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Yarikh
Member of Gaṯarāma/Gaṯarūma[1]
Other namesArakh, Erakh
Major cult centerLarugadu, Ugarit, Jericho, Beth Yerach
PlanetMoon
Genealogy
SpouseNikkal (in Ugarit)
Equivalents
MesopotamianSin
HurrianKušuḫ

Yarikh (Ugaritic: 𐎊𐎗𐎃, YRḪ, "moon"[2]), or Yaraḫum,[3]: 118–119  was a moon god worshiped in the Ancient Near East. He is best attested in sources from the Amorite[4] city of Ugarit in the north of modern Syria, where he was one of the principal deities. His primary cult center was most likely Larugadu, located further east in the proximity of Ebla. His mythic cult center is Abiluma.[5] He is also attested in other areas inhabited by Amorites, for example in Mari, but also in Mesopotamia as far east as Eshnunna. In the Ugaritic texts, Yarikh appears both in strictly religious context, in rituals and offering lists, and in narrative compositions. He is the main character in The Marriage of Nikkal and Yarikh, a myth possibly based on an earlier Hurrian composition. The eponymous goddess was regarded as his wife in Ugarit, but she is not attested in documents from most other Syrian cities, and most likely only entered the Ugaritic pantheon due to the influence of Hurrian religion.

Ugarit ceased to exist during the Bronze Age collapse, and while Yarikh continued to be worshiped in the Levant and Transjordan, attestations from the first millennium BCE are relatively rare. He played a small role in Phoenician, Punic, Ammonite and Moabite religions, and appears only in a small number of theophoric names from these areas. It is also presumed that he was worshiped by the Israelites and that the cities of Jericho and Beth Yerach were named after him. While the Hebrew Bible contains multiple polemics against the worship of the moon, it is not certain if they necessarily refer to Yarikh.

Name

[edit]

The name Yarikh (Yariḫ; 𐎊𐎗𐎃 YRḪ[2]) is an ordinary Ugaritic word which can refer not only to the lunar god, but also to the moon as a celestial body.[2] A further meaning attested for it is "month."[2] Earlier forms of the name, (Y)arakh and (Y)erakh, are attested as elements of Amorite theophoric names.[6]

The name is grammatically masculine,[7] which is the norm for lunar deities across the Ancient Near East, in contrast with Greece, where the moon corresponded to a female deity, Selene.[8]

Cognates of Yarikh's name are present in many Semitic languages.[9] As a name for the celestial body and the ordinary word "month" they are attested in Hebrew: ירח‎ YRḤ, Phoenician: 𐤉𐤓𐤇‎ YRḤ, Old Aramaic: 𐡉𐡓𐡇‎ YRḤ (however, the name of the Aramaic moon god, Śahr, is not a cognate[6]); Palmyrene Aramaic: 𐡩𐡴𐡧‎ YRḤ; and Nabataean Aramaic: 𐢍𐢛𐢊‎ YRḤ).[2] The Akkadian word warḫum, "month" or rarely "moon," is a cognate as well,[6] as are Old South Arabian wrḫ, "month," and the word warḫ, "moon" or "month," present in Ethiopian Semitic languages.[2]

In early Amorite tradition

[edit]

It is presumed that the moon god was one of the major deities of the early Amorite pantheon.[10] Daniel Schwemer outright states that next to Hadad he was the main deity of the entire area inhabited by the Amorites.[11] He was commonly worshiped as a family deity.[12] His presumed main cult center, attested in the Ugaritic texts,[13] but located further inland in central Syria,[14] presumably in the proximity of Ebla, was Larugadu (lrgt), identified with Arugadu from the earlier Eblaite sources.[15] No references to this location from outside the Ugarit and Ebla corpora of texts are known.[13] Since Yarikh himself is not attested in the sources from the latter city, it is presumed that he was only introduced to northern Syria by the Amorites.[16] The Eblaites instead referred to their moon god as Suinu, similar as their contemporaries in Kish, and in addition to phonetic writing Zu-i-nu adopted the Mesopotamian convention of using dEN.ZU to represent the name of the moon deity in cuneiform.[17] While Suinu's name is a cognate of Akkadian Sin, it is presumed that his cult developed locally and was not introduced from Mesopotamia.[16] His cult center was apparently NI-ra-arki, a city located close to Ebla.[18] A second possible lunar deity worshiped in Ebla was Šanugaru.[17] Due to Yarikh's association with Larugardu, it has additionally been argued that the god Hadabal (dNI.DA.KUL), who was worshiped there in the third millennium BCE, had lunar character,[9] but this conclusion is not universally accepted.[16] Alfonso Archi assumes that the diffusion of Hadabal's cult, whose territorial extent is well documented in Eblaite texts, does not appear to match his presumed astral character.[16]

Yarikh (Erakh) is well attested in Amorite theophoric names.[6] In Old Babylonian Mari, he appears in thirty nine individual types of names.[19] Examples include Abdu-Erakh, "servant of Yarikh," Uri-Erakh, "light of Yarikh," Yantin-Erakh, "Yarikh has given" and Zimri-Erakh, "protection of Yarikh."[10] Individuals bearing them came from various areas in the kingdom and near it, including the city of Mari itself, Terqa, Saggartum, the Khabur Triangle (where particularly many are attested), the area around the Balikh, Suhum and Zalmaqum.[20] A certain Yantin-Erakh served as a troop commander under Zimri-Lim.[21] Similar theophoric names are also known from Eshnunna.[22] A document excavated there indicates that at one point in the Old Babylonian period a certain Abdi-Erakh was a king of an unspecified city in Mesopotamia.[23] After its initial discovery, Thorkild Jacobsen proposed that he ruled Eshnunna itself, but this view has since been disproved.[23] Another Abdi-Erakh, a contemporary of Ipiq-Adad of Eshnunna, apparently ruled over Ilip and Kish.[24]

It is sometimes argued that in Mesopotamia Erakh/Yarikh and Sin might have been understood as, respectively, Amorite and Akkadian names of the same deity, rather than two separate moon gods.[10][12] However, Ichiro Nakata lists them separately from each other in his overview of deities attested in Mari, unlike the various variants of the names of the weather or solar gods.[19] The deity Sin-Amurrum, attested in the incantation series Maqlû (tablet VI, verse 4)[12] according to Karel van der Toorn might be the Mesopotamian name of the Amorite moon god.[12]

In Ugarit

[edit]

Yarikh was regarded as one of the primary deities of the Ugaritic pantheon.[25][26] His role as a lunar deity was qualified by the epithet nyr šmm, "luminary of the heavens" or "lamp of the heavens," which has been compared to a similar Akkadian title of the Mesopotamian moon god Sin, munawwir šamê u ersetim, "illuminator of the heavens and earth."[27] He could also be referred to as a "prince" (zbl), which is also attested in the case of multiple other deities, including the weather god Baal and the underworld god Resheph,[28] and is meant to signify high status.[29] Furthermore, a single passage refers to him as "the most pleasant of the gods" (n’mn ‘ilm), which was apparently meant to highlight his physical attractiveness.[30] According to Dennis Pardee, it is possible he was believed to spend the day in the underworld.[31] It has also been suggested that he could function as its gatekeeper, a role which is otherwise well attested for the god Resheph.[29] These two gods are paired in an incantation against snakebite.[32]

In the standard Ugaritic deity lists, Yarikh follows the Kotharat and precedes Mount Saphon.[33] In another similar text, he follows the sea god Yam and Baal, whose names are written in a single line, and precedes the craftsman god Kothar.[34] He is also attested in ritual texts. During celebrations which took place during the full moon in an unknown month, two bulls had to be sacrificed for him.[35] Subsequently in an offering list included in the same prescriptive text it is stated he also receives a ram after Baal of Ugarit and Baal of Aleppo, and before a ram and a bull were offered to Anat of Saphon.[36] Another offering list places him between the Kotharat and Attar as a recipient of a ram.[37] He could also receive offerings alongside Nikkal.[38] Additionally, the terms Gaṯarāma and Gatarūma, designations of a group of god which are etymologically, respectively, dual and plural forms of the name Gaṯaru,[39] might in some cases refer to Yarikh, grouped with Gaṯaru, the sun goddess Shapash or both of these deities.[1]

Thirty individuals bearing theophoric names invoking Yarikh have been identified with certainty in the Ugaritic texts.[40] A particularly commonly occurring name, Abdi-Yarikh, written as ‘bdyrḫ in the Ugaritic alphabetic script meant "servant of Yarikh."[41] Additionally, a single name known from a text written in the standard cuneiform script uses the logogram d30 as the theophoric element, but it is not certain if it refers to Yarikh or another lunar deity.[40] Kušuḫ is also attested in Ugaritic names, appearing in a total of six, one of them belonging to a person from outside the city, while the Mesopotamian Sin - in a single one, belonging to a Babylonian rather than a local resident.[42] While the total number of the names invoking Yarikh and adjacent deities is smaller than that of these invoking Baal, Resheph or Shapash, he is nonetheless better attested in this capacity than multiple deities who appear frequently in myths, such as Athirat, Attar, Yam or Ashtart.[40]

In addition to his presence in theophoric names, the Hurrian moon god Kušuḫ is also well attested in other documents from Ugarit.[41] It has been argued that he was identified with Yarikh due to his analogous role.[43][44] However, in one ritual text, KTU3 1.111, Kušuḫ and Yarikh, accompanied by Nikkal, who is placed between them, receive offerings together as separate deities.[45] Since accompanying instructions are a combination of Ugaritic (when referring to Yarikh) and Hurrian (when referring to Kušuḫ and Nikkal), it is possible that the scribe responsible for the preparation of the tablet was bilingual.[45] Both this text and other sources from Ugarit indicate that Ugaritic and Hurrian deities could be worshiped side by side.[45] Further lunar deities known from Ugarit include Saggar, a god presumed to be analogous to Eblaite Šanugaru, who was worshiped in association with Išḫara,[46] hll (reading uncertain, sometimes assumed to be analogous to the god Hulelu from Emar), the father of the Kotharat, whose name might be a cognate of the Arabic word hilālun, which lead to the proposal that he was the god of the lunar crescent,[47] and Kas’a, only attested in association of Yarikh and based on presumed cognates in other Semitic languages, for example Habrew, presumed to represent a presently unidentified lunar phase.[48] Dennis Pardee additionally suggests that yrḫ kṯy, a hypostasis of Yarikh, might be a lunar deity of Kassite origin.[13] The presence of the "Kassite Yarikh" in Ugaritic texts is also accepted by Mark Smith.[49] He is attested in a prayer for well-being[50] and in an offering list.[51]

Yarikh appears in a number of Ugaritic myths, but his role in them does not necessarily reflect his nature as a lunar deity.[52]

Marriage of Nikkal and Yarikh

[edit]

Marriage of Nikkal and Yarikh (KTU 1.24) is the Ugaritic narrative composition which is focused on the moon god to the greatest degree.[53] It is agreed that it describes the circumstances which lead to the marriage of the eponymous deities, though its genre continues to be a topic of ongoing scholarly debate.[54] Steve A. Wiggins suggests that it is possible individual sections of the text do not necessarily belong to the same genre, making it possible to classify both as a myth and as a hymn.[54]

After a proemium, which mentions some of the deities involved in the plot, and a number of verses dealing with the Kotharat, Yarikh is introduced bargaining with the god Ḫiriḫibi (who is not attested in any other sources[55]) to be granted the permission to marry Nikkal.[56] This most likely indicates that the latter is either her father or at least mediates on behalf of her family.[55] Yarikh offers to pay a high bride price, including large amounts of gold, silver and lapis lazuli, and additionally states that he will "make her [Nikkal's] fields orchards," which is most likely an euphemistic way to refer to his ability to sire an heir.[57] Ḫiriḫibi is reluctant at first, and suggests alternate brides to him: Pidray and ybrdmy.[58] The former is known to be a daughter of Baal, while the latter is variously interpreted as a daughter of Attar,[55] his sister,[59] another daughter of Baal[60][61] or an epithet of Pidray.[62] Ḫiriḫibi in his speech refers to Yarikh as "son-in-law of Baal" (ḫtnm b’l), which might either refer to his prospective future after choosing Pidray, indicate that he was already married to another of the weather god's daughters, or simply serve as a courtesy title.[63] Yarikh ultimately rejects both proposals, and states that he is only interested in Nikkal.[64] He finally succeeds, and subsequently marries her.[64]

It is sometimes assumed that in addition to the scenes described above, Yarikh also appears in the heavily damaged section of the myth occupying lines 5-15 of the tablet, which according to this theory describe a sexual encounter between him and Nikkal, but this is far from certain.[65] Steve A. Wiggins points out that even if it is accepted that sex is described, neither deity is mentioned by name, which makes it difficult to evaluate this proposal.[65]

The background of the entire myth is most likely Hurrian.[64][66] It might be either a direct Ugaritic translation of a Hurrian original,[67] or a less direct adaptation only relying on motifs from Hurrian mythology.[68] It is agreed that Ḫiriḫibi is a god of Hurrian origin.[55][69] Nikkal, presented as Yarikh's spouse in this context, but absent from other Ugaritic narratives, was a derivative of the Mesopotamian goddess Ningal, who was the wife of Sin/Nanna, the Mesopotamian moon god,[70] and was also worshiped by Hurrians as the wife of Kušuḫ.[71] Most likely the marital relationship between the corresponding Mesopotamian deities is also the reason behind portraying her as Yarikh's wife.[72] It is not certain if Nikkal entered the Ugaritic pantheon directly from one of the Upper Mesopotamian cities or through a Hurrian cultural intermediary.[73] The fact that most Ugaritic attestations of her are entries in Hurrian offering lists most likely supports the latter theory.[73] She is otherwise almost entirely absent from western Syrian sources from the second and first millennia BCE.[74]

Other Ugaritic narrative texts

[edit]

In addition to Marriage of Nikkal and Yarikh, the moon god also appears in the text KTU 1.114.[75] While relatively well preserved, it is considered difficult to translate, and many details remain unclear.[76] Apparently during a banquet organized by El, Yarikh for unknown reasons acts as a dog and crawls under the tables.[76] Deities stated to be familiar with him, including Ashtart and Anat, offer him choice cuts of meat, while those who do not know him poke him with a stick.[77] The actions of the two goddesses are rebuked by a nameless "porter of the house of El," who complains that they are giving a dog food.[78] The rest of the composition focuses on El getting drunk and subsequently struggling with the effects of alcohol, and Yarikh is not referenced again.[76] However, the final lines apparently relay how to prepare a remedy for hangover using dog hair, which might be a reference to his role.[76][79] It is not certain why Yarikh acts in a dog-like manner in this text.[80] His behavior might simply be tied to the theme of alcohol consumption.[76]

While Yarikh himself makes no appearance in KTU2 1.12, a minor goddess appearing in this text, Talish (tlš[81]) is described as his handmaiden (‘amt).[82] The origin of her name is not known, though it has been proposed it was derived from a root meaning "tardy" or "delay," or from the verb "to knead."[83] Alternatively, it might be related to the ordinary name Tu-li-ša attested both in Ugarit and in Nuzi.[82] Talish occurs in parallel with Dimgay, another minor goddess, the handmaiden of Athirat, which is sometimes used to argue in favor of them being a single deity with a binomial name, Dimgay-wa-Talish (dmg w tlš).[81] In the surviving passage, both of them suffer from labor pain.[82] Since a well known Mesopotamian composition casts Sin in the role of a god helping in such situations, Yarikh's absence from the surviving sections of the text, coupled with Talish being explicitly associated with him, is considered difficult to explain by researchers.[84]

The myth KTU 1.92 mentions Yarikh in passing as one of the gods who receive game from Ashtart after her return from a hunt.[85]

In Emar

[edit]

In Emar, the name of the moon god was represented by the logogram d30.[86] It is not certain if he can be identified as Yarikh.[86] According to Brian B. Schmidt the moon god worshiped in Emar was Sin.[10] However, it is not impossible that more than one deity of such character was present in the local pantheon,[86] and Gary Beckman lists the West Semitic reading as one of the four possibilities, next to Mesopotamian, Hurrian and Anatolian (Arma).[87] It has also been proven that in at least some cases the logogram refers to Saggar, already worshiped in the proximity of Emar, in Ma-NEki, in the third millennium BCE.[46] Other writings of his name are also attested, including multiple syllabic and a second logographic one, dḪAR.[88] Priests of the deity designated by d30 are attested in documents from Emar, but there is no indication that one of the few temples identified during excavations belonged to him.[89]

In the first millennium BCE

[edit]

While Ugarit ceased to exist during the Late Bronze Age collapse, possibly due to the activity of the Sea Peoples,[90] the worship of Yarikh continued elsewhere in the first millennium BCE.[10]

Phoenician and Punic sources

[edit]
The Phoenician version of the Karatepe bilingual.

No explicit references to Yarikh occur in any Phoenician sources,[91] such as inscriptions from Byblos, Tyre and Sidon.[92] The research of Phoenician religion is considered difficult due to the scarcity of written materials and the small number of direct references to deities other than the principal patron of each city, such as Baalat Gebal in Byblos, Eshmun in Sidon or Melqart in Tyre.[93] The role of astral deities such as Yarikh was small, possibly due to their lack of a connection to maritime trade, shared by many of the major deities of this culture.[94] The Phoenician version of the Karatepe bilingual mentions the sun and the moon in a context which might indicate that deities corresponding to them are meant, but they are not singled out in such a way as the weather god Baal is in the same document.[95]

In known Punic sources, Yarikh is similarly absent from inscriptions, though he does appear in theophoric names.[96] One attested example is ‘bdyrḥ, "servant of Yarikh."[96] Similar evidence exists for another moon god, Saggar, who might have functioned as a personification of the new moon in Punic religion.[97] Lunar symbols are present on Punic stelae, though since the accompanying inscriptions usually only mention the heads of the pantheon, Baal Hammon and Tanit, it has been argued that they represent the former of these two deities, rather than Yarikh.[98] However, no textual sources support the theory that Baal Hammon was a lunar deity, and the fact that in Palmyra he was treated as entirely separate from the local lunar god Aglibol might be evidence on the contrary.[99] Additionally, it is possible that said symbols, as well as other similar astral ones, do not represent any specific god, but are meant to illustrate the celestial nature of the main deities.[100]

Ammonite and Moabite sources

[edit]

As of 2000, only a single certain attestation of Yarikh from the kingdoms of the ancient Transjordan has been identified.[101] One of the Ammonite kings bore the name yrḥ'zr (Jeraheazar), "Yarikh is my helper," as attested in an inscription on the plinth of a royal statue dated to around 700 BCE.[102] Ammonite seals depicting the crescent moon are known from the seventh century BCE, but they might be related to the worship of Sin of Harran, who was known in many areas to the west and south of his cult center in the Neo-Assyrian period.[103]

The evidence from the Moabite kingdom, which developed in parallel with the Ammon in the early first millennium BCE,[103] is limited to artistic depictions of the lunar crescent.[104] It has been argued that they might indicate the national god of the Moabites, Chemosh, at some point developed lunar characteristics.[101] Known textual sources from Moab mention neither Yarikh nor Sin.[104]

Israelite and Judahite sources

[edit]

The worship of the moon was most likely practiced in the kingdoms of Israel and Judah both before the Babylonian captivity and afterwards.[105] Evidence includes toponyms and, according to Gabriele Theuer, theophoric names invoking Yarikh,[106] though according to Brian B. Schmidt certain examples of the latter are presently lacking.[107] Best known presumed examples of the former include Jericho and Beth Yerach.[108][109] It is also probable that the moon god of Harran, Sin, was also worshiped by the Israelites.[110]

It has been suggested that the numerous references to the moon being a celestial body subordinate to Yahweh in the Hebrew Bible might reflect a religious polemic against the worship of lunar deities,[111][112] though researchers note that caution is required in using this information to reconstruct the culture of the kingdoms prior to the period of Babylonian captivity.[113] Direct prohibitions or condemnation of the worship of the moon are mentioned in a number of passages too, for example in Book of Job 31:26–68.[107] Second Book of Kings 23:5 states that king Josiah of Judah banished priests making offerings to the moon alongside those devoted to other astral bodies and Baal.[114] It is difficult to know how many of these references can be considered sources of information about Yarikh, as it is possible that they do not necessarily reflect a struggle against the preexisting cult of a local lunar deity, but rather against the mesopotamian traditions centered in Harran, which in the period of captivity and later might have been perceived as a competing creed.[115] Placing the polemics in the distant past might therefore have been only a rhetorical device.[115]

Palmyrene sources

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In sources from Palmyra, whose pantheon known from between the late first millennium BCE and early first millennium CE included both strictly local deities and Phoenician, Mesopotamian and Arabian ones,[116] names with the element yrḥ refer to the local god Yarhibol, rather than Yarikh.[117] He was regarded as a solar deity.[118] However, it is possible that he was originally a moon god, and only developed his solar traits attested in historical sources secondarily.[118] Alternatively, his name might have instead been derived from Arabic yarḫu, "spring," which is argued to fit his association with the Palmyrene spring Efca.[118]

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Yarikh

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Yarikh (also spelled Yarih or Jerah) was the moon god in ancient Canaanite and religion, revered as the illuminator of the heavens and lord of the , the latter referring to the moon's shape. He played a minor role in broader Canaanite mythology compared to major deities like El and but featured prominently in a poem (KTU 1.24) describing his courtship and marriage to the goddess , facilitated by the marriage broker Ḫiriḫibi and involving hymns to the Kotharat (daughters of ) for fertility blessings. Yarikh's worship is attested archaeologically in Late , with his name preserved in toponyms such as Beit Yarikh (ancient Beth Yerah) and possibly (from Yarih), suggesting localized cults centered on lunar cycles and . A notable artifact is a from the Stelae Temple at Hazor depicting a seated male figure with an inverted crescent moon, interpreted as Yarikh alongside his consort. In , he is invoked in benedictions for illumination and marital prosperity, reflecting his association with nightly dew and celestial light, though he lacks the storm and fertility powers of other gods. His cult likely influenced broader West Semitic traditions, with parallels to Mesopotamian /Nanna, but remained distinctly tied to Ugarit's pantheon.

Name and Identity

Etymology and Meaning

The name Yarikh derives from the noun yrḫ, which directly signifies "" and is grammatically masculine—a noteworthy feature in , where many celestial bodies, such as the sun (šapš), are typically feminine. This masculine designation underscores Yarikh's personification as a male , distinguishing him from abstract astral phenomena and aligning with his role in as an active participant in divine narratives. The term yrḫ traces its origins to the Proto-Semitic root warḫ-, reconstructed as denoting "moon" or "month," with reflexes across Semitic languages including Akkadian warḫu, Hebrew yārēaḥ, and Syriac yarḥā. This root evokes the pale, silvery luminescence characteristic of the moon, reflecting its subtle nocturnal glow rather than the intense brilliance of solar or stellar bodies. The linguistic form thus encapsulates Yarikh's essence as a provider of measured light and cyclical time, integral to ancient Near Eastern conceptions of the cosmos. Yarikh's epithets in Ugaritic literature further illuminate the semantic depth of his name, emphasizing its ties to lunar attributes. Common titles include "lamp of " (nyr šmm), highlighting his role as an illuminator in the , and "illuminator of myriads (of stars)," which portrays him as a radiant counterpart to the stellar expanse. Another key , "lord of the " (bʿl gml, interpreted as referencing the moon's curved shape), directly links the deity's identity to the visible form of the waning or waxing moon, reinforcing the name's of a personified celestial that "harvests" the darkness. These descriptors collectively affirm Yarikh as a distinct lunar , embodying both the moon's physical appearance and its symbolic dominion over nocturnal cycles.

Cognates and Equivalents in Semitic Languages

The name Yarikh reflects the widespread *wrḥ-, denoting the or month, with appearing across various branches of the . In Hebrew, the form yārēaḥ serves as the poetic term for the , as seen in biblical texts such as Psalm 104:19. In Akkadian, the cognate warḫu refers to the month or new , linking the deity's identity to calendrical and celestial functions. In Amorite contexts, Yarikh shows potential equivalence with the Mesopotamian moon god (also called Nanna or Suen), based on shared attributes as illuminators of the and patrons of timekeeping, though this association stops short of complete . Evidence for this connection appears in bilingual lexical lists equating Amorite Yarikh with Akkadian , as well as references to of in Mari documents, where lunar worship blends regional traditions. Such identifications highlight cultural exchanges in the and without implying a unified . Yarikh features prominently in early theophoric names from Old Babylonian Mari, where variants like Erakh or Yarikh form compounds expressing devotion to the . Examples include Abdu-Yarikh ("servant of Yarikh") and Zimri-Yarikh ("protection of Yarikh"), among at least thirty-nine attested types, demonstrating the god's integration into personal piety among Amorite populations. These names illustrate Yarikh's role as a protective figure in everyday life, predating more elaborate attestations. The equation of the cuneiform sign d30, representing the moon god in Emar texts, with remains debated in philological scholarship. While d30 conventionally denotes in Mesopotamian sources, analyses of Emar ritual and name data suggest a local Syrian that may align more closely with Yarikh's West Semitic profile, though not without distinctions in cultic emphasis. Post-2010 studies of inscriptions emphasize these regional nuances, arguing against a strict identification due to variations in theophoric usage and festival contexts.

Bronze Age Attestations

Early Amorite Tradition

In the Middle , Yarikh emerged as a major in Amorite religious practice, particularly attested in the royal archives of Mari dating to the BCE. These attestations are primarily through theophoric personal names, with approximately 39 individual types documented, underscoring his status as a high-ranking god within the Amorite pantheon. As a benevolent , Yarikh was associated with , the provision of , and the regulation of time through lunar cycles, reflecting his role in sustaining agricultural abundance and cosmic order. Yarikh's prominence is further evidenced by his frequent appearance in theophoric personal names from Mari, such as Abdu-Erakh ("servant of [the god] Erakh," where Erakh is a variant of Yarikh) and Zimri-Erakh ("[I] praise Erakh"), which highlight his integration into everyday devotion and social identity. These names, numbering in the dozens across individual types, demonstrate the deity's widespread cult among Amorite communities. The name's Akkadian cognate yārḫu, meaning "," further illustrates linguistic continuity in Semitic astral worship. Yarikh is attested at in lexical texts from the late BCE, pointing to his deep roots in Syrian religious traditions.

Ugaritic Sources

In the pantheon, Yarikh held a central position as the moon god and husband of , a associated with orchards and , reflecting the integration of local Canaanite traditions with Hurrian influences evident in her epithet Nikkal-Ib ("Great Lady, the Fruit"). The myth of the "Marriage of and Yarikh" (KTU 1.24) narrates Yarikh's courtship, where he, described as the "lamp of heaven," proposes to through her father Khirkhib, king of summer, offering an extravagant bride-price of a thousand shekels of silver, ten thousand of gold, precious stones, fields, and vineyards. Despite initial resistance, the union proceeds with divine blessings from the Kotharat ( of and childbirth), who assist in Nikkal's confinement and extend to a mortal maiden, underscoring Yarikh's role in themes of illumination and reproductive abundance. Scholars interpret this narrative as possibly of Hurrian origin, adapted to contexts to emphasize celestial harmony and seasonal renewal. Yarikh appears in other mythological narratives, portraying him in subservient yet luminous roles within the divine assembly. In the "Banquet of the Gods" (KTU 1.114), Yarikh is present as "prince Yarikh" and the "illuminator of myriads" of stars during El's feast, emphasizing his as a bringer of light in the . Similarly, in the Keret Epic (KTU 1.14–1.16), Yarikh is invoked as "prince Yarikh" among the gods at Keret's banquet alongside and , and later as the "illuminator of myriads" of stars, emphasizing his as a bringer of light in the and his participation in royal-divine rituals. These depictions reinforce Yarikh's identity as a benevolent lunar figure aiding and guidance, distinct from more tempestuous deities. Ritual texts from Ugarit's temples attest to Yarikh's major , with offerings and festivals aligned to lunar cycles that underscore his epithets of and illumination. Deity lists and records (e.g., KTU 1.003, 1.005, 1.009) prescribe , bulls, cows, and shekels to Yarikh, often on the (ym mla’t) or day 25, as in multi-day ceremonies invoking his blessings for the king's well-being alongside or . Incantations against serpent bites (KTU 1.100) and prayers (KTU 1.108, 24.271) pair him with nocturnal or chthonic gods, reflecting Hurrian through Nikkal's inclusion and his role in lunar omens. These practices indicate Yarikh's temple received regular nocturnal offerings, establishing him as a key figure in religious life tied to agricultural cycles and celestial order.

Emar Evidence

In the Late Bronze Age cuneiform texts from Emar, a Syrian city on the , the god is represented by the Sumerian d30, the standard symbol for the in Mesopotamian and West Semitic scribal traditions. This appears frequently in calendars and descriptions, particularly in the diviners' archive, where it denotes offerings and processions timed to lunar phases. Scholars debate whether d30 specifically refers to the god Yarikh or a local Syrian equivalent, potentially syncretized with the Mesopotamian , as Emar's pantheon reflects a blend of Hurrian, Hittite, and West Semitic influences under regional political shifts. Bilingual texts from Emar equate d30 with the West Semitic name yrḫ, directly linking it to Yarikh and highlighting with local Syrian deities such as Šaggar, a regional associated with fertility and full-moon observances. This identification aligns with broader West Semitic patterns, where lunar deities like Yarikh parallel mythological figures in ritual functions, though Emar's texts emphasize practical cultic roles over narrative myths. The moon god under d30 participates in key Emar rituals, including the "Song of the Gods" (a ceremonial during processions) and installation rites for divine images, where statues are consecrated through with oil and blood, sacrifices, and feasting in temple settings. These rites, detailed in texts like Emar 373 and 369, suggest Yarikh's involvement in temple consecrations, as d30 receives offerings alongside major deities like Dagan and receives royal patronage, underscoring the moon god's role in ensuring cosmic and agricultural order. The zukru festival, held on the of the month SAG.MU, further integrates d30 through multi-day events with sikkānu-stone processions and sacrifices, reflecting syncretic adaptations of Hittite and local traditions. Archaeological excavations at Emar, conducted by French teams from 1972 to 1976 and 1980 to 1982 amid the project, uncovered temple complexes in Chantier A and E, including structures associated with cultic artifacts and inscriptions. However, recent reassessments of variants, such as those in 2015 studies on scribal orthography, have raised uncertainties about precise identifications, emphasizing the hybrid nature of Emar's religious .

First Millennium BCE Sources

Phoenician and Punic Inscriptions

References to Yarikh in Phoenician inscriptions from and (ca. 9th–6th centuries BCE) are rare and limited to theophoric names, such as ʿbdyrḥ, meaning "servant of the moon-god." These names reflect a continuity of lunar traditions in personal nomenclature, though Yarikh receives no explicit cultic attention in the surviving dedicatory or royal texts from these coastal centers. In Punic contexts from , Yarikh similarly appears only in theophoric elements like ʿbdyrḥ within personal names, with no direct dedications or invocations preserved in the corpus of over 6,000 known inscriptions. This scarcity suggests a marginal role for the amid the dominance of local high gods such as . Phoenician astral cults emphasized lunar symbolism, associating the with maritime navigation for seafaring traders and agricultural timing through monthly cycles, continuing earlier Canaanite traditions. Analyses of inscriptional frequency indicate a decline in Yarikh's prominence during the first millennium BCE, with lunar references far outnumbered by those to solar and storm deities like and , signaling a shift toward and cults in Phoenician-Punic religion.

Ammonite and Moabite Evidence

In the Ammonite kingdom, evidence for Yarikh's veneration survives primarily through onomastics and iconography from the II period. A prominent example is the royal statue from the (Rabbah), inscribed with the name Yarḥʿazar ("Yarikh/Moon is help"), dating to the early BCE and identifying an Ammonite who invoked the moon god as a protective . This , along with a fragmentary reference to lyrḥ ("to/for Yarikh") on an from the same period (CAI no. 145), underscores Yarikh's role in royal and personal piety, suggesting his perceived efficacy in aiding rulers and individuals. Archaeological artifacts from Ammonite sites further illuminate Yarikh's . Seals and seal impressions from locations such as Tall al-Mazar, Tall al-ʿUmayri, and ʿAmman frequently feature lunar crescents, often paired with stars or astral symbols, interpreted in studies from the onward as representations of the West Semitic moon god Yarikh, influenced by Mesopotamian of Sîn but adapted to local traditions. For instance, an 8th–7th century BCE from Tall al-Mazar (no. 23) depicts a prominent crescent alongside divine figures, evoking Yarikh's patronage over and seasonal cycles in Transjordanian . These motifs appear in bureaucratic and personal contexts, indicating Yarikh's integration into Ammonite religious life beyond elite circles. In Moabite contexts, direct textual attestations of Yarikh are scarce, but iconographic evidence from seals parallels Ammonite patterns, pointing to lunar worship in the . Late and name seals from Moabite territories bear star-and-crescent motifs, symbolizing astral deities and likely invoking Yarikh's oversight of kingship and , as seen in broader Canaanite traditions. Onomastic evidence is limited, with no explicit yrḥ-theophoric names attested in major inscriptions like the (ca. 840 BCE), though the stele's emphasis on royal victories may implicitly align with lunar patronage over , akin to regional Semitic practices. Seals from Moabite sites, such as those analyzed in Northwest Semitic corpora, occasionally incorporate crescents in royal or iconography, reinforcing Yarikh's association with protective and martial aspects of Transjordanian rulership. Overall, these Ammonite and Moabite sources highlight Yarikh's persistence as a minor but enduring in Transjordan, distinct from coastal Phoenician emphases on by focusing on inland royal protection and agrarian fertility, as evidenced by 8th–7th century BCE artifacts.

Israelite and Judahite Contexts

In the , the term yārēaḥ denotes the in several poetic passages, reflecting a linguistic legacy from Canaanite traditions where it evoked the Yarikh. For instance, in Genesis 37:9, Joseph's dream features the sun, , and eleven stars bowing to him, interpreted by some scholars as an allusion to the Canaanite astral triad involving Yarikh as the god, alongside solar and stellar deities. Similarly, Psalm 104:19 describes appointing the yārēaḥ for seasons, employing the term in a hymnic that may subtly retain echoes of pre-Yahwistic lunar without direct deification. Epigraphic evidence from Judah includes personal names with potential lunar theophoric elements, such as variants of Yerahme'el on seals and ostraca, suggesting lingering associations with Yarikh amid dominant Yahwistic naming practices. These names, appearing in II artifacts, indicate residual Canaanite influences in Judahite , though interpreted cautiously as non-exclusive to lunar worship. Prophetic texts polemicize against astral cults, implying the persistence of Yarikh-like moon veneration in Judah. Jeremiah 7:18 condemns families offering cakes to the "Queen of Heaven," a syncretic figure linked to and lunar rites in Canaanite practice, as part of broader critiques of worship. Scholarly debate centers on between and astral elements, evidenced by the 8th-century BCE invoking " of Teman and his ," where Asherah's cultic symbol may intersect with lunar motifs in regional traditions, though direct Yarikh identification remains contested.

Palmyrene and Aramaic Sources

In the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the cult of the moon god Yarikh persisted in -speaking contexts through syncretized forms, particularly in , where the deity emerged as the primary lunar figure, representing a continuation of Levantine traditions. Palmyrene inscriptions from the 1st to 3rd centuries CE frequently invoke in dedications and reliefs, often as part of the astral triad with Bel and Yarhibol, emphasizing his role as a guardian of the night sky and fertility along trade routes. Iconographic evidence shows depicted with a moon and radiate nimbus, blending Semitic astral symbolism with Greco-Roman attributes of , such as the lunar chariot and nocturnal illumination, reflecting cultural exchange in the oasis city. Aramaic texts from Dura-Europos, a key caravan stop on the , further attest to this persistence, with Palmyrene merchants dedicating altars and inscriptions to in astral invocations for safe and prosperity. These 2nd–3rd century CE artifacts, including temple reliefs and votive offerings, portray the moon god alongside solar deities, underscoring his integral role in multicultural worship among communities. The prominence of such cults in trade hubs like and illustrates the adaptation and survival of Yarikh's earlier Levantine associations with cycles of renewal and protection during commerce. Recent scholarly examinations of Palmyrene , including analyses from the 2020s, emphasize the cultural continuity of Near Eastern astral deities like the moon amid Hellenistic influences, with theophoric elements in names and dedications signaling the enduring legacy of Semitic lunar worship in . For instance, studies of personal naming patterns reveal how deities such as maintained relevance in diverse social strata, linking traditions to Roman-era practices without direct interruption.

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