding the export of gold and silver abroad.[34] The royal government had to order officials and subjects to provide all or half, respectively, of their silver vessels for minting into coins.[34] New taxes were levied to pay for the deficit.[34][35] As people attempted to move their wealth out of the country in non-monetary form, Philip banned merchandise exports without royal approval.[34] The king obtained another crusade tithe from the pope and returned the royal treasure to the Temple to gain the Templars as his creditors again.[34]
Despite their consequences, these decisions were not considered immoral at that time, as they were the prince's accepted right, and this right could be taken far if a special situation, such as war, justified it. Furthermore, the issue of coins with a lower content of silver was needed to maintain circulation, in a context where the inflation of silver produced a severe scarcity of currency due to the ongoing commercial revolution.[31]
Revaluation
[edit]After bringing the Flemish War to a victorious conclusion in 1305, Philip on 8 June 1306 ordered the silver content of new coinage to be raised back to its 1285 level of 3.96 grams of silver per livre.[36] To harmonize the strength of the old and new currencies, the debased coinage of 1303 was devalued accordingly by two-thirds.[36] The debtors were driven to penury by the need to repay their loans in the new, strong currency.[36] This led to rioting in Paris on 30 December 1306, forcing Philip to briefly seek refuge in the Paris Temple, the headquarters of the Knights Templar.[37]
Perhaps seeking to control the silver of the Jewish mints to put the revaluation to effect, Philip ordered the expulsion of the Jews on 22 July 1306 and confiscated their property on 23 August, collecting at least 140,000 LP with this measure.[36] With the Jews gone, Philip appointed royal guardians to collect the loans made by the Jews, and the money was passed to the Crown. His son and successor, Louis X, invited Jews back in 1315 with an offer of 12 years under a strict charter.[38]
When Philip levied taxes on the French clergy of one-half their annual income, he caused an uproar within the Catholic Church and the papacy, prompting Pope Boniface VIII to issue the bull Clericis Laicos (1296), forbidding the transference of any church property to the French Crown.[39] Philip retaliated by forbidding the removal of bullion from France.[39] By 1297, Boniface agreed to Philip's taxation of the clergy in emergencies.[39]
In 1301, Philip had the bishop of Pamier arrested for treason.[40] Boniface called French bishops to Rome to discuss Philip's actions.[40] In response, Philip convoked an assembly of bishops, nobles and grand bourgeois of Paris in order to condemn the Pope.[40] This precursor to the Estates General appeared for the first time during his reign, a measure of the professionalism and order that his ministers were introducing into government. This assembly, which was composed of clergy, nobles, and burghers, gave support to Philip.[40]
Boniface retaliated with the famous bull Unam Sanctam (1302), a declaration of papal supremacy.[40] Philip gained victory, after having sent his agent Guillaume de Nogaret to arrest Boniface at Anagni.[41] The pope escaped but died soon afterward.[41] The French archbishop Bertrand de Goth was elected pope as Clement V and thus began the so-called Babylonian Captivity of the papacy (1309–76), during which the official seat of the papacy moved to Avignon, an enclave surrounded by French territories, and was subjected to French control.
Suppression of the Knights Templar
[edit]
Philip was substantially in debt to the Knights Templar, a monastic military order whose original role as protectors of Christian pilgrims in the Latin East had been largely replaced by banking and other commercial activities by the end of the 13th century.[42] As the popularity of the Crusades had decreased, support for the military orders had waned, and Philip used a disgruntled complaint against the Knights Templar as an excuse to move against the entire organization as it existed in France, in part to free himself from his debts. Other motives appear to have included concern over perceived heresy, the assertion of French control over a weakened Papacy, and finally, the substitution of royal officials for officers of the Temple in the financial management of the French government.[43]
Recent studies emphasize the political and religious motivations of Philip the Fair and his ministers (especially Guillaume de Nogaret). It seems that, with the "discovery" and repression of the "Templars' heresy", the Capetian monarchy claimed for itself the mystic foundations of the papal theocracy. The Temple case was the last step of the process of appropriating these foundations, which had begun with the Franco-papal rift at the time of Boniface VIII. Being the ultimate defender of the Catholic faith, the Capetian king was invested with a Christ-like function that put him above the pope. What was at stake in the Templars' trial, then, was the establishment of a "royal theocracy".[44]
At daybreak on Friday, 13 October 1307, hundreds of Templars in France were simultaneously arrested by agents of Philip the Fair, to be later tortured into admitting heresy in the Order.[45] The Templars were supposedly answerable only to the Pope, but Philip used his influence over Clement V, who was largely his pawn, to disband the organization. Pope Clement did attempt to hold proper trials, but Philip used the previously forced confessions to have many Templars burned at the stake before they could mount a proper defence.

In March 1314, Philip had Jacques de Molay, the last Grand Master of the Temple, and Geoffroi de Charney, Preceptor of Normandy, burned at the stake. An account of the event goes as follows:
The cardinals dallied with their duty until March 1314, (exact day is disputed by scholars) when, on a scaffold in front of Notre Dame, Jacques de Molay, Templar Grand Master, Geoffroi de Charney, Master of Normandy, Hugues de Peraud, Visitor of France, and Godefroi de Gonneville, Master of Aquitaine, were brought forth from the jail in which for nearly seven years they had lain, to receive the sentence agreed upon by the cardinals, in conjunction with the Archbishop of Sens and some other prelates whom they had called in. Considering the offences, which the culprits had confessed and confirmed, the penance imposed was in accordance with rule – that of perpetual imprisonment. The affair was supposed to be concluded when, to the dismay of the prelates and wonderment of the assembled crowd, de Molay and Geoffroi de Charney arose. They had been guilty, they said, not of the crimes imputed to them, but of basely betraying their Order to save their own lives. It was pure and holy; the charges were fictitious and the confessions false. Hastily the cardinals delivered them to the Prevot of Paris, and retired to deliberate on this unexpected contingency, but they were saved all trouble. When the news was carried to Philippe he was furious. A short consultation with his council only was required. The canons pronounced that a relapsed heretic was to be burned without a hearing; the facts were notorious and no formal judgment by the papal commission need be waited for. That same day, by sunset, a stake was erected on a small island in the Seine, the Ile des Juifs, near the palace garden. There de Molay and de Charney were slowly burned to death, refusing all offers of pardon for retraction, and bearing their torment with a composure which won for them the reputation of martyrs among the people, who reverently collected their ashes as relics.[46][47]
After a little over a month, Pope Clement V died of a disease thought to be lupus, and in eight months Philip IV, at the age of forty-six, died in a hunting accident. This gave rise to the legend that de Molay had cited them before the tribunal of God, which became popular among the French population. Even in Germany, Philip's death was spoken of as a retribution for his destruction of the Templars, and Clement was described as shedding tears of remorse on his deathbed for three great crimes, namely the poisoning of Henry VII, Holy Roman Emperor, and the ruin of the Templars and Beguines.[48] Within fourteen years the throne passed rapidly through Philip's sons, who died relatively young, and without producing male heirs. By 1328, his male line was extinguished, and the throne had passed to the line of his brother, the House of Valois.
Tour de Nesle affair
[edit]In 1314, the daughters-in-law of Philip IV, Margaret of Burgundy (wife of Louis X) and Blanche of Burgundy (wife of Charles IV) were accused of adultery and their alleged lovers (Phillipe d'Aunay and Gauthier d'Aunay) tortured, flayed and executed in what has come to be known as the Tour de Nesle affair (French: Affaire de la tour de Nesle).[49] A third daughter-in-law, Joan II, Countess of Burgundy (wife of Philip V), was accused of knowledge of the affairs.[49]
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Death
[edit]
Philip had a cerebral stroke during a hunt at Pont-Sainte-Maxence (Forest of Halatte),[50] and died a few weeks later, on 29 November 1314, at Fontainebleau.[b][51] He is buried in the Basilica of Saint-Denis. Philip was succeeded by his son Louis X.[50]
Issue
[edit]
The children of Philip IV of France and Joan I of Navarre were:
- Margaret (c. 1288, Paris – d. 1300, Paris). Died in childhood, betrothed to Infante Ferdinand of Castile[52]
- Louis X (4 October 1289 – 5 June 1316)[53]
- Blanche (1290, Paris – after 13 April 1294, Saint Denis).[54] Died in childhood, but betrothed in December 1291 (aged one) to Infante Ferdinand of Castile, later Ferdinand IV of Castile. Blanche was buried in the Basilica of St Denis.
- Philip V (c. 1291 – 3 January 1322)[53]
- Charles IV (1294 – 1 February 1328)[53]
- Isabella (c. 1295 – 23 August 1358). Married Edward II of England and was the mother of Edward III of England.[53]
- Robert (1296, Paris – August 1308, Saint Germain-en-Laye).[54] The Flores historiarum of Bernard Guidonis names "Robertum" as youngest of the four sons of Philip IV of France, adding that he died "in flore adolescentiæ suæ" ("in the flower of youth") and was buried "in monasterio sororum de Pyssiaco" ("in the monastery of the Sisters of Pyssiaco") in August 1308. Betrothed in October 1306 (aged ten) to Constance of Sicily.
All three of Philip's sons who reached adulthood became kings of France and Navarre, and Isabella, his only surviving daughter, was the queen of England as consort to Edward II.
In fiction
[edit]Dante Alighieri often refers to Philip in La Divina Commedia, never by name but as the "mal di Francia" (plague of France).[55] It is possible that Dante hides further the person of the king behind 7 figures: Cerbero, Pluto, Filippo Argenti (Philippe de l'argent), Capaneo, Gerione, Nembrot, in the Inferno, and the Giant in the Purgatorio killed by the "515". These representations are centred around Capaneo, referring to the myth of the Seven against Thebes, and are related to the Beast from the Sea in the Revelation of St. John, whose seventh head, like the Giant, is also killed. Such a scheme is related to the transposition of the Revelation in history, according to the ideas of Joachim of Fiore.[56]
Philip is the title character in Le Roi de fer (1955), translated as The Iron King, the first novel in Les Rois maudits (The Accursed Kings), a series of French historical novels by Maurice Druon. The next six entries in the series follow the descendants of Philip, including both his sons Louis X and Philip V and his daughter Isabella of France. He was portrayed by Georges Marchal in the 1972 French miniseries adaptation of the series, and by Tchéky Karyo in the 2005 adaptation.[57][58] In late 2024, newly formed distribution company Yapluka announced that they are developing a new adaptation of the novels for film as their first project. The Iron King is planned to start production in 2026.[59]
The court of Philip IV of France and Philip himself attended the execution of Jacques de Molay in Assassin's Creed Unity. In the television series Knightfall (2017), Philip is portrayed by Ed Stoppard.[citation needed]
Notes
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Richardson, Douglas (2011). Kimball G. Everingham (ed.). Plantagenet Ancestry. Vol. 2 (2nd ed.). p. 125.
- ^ a b Contamine, Kerhervé & Rigaudière 2007, p. 142.
- ^ Strayer 1980, p. xiii.
- ^ Woodacre 2013, p. xviii.
- ^ Field 2019, p. 77.
- ^ Brown, E. (1987). "The Prince is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair of France". Mediaeval Studies. 49: 282–334. doi:10.1484/J.MS.2.306887. eISSN 2507-0436. ISSN 0076-5872.
- ^ Guillaume d'Ercuis, Livre de raison, archived from the original on 17 November 2006
- ^ a b Strayer 1980, p. 10.
- ^ Strayer 1980, pp. 10–11.
- ^ Warner 2016, p. 34.
- ^ Strayer 1980, pp. 9–10.
- ^ a b c Strayer 1980, p. 9.
- ^ Jostkleigrewe 2018, p. 55.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 29.
- ^ Les Rois de France, p. 50
- ^ Prestwich 1988, p. 379.
- ^ a b Keen 2003, p. 26.
- ^ Wolfe 2009, p. 51.
- ^ Curveiller 1989, p. 34.
- ^ Tucker 2010, p. 295.
- ^ Rossabi, M. (2014). From Yuan to Modern China and Mongolia: The Writings of Morris Rossabi. Vol. 6. Leiden & Boston: Brill. pp. 385–386. ISBN 978-90-04-28126-4.
- ^ Sir E. A. Wallis Budge, The Monks of Kublai Khan, Emperor of China Archived 29 February 2016 at the Wayback Machine (1928)
- ^ Street 1963, pp. 265–268.
- ^ Mostaert & Cleaves, pp. 56–57.
- ^ Jean Richard, Histoire des Croisades, p. 485
- ^ a b Grummitt & Lassalmonie 2015, p. 120.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Torre 2010, p. 60.
- ^ Grummitt & Lassalmonie 2015, pp. 127–128.
- ^ a b c Strayer 1980, p. 11.
- ^ a b c d Torre 2010, p. 59.
- ^ a b c d e f g Torre 2010, p. 61.
- ^ a b c Torre 2010, p. 63.
- ^ Torre 2010, p. 62.
- ^ a b c d e f Torre 2010, p. 64.
- ^ Rothbard, Murray (23 November 2009). "The Great Depression of the 14th Century". Mises Daily Articles. Mises Institute. Retrieved 8 January 2020.
- ^ a b c d Torre 2010, p. 65.
- ^ Read, P. (2001). The Templars. Phoenix. p. 255. ISBN 978-1-84212-142-9.
- ^ Chazan 1979, p. 79.
- ^ a b c Ozment 1980, p. 145.
- ^ a b c d e Black 1982, p. 48.
- ^ a b Lerner 1968, p. 5.
- ^ Nicholson, Helen (2004). The Knights Templar: a New History. Sutton Pub. pp. 164, 181. ISBN 978-0-7509-3839-6.
- ^ Nicholson 2004, p. 226.
- ^ Théry, Julien (2013). "A Heresy of State: Philip the Fair, the Trial of the 'Perfidious Templar's', and the Pontificalization of the French Monarchy". Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures. 39 (2): 117–148. doi:10.5325/jmedirelicult.39.2.0117. JSTOR 10.5325/jmedirelicult.39.2.0117. S2CID 159316950.
- ^ Barber 2012, p. 1.
- ^ Stemler, Contingent zur Geschichte der Templer, pp. 20–21. Raynouard, pp. 213–214, 233–235. Wilcke, II. 236, 240. Anton, Versuch, p. 142
- ^ "An Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy", "Superstition and Force", "Studies in Church History"; A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, Vol III, by Henry Charles Lea, NY: Hamper & Bros, Franklin Sq. 1888 p. 324
- ^ A History of the Inquisition Vol. 3, Henry Charles Lea, Ch. 326, "Political Heresy – The State", p. 2. Not in copyright
- ^ a b Bradbury 2007, p. 275.
- ^ a b Henneman 2015, p. 30.
- ^ a b Bradbury 2007, p. 276.
- ^ Taylor 2006, p. 141.
- ^ a b c d Warner 2016, p. 8.
- ^ a b Woodacre 2013, p. Chart I.
- ^ Dante Alighieri (2003). The Portable Dante. Penguin Publishing Group. p. 233. ISBN 978-1-101-57382-2. Note 109
- ^ Lombardi, Giancarlo (2022). L'Estetica Dantesca del Dualismo (in Italian) (1st ed.). Borgomanero, Novara, Italy: Giuliano Ladolfi Editore. ISBN 9788866446620.
- ^ "Official website: Les Rois maudits (2005 miniseries)" (in French). 2005. Archived from the original on 15 August 2009. Retrieved 25 July 2015.
- ^ "Les Rois maudits: Casting de la saison 1" (in French). AlloCiné. 2005. Archived from the original on 19 December 2014. Retrieved 25 July 2015.
- ^ Keslassy, Elsa (16 December 2024). "'The Count of Monte-Cristo' Producer Dimitri Rassam Launches Financial-Distribution Powerhouse Yapluka With Backing From Pathe, M6, CMA Media (EXCLUSIVE)". Variety. Retrieved 18 April 2025.
Sources
[edit]- Adams, Charles (1982). Fight, Flight, Fraud: The Story of Taxation. Euro-Dutch Publishers. ISBN 978-0-686-39619-2.
- Barber, Malcolm (2012). The Trial of the Templars. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-45727-9.
- Black, Antony (1982). Political Thought in Europe, 1250–1450. Cambridge University Press.
- Bradbury, Jim (2007). The Capetians: Kings of France 987–1328. London: Hambledon Continuum. ISBN 978-1-85285-528-4.
- Brown, E. (1987). "The Prince is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of Philip the Fair of France". Mediaeval Studies. 49: 282–334. doi:10.1484/J.MS.2.306887. eISSN 2507-0436. ISSN 0076-5872.
- Chazan, Robert (1979). Church, State, and Jew in the Middle Ages. Behrman House.
- Contamine, Philippe; Kerhervé, Jean; Rigaudière, Albert (2007). Monnaie, fiscalité et finances au temps de Philippe Le Bel: journée d'études du 14 mai 2004. Comité pour l'histoire économique et financière de la France.
- Curveiller, Stephane (1989). Dunkerque, ville et port de Flandre à la fin du Moyen âge: à travers les comptes de bailliage de 1358 à 1407 (in French). Presses Univ. Septentrion. ISBN 978-2-85939-361-8.
- Field, Sean L. (2019). Courting Sanctity: Holy Women and the Capetians. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-1-50173-619-3.
- Grummitt, David & Lassalmonie, Jean-François (2015). "Royal public finance (c. 1290–1523)". In Christopher Fletcher; Jean-Philippe Genet & John Watts (eds.). Government and Political Life in England and France, c. 1300–c. 1500. Cambridge University Press. pp. 116–. ISBN 978-1-107-08990-7.
- Henneman, John Bell (2015). Royal Taxation in Fourteenth-Century France: The Development of War Financing, 1322–1359. Princeton University Press.
- Keen, Maurice Hugh (2003). England in the Later Middle Ages: A Political History. Psychology Press. ISBN 9780415272926.
- Lerner, Robert E. (1968). The Age of Adversity: The Fourteenth Century. Cornell University Press.
- Ozment, Steven (1980). The Age of Reform, 1250–1550: An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe. Yale University Press.
- Prestwich, Michael (1988). Edward I, English monarchs. University of California Press. ISBN 9780520062665.
- Jostkleigrewe, Georg (2018). Pleszczynski, Andrzej; Sobiesiak, Joanna; Tomaszek, Michal; Tyszka, Przemyslaw (eds.). Imagined Communities: Constructing Collective Identities in Medieval Europe. Vol. 8. Brill.
- Strayer, Joseph (1980). The Reign of Philip the Fair. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-10089-0.
- Taylor, Craig, ed. (2006). Debating the Hundred Years War. Vol. 29. Cambridge University Press.
- Torre, Ignacio de la (2010). "The Monetary Fluctuations in Philip IV's Kingdom of France and Their Relevance to the Arrest of the Templars". In Jochen Burgtorf; Paul F. Crawford & Helen Nicholson (eds.). The Debate on the Trial of the Templars (1307–1314). Farnham: Ashgate. pp. 57–68. ISBN 978-0-7546-6570-0.
- Street, John C. (1963). "Les Lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Arγun et Ölǰeitü à Philippe le Bel by Antoine Mostaert, Francis Woodman Cleaves". Journal of the American Oriental Society (book review). 83 (2): 265–268. doi:10.2307/598384. JSTOR 598384.
- Tucker, Spencer C. (2010). A Global Chronology of Conflict. Vol. 1. ABC-CLIO.
- Warner, Kathryn (2016). Isabella of France, The Rebel Queen. Amberley.
- Wolfe, Michael (2009). Walled Towns and the Shaping of France: From the Medieval to the Early Modern Era. Palgrave Macmillan.
- Woodacre, Elena (2013). The Queens Regnant of Navarre. Palgrave Macmillan.
Further reading
[edit]- . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. XVIII (9th ed.). 1885. p. 743.
- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 21 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 381–382.
- Goyau, G. (1911). . In Herbermann, Charles (ed.). Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 12. New York: Robert Appleton Company.
- Rothbard, M. (12 November 2009). "The Great Depression of the 14th Century". Archived from the original on 27 November 2009.
- Schein, S. (1 October 1979). "Gesta Dei per Mongolos 1300. The genesis of a non-event". The English Historical Review. 94 (373): 805–819. doi:10.1093/ehr/XCIV.CCCLXXIII.805. JSTOR 565554.
- Théry, Julien (2004), "Philippe le Bel, pape en son royaume", L'Histoire (in French), vol. 289, pp. 14–17
Philip IV of France
View on GrokipediaEarly Life and Background
Birth and Ancestry
Philip IV of France was born between April and June 1268 at the royal palace in Fontainebleau, southeast of Paris.[7] [8] He was the second surviving son of Philip III, then crown prince and later king of France, and Isabella of Aragon, who had married in 1262 as part of a diplomatic alliance following the Treaty of Corbeil.[9] [10] Isabella, born around 1247 in Barcelona, was the daughter of James I, king of Aragon, and his second wife Violant of Hungary, thereby linking the Capetian line to Iberian and Hungarian royalty.[11] [12] His elder brother, Louis (born 1266), died in May 1276 during a return from a crusade in Tunis, positioning Philip as the heir apparent to the French throne at age eight.[9] [13] Philip's siblings from this marriage included Robert (born 1271, died young), Charles (born circa 1273), and Blanche (born 1277), though Isabella died in 1271 shortly after giving birth to Blanche.[14] Philip III remarried Marie of Brabant, who bore additional children, but Philip IV remained the primary successor in the direct line.[15] As a direct male-line descendant of the Capetian dynasty's founder Hugh Capet (r. 987–996), Philip IV represented the eleventh generation of uninterrupted Capetian kings on the French throne, a lineage that emphasized hereditary legitimacy and feudal authority over medieval Europe.[16] Paternally, he was the grandson of Louis IX (Saint Louis, r. 1226–1270), renowned for his crusades and canonization in 1297, and Margaret of Provence; this connection reinforced claims to piety and divine right amid the dynasty's expansion from Île-de-France.[14] Maternally, his Aragonese heritage traced to James I's conquests in the Mediterranean, including Mallorca and Valencia, providing indirect ties to broader European royal networks without altering the strictly patrilineal Capetian succession.[11] This ancestry underscored the dynasty's resilience, having outlasted rivals through strategic marriages and avoidance of partition, though it also inherited fiscal strains from prior reigns.[16]Upbringing and Influences
Philip IV, born in 1268 at the Palace of Fontainebleau, was the second son of King Philip III of France and Isabella of Aragon.[13] His early years were marked by familial instability, including the death of his mother in January 1271 from injuries sustained in a fall from her horse while pregnant during a return from crusade.[17] This loss was compounded by the arrival of his stepmother, Marie of Brabant, whom Philip III married around 1274, and tensions arising from suspicions that she orchestrated the poisoning of Philip's elder brother Louis in 1276, elevating the eight-year-old Philip to heir apparent.[18] [3] These events fostered a reserved and austere disposition in the young prince, shaped by the Capetian court's emphasis on royal piety and legitimacy, influenced by his grandfather Louis IX's recent memory as a saintly crusader.[13] Philip's upbringing centered on preparation for kingship within the royal household, where he was betrothed young to Joan I of Navarre to secure territorial claims.[13] He received a studious education tailored to princely duties, including tutelage from Guillaume d'Ercuis, a royal notary active from 1265 to circa 1315, who imparted administrative and legal knowledge essential for governance.[13] [19] A pivotal intellectual influence was Giles of Rome's De regimine principum, composed between 1277 and 1279 at the request of Philip III specifically for the education of the adolescent Philip, emphasizing Aristotelian principles of rulership, moral virtue, and the monarch's absolute authority over temporal affairs.[20] [21] Knighted by his father at age sixteen around 1284, Philip demonstrated early martial training aligned with chivalric norms, though his personal inclinations leaned toward scholarly and devotional pursuits rather than exuberant courtly life.[13]Ascension to the Throne
Inheritance from Philip III
Philip III of France succumbed to dysentery on 5 October 1285 in Perpignan, the capital of his ally James II of Majorca, amid the disastrous retreat of French forces from their failed invasion of Aragon during the War of the Sicilian Vespers.[14][22] His death occurred at age 40, leaving the crown to his eldest surviving son, Philip, who was approximately 17 years old and present with the army.[23] The succession proceeded without significant disruption under the established Capetian practice of male primogeniture, as Philip IV assumed the throne immediately upon his father's demise.[23] Accompanying the late king were influential figures including his second wife, Marie of Brabant, and her young children by Philip III, which initially sparked factional maneuvering over influence and potential regency claims; however, Philip IV swiftly consolidated authority, exonerating his stepmother from unsubstantiated poisoning accusations to preserve stability.[24] He inherited a kingdom whose royal domain centered on the Île-de-France and extended to consolidated territories such as Orléanais and Champagne, though feudal obligations and ongoing military commitments in southern France and Italy imposed immediate fiscal and strategic burdens.[25] Philip IV's coronation took place on 28 January 1286 at Reims Cathedral, affirming his legitimacy and marking the formal transition of power. The inherited realm faced depleted treasuries from the Aragonese expedition's costs—estimated in the hundreds of thousands of livres—and a demoralized nobility, setting the stage for Philip IV's early efforts to negotiate peace with Aragon via the 1287 truce, which recognized Alfonso III as king in exchange for French withdrawal.[26]Early Governance Challenges
Upon his accession on 5 October 1285, at the age of seventeen, Philip IV inherited a kingdom burdened by the catastrophic failure of his father's Aragonese Crusade (1284–1285), which had incurred massive expenditures without territorial gains and left the treasury depleted with unpaid troops and accumulated debts.[27][23] The campaign's abrupt termination following Philip III's death from dysentery at Perpignan exposed vulnerabilities in royal military logistics and fiscal capacity, as the retreating French forces suffered heavy losses from disease and harassment by Aragonese forces under Peter III.[28] To stabilize the realm, Philip prioritized extricating France from the quagmire, negotiating a preliminary truce with Aragon in early 1286 that facilitated army demobilization but underscored the monarchy's diminished prestige and resources after the expedition's humiliation.[27] Concurrently, he confronted pressing domestic fiscal demands by intensifying administrative rationalization inherited from prior Capetians, including enhanced taxation on lay and clerical estates to replenish coffers strained by war costs estimated in the millions of livres tournois.[27] These measures, while necessary for governance continuity, sowed seeds of resentment among nobles and municipalities, who viewed the crusade's waste—exacerbated by poor planning and favoritism under Philip III's advisors—as evidence of royal mismanagement requiring accountability.[29] Philip's early assertions of authority also navigated subtle baronial skepticism, as great lords like those in Champagne and Burgundy leveraged the succession to press for concessions amid the power vacuum left by the elder king's demise.[27] By relying on a privy council of legists and prelates rather than dominant favorites, he began centralizing decision-making, but this provoked friction with feudal vassals accustomed to greater autonomy, particularly over disputes in peripheral territories like Gascony, where homage obligations to England loomed as a latent threat to sovereignty.[27] Currency debasements initiated in this period, reducing silver content in coinage to sustain expenditures, further eroded merchant confidence and foreshadowed broader economic pressures that would define his rule.[29]Domestic Policies and Reforms
Administrative Centralization
Philip IV advanced administrative centralization by prioritizing professional legists and civil servants over feudal nobles, thereby creating a more efficient bureaucracy loyal to the crown. He appointed capable ministers such as Guillaume de Nogaret, a legist who became Keeper of the Seals in 1307, and Enguerrand de Marigny, a bourgeois financier who managed royal revenues as chamberlain from around 1310. These advisors, drawn from legal and administrative backgrounds rather than aristocracy, facilitated the implementation of royal ordinances and reduced noble influence in decision-making. Local administration was reinforced through the baillis (bailiffs) in northern France and sénéchaux (seneschals) in the south, salaried royal officials tasked with enforcing justice, collecting taxes, and maintaining order in defined districts. Philip IV's regime conducted enquêtes générales—systematic royal inquiries into local governance—to audit officials, expose abuses, and align provincial practices with central directives, thereby extending effective royal control over an expanding domain. This framework of itinerant and resident agents marked a shift toward professionalized oversight, diminishing seigneurial autonomy.[30] A pivotal innovation occurred in April 1302 with the first convocation of the Estates General, assembling clergy, nobles, and third-estate delegates at Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris to rally support against papal excommunication and endorse taxation for war efforts. Though consultative and controlled by the king, this body represented an embryonic national assembly that bypassed feudal summonses, legitimizing royal fiscal demands and fostering nascent representative mechanisms under monarchical supremacy.[31]Financial Management and Taxation
Philip IV inherited a treasury burdened by his father Philip III's failed Aragonese crusade, with debts reaching significant levels that necessitated immediate fiscal measures to stabilize royal finances.[32] The costs of military campaigns, particularly the 1294 war over Gascony against England and prolonged conflicts in Flanders from 1297 onward, exacerbated these pressures, compelling the king to pursue aggressive revenue strategies beyond traditional feudal levies.[33] To finance these wars, Philip imposed extraordinary direct taxes, including aides and general subsidies levied on lay subjects regardless of status, often collected through royal bailiffs in provinces like Languedoc and Normandy.[32] These taxes, justified as wartime necessities, frequently exceeded customary amounts and provoked resistance, as seen in attempts to extend collections post-truce in Flanders around 1305.[32] Efforts to tax ecclesiastical revenues without papal approval led to the 1296 bull Clericis laicos by Boniface VIII, prompting Philip's retaliatory ban on precious metal exports and currency flows from France, highlighting tensions between royal fiscal imperatives and canon law.[33] In 1302, Philip convened the first États généraux at Paris, assembling clergy, nobility, and third estate representatives to endorse tax grants amid Flemish hostilities, marking an early use of representative assemblies for fiscal consent.[34] Indirect levies, such as enhanced duties on salt (gabelle) and merchandise, supplemented these, though enforcement varied regionally and fueled popular grievances over arbitrary assessments.[3] Chronic deficits prompted confiscatory policies targeting perceived financial rivals: in 1306, amid acute monetary strain, Philip expelled France's Jewish population, seizing their assets, annulling debts owed to them, and declaring the crown as creditor, yielding immediate liquidity estimated in tens of thousands of livres tournois.[35][36] Similarly, in 1311, he arrested and expelled Lombard (Italian) bankers, appropriating their holdings to offset royal loans, reflecting a pattern of leveraging expulsions for short-term gains despite long-term disruptions to credit networks.[37] These measures, while providing temporary relief, underscored the unsustainability of Philip's approach, contributing to economic instability and public unrest by the reign's end.[38]Currency Reforms and Economic Pressures
Philip IV faced acute economic pressures primarily from prolonged military campaigns, including the war with England over Gascony starting in 1294 and conflicts in Flanders from 1297 to 1305, which strained royal finances without established systems for sovereign borrowing.[37] These wars necessitated rapid revenue generation, compounded by papal restrictions on taxing the clergy, as Pope Boniface VIII prohibited such levies in 1301.[37] To address these deficits, Philip initiated a series of coinage debasements beginning in 1295, suspending production of the gros tournois—a silver coin weighing 4.2 grams and valued at 12 deniers—and issuing replacements with progressively reduced silver content.[37][39] By 1302, the silver denier contained only one-third of its original fineness, achieved through methods including chemical treatments to conceal the alloying with base metals, thereby extracting seigniorage as the crown minted more coins from the same bullion supply.[37] Production of debased gros tournois resumed in 1305.[37] In 1306, Philip attempted to reform the currency by restoring coins to their pre-debasement standards, aiming to stabilize the economy and rebuild public trust after years of inflation and monetary instability.[37] This sudden reforment triggered widespread unrest, including riots in Paris on April 30, 1306, as merchants and citizens protested the enforced exchange of debased coins at face value for the higher-quality issues, effectively imposing a deflationary shock.[37] Royal forces suppressed the uprising, executing 21 ringleaders by hanging.[37] These measures, while providing short-term fiscal relief, eroded confidence in the royal mint and contributed to broader economic disruptions, prompting Philip to supplement revenues through asset seizures, such as those from Jewish communities and the Knights Templar.[37][39]Ecclesiastical Conflicts
Confrontation with Boniface VIII
The confrontation between Philip IV of France and Pope Boniface VIII arose primarily from disputes over royal taxation of the clergy and the extent of papal authority over secular rulers, exacerbated by Philip's financial exigencies from ongoing wars in Flanders and Gascony. In February 1296, Boniface issued the bull Clericis laicos, which prohibited lay rulers from imposing taxes on ecclesiastical revenues or property without explicit papal authorization, under penalty of excommunication for compliant clergy; this measure targeted Philip and Edward I of England, who were funding military campaigns through such levies.[33][40] Philip, undeterred, persisted in collecting the fiftieth (a 2% tax) from the French clergy and retaliated in August 1296 by enacting ordinances banning the export of gold, silver, coined money, and other precious items from French territories, a policy that crippled the papal curia's ability to extract revenues through its collectors and agents in France.[41][40] Boniface responded by excommunicating French prelates who paid the taxes and threatening broader sanctions, but the standoff led to temporary reconciliation in July 1297 after diplomatic interventions by cardinals; Boniface then authorized clerical tithes for two years to support a crusade, though Philip redirected these funds toward his conflicts with England.[41][33] Tensions reignited in late 1301 when Philip ordered the arrest of Bernard Saisset, bishop of Pamiers, on charges of sedition, heresy, and insulting the king; Saisset's reported statements denigrated Philip as a false king propped up by the people. Boniface, viewing this as an assault on ecclesiastical immunity, demanded the bishop's unconditional release in the bull Ausculta fili (December 5, 1301) and convoked a council at Rome for November 1302 to investigate Philip's rule, effectively summoning the king to submit to papal judgment.[33][40] Philip countered by convoking France's first États généraux (Estates-General) on April 10, 1302, at Notre-Dame in Paris, where he secured endorsements from clergy, nobility, and commons denouncing Boniface's interference and affirming royal supremacy in temporal affairs.[33] In response, Boniface promulgated Unam sanctam on November 18, 1302, asserting the absolute spiritual and indirect temporal supremacy of the papacy, declaring that "it is altogether necessary for salvation for every human creature to be subject to the Roman Pontiff" and that any resistance to papal authority constituted heresy.[33][40] Philip's regime disseminated forged papal bulls, such as the fabricated Ausculta fili (falsely dated to December 1301 but actually a December 1302 royal fabrication), to portray Boniface as a usurper, while accusing him of heresy, simony, and sodomy in public assemblies; these charges were amplified through university theologians and provincial synods, eroding Boniface's support among French bishops.[33] The crisis culminated in the Outrage of Anagni on September 7, 1303, when Philip dispatched his minister Guillaume de Nogaret, accompanied by Italian allies including Sciarra Colonna (a longtime foe of Boniface), to seize the pope at his summer residence in Anagni; the assailants imprisoned Boniface, plundered the palace, and reportedly subjected him to physical abuse, including a slap from Colonna, demanding his abdication and trial for heresy.[33][42] Local residents rescued Boniface after three days, but he died in Rome on October 11, 1303, reportedly from the trauma, leaving the French crown unchallenged in its immediate assertions of authority and paving the way for the eventual Avignon Papacy under Philip's influence.[33][42]Assertion of Royal Authority over the Church
Philip IV's efforts to assert royal authority over the French church began with his imposition of taxes on the clergy to finance military campaigns, particularly against England in the late 1290s. In response to papal opposition, he extracted annual tenths or fifths from church revenues, often bypassing papal consent by leveraging provincial councils where clergy traded fiscal concessions for limited royal protections.[43] This policy reflected a broader claim that the crown held sovereign rights over ecclesiastical temporalities within the realm, justified by legists such as Guillaume de Nogaret who argued for the king's independence in secular governance.[44] To legitimize these measures politically, Philip convened assemblies of clergy, nobles, and burghers, including the first Estates General in April 1302, where delegates denounced papal interference and affirmed the kingdom's liberties against external ecclesiastical claims.[33] These gatherings served as platforms for royal propaganda, with forged documents and public burnings of papal bulls reinforcing the narrative of papal overreach versus national sovereignty. By 1303, following the seizure of Boniface VIII at Anagni, Philip's agents had effectively neutralized direct papal resistance, paving the way for greater domestic control.[44] Under Pope Clement V, elected in 1305 and influenced by French cardinals, Philip secured papal bulls nullifying Boniface's post-1301 decrees by 1311 and granting royal absolution from prior conflicts, including taxation rights.[44] The relocation of the papal court to Avignon in 1309 further embedded the French church under royal oversight, as Clement's reliance on Philip for protection subordinated ecclesiastical appointments and finances to crown interests.[43] This arrangement subordinated the Gallican church to the monarchy's will, extracting revenues and enabling trials of dissenting clergy, such as the later condemnation of Bernard Délicieux in 1318 for alleged conspiracies against royal policy.[43]Suppression of the Knights Templar
Motivations and Arrests
Philip IV's suppression of the Knights Templar was driven primarily by acute financial pressures, as the king's extensive military campaigns in Flanders and against England had depleted the French treasury, leading to repeated currency devaluations and heavy reliance on loans from Italian bankers and the Templars themselves.[45] By 1307, Philip owed substantial sums to the order, which had amassed vast wealth through banking operations, including safe deposit of pilgrims' funds and letters of credit across Europe, making their Paris preceptory a de facto central bank.[46] Seizing Templar assets promised immediate relief, allowing Philip to confiscate lands, properties, and liquid wealth estimated to include gold, silver, and relics without parliamentary approval, a move consistent with his prior expulsions of Jews and Lombards to fund wars.[47] Political motivations compounded this, as the Templars' exemption from royal taxes and direct accountability to the pope represented a challenge to Philip's centralizing authority, especially after his clashes with Boniface VIII over clerical taxation, where he had asserted that kings held temporal power independently of papal interference.[45] To justify the action legally and avoid papal intervention, Philip fabricated charges of heresy, idolatry (including worship of a head called Baphomet), sodomy, and ritual spitting on the cross, drawing on confessions extracted from informants like the unstable Esquin de Floyran, whose testimony was likely coerced or invented for personal gain.[45] These accusations, disseminated through secret royal letters to provincial officials, portrayed the order as corrupt and antithetical to Christian values, enabling Philip to frame the arrests as a defense of the faith rather than a naked power grab, though contemporary chroniclers like Geoffrey of Paris noted the king's avarice as the true catalyst.[47] The timing aligned with Philip's broader strategy to subordinate ecclesiastical institutions to the crown, as evidenced by his 1303 seizure of papal bulls and ongoing pressure on the Avignon-based Pope Clement V, whom he influenced through threats and relocation demands.[45] The arrests commenced on Friday, October 13, 1307, executed with meticulous secrecy: on September 14, Philip dispatched sealed orders to baillis and seneschals across France, instructing them to await a signal before simultaneously detaining all Templars under royal jurisdiction, preventing flight or resistance.[45] This coordinated dawn raid captured approximately 2,000 knights, including Grand Master Jacques de Molay in Paris, along with thousands of associates, sergeants, and servants, with preceptories sealed and inventories of assets begun immediately.[47] The operation's scale and surprise—many Templars were seized during morning prayers—minimized opposition, though some rural houses evaded capture initially; Philip then urged foreign monarchs, like Edward II of England, to follow suit via letters dated October 26, 1307, emphasizing the heresy charges to legitimize the asset transfers.[46] Interrogations under torture soon followed, yielding confessions that Philip publicized to pressure Clement V into endorsing the suppression, though the pope initially resisted, ordering Templars freed before relenting under royal coercion.[45]Trial, Confessions, and Dissolution
Following the arrests of Templars on October 13, 1307, French royal officials conducted interrogations using torture to extract confessions of heresy, including charges of denying Christ, spitting on the cross, idolatry involving a head called Baphomet, and sodomy.[45] Methods included the rack for stretching limbs, prolonged exposure to fire threatening burning, and forced confessions under duress, as documented in trial records from sites like Caen where 138 Templars confessed after such pressures.[48] These admissions, often recanted later, were pivotal in Philip IV's campaign, though historians note their unreliability due to coercion rather than genuine belief.[49] Pope Clement V, initially protesting the arrests, transferred proceedings to papal control in 1308, issuing the bull Pastoralis Praeeminentiae to authorize arrests elsewhere.[46] At Poitiers in 1308, leaders like Grand Master Jacques de Molay confessed under oath but were privately absolved per the Chinon Parchment, admitting only to permitting abuses out of fear rather than endorsing heresy.[50] Despite this, trials dragged on amid royal pressure, with many Templars recanting forced confessions, leading to threats of renewed torture; by 1310, Clement suspended inquisitions as recantations mounted.[46] The Council of Vienne (1311–1312) debated the order's fate, rejecting Philip's push for heresy condemnation but yielding to suppression. On April 22, 1312, Clement issued Vox in Excelso, administratively dissolving the Templars due to scandal's irreparable damage, without declaring the order heretical or individuals guilty en masse; assets transferred to the Knights Hospitaller via Ad Providum on May 2.[51] In France, Philip secured convictions: de Molay and Geoffroi de Charney recanted publicly on March 18, 1314, proclaiming innocence, prompting immediate execution by burning on Paris's Île aux Juifs.[52] Over 50 Templars perished in flames that day, marking the order's effective end, though some escaped or received lenient treatment abroad.[53]Military and Foreign Affairs
Conflicts with England
The primary source of conflict between Philip IV of France and Edward I of England was the duchy of Gascony (also known as Aquitaine or Guyenne), which the English monarch held as a fief from the French crown, obligating the performance of homage. Edward I had rendered simple homage to Philip's father, Philip III, in 1274, and to Philip IV himself in 1286 during a visit to Gascony. However, Philip IV insisted on liege homage, implying greater subordination, amid ongoing jurisdictional disputes in the region, including appeals from Gascon subjects to the French parliament. Tensions escalated in late 1293 following clashes between English and Norman sailors near Bayonne, where French privateers seized English ships; Philip demanded compensation and the right to adjudicate the matter, which Edward refused, prompting Philip to summon Edward to perform liege homage in person.[54][55] On May 19, 1294, Philip IV formally confiscated Gascony, citing Edward's failure to appear and unresolved grievances, thereby initiating the Anglo-French War (also called the Gascon War) of 1294–1303. Edward renounced his homage on June 24, 1294, and prepared for war, but English military response was delayed by domestic issues and Scottish campaigns. French forces under Robert II, Count of Artois, invaded Gascony in 1294, capturing key strongholds and reducing English control to isolated pockets around Bayonne and the mouth of the Gironde by mid-1295, despite limited English reinforcements. Philip's strategy exploited Gascon divisions, securing submissions from local lords through promises of autonomy under French overlordship.[56][55] Edward I countered by forging alliances with Flanders, the German king Adolf of Nassau, and others, expanding the conflict beyond Gascony; he personally led an expedition to Flanders in 1297, defeating French forces at the Battle of Veurne (Furnes) on August 20, 1297, but achieved limited gains in Gascony itself during a 1297–1298 campaign under the Earl of Lincoln, which recaptured some southwestern territories yet failed to reverse French dominance. Philip IV, meanwhile, faced setbacks in Flanders, including the Flemish victory over French knights at the Battle of the Golden Spurs near Courtrai on July 11, 1302, which weakened his position and prompted renewed negotiations. The war imposed heavy financial burdens on both sides, funding Philip's conquests through novel taxation while straining English resources amid multiple fronts.[56][57] The conflict concluded with the Treaty of Paris, signed on May 20, 1303, by representatives of both kings, restoring Gascony to Edward I (with minor territorial adjustments, such as Philip retaining Agenais) in exchange for Edward's reaffirmation of liege homage to Philip and a marriage alliance betrothing Edward's son, the future Edward II, to Philip's daughter Isabella. Edward I performed the required homage at Boulogne on February 8, 1304, though implementation of Gascon governance remained contentious, foreshadowing future disputes. The treaty preserved English holdings in France temporarily but highlighted the fragility of feudal ties, as Philip's aggressive enforcement of royal prerogatives over vassal territories strengthened Capetian authority at the expense of Plantagenet autonomy.[58][55][56]Wars in Flanders
The Wars in Flanders, spanning 1297 to 1305, stemmed from Philip IV's determination to assert direct royal authority over the County of Flanders, a nominal French fief whose count, Guy de Dampierre, prioritized economic ties with England over feudal duties to France. In 1294, amid escalating tensions from Philip's war with Edward I of England, the king demanded Flemish knights and resources for campaigns, but Dampierre's refusal—citing Flanders' dependence on English wool trade—prompted retaliatory measures, including the seizure of Flemish assets in France.[27] By March 1297, Philip arrested Dampierre's supporters and confiscated their properties, escalating to an invasion in June with an army of approximately 3,000 men; Dampierre himself fled to seek English aid, formalizing an anti-French alliance.[59] French forces occupied key Flemish territories by 1300, leading to Dampierre's capture and imprisonment in Paris, while Philip installed Jacques de Châtillon as governor to enforce compliance and suppress local autonomy. Resentment against French officials and economic impositions boiled over on May 18, 1302, with the Matins of Bruges, a nocturnal uprising where Flemish militiamen massacred the French garrison after using a linguistic test ("Sertés mie," a Flemish phrase to detect French pronunciation differences) to identify victims, killing hundreds and sparking widespread revolt.[60] The rebels, led by urban guilds and weavers, advanced to confront a French relief army under Robert II, Count of Artois, at Courtrai on July 11, 1302; in the Battle of the Golden Spurs, approximately 10,000-15,000 Flemish infantry armed with goedendags (spiked clubs) and crossbows decisively defeated around 2,500 French knights, inflicting heavy casualties—including Artois—and capturing thousands of golden spurs as trophies symbolizing knightly humiliation.[60][61] Philip IV responded by dismissing Châtillon, mobilizing a larger force, and personally leading campaigns to reclaim control, culminating in the Battle of Mons-en-Pévèle on August 18, 1304, where his army of about 10,000-12,000 clashed with a Flemish host of similar size; despite fierce hand-to-hand fighting in which Philip displayed personal valor—surviving an ambush and rallying troops—the French secured a costly victory, weakening Flemish resolve without decisive annihilation.[62] Dampierre died in captivity on March 7, 1305, allowing his son Robert III to negotiate from a position of exhaustion. The resulting Treaty of Athis-sur-Orge, signed June 23, 1305, affirmed Flanders' status as a French fief under Robert but imposed harsh concessions: territorial cessions of Walloon Flanders (including Lille, Douai, and Orchies) to the French crown, a 400,000-livre indemnity, and commercial restrictions favoring French interests, thereby expanding Philip's domain while curbing Flemish independence.[61]Diplomatic Initiatives and Crusading Efforts
Philip IV engaged in diplomatic maneuvers to bolster French influence across Europe, often leveraging marriage alliances and electoral interventions. In 1308, he arranged the marriage of his daughter Isabella to Edward II of England, forging a strategic alliance that facilitated the resolution of ongoing territorial disputes, particularly over Gascony, and temporarily stabilized relations between the two crowns.[63] This union, celebrated in Boulogne, underscored Philip's use of familial ties to advance geopolitical objectives without immediate recourse to arms. Similarly, Philip sought to extend Capetian sway into the Holy Roman Empire by supporting his brother Charles of Valois as a candidate in the 1308 imperial election following the death of Albert I; though unsuccessful against Henry VII of Luxembourg, these efforts highlighted Philip's ambition to shape imperial politics through proxy influence and subsidies.[37] In parallel, Philip pursued diplomatic channels to conclude hostilities in Flanders, culminating in the Treaty of Athis-sur-Orge signed on June 23, 1305. Negotiated after French victories and Flemish concessions, the treaty imposed indemnities of 400,000 pounds tournois on the County of Flanders, ceded territories such as Lille, Douai, and Orchies to France, and required Count Robert III to pay homage to Philip, thereby reasserting French suzerainty while averting prolonged insurgency.[37] These initiatives reflected a pragmatic approach, prioritizing economic extraction and symbolic dominance over total annexation, amid fiscal strains from prior campaigns. Philip's crusading efforts intertwined with his diplomatic agenda, emphasizing preparatory reforms and papal coordination. Influenced by jurist Pierre Dubois, who advocated a comprehensive European peace conference to enable recovery of the Holy Land—including arbitration of disputes, unification of military orders, and subjugation of Muslim-held Spain—Philip endorsed visions of coordinated Christendom-wide action. At the Council of Vienne (1311–1312), convened under Pope Clement V, Philip backed papal bulls promulgating a new crusade, aiming to redirect Templar assets post-suppression toward eastern expeditions. In 1313, Philip formally took the cross during Pentecost celebrations in Paris, vowing to lead forces to the Levant and granting indulgences to participants, though his sudden death on November 29, 1314, from a hunting accident precluded fulfillment. These commitments, while unexecuted, aligned with Philip's broader strategy of harnessing ecclesiastical authority and royal prestige for prospective holy war, often as leverage in domestic and foreign negotiations.Personal Life and Scandals
Marriage and Heirs
Philip IV married Joan I of Navarre, daughter of King Henry I of Navarre and Blanche of Artois, on 16 August 1284 at age 16, when Joan was approximately 11 or 13 years old.[64][65] The union, arranged by Philip's father, King Philip III, secured French influence over Navarre, Champagne, and Brie, with Philip becoming joint king of Navarre (as Philip I) and count of Champagne upon marriage.[64] Joan became queen consort of France following Philip's accession in 1285.[65] The couple maintained an affectionate relationship, and Philip declined to remarry after Joan's death from illness on 2 April 1305 at Vincennes, despite opportunities for further political alliances.[2] They had seven recorded children, though three daughters died in childhood: Margaret (1288–1294) and Blanche (1290–1294), both succumbing young, and possibly others unnamed in sources.[13] The surviving heirs included four sons and one daughter who reached adulthood.| Name | Birth–Death | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| Louis X | 4 October 1289 – 5 June 1316 | Eldest surviving son; succeeded Philip as king of France and Navarre; father of John I, the posthumous son who briefly reigned.[13] |
| Philip V | c. 1292/1293 – 13 January 1322 | Second son; king of France (1316–1322) and Navarre; married Joan II of Burgundy.[13] |
| Charles IV | March 1294 – 1 February 1328 | Third son; king of France (1322–1328) and Navarre; last direct Capetian king.[13] |
| Isabella | c. 1295 – 22 August 1358 | Only surviving daughter; married Edward II of England in 1308, mother of Edward III; known for her role in deposing her husband.[66][13] |
| Robert | 1297 – 1307 | Youngest son; died in infancy or childhood without issue.[13] |
Tour de Nesle Affair
The Tour de Nesle affair erupted in 1314 when King Philip IV of France accused his three daughters-in-law—Margaret of Burgundy (wife of the future Louis X), Blanche of Burgundy (wife of the future Charles IV), and Joan II, Countess of Burgundy (wife of Philip V)—of adultery and treason.[6] The allegations centered on liaisons with two brothers, Philippe and Gautier d'Aunay, knights from Normandy who served in the royal household, purportedly conducted over several years at the Tour de Nesle, a tower on the Seine in Paris that Philip had acquired in 1308 for royal use.[67] Contemporary chronicles, such as those of the Abbey of Saint-Denis and Italian chronicler Giovanni Villani, report that the scandal surfaced after a servant discovered silk purses embroidered with the royal arms discarded near the tower, prompting suspicion and royal surveillance ordered by Philip IV.[67] The d'Aunay brothers were arrested first and subjected to torture, under which they confessed to multiple adulterous encounters with Margaret and Blanche, including acts of infidelity during royal absences and the production of illegitimate offspring that were allegedly drowned in the Seine to conceal the affairs.[68] Joan was implicated by association but maintained her innocence, with her husband Philip V advocating for her release after investigation cleared her of direct involvement.[6] On April 19, 1314, the knights were publicly executed in Paris with extreme brutality: castrated, disemboweled while alive, their genitals burned before them, and finally beheaded and quartered, their remains displayed as a deterrent.[68] Margaret and Blanche, convicted based on the confessions and their own interrogations, were imprisoned in the severe conditions of Château Gaillard; Margaret died there in August 1315 under suspicious circumstances, possibly strangled on orders to prevent her testimony or remarriage complicating succession.[67] Medieval chroniclers provide the primary accounts, corroborated across French and Italian sources like the Chronicle of Flanders and Saint-Denis annals, though these often emphasize moral outrage and royal vindication, reflecting the era's didactic style rather than impartial reporting.[67] Modern historians, drawing on these records and legal documents from the trials, generally affirm the scandal's occurrence, viewing the confessions—despite extraction via torture—as plausible given the consistency of details and lack of counter-evidence, though some posit Philip IV may have amplified the affair to assert patriarchal control over his heirs amid his failing health.[69] The events invalidated the legitimacy of any offspring from the adulterous unions, leading Louis X to annul his marriage to Margaret and remarry, while Blanche remained confined until 1322, when she wed a minor noble under restricted terms.[67] The affair's repercussions extended to dynastic stability, fueling doubts about male-line purity and contributing to the 1316-1328 succession crises after Philip IV's death on November 29, 1314; it indirectly prompted the reinforcement of Salic Law excluding female inheritance, ending direct Capetian rule and paving the way for Valois kings and the Hundred Years' War.[67] While some analyses suggest political fabrication to discredit unruly in-laws, the rapid executions and imprisonments align more with genuine outrage over threats to royal bloodline integrity than contrived intrigue, as Philip's regime showed no prior pattern of such sexual purges.[6]Death and Immediate Aftermath
Final Years and Health
In the years immediately preceding his death, Philip IV continued to oversee the redistribution of former Knights Templar properties to bolster royal finances and support planned military campaigns, including a proposed crusade announced earlier in his reign. However, by late 1314, his health, which had shown no prior major impairments despite the physical and political strains of three decades on the throne, deteriorated suddenly.[70] On or around 25 October 1314, while hunting in the Forest of Halatte near Pont-Sainte-Maxence during a visit to his uncle Robert de Clermont, Philip suffered a cerebral stroke that caused him to fall from his horse.[71][72] He was attended by physicians but lingered in declining condition, experiencing further symptoms including possible gastrointestinal distress reported around 4 November, such as stomach pains, vomiting, and diarrhea while at Poissy. Philip died on 29 November 1314 at the Château de Fontainebleau, the site of his birth, at the age of 46; the stroke is identified by contemporary accounts and later historians as the direct cause, with no evidence of poisoning or other foul play beyond unsubstantiated legends linking his demise to a purported Templar curse.[13][73][74] His body was prepared for burial at Saint-Denis, marking the end of a reign characterized by assertive centralization efforts amid personal vigor until this final affliction.Death and Succession Crisis
Philip IV suffered a cerebral stroke while hunting in the Forest of Halatte near Pont-Sainte-Maxence on or around 4 November 1314, lingering for 25 days before dying on 29 November at Fontainebleau, aged 46.[70] His death occurred amid relative domestic stability following the suppression of the Knights Templar and resolution of the Tour de Nesle scandal, though the latter had already cast shadows on the legitimacy of potential heirs through his daughters-in-law's convictions for adultery.[75] The throne passed without immediate contest to his eldest surviving son, Louis X, who had been born in 1289 and jointly ruled Navarre since 1305; Louis was crowned at Reims shortly after his father's death, maintaining continuity of the direct Capetian line.[75][76] However, Louis X reigned only until June 1316, dying from dysentery or pneumonia after a tennis match, leaving an infant son, John I, who survived just five days.[75][76] This triggered the first phase of instability, as Louis's posthumous daughter Joan disputed Philip V's (Louis's brother, born c. 1293) claim during a brief assembly at Paris in 1316–1317, though Philip secured the throne via support from the nobility and clergy, invoking Salic law's preference for male agnates over females.[75][76] Philip V ruled until January 1322, succumbing to dysentery without legitimate sons—his male offspring from a prior marriage deemed illegitimate—leaving only daughters.[75][76] Charles IV, the youngest son (born 1294), then acceded, reigning until February 1328, but he too died without male heirs, his marriages yielding only daughters and a short-lived son in 1326.[75] The cumulative failure of Philip IV's three sons to produce surviving legitimate male descendants—exacerbated by high infant mortality, short reigns averaging under four years each, and prior scandals questioning marital fidelity—culminated in a full succession crisis in 1328.[75] Salic law, reinforced during these disputes to exclude females from the throne, directed succession to Philip IV's nephew Philip of Valois, founding the Valois branch, while Edward III of England—grandson through Philip's daughter Isabella—later contested it, igniting the Hundred Years' War.[75][77]Legacy and Historical Evaluation
Contributions to French State-Building
Philip IV significantly advanced the centralization of royal authority in France by prioritizing professional administrators and legists over feudal nobles, thereby reducing aristocratic influence and fostering a more bureaucratic state apparatus. His reliance on skilled civil servants, such as Guillaume de Nogaret, enabled the expansion of royal control through systematic legal and administrative oversight, marking a shift toward governance based on expertise rather than hereditary privilege.[13][30] A key innovation was the establishment of the Chambre des Comptes in 1303, an audit chamber designed to scrutinize local officials' accounts and enforce fiscal accountability, which professionalized royal finance management and curtailed arbitrary spending by baillis and seneschals. This body, staffed by royal appointees, audited revenues from domains, taxes, and aides, contributing to a more structured treasury that supported military campaigns without sole dependence on feudal levies. Concurrently, Philip reformed local administration by tightening oversight of baillis and seneschals, requiring annual audits and rotating appointments to prevent entrenched power, which enhanced the crown's direct reach into provincial governance.[78][79][30] Judicial centralization progressed through the elevation of the Parlement de Paris into a permanent sovereign court, which under Philip's reign handled appeals, registered royal edicts, and asserted supremacy over customary law, thereby subordinating ecclesiastical and seigneurial courts to royal jurisdiction. By 1302, Philip convened the first Estates-General, summoning representatives from the clergy, nobility, and commons to endorse his policies against papal interference, a move that demonstrated the king's capacity to mobilize broader political consent and laid groundwork for consultative assemblies in legitimizing extraordinary taxation. These measures collectively diminished feudal fragmentation, embedding the principle of royal sovereignty over diverse territories and institutions.[80][3]Criticisms and Controversies
Philip IV's financial policies drew significant criticism for their exploitative nature, particularly the repeated debasement of the French currency. Between 1295 and 1305, he reduced the silver content in coins to generate revenue for military campaigns, effectively acting as a form of hidden taxation that fueled inflation and eroded public trust in the monetary system.[37] This practice, peaking in severity around 1306 before a reform recoinage, was perceived by contemporaries as akin to counterfeiting, exacerbating economic instability amid ongoing wars.[37] The suppression of the Knights Templar represented one of the most notorious controversies of his reign, initiated by the sudden arrest of all Templars in France on October 13, 1307. Philip accused the order of heresy, idolatry, sodomy, and other grave sins, charges largely obtained through torture, with historical analysis indicating primary motivations of debt relief—Philip owed the wealthy order substantial sums—and seizure of their assets to alleviate fiscal pressures.[47] Under duress from Philip, Pope Clement V disbanded the order at the Council of Vienne in 1312, though many confessions were recanted, and the proceedings lacked due process, leading to the execution of Grand Master Jacques de Molay and others by burning at the stake on March 18, 1314.[47] Modern historiography views the trial as a politically motivated persecution rather than a genuine inquiry into doctrinal deviance, highlighting Philip's willingness to subvert justice for state gain. Philip's protracted conflict with Pope Boniface VIII further tarnished his reputation, escalating from disputes over royal taxation of the clergy without papal consent in 1296–1297, when Boniface issued Clericis laicos prohibiting such levies.[33] The king retaliated by halting clerical revenue flows to Rome and arresting Bishop Bernard Saisset in 1301 on treason charges, prompting Boniface's Ausculta fili and Unam Sanctam (November 18, 1302), which asserted papal spiritual and indirect temporal supremacy over kings.[33] In response, Philip convened the Estates General in April 1302 to rally support against the pope, and his agents, led by Guillaume de Nogaret, assaulted Boniface at Anagni on September 7, 1303, subjecting him to physical abuse and detention until his death a month later.[33] This outrage, including posthumous desecration of Boniface's remains ordered by Philip, was condemned as an assault on ecclesiastical authority and the sanctity of the papal office, underscoring Philip's prioritization of absolutist royal power over traditional church-state balances.[33] Critics, including Italian chroniclers and subsequent historians, portrayed Philip as tyrannical for his systematic use of fabricated charges, torture, and extraordinary legal mechanisms to eliminate opponents, such as in the Templar trials and clerical arrests, which undermined feudal customs and due legal process in favor of centralized royal control.[40] These actions, while bolstering monarchical authority, invited accusations of moral and legal overreach, with some contemporaries acknowledging his piety yet decrying the ruthlessness that defined his governance.[40]Modern Historiographical Perspectives
Modern historiography portrays Philip IV's reign as a transitional period in French monarchical development, emphasizing his administrative innovations that strengthened royal authority and laid groundwork for centralized governance. Joseph R. Strayer, in his seminal 1980 study, argues that Philip's government marked the peak of medieval royal power while initiating shifts toward modern state structures through systematic bureaucratization, expanded taxation, and legal codification, enabling France to sustain prolonged warfare despite fiscal strains from conflicts like the Franco-Flemish War (1297–1305). Strayer contends these reforms were pragmatic responses to inherited debts and territorial ambitions, rather than ideological absolutism, with Philip relying on consultative assemblies such as the Estates General convened in 1302 to legitimize extraordinary levies.[78] This perspective underscores causal factors like military necessities driving institutional growth, privileging empirical evidence from royal ordonnances and financial records over contemporary polemics that depicted Philip as tyrannical. Scholars like Elizabeth A. R. Brown offer nuanced critiques, focusing on Philip's personal and familial dynamics as influences on policy ruthlessness, including the 1314 execution of Templar leaders Jacques de Molay and Geoffroi de Charney, which Brown reexamines as potentially hasty amid papal pressures rather than premeditated malice. Brown's analyses highlight how Philip's piety coexisted with expedient persecutions—such as the 1306 expulsion of Jews and seizures of Lombard bankers' assets—to alleviate bankruptcy from currency devaluations (e.g., the 1295–1306 gros reforms that inflated money supply by over 200%). She and others question overly hagiographic views, noting that while Philip's conflicts with Boniface VIII (culminating in the 1303 Anagni outrage) asserted regal supremacy over ecclesiastical interference, they exacerbated succession instability post-1314, evidenced by the rapid deaths of his sons and the 1328 crisis.[81] These works prioritize archival scrutiny, revealing Philip's "fair" sobriquet as ironic given coercive tactics, yet affirm his causal role in forging a fiscal-military state resilient enough to endure short-term disruptions. Debates persist on Philip's legacy versus contemporaries' biases; for instance, pro-papal sources inflated heresy charges against him, while modern reassessments, informed by quantitative fiscal data, attribute Templar suppression (initiated October 13, 1307) more to debt relief—yielding assets worth millions of livres—than doctrinal purity, as confessions extracted under torture lacked corroboration in non-French trials. German historians, per earlier analyses, frame Philip as initiator of eastward expansionism, contrasting French views of defensive consolidation. Overall, post-1980 scholarship converges on Philip as an effective, if opportunistic, consolidator whose policies empirically boosted royal revenue (e.g., tripling taille yields by 1310) but sowed inflationary and legitimacy issues, with source credibility varying: royal chronicles overstate piety, while academic biases toward secular rationalism sometimes underplay Philip's genuine theological justifications against perceived papal overreach.[80]Issue
References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Treaty_of_Paris_%281303%29
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