Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Educational inequality
View on WikipediaThe examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. (August 2021) |
| Educational research |
|---|
| Disciplines |
| Curricular domains |
| Methods |
Educational Inequality is the unequal distribution of academic resources, including but not limited to school funding, qualified and experienced teachers, books, physical facilities and technologies, to socially excluded communities. These communities tend to be historically disadvantaged and oppressed. Individuals belonging to these marginalized groups are often denied access to schools with adequate resources and those that can be accessed are so distant from these communities. Inequality leads to major differences in the educational success or efficiency of these individuals and ultimately suppresses social and economic mobility. Inequality in education is broken down into different types: regional inequality, inequality by sex, inequality by social stratification, inequality by parental income, inequality by parent occupation, and many more.
Measuring educational efficacy varies by country and even provinces/states within the country. Generally, grades, GPA test scores, other scores, dropout rates, college entrance statistics, and college completion rates are used to measure educational success and what can be achieved by the individual. These are measures of an individual's academic performance ability. When determining what should be measured in terms of an individual's educational success, many scholars and academics suggest that GPA, test scores, and other measures of performance ability are not the only useful tools in determining efficacy.[1] In addition to academic performance, attainment of learning objectives, acquisition of desired skills and competencies, satisfaction, persistence, and post-college performance should all be measured and accounted for when determining the educational success of individuals. Scholars argue that academic achievement is only the direct result of attaining learning objectives and acquiring desired skills and competencies. To accurately measure educational efficacy, it is imperative to separate academic achievement because it captures only a student's performance ability and not necessarily their learning or ability to effectively use what they have learned.[2]
Much of educational inequality is attributed to economic disparities that often fall along racial lines, and much modern conversation about educational equity conflates the two, showing how they are inseparable from residential location and, more recently, language.[3] In many countries, there exists a hierarchy or a main group of people who benefit more than the minority people groups or lower systems in that area, such as with India's caste system for example. In a study about education inequality in India, authors, Majumbar, Manadi, and Jos Mooij stated "social class impinges on the educational system, educational processes and educational outcomes" (Majumdar, Manabi and Jos Mooij).[4]
However, there is substantial scientific evidence demonstrating that students’ socioeconomic status does not determine their academic success; rather, it is the actions implemented in schools that do. Successful Educational Actions (SEAs) previously identified and analysed in the INCLUD-ED project (2006-2011),[5] has proven to be an effective practice for addressing the inequalities in education faced by vulnerable populations.[6]
For girls who are already disadvantaged, having school available only for the higher classes or the majority of people group in a diverse place like South Asia can influence the systems into catering for one kind of person, leaving everyone else out. This is the case for many groups in South Asia. In an article about education inequality being affected by people groups, the organization Action Education claims that "being born into an ethnic minority group or linguistic minority group can seriously affect a child's chance of being in school and what they learn while there" (Action Education).[7] We see more and more resources only being made for certain girls, predominantly who speak the language of the city. In contrast, more girls from rural communities in South Asia are left out and thus not involved with school. Educational inequality between white students and minority students continues to perpetuate social and economic inequality.[1] Another leading factor is housing instability, which has been shown to increase abuse, trauma, speech, and developmental delays, leading to decreased academic achievement. Along with housing instability, food insecurity is also linked with reduced academic achievement, specifically in math and reading. Having no classrooms and limited learning materials negatively impacts the learning process for children. In many parts of the world, old and worn textbooks are often shared by six or more students at a time.[8]
Throughout the world, there have been continuous attempts to reform education at all levels.[9] With different causes that are deeply rooted in history, society, and culture, this inequality is difficult to eradicate. Although difficult, education is vital to society's movement forward. It promotes "citizenship, identity, equality of opportunity and social inclusion, social cohesion, as well as economic growth and employment," and equality is widely promoted for these reasons.[10] Global educational inequality is clear in the ongoing learning crisis, where over 91% of children across the world are enrolled in primary schooling; however, a large proportion of them are not learning. A World Bank study found that "53 percent of children in low- and middle-income countries cannot read and understand a simple story by the end of primary school."[11] The recognition of global educational inequality has led to the adoption of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 4 which promotes inclusive and equitable quality education for all.
Unequal educational outcomes are attributed to several variables, including family of origin, gender, and social class. Achievement, earnings, health status, and political participation also contribute to educational inequality within the United States and other countries.[12] The ripple effect of this inequality are quite disastrous, they make education in Africa more of a theoretical rather than a practical experience majorly due to the lack of certain technological equipment that should accompany their education.
Family background
[edit]In Harvard's "Civil Rights Project," Lee and Orfield identify family background as the most influential factor in student achievement.[3] A correlation exists between the academic success of parents with the academic success of their children. Only 11% of children from the bottom fifth earn a college degree, while well over half of the top fifth earn one.[13] Linked with resources, White students tend to have more educated parents than students from minority families.[14] This translates to a home-life that is more supportive of educational success. This often leads to them receiving more at-home help, having more books in their home, attending more libraries, and engaging in more intellectually intensive conversations.[14] Children, then, enter school at different levels. Poor students are behind in verbal memory, vocabulary, math, and reading achievement and have more behavior problems.[15] This leads to their placement in different level classes that track them.[16] These courses almost always demand less from their students, creating a group that is conditioned to lack educational drive.[9] These courses are generally non-college bound and are taught by less-qualified teachers.[1]
Also, family background influences cultural knowledge and perceptions. Middle class중산층중산층 중산층 knowledge of norms and customs allows students with this background to navigate the school system better. Parents부모님부모 부모님모님 from this class and above also have social networks that are more beneficial than those based in lower classes. These connections may help students gain access to the right schools, activities, etc.[14] Additionally, children from poorer families, who are often minorities, come from families that distrust institutions.[14] America's history of racism and discrimination has created a perceived and/or existent ceiling on opportunities for many poor and minority citizens. This ceiling muffles academic inspirations and muffles growth.[14] Jonathan Wai concluded that during the COVID-19 pandemic, Harvard often provided more lip service than concrete measures to fully support students from minority and low-income communities. He also noted that poor students often faced greater disadvantages than wealthy students during the pandemic, exacerbating the existing economic inequalities at Harvard.[17]
The recent[when?] and drastic increase of Latino immigrants has created another major factor in educational inequality. As more and more students come from families where English is not spoken at home, they often struggle to overcome a language barrier and simply learn subjects.[3] They more frequently lack assistance at home because it is common for the parents not to understand the work that is in English.[16]
Furthermore, research reveals the summer months as a crucial time for the educational development of children. Students from disadvantaged families experience greater losses in skills during summer vacation.[15] Students from lower socioeconomic classes come disproportionately from single-parent homes and dangerous neighborhoods.[9] 15% of White children are raised in single-parent homes and 10% of Asian children are. 27% of Latinos are raised in single-parent homes and 54% of African-American children are.[16] Fewer resources, less parental attention, and more stress all influence children's performance in school.

A broad range of factors contributes to the emergence of socioeconomic achievement gaps. The interaction of different aspects of socialization is outlined in the model of mediating mechanisms between social background and learning outcomes.[19][18] The model describes a multi-step mediation process. Socially privileged families have more economic, personal, and social resources available than socially disadvantaged families. Differences in family resources result in differences in the learning environments experienced by children. Children with various social backgrounds experience different home learning environments, attend different early childhood facilities, schools, school-related facilities, and recreational facilities, and have different peer groups. Due to these differences in learning environments, children with various social backgrounds carry out different learning activities and develop different learning prerequisites.
Gender
[edit]Throughout the world, educational achievement varies by gender. The exact relationship differs across cultural and national contexts.
Female disadvantage
[edit]Obstacles preventing females' ability to receive a quality education include traditional attitudes towards gender roles, poverty, geographical isolation, gender-based violence, early marriage and pregnancy.[20] Throughout the world, there is an estimated 7 million more girls than boys out of school. This "girls gap" is concentrated in several countries including Somalia, Afghanistan, Togo, the Central African Republic, and Democratic Republic of the Congo. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, girls are outnumbered two to one.[21] The gender constructs of Southeast Asia run deep into history and affect all spheres of the future lives of young women. Traditional gender roles placed upon girls results in the drop of women from school and the trend of less educated older women in Southeast Asia. In a journal about the women of the Devanga community in India, Pooja Haridarshan says that "70% [of] women in South Asia are married at a young age, which is coupled with early childbearing and a lack of decision-making abilities within the traditional family structures, further enhancing their "disadvantaged" position in society" (Haridarshan).[22] The women are expected to marry young, bear and raise children, leaving little to no room for them to receive an education, encouraging youngers girls to also follow in their footsteps. But the scary thing is that less educated women could become poor because of their lack of resources. This is an unjust situation where there is an evident divide between men's educational success and women's education success. This is where our one brainstorms a solution. In an article about the wellbeing of children in South Asia, authors Jativa Ximena and Michelle Mills states that "in societies and communities where girls' mobility is restricted, more opportunities need to be provided for girls to continue education and skills training" (Ximena and Mills).[23]
Socialized gender roles affect females' access to education. For example, in Nigeria, children are socialized into their specific gender roles as soon as their parents know their gender. Men are the preferred gender and are encouraged to engage in computer and scientific learning while women learn domestic skills. These gender roles are deep-rooted within the state, however, with the increase of westernized education within Nigeria, there has been a recent increase in women's ability to receive an equal education. There is still much to be changed, though. Nigeria still needs policies that encourage educational attainment for men and women based on merit, rather than gender.[24]
Females are shown to be at risk of being attacked in at least 15 countries.[25] Attacks can occur because individuals within those countries do not believe women should receive an education. Attacks include kidnappings, bombings, torture, rape, and murder. In Somalia, girls have been abducted. In Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Libya students were reported to have been raped and harassed.[25] In Pakistan and Afghanistan, schools and busses have been bombed and gassed.[25] Early marriage affects females' ability to receive an education.[26][citation needed]
"The gap separating men and women in the job market remains wide in many countries, whether in the North or the South. With marginal variables between most countries, women have a lower employment rate, are unemployed longer, are paid less, and have less secure jobs."[27] "Young women, particularly suffer double discrimination. First for being young, in the difficult phase of transition between training and working life, in an age group that has, on an average, twice the jobless rate or older workers and are at the mercy of employers who exploit them under the pretext of enabling them to acquire professional experience. Secondly, they are discriminated against for being women and are more likely to be offered low paying or low-status jobs."[27] "Discrimination is still very much in evidence and education and training policies especially targeting young women are needed to restore a balance."[27] "Although young women are increasingly choosing typically 'male' professions, they remain over-represented in traditionally female jobs, such as secretaries, nurses, and underrepresented in jobs with responsibility and the professions."[27]
In early grades, boys and girls perform equally in mathematics and science, but boys score higher on advanced mathematics assessments such as the SAT college entrance examination.[28] Girls are also less likely to participate in class discussions and more likely to be silent in the classroom.[28] Some believe that females have a way of thinking and learning differently from males. Belenky and colleagues (1986) conducted research that found an inconsistency between the kind of knowledge appealing to women and the kind of knowledge being taught in most educational institutions.[28] Another researcher, Gilligan (1982), found that the knowledge appealing to females was caring, interconnection, and sensitivity to the needs of others, while males found separation and individualism appealing.[28] Females are more field-dependent, or group-oriented than males, which could explain why they may experience problems in schools that primarily teach using an individualistic learning environment.[28] As Teresa Rees finds, the variance of women in mathematics and science fields can be explained by the lack of attention paid to the gender dimension in science.[29]
Regarding gender differences in academic performance, Buchmann, DiPrete, and McDaniel claim that gender-based accomplishments on standardized tests show the continuation of the "growing male advantage in mathematics scores and growing female advantage in reading scores as they move through school".[30] Ceci, Williams and Barnett's research about women's underrepresentation in science reinforces this claim by saying that women experience "stereotype threat [which] impedes working memory" and as a result receive lower grades in standardized or mathematics tests.[31] Nonetheless, Buchmann, DiPrete and McDaniel claim that the decline of traditional gender roles, alongside the positive changes in the labor market that now allow women to get "better-paid positions in occupational sectors" may be the cause for a general incline in women's educational attainment.
Male disadvantage
[edit]
In 51 countries, girls are enrolled at higher rates than boys. Particularly in Latin America, the difference is attributed to the prominence of gangs and violence attracting male youth. The gangs pull the males in, distracting them from school and causing them to drop out.[25]
In some countries, female high school and graduation rates are higher than for males.[28] In the United States, for example, 33% more bachelor's degrees were conferred on females than males in 2010–2011.[32] This gap is projected to increase to 37% by 2021–2022 and is over 50% for masters and associate degrees. Dropout rates for males have also increased over the years in all racial groups, especially in African Americans. They have exceeded the number of high school and college dropout rates than any other racial ethnicity for the past 30 years. Most of the research found that males were primarily the most "left behind" in education because of higher graduation dropout rates, lower test scores, and failing grades. They found that as males get older, primarily from ages 9 to 17, they are less likely to be labeled "proficient" in reading and mathematics than girls were.
In general, males arrive in kindergarten much less ready and prepared for schooling than females. This creates a gap that continually increases over time into middle and high school. Nationally, there are 113 boys in 9th grade for every 100 girls, and among African-American males, there are 123 boys for every 100 girls. States have discovered that 9th grade has become one of the biggest dropout years.[33] Whitmire and Bailey continued their research and looked at the potential for any gender gap change when males and females were faced with the decision of potentially going to college. Females were more likely to go to college and receive bachelor's degrees than males were. From 1971 to about 1981, women were the less fortunate and had lower reported numbers of bachelor's degrees. However, since 1981, males have been at a larger disadvantage, and the gap between males and females keeps increasing.[33]
Boys are more likely to be disciplined than girls, and are also more likely to be classified as learning disabled.[28] Males of color, especially African-American males, experience a high rate of disciplinary actions and suspensions. In 2012, one in five African-American males received an out of school suspension.[34]
In Asia, males are expected to be the main financial contributor of the family. So many of them go to work right after they become adults physically, which means at the age of around 15 to 17. This is the age they should obtain a high school education.
Males get worse grades than females do regardless of year or country examined in most subjects.[35] In the U.S. women are more likely to have earned a bachelor's degree than men by the age of 29.[36] Female students graduate high school at a higher rate than male students. In the U.S. in 2003, 72 percent of female students graduated, compared with 65 percent of male students. The gender gap in graduation rates is particularly large for minority students.[37] Men are under-represented among both graduate students and those who successfully complete masters and doctoral degrees in the U.S.[38] Proposed causes include boys having worse self-regulation skills than girls and being more sensitive to school-quality and home environment than girls.[39][40] Boys perceiving education as feminine and lacking educated male role-models may also contribute to males being less likely to complete college.[41] It has been suggested that male students in the U.S. perform worse on reading tests and read less than their female counterparts in part because males are more physically active, more aggressive, less compliant, and because school reading curricula do not match their interests.[42] It has also been suggested that teacher bias in grading may account for up to 21% of the male deficit in grades.[43] One study found that male disadvantage in education is independent of inequality in social and economic participation.[44]
Race
[edit]In the United States
[edit]During the early 18th century, African-American students and Mexican-American students were barred from attending schools with white students in most states. This was due to the court case Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), in which it was decided that educational facilities were allowed to segregate white students from students of color as long as the educational facilities were considered equal. Educational facilities did not follow the federal mandate: a study covering the period 1890 to 1950 of the Southern states' per-pupil expenditures on instruction found that, on average, white students received 17 to 70 percent more educational expenditures than their Black counterparts.[45] The first federal legal challenge of these unequal segregated educational systems occurred in California – Mendez v. Westminster in 1947, followed by Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. The decision in Brown v. Board of Education led to the desegregation of schools by federal law, but decades of inferior education, segregation of household salaries between whites and people of color, and racial wealth gaps have left people of color at a disadvantage. According to the EdBuild report from 2019, non-white school districts receive 23 billion dollars less than white school districts, even though they serve the same number of students. School districts rely heavily on local taxes, so districts in white communities, which tend to be wealthier, receive more money per student than nonwhite districts: $13,908 per student, compared to $11,682 per student, respectively.[46]
Differences of academic skills in children of different races start at an early age. According to National Assessment of Educational Progress, there is a remaining gap[quantify] showing Black and Latino children being able to demonstrate cognitive proficiency compared to their Asian and White counterparts. In the data, 89 percent of Asian and White children presented the ability to understand written and spoken words while only 79 and 78 percent of Black and Latino children were able to comprehend written and spoken words the trend would continue into ages 4–6.[47]
Studies exploring the U.S. education systems' racial achievement disparities typically investigate factors like where students live, where they go to school,[48] family socioeconomic status (SES), and broader influences like structural racism.[49] Genetic and cultural explanations for social outcome disparities between racial groups are not supported,[50][51][52][53] increasingly disputed by educators,[54] and may indirectly contribute to inequitable outcomes by impacting expectations for students of color or distracting from policy-addressable issues by "blaming the victim."[55][56] For example, "debunked" theories attributing achievement disparities to "fear of acting white" may undermine policy support for addressing systemic issues such as economic inequality, implicit racial bias, and school discipline disparities.[57]
Immigration status
[edit]The Immigrant paradox states that "immigrants, who are disadvantaged by inequality, may use their disadvantages as a source of motivation". A study based in New York suggested that children of immigrant descent outperformed their native student counterparts. The paradox explains that the gratefulness of immigrant children allows them to enjoy academic advantages that may not have been accessible at one time. This in turn, allows for more effort and better outcomes from these students. This was also evident in the National Education Longitudinal Study which showed that immigrant children often achieved higher scores on math and science tests. It has been reported that "evidence of the immigrant advantage was stronger from Asian immigrant families than for youth from Latin American", which may cause some inequality in itself. This may vary depending on differences between pre and post-migration conditions.[58]
In 2010, researchers from Brown University published their results on how immigrant children are thriving in school. Some of their conclusions were that first-generation immigrant children show lower levels of delinquency and bad behaviors than generations beyond. This implies that first-generation immigrant children often start behind American-born children in school, but they progress quickly and have elevated rates of learning growth.[59] In the U.S., having more immigrant peers appears to increase U.S.-born students' chances of high school completion. Low-skilled immigration, in particular, is strongly associated with more years of schooling and improved academic performance by third-plus generation students.[60]
Many people[weasel words] assume that enough life skills will be presented to immigrant children to succeed. This is not always true as there is more to life than just getting through high school. The International Student Services Association (ISSA) has a goal to help foreign born students to succeed. The way they do this by providing two different programs within school hours, which can be adapted to accommodate each school and individual. Theses programs are called The Career Readiness Program and The College Readiness Program. The author Haowen Ge mentions, "Since their beginning in 2019, both programs have been extremely successful with 90% of ISSA students continuing to certification programs, college and/or internships."[61]
Just because these students have begun their enrollment in the education system does not mean they will remain there. According to SOS Children's Villages, "68 million people worldwide have fled their homes because of conflict, unrest or disaster. Children account for more than half of this total. Child refugees face incredible risks and dangers – including disease, malnutrition, violence, labor exploitation and trafficking."[62] People flee their homes because of anti-immigrant policies, which take tolls on the national school system of the United States. A national study's results show that "Ninety percent of administrators in this study observed behavioral or emotional problems in their immigrant students. And 1 in 4 said it was extensive."[63] This proves that the immigration policies within the United States takes a toll on these immigrant children in our education system.[64]
Latino students and college preparedness
[edit]Latino migration
[edit]In the United States, Latinos are the largest growing population. As of 1 July 2016, Latinos make up 17.8 percent of the U.S. population, making them the largest minority.[65] People from Latin America migrate to the United States due to their inability to obtain stability, whether it is financial stability or refugee. Their homeland is either dealing with an economic crisis or is involved in a war. The United States capitalizes on the migration of Latin American migrants. With the disadvantage of their legal status, American businesses employ them and pay them an extremely low wage.[66] As of 2013, 87% of undocumented men and 57% undocumented women were a part of the U.S. economy.[67] Diaspora plays a role in Latinos migrating to the United States. Diaspora is the dispersion of any group from their original homeland.[68]
New York City holds a substantial quota of the Latino population. More than 2.4 million Latinos inhabit New York City,[69] its largest Latino population being Puerto Ricans followed by Dominicans.[69] A large number of Latinos contributes to the statistic of at least four million of the United States born children having one immigrant parent.[70] Children of immigrant origin are the fastest growing population in the United States. One in every four children come from immigrant families.[71] Many Latino communities are constructed around immigrant origins in which play a big part in society. The growth in children of immigrant parents does not go unaware, in a way society and the government accepts it. For example, many undocumented/immigrants can file taxes, children who attend college can provide parents information to obtain financial aid, parent(s) may be eligible for government help through the child, etc. Yet, the lack of knowledge regarding post-secondary education financial help increases the gap of Latino children to restrain from obtaining higher education.[citation needed]
Education
[edit]In New York City, Mayor De Balsio has implemented 3-K for All, which every child can attend pre-school at the age of three, free of charge.[72] Although children's education is free from K-12 grade, many children with immigrant parents do not take advantage of all the primary education benefits. Children who come from a household that contains at least one immigrant parent, are less likely to attend childhood or preschool programs.[70]
College preparation
[edit]The preparation of college access to children born in America from immigrant parents pertaining to Latino communities is a complex process. The beginning of the junior year through senior year in high school consists of preparation for college research and application process. For government help towards college tuition such as Financial Aid and Taps, parents or guardian's personal information is needed, this is where doubt and anticipation unravels. The majority of immigrant parents/guardians do not have most of the qualifications required for the application. The focus is to portray the way immigrants and their American born children work around the education system to attain a college education. Due to the influx of the Latino population, there amount of Latino high school students graduates has increased as well.[73] Latino students are mainly represented in two-year rather than four-year institutions.[73] This can occur for two reasons: the cost reduction of attending a two-year institution or its close proximity to home.[74] Young teens with a desire to obtain a higher education clash with some limitations due to parent's/guardian's personal information.[70]
Many children lack public assistance due to lack of English proficiency of parents which is difficult to fill out forms or applications or simply due to the parent's fear of giving personal information that could identify their status, the same concept applies to Federal Student Aid. Federal Student Aid comes from the federal government in which helps a student pay for educational expenses of college in three possible formats, grant, work-study, and loan. One step of the Federal Aid application requires one or both parent/guardian personal information as well as financial information. This may limit the continuance of the application due to the fear of providing personal information. The chances of young teens entering college reduce when personal information from parents are not given. Many young teens with immigrant parents are part of the minority group in which income is not sufficient to pay college tuition or repay loans with interest. The concept of college as highly expensive makes Latino students less likely to attend a four-year institution or even attend postsecondary education. Approximately 50% of Latinos received financial aid in 2003–2004, but they are still the minority who received the lowest average of the federal awards.[75] In addition, loans are not typically granted to them.[75]
Standardized tests
[edit]In addition to finance scarcity, standardized tests are required when applying to a four-year post educational institution. In the United States, the two examinations that are normally taken are the SATs and ACTs. Latino students do generally take the exam, but from 2011 to 2015, there has been a 50% increase in the number of Latino students taking the ACTs.[76] As for the SATs, in 2017, 24% of the test takers were identified with Latino/Hispanic. Out of that percentage, only 31 percent met the college-readiness benchmark for both portions of the test (ERW and Math).[77]
Native American students and higher education
[edit]This section is written like a personal reflection, personal essay, or argumentative essay that states a Wikipedia editor's personal feelings or presents an original argument about a topic. (September 2023) |
Economic disparity and representation
[edit]Economic disparity is a significant issue faced by Native American students that influences their placement in high-poverty and rural elementary and high schools, resulting in disadvantageous conditions for them to access higher education.[78] This disadvantage is further exacerbated by the underrepresentation of Native American students in gifted and talented programs, with lower identification rates compared to their White counterparts.[79] The scarcity of usable data on Native American students in gifted programming also mirrors a broader underrepresentation of this demographic within educational research.[79] This issue has been extensively scrutinized through peer-reviewed research, with an emphasis on its prevalence within various scholarly articles. Smith et al.'s (2014) study concentrated on the representation of Native American students in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) disciplines. Their research unearthed a notable underrepresentation of these students within STEM fields, contributing to both personal and societal disadvantages.[80]
Cultural values, identity, and support programs
[edit]Further insights emerge[editorializing] from Smith et al.'s (2014) study, highlighting the strong ties that many Native American students maintain with their tribal cultures and communities, along with their high regard for education's instrumental significance. This finding suggests that Native American students exhibit a proclivity towards endorsing individualistic goals, a potential asset for supporting their academic and career aspirations.[80] Moreover, specialized support programs have been shown to effectively address challenges faced by Native American students. These programs foster cultural identity, create a sense of community, and mitigate the negative impacts of racism experienced by these students. By enhancing belonging and reducing the racial/ethnic achievement gap, these initiatives play a vital role in promoting the academic success of Native American students in STEM fields.[80]
Cultural identity and academic persistence
[edit]Jackson et al. (2003) conducted a separate study exploring factors that influence the academic persistence of Native American college students. Their research highlighted the pivotal role of confidence in academic success and persistence. Confidence and competence emerged as key motivating factors for Native American students striving for academic achievement.[81] The study also emphasized the importance of accommodating Native American culture within educational institutions and addressing instances of racism, as these factors significantly impact students' persistence in higher education.[81]
Qualitative interviews with successful Native American college students identified themes related to their persistence in college, including dealing with racism and developing independence and assertiveness.[81] Lack of academic persistence among Native American students has been attributed to colleges' failure to accommodate Native American culture.[81] Furthermore, the personal experience of racism has been found to negatively impact Native American students' persistence in higher education.[81]
Early education racial inequality
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (October 2022) |
Racial inequality affects students from a young age. High quality early childhood education programs, known as ECE, are offered to children, to help them enter kindergarten with a good understanding of how to succeed throughout school. There has been a noticeable difference in the quality of education, with Black or Hispanic groups being provided with less effective preschool learning programs than White non-Hispanic groups in the preschool setting. This causes White children to achieve a higher level of education than Black or Hispanic children. White children are more likely to enter into higher level ECE programs than Black or Hispanic children, with the latter being in cheaper and less effective education programs. The American Psychological Association said that "Research shows that compared with white students, black students are more likely to be suspended or expelled, less likely to be placed in gifted programs and subject to lower expectations from their teachers."[82]
In 2001–2004, eleven states conducted a study on the education quality gap between races in ECE programs and found that Black children were more likely to attend lower quality programs than Whites. A study of Black children entering kindergarten in 2016 found that they were behind in math and English by up to nine months, compared to White children. Kids who are behind in kindergarten are projected to stay behind throughout most of their career.[83] The 2016 study found that there still is a gap between races in ECE programs.[83] "Strikingly, minority students are about half as likely to be assigned to the most effective teachers and twice as likely to be assigned to the least effective."[84] As of 2016, 24% of White children are enrolled in high quality early education, whereas only 15% of Black children fall into that category. Tests run in 2016 proved that if Black and Hispanic children were to attend high quality early education for one year, the education gap in English, between them and White children, would nearly disappear, and for the gap in math to drop to around five months going into kindergarten.[83]
Rural and inner-city education
[edit]There are large scales systemic inequalities within rural and inner-city education systems. The study of these differences, especially within rural areas, is relatively new and distinct from the study of educational inequality which focuses on individuals within an educational system.
Rural and inner-city students in the United States under-perform academically compared to their suburban peers. Factors that influence this under-performance include funding, classroom environment, and the lessons taught.[85][86] Inner-city and rural students are more likely to live in low-income households and attend schools with fewer resources compared to suburban students.[87][88][89] They have also shown to have a less favorable view of education which stems from the values held in their communities and families regarding school, work, and success.[87][86]
When compared to suburban students, rural and inner-city students face similar achievement issues.[85] Teacher-student interactions, the lessons taught, and knowledge about the surrounding community have shown to be important factors in helping offset the deficits faced in inner-city and urban schools.[85][86] However, drop-out rates are still high within both communities, as a more substantial number of minority students, who often live in these areas, drop-out of high school.[85] A study on inner-city, high school students showed that academic competency during freshman year has a positive impact on graduation rates, meaning that a students' early high school performance can be an indicator of how successful they will be in high school and if they will graduate.[90] With the correct knowledge and understanding of the issues faced by these students, the deficits they face can be overcome.
Standardized tests
[edit]Achievement in the United States is often measured using standardized tests. Studies have shown that low performance on standardized tests can have a negative effect on the funding the school receives from the government, and low-income students have been shown to underperform on standardized tests at higher rates than their peers.[91][92] A study looking at how low test performance affected schools, found that schools that perform below average and are in low income areas can face repercussions that affect school funding and resources.[93] The study also found that the material taught to students is affected by test performance, as schools that have low test scores will often change their curriculum to teach to the test.[93]
School resources
[edit]In the same way, some regions of the world have so-called "brain drain", or the loss of wealthy, skilled, and educated individuals and their families to other countries through immigration, rural and inner-city regions of the United States experience brain drain to sub-urban regions.[94][89] It has been shown that people become more likely to leave rural areas as their education level increases and less likely as they increase in age.[94] Urban inner-city areas have been decentralizing since the 1950s, losing their human capital. This flight of human capital leaves only the poor and disadvantaged behind to contribute to school funding resulting in school systems that have very limited resources and financial difficulty.[89]
The American public school system is one in which the amount of wealth in a school district shapes the quality of the school because schools are primarily funded by local property taxes.[95] As the school system's funding decreases, they are forced to do more with less. This frequently results in decreased student faculty ratios and increased class sizes. Many schools are also forced to cut funding for the arts and enrichment programs which may be vital to academic success. Additionally, with decreased budgets, access to specialty and advanced classes for students who show high potential frequently decreases. A less obvious consequence of financial difficulty is difficulty in attracting new teachers and staff, especially those who are experienced.[89] According to an article written in The Washington Post, students are reportedly taking 112 standardized tests over the course of K-12 with the most standardized tests per grade being tenth graders that take on average 11 standardized tests over one school year.[96] This became such a problem that in 2015 and 2016, the Department of Education put in action plans that would reduced the number of standardized tests that can be given as well as capping the percent of class time that can be dedicated to standardized tests at 2%. This amount of testing is still more than other countries like Finland that has less standardized tests but still far less than other countries like South Korea which not only has more standardized tests but they are also considered to be more rigorous.[citation needed]
Family resources
[edit]It has been shown that the socioeconomic status of the family has a large correlation with both the academic achievement and attainment of the student. "The income deficits for inner-city students is approximately $14,000 per year and $10,000 per year for the families of those living in the respective areas compared to the average income of families in suburban areas."[89][94]
We see more and more girls being taken out of school in South Asia to provide for their families through work. A frightening statistic is that over 12% of children in South Asia are engaged in child labor" (UNICEF).[97] Sadly, we see many children are out of school and uneducated but working for money to go back to their families. This is also a segway into the rise of child slavery and sex trafficking in Asia. The economy of certain areas may prove to be the reason more children are in or out of school, and we also see favor in the more well off communities in forms of educational resources. Employing children takes them out of school and it destroys their future opportunities and skills attained for their adult life, leaving them vulnerable to poverty and other poverty related issues.
Money can also have effects on whether a child finishes high school. In data given by the NCES, it was shown that 20% of students that were considered to be low income would drop out before they get to graduation while only 5% of middle income students will drop out. And only 3% of high income students would drop out.[98]
More well off sub-urban families can afford to spend money on their children's education in forms such as private schools, private tutoring, home lessons, and increased access to educational materials such as computers, books, educational toys, shows, and literature.[89] Kids from poorer families are shown to have lower average SAT scores with a difference of almost 400 points when comparing families with an annual income of $40,000 to families with an annual income of $200,000.[99]
Sub-urban families are also frequently able to provide larger amounts of social capital to their kids, such as increased use of "proper English", exposure to plays and museums, and familiarity with music, dance, and other such programs. Even more, inner-city students are more likely to come from single-parent homes and rural students are more likely to have siblings than their suburban peers decreasing the amount of investment per child their families are able to afford. This notion is called resource dilution which posits that families have finite levels of resources, such as time, energy, and money. When sibship (amount of siblings) increases, resources for each child become diluted.[100][89]
In college, the family's resources are even more important. In a study done by the National Center for Education Statistics, students were said to be more likely to attend college within 3 years of leaving high school just by thinking their family could financially support it.[clarification needed] The same study asked a large group of eleventh grade students if they wanted to go to college and 32% of students agreed that even if they did get accepted to college, they wouldn't go because their family could not afford it.[101]
Family values
[edit]The investment a family puts into their child's education is largely reflective of the value the parent puts on education. The value placed on education is largely a combination of the parent's education level and the visual returns on education in the community the family lives in.
Sub-urban families tend to have parents with a much larger amount of education than families in rural and inner-city locations. This allows sub-urban parents to have personal experience with returns on education as well as familiarity with educational systems and processes. In addition, parents can invest and transmit their own cultural capital to their children by taking them to museums, enrolling them in extra-curriculars, or even having educational items in the house. In contrast, parents from rural and urban areas tend to have less education and little personal experience with their returns. The areas they live in also put very little value on education and reduce the incentive to gain it. This leads to families that could afford to invest greater resources in their children's education not to.[89]
Gifted and talented education
[edit]There is a disproportionate percentage of middle and upper-class White students labeled as gifted and talented compared to lower-class, minority students.[28] Similarly, Asian American students have been over-represented in gifted education programs.[102] In 1992, African Americans were underrepresented in gifted education by 41%, Hispanic American students by 42%, and American Indians by 50%. Conversely, White students were over-represented in gifted education programs by 17% and Asian American minority students being labeled as gifted and talented, but research shows that there is a growing achievement gap between White students and non-Asian students of color. There is also a growing gap between gifted students from low-income backgrounds and higher-income backgrounds.[103]
The reasons for the under-representation of African-American, Hispanic-American, and American-Indian students in gifted and talented programs can be explained by recruitment issues/screening and identifying; and personnel issues.[102] Most states use a standardized achievement and aptitude test, which minority students have a history of performing poorly on, to screen and identify gifted and talented students. Arguments against standardized tests claim that they are culturally biased, favoring White students, require a certain mastery of the English language, and can lack cultural sensitivity in terms of format and presentation.[102] In regards to personnel issues, forty-six states use teacher nominations, but many teachers are not trained in identifying or teaching gifted students. Teachers also tend to have lower expectations of minority students, even if they are identified as gifted. 45 states allow for parental nominations, but the nomination form is not sensitive to cultural differences and minority parents can have difficulty understanding the form. Forty-two states allow self-nomination, but minority students tend not to self nominate because of social-emotional variables like peer pressure or feeling isolated or rejected by peers.[102] Additionally, some students are identified as gifted and talented simply because they have parents with the knowledge, political skills, and power to require schools to classify their child as gifted and talented. Therefore, providing their child with special instruction and enrichment.[28]
Special education
[edit]In addition to the unbalanced scale of gender disproportionality in formal education, students with "special needs" comprise yet another facet of educational inequality. Prior to the 1975 passing of the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (currently known as the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA)) approximately 2 million children with special needs were not receiving sufficient public education. Of those that were within the academic system, many were reduced to lower standards of teaching, isolated conditions, or even removal from school buildings altogether and relocated out of peer circulation.[104] The passing of this bill effectively changed the lives of millions of special needs students, ensuring that they have free access to quality public education facilities and services. And while there are those that benefit from the turning of this academic tide, there are still many students (most of which are minorities with disabilities) that find themselves in times of learning hardship due to the unbalanced distribution of special education funding.
In 1998 1.5 million minority children were identified with special learning needs in the US, out of that 876,000 were African American or Native American. African-American students were three times as likely to be labeled as special needs than that of Caucasians. Students who both are special education students and of a minority face unequal chances for quality education to meet their personal needs. Special education referrals are, in most cases in the hands of the general education teacher, this is subjective and because of differences, disabilities can be overlooked or unrecognized. Poorly trained teachers at minority schools, poor school relationships, and poor parent-to-teacher relationships play a role in this inequality. With these factors, minority students are at a disadvantage because they are not given the appropriate resources that would in turn benefit their educational needs.[104]
US Department of Education data shows that in 2000–2001 at least 13 states exhibited more than 2.75% of African-American students enrolled in public schools with the label of "mental retardation". At that time national averages of Caucasians labeled with the same moniker came in at 0.75%. During this period no Individual state rose over 2.32% of Caucasian students with special needs.[104]
According to Tom Parrish, a senior research analyst with the American Institutes for Research, African-American children are 2.88 times more likely to be labeled as "mentally retarded", and 1.92 times more likely to be labeled as emotionally disturbed than Caucasian children. This information was calculated by data gathered from the US Department of Education.[104]
Researchers Edward Fierros and James Conroy, in their study of district-level data regarding the issue of minority over-representation, have suggested that many states may be mistaken with their current projections and that disturbing minority-based trends may be hidden within the numbers. According to the Individuals with Disabilities Act students with special needs are entitled to facilities and support that cater to their individual needs, they should not be automatically isolated from their peers or from the benefits of general education. However, according to Fierros and Conroy, once minority children such as African Americans and Latinos are labeled as students with special needs they are far less likely than Caucasians to be placed in settings of inclusive learning and often receive less desirable treatment overall.[104]
History of educational oppression
[edit]United States
[edit]The historical relationships in the United States between privileged and marginalized communities play a major role in the administering of unequal and inadequate education to these socially excluded communities. The belief that certain communities in the United States were inferior in comparison to others has allowed these disadvantages to foster into the great magnitude of educational inequality that we see apparent today.
For African Americans, deliberate systematic education oppression dates back to enslavement, more specifically in 1740. In 1740, North Carolina passed legislation that prohibited slave education. While the original legislature prohibited African Americans from being taught how to write, as other States adopted their own versions of the law, southern anti-literacy legislatures banned far more than just writing. Varying Southern laws prohibited African Americans from learning how to read, write, and assembling without the presence of slave owners. Many states as far as requiring free African Americans to leave in fear of them educating their enslaved brethren. By 1836, the public education of all African-Americans was strictly prohibited.
The enslavement of African Americans removed the access to education for generations.[105] Once the legal abolishment of slavery was enacted, racial stigma remained. Social, economic, and political barriers held Blacks in a position of subordination.[14] Although legally African Americans had the ability to be learning how to read and write, they were often prohibited from attending schools with White students. This form of segregation is often referred to as de jure segregation.[106] The schools that allowed African-American students to attend often lacked financial support, thus providing inadequate educational skills for their students. Freedmen's schools existed but they focused on maintaining African Americans in servitude, not enriching academic prosperity.[105] The United States then experienced legal separation in schools between Whites and Blacks. Schools were supposed to receive equal resources but there was an undoubted inequality. It was not until 1968 that Black students in the South had universal secondary education.[105] Research reveals that there was a shrinking of inequality between racial groups from 1970 to 1988, but since then the gap has grown again.[1][105]
Latinos and American Indians experienced similar educational repression in the past, which effects are evident now. Latinos have been systematically shut out of educational opportunities at all levels. Evidence suggests that Latinos have experienced this educational repression in the United States as far back as 1848.[105] Despite the fact that it is illegal to not accept students based on their race, religion, or ethnicity, in the Southwest of the United States Latinos were often segregated through the deliberate practice of school and public officials. This form of segregation is referred to as de facto segregation.[106] American Indians experienced the enforcement of missionary schools that emphasized the assimilation into White culture and society. Even after "successful" assimilation, those American Indians experienced discrimination in White society and often rejected by their tribe.[105] It created a group that could not truly benefit even if they gained an equal education.
American universities are separated into various classes, with a few institutions, such as the Ivy League schools, much more exclusive than the others. Among these exclusive institutions, educational inequality is extreme, with only 6% and 3% of their students coming from the bottom two income quintiles.[107]
Resources
[edit]Access to resources plays an important role in educational inequality. In addition to the resources from the family mentioned earlier, access to proper nutrition and health care influences the cognitive development of children.[15] Children who come from poor families experience this inequality, which puts them at a disadvantage from the start. Not only important are resources students may or may not receive from family, but schools themselves vary greatly in the resources they give their students. On 2 December 2011, the U.S. Department of Education released that school districts are unevenly distributing funds, which are disproportionately underfunding low-income students.[108] This is holding back money from the schools that are in great need. High poverty schools have less-qualified teachers with a much higher turnover rate.[3] In every subject area, students in high poverty schools are more likely than other students to be taught by teachers without even a minor in their subject matter.[9]
Better resources allow for the reduction of classroom size, which research has proven improves test scores.[15] It also increases the number of after school and summer programs—these are very beneficial to poor children because it not only combats the increased loss of skill over the summer but keeps them out of unsafe neighborhoods and combats the drop-out rate.[15] There is also a difference in the classes offered to students, specifically advanced mathematics and science courses. In 2012, Algebra II was offered to 82% of the schools (in diverse districts) serving the fewest Hispanic and African-American students, while only 65% of the schools serving the most African-American and Hispanic students offered students the same course. Physics was offered to 66% of the schools serving the fewest Hispanic and African-American students, compared to 40% serving the most. Calculus was offered to 55% of the schools serving the fewest Hispanic and African-American students, compared to 29% serving the most.[34]
This lack of resources is directly linked to ethnicity and race. Black and Latino students are three times more likely than Whites to be in high poverty schools and twelve times as likely to be in schools that are predominantly poor.[3] Also, in schools that are composed of 90% or above of minorities, only one half of the teachers are certified in the subjects they teach.[9] As the number of White students increases in a school, funding tends to increase as well.[105] Teachers in elementary schools serving the most Hispanic and African-American students are paid on average $2250 less per year than their colleagues in the same district working at schools serving the fewest Hispanic and African-American students.[34] From the family resources side, 10% of White children are raised in poverty, while 37% of Latino children are and 42% of African-American children are.[16] Research indicates that when resources are equal, Black students are more likely to continue their education into college than their White counterparts.[109]
State conflicts
[edit]Within fragile states, children may be subject to inadequate education. The poor educational quality within these states is believed to be a result of four main challenges. These challenges include coordination gaps between the governmental actors, the policy maker's low priority on educational policy, limited financing, and lack of educational quality.[110]
Measurement
[edit]In the last decade, various tests have been administered throughout the world to gather information about students, the schools they attend, and their educational achievements. These tests include the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development's Programme for International Student Assessment and the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement's Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study. To calculate the different test parameters in each country and calculate a standard score, the scores of these tests are put through item response theory models. Once standardized, analysts can begin looking at education through the lens of achievement rather than looking at attainment. Through looking at achievement, the analysts can objectively examine educational inequality throughout the globe.[111]
Besides the use of achievement, analysts are able to use a few other methods, including but not exclusive to the Living Standard Measurement Study and the Index of Regional Education Advantage. China implemented the IREA to better understand regional differences from East to West in their country over a period of three years while Albania took a look at individual households to better understand their education differences.
Albania Educational Inequality Study
[edit]In an effort to better understand home welfare, the World Bank Organization has created a Living Standard Measurement Study program that helps analyze poverty in developing countries and allows for utilization in various empirical analysis studies. A study done by Nathalie Picard and Francois Wolff in Albania utilized the LSMS framework to further their study into educational inequalities within Albania. With the data presented from the LSMS models, Picard and Wolff were able to use empirical methods to determine that nearly 40% of educational differences in the country were due to household differences between families.[112] The LSMS framework is composed of household and individual well being questions that assess the welfare state of the house. Data for various regions can be viewed on their public website.[113] Within the survey are questions related to educational background that help the analytics team better relate the household state and region to the existing education levels. Through the Albania study, Picard and Wolff were able to utilize these statistics to help illustrate the educational levels between various households and different income levels in Albania. This practice can be implemented in many locations worldwide.
China Regional Educational Inequality Study
[edit]China incorporated an index called the Index of Regional Education Advantage or IREA to help analyze the effects that new policies had on their countries education system throughout their various regions. This multidimensional index includes a higher comprehensive list of dimensions than the Gini index in relation to education and therefore brings a greater understanding of the disparities in education. Founding off three core values of provision, enrollment, and attainment within the education system the IREA index is able to utilize conversion factors to create a capability set to diagnose the education levels of their different regions.[114] Since all three are not independent variables it is critical to utilize items like geometric means when calculating values like enrollment and attainment. Due to the IREA being a composite summary index it is common to utilize weighted indicators to show importance of each core value.[114] When evaluating the finalized scores of the regions China produced spatial pattern diagrams with data over three years to reflect any changes over the associated time period. The scores give a visual of the regional inequalities in their education. A change to a darker color indicated that the education had worsened in score. This comprehensive IREA score reflects the true condition of the area in question.[114]
Effects
[edit]Social mobility
[edit]Social mobility refers to the movement in class status from one generation to another. It is related to the "rags to riches" notion that anyone, with hard work and determination, has the ability to move upward no matter what background they come from. Contrary to that notion, however, sociologists and economists have concluded that, although exceptions are heard of, social mobility has remained stagnant and even decreased over the past thirty years.[115] From 1979 through 2007 the wage income for lower- and middle-class citizens has risen by less than 17 percent while the one percent has grown by approximately 156 percent sharply contrasting the "postwar period up through the 1970s when income growth was broadly shared".[116]
Some of the decreases in social mobility may be explained by the stratified educational system. Research has shown that since 1973, men and women with at least a college degree have seen an increase in hourly wages, while the wages for those with less than a college degree have remained stagnant or have decreased during the same period of time.[117] Since the educational system forces low-income families to place their children into less-than-ideal school systems, those children are typically not presented with the same opportunities and educational motivation as are students from well-off families, resulting in patterns of repeated intergenerational educational choices for parent and child, also known as decreased or stagnant social mobility.[115]
Remedies
[edit]There are a variety of efforts by countries to assist in increasing the availability of quality education for all children.
Assessment
[edit]Based on input from more than 1,700 individuals in 118 countries, UNESCO and the Center for Universal Education at the Brookings Institution have co-convened the Learning Metrics Task Force.[118] The task force aims to shift the focus from access to access plus learning.[118] They discovered through assessment, the learning and progress of students in individual countries can be measured.[118] Through the testing, governments can assess the quality of their education programs, refine the areas that need improvement, and ultimately increase their student's success.[118]
Education for All Act
[edit]The Education For All act or EFA is a global commitment to provide quality basic education for all children, youth, and adults. In 2000, 164 governments pledged to achieve education for all at the World Education Forum. There are six decided-upon goals designed to reach the goal of Education for All by 2015. The entities working together to achieve these goals include governments, multilateral and development agencies, civil society, and the private sector. UNESCO is responsible for coordinating the partnerships. Although progress has been made, some countries are providing more support than others. Also, there is a need to strengthen overall political commitment as well as strengthening the needed resources.[119]
Global Partnership for Education
[edit]Global Partnership for Education, or GPE, functions to create a global effort to reduce educational inequality with a focus on the poorest countries. GPE is the only international effort with its particular focus on supporting countries' efforts to educate their youth from primary through secondary education. The main goals of the partnership include providing educational access to each child, ensuring each child masters basic numeracy and literacy skills, increasing the ability for governments to provide quality education for all, and providing a safe space for all children to learn in. They are a partnership of donor and developing countries but the developing countries shape their own educational strategy based upon their personal priorities. When constructing these priorities, GPE serves to support and facilitate access to financial and technical resources. Successes of GPE include helping nearly 22 million children get to school, equipping 52,600 classrooms, and training 300,000 teachers.[120]
Massive online classes
[edit]There is a growing shift away from traditional higher education institutions to massive open online courses (MOOC). These classes are run through content sharing, videos, online forums, and exams. The MOOCs are free which allows for many more students to take part in the classes, however, the programs are created by global north countries, therefore inhibiting individuals in the global south from creating their own innovations.[121]
Trauma-informed education
[edit]Trauma-informed education is a pedagogical approach that acknowledges the impacts of adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) on a child's learning and behavior. The efficacy of trauma-informed approaches has been studied in a variety of settings, including communities in areas that have experienced natural disasters, terrorism or political instability, students of refugee or asylum status, and students who are marginalized as a result of language, ethnicity or culture. ACEs are associated with poorer attendance at school, educational attainment, and worse mental health outcomes.[122] Trauma-informed education has been termed a social justice imperative by some academics owing to the disproportionate impact of childhood trauma on marginalized communities including low-income communities, communities of color, sexual and gender minorities, and immigrants.[123]
The expansion of the definition of trauma as encompassing interpersonal forms of violence and perceived threat or harm, especially in the experiences of vulnerable and marginalized communities was formally recognized by the U.S.-based Center for Substance Abuse Treatment in 2014.[124] Thereafter, the adoption of trauma-informed approaches in public service provisions including education has led to developing practices and policies that take trauma histories into consideration.
In 2016, the American Institutes for Research published a trauma-informed care curriculum centered around five domains - supporting staff development, creating a safe and supportive environment, assessing needs and planning services, involving consumers, and adapting practices. Similarly, the National Child Traumatic Stress Network defines a trauma-sensitive approach as:[125]
- "Realizing the widespread impact of trauma and pathways to recovery
- Recognizing traumas signs and symptoms
- Responding by integrating knowledge about trauma into all facets of the system
- Resisting re-traumatization of trauma-impacted individuals by decreasing the occurrence of unnecessary triggers (i.e., trauma and loss reminders) and by implementing trauma-informed policies, procedures, and practices."
A number of barriers to the implementation of trauma-informed approaches have been identified, including communication gaps between providers and parents, stigmatization of mental health concerns, lack of supportive school environments and competing teacher responsibilities.[126]
Policy implications
[edit]With the knowledge that early educational intervention programs, such as extended childcare during preschool years, can significantly prepare low-income students for educational and life successes, comes a certain degree of responsibility. One policy change that seems necessary to make is that quality child care is available to every child in the United States at an affordable rate. This has been scientifically proven to push students into college, and thus increase social mobility. The ultimate result of such a reality would be that the widely stratified educational system that exists in the U.S. today would begin to equalize so that every child born, regardless of socioeconomic status, would have the same opportunity to succeed. Many European countries are already exercising such successful educational systems.
Based on historical evidence, an increase in general schooling not only improves numeracy and literacy skills in the population overall, but also tends to result in a narrowing the educational gender gap.[127]
Global evidence
[edit]
Albania
[edit]Household income in Albania is very low. Many families are unable to provide a college education for their kids, with the money they make. Albania is one of the poorest countries in Europe with a large population of people under the age of 25. This population of students needs a path to higher education. Nothing is being done for all the young adults who are smart enough to go to college but cannot afford to.
Bangladesh
[edit]The Bangladesh education system includes more than 100,000 schools run by public, private, NGO, and religious providers.[128] The schools are overseen by a national ministry. Their system is centralized and overseen by the sub-districts also known as upazilas.[128] During the past two decades, the system expanded through new national policies and pro-poor spending. The gross enrollment rate in the poorest quintile of upazilas is 101 percent.[128] Also, the poorest quintile spending per child was 30 percent higher than the wealthiest quintile.[128]
Educational inequalities continue despite the increased spending. They do not have consistent learning outcomes across the upazilas. In almost 2/3 of upazilas, the dropout rate is over 30 percent.[128] They have difficulty acquiring quality teachers and 97 percent of preprimary and primary students are in overcrowded classrooms.[128]
India
[edit]According to the 2011 census of India, the literacy rate for males was 82%, as compared to the literacy rate of 65% for females. Despite the provisions of the Right to Education, 40% of girls between the ages of 15 and 18 are out of school, primarily to either supplement family income in the informal sector, or to work within the household.[129] It is estimated that up to 23% of girls leave school at the onset of puberty due to the stigmatization of menstruation, lack of access to menstrual products and sanitation.[130] Menstrual inequity is also a leading cause of absenteeism.
The Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, set up by the Indian central government in 2021 to improve access to education, saw an increase in the Gross Enrollment Ratio among girls across all school levels. This scheme has sanctioned 5,627 Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas, residential schools for girls from disadvantaged communities.[131]
Urban areas have historically reported higher rates of literacy. In 2018, rural areas had a literacy rate of 73.5%, as compared to the urban literacy rate of 87.7 per cent. Although 83% of the total schools are located in rural India,[132] learning outcomes and dropout rates remain disproportionately high. This has been attributed to high rural poverty rates and lack of quality teaching.[133]
Educational inequalities are also exacerbated by the caste system. In the 2011 census, Scheduled Castes had an average literacy rate of 66.1 per cent with an all-India literacy rate of 73 per cent.[134]
Under the National Education Policy 2020, marginalized gender identities, sociocultural identities, geographical identities, disabilities, and socioeconomic conditions have been grouped under Socio-Economically Disadvantaged Groups (SEDGs). Specific provisions have been recommended for SEDGs including targeted scholarships, conditional cash transfers to parents, and providing bicycles for transportation.[135]
South Africa
[edit]Inequality in higher education
[edit]Africa, in general, has suffered from decreased spending on higher education programs. As a result, they are unable to obtain moderate to high enrollment and there is minimal research output.[121]
Within South Africa, there are numerous factors that affect the quality of tertiary education. The country inherited class, race, and gender inequality in the social, political, and economic spheres during the Apartheid. The 1994 constitution emphasizes higher education as useful for human resource development and of great importance to any economic and social transitions. However, they are still fighting to overcome the colonialism and racism in intellectual spaces.[121]
Funding from the government has a major stake in the educational quality received. As a result of declining government support, the average class size in South Africa is growing. The increased class size limits student–teacher interactions, therefore further hindering students with low problem solving and critical thinking skills. In an article by Meenal Shrivastava and Sanjiv Shrivastava, the argument is made that in large class sizes "have ramifications for developing countries where higher education where higher education is a core element in the economic and societal development". These ramifications are shown to include lower student performance and information retention.[121]
United Kingdom
[edit]Evidence from the British birth cohort studies has illustrated the powerful influence of family socioeconomic background on children's educational attainment. These differences emerge early in childhood,[136] and continue to grow throughout the school years.[137] The educational gap in the U.K. is shown by the rate of graduation between private universities and the most deprived quintiles. In a study done by The Conversation, 70% of people in private university graduate by 26 while only 17% of the lowest quintile had graduated by 26. This same sentiment applies at even younger ages. In the same study done by The Conversation, kids who were eligible for free school meals which are only given to the 15% lowest income students are shown to have as much as 25% less attainments that are considered the baseline for students in the U.K.[138]
Sudan Republic
[edit]The earliest educational system of Sudan was established by the British during the first half of the 20th century. The government of Sudan recognizes education as a right for every citizen and guarantees access to free basic education, The educational structure of the Republic of Sudan consists of the pre-primary, primary, secondary, and higher education, The Sudanese education system includes more than 3.646 schools run by public, private, and religious providers, the schools are overseen by the High Ministry of Education. However, Sudan's simmering wars and a lack of awareness about the importance of education and chronic under-development all contribute to the poor schooling of girls in Sudan.
In addition, cultural pressures and the traditional views of the role of women mean fewer girls attend and remain in school. The inability to pay fees even though school is free according to government policy is a major reason; some poor families cannot afford the stationery and clothes. The government cannot provide for all the students' needs because of the economic situation and poverty. However the government has raised their awareness of educating females, and they have created universities only for girls. The first one is Al Ahfad University for Women, located in Omdurman, created in 1907 by Sheikh Babikr Bedri. Now the percentage of educated females is increasing; the last survey[when?] estimates that 60.8% of females in Sudan can read and write.
United States
[edit]
Property tax dilemma
[edit]In the United States, schools are funded by local property taxes. Because of this, the more affluent a neighborhood, the higher the funding for that school district. Although this situation seems favorable, the problem emerges when the equation is reversed. In neighborhoods inhabited by predominantly working- and lower-class families, properties are less expensive, and so property taxes are much lower than those in affluent neighborhoods. Consequently, funding for the school districts to which working- and lower-class children are assigned is also significantly lower than the funding for the school districts to which children of affluent families are assigned. Thus, students in working- and lower-class schools do not receive the same quality of education and access to resources as do students from affluent families. The reality of the situation is that the distribution of resources for schools is based on the socioeconomic status of the parents of the students. As a result, the U.S. educational system significantly aids in widening the gap between the rich and the poor. This gap has increased, rather than decreased, over the past few decades due in part to a lack of social mobility.[139]
International comparisons
[edit]Compared to other nations, the United States is among some of the highest spenders on education per student behind only Switzerland and Norway.[140] The per-pupil spending has even increased in recent years[when?] but the academic achievement of students has remained stagnant.[15] The Swedish educational system is one such system that attempts to equalize students and make sure every child has an equal chance to learn. One way that Sweden is accomplishing these goals is by making sure every child can go to daycare affordably. Of the total cost of childcare, parents pay no more than 18% for their child; the remaining 82% is paid for by various government agencies and municipalities. In 2002, a "maximum-fee" system was introduced in Sweden that states that costs for childcare may be no greater than 3% of one's income for the first child, 2% for the second child, 1% for the third child, and free of charge for the fourth child in pre-school. 97.5% of children age 1–5 attend these public daycare centers. Also, a new law was recently[when?] introduced that states that all four and five-year-old children can attend daycare for free.[141]
Since practically all students, no matter what their socioeconomic background, attend the same daycare centers, equalization alongside educational development begins early and in the public sphere. Furthermore, parental leave consists of 12 months paid leave (80% of wage) whereas one month is awarded solely to the father in the form of "use it or lose it". This results in the privilege and affordability of staying home and bonding with one's child for the first year of life. Due to this affordability, less than 200 children in the entire country of Sweden under the age of 1 are placed in child care.[142]
Stratification in the educational system is further diminished by providing all Swedish citizens and legal residents with the option of choosing which school they want their children to be placed in, regardless of what neighborhood they reside in or what property taxes they pay. Additionally, the Swedish government not only provides its citizens with a free college education but also with an actual monthly allowance for attending school and college.[141]
Together, these privileges allow for all Swedish children to have access to the same resources. A similar system can be found in France, where free, full-day child care centers known as "écoles maternelles" enroll close to 100% of French children ages 3–5 years old. In Denmark, children from birth to age six are enrolled in childcare programs that are available at one-fifth of the total costs, where the rest is covered by public funding.[142]
See also
[edit]- British birth cohort studies
- Child poverty
- Class stratification
- Conflict theory
- Educational psychology
- Hidden curriculum
- Educational Inequality in the United States
- List of standardized tests in the United States
- Social inequality
- Socioeconomic status
- Structural inequality in education
- Working class education
- Single-parent children and educational attainment
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d Williams, Belinda, ed. Closing the Achievement Gap: A Vision for Changing Beliefs and Practices. 2nd ed. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 2003.
- ^ York, Rankin, & Gibson, Travis T., Susan & Charles (2015). "Defining and Measuring Academic Success". Practical Assessment, Research & Evaluation. 20 (5, March 2015).
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ a b c d e Lee, Chungmei; Gary Orfield (2005). "Why Segregation Matters: Poverty and Educational Inequality". The Civil Rights Project. Harvard University: 1–47.
- ^ Majumdar, Manabi, and Jos Mooij. "Education and Inequality in India: A Classroom View. Routledge Contemporary South Asia Series." Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 1 Jan. 2011. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&AN=ED523241&site=ehost-live&scope=site
- ^ Valls-Carol, R., Gallardo, M. P., & Jiménez, A. A. (2014). El proyecto INCLUD-ED: Estrategias para la inclusión y la cohesión social en Europa desde la educación. Investigación en la escuela, (82), 31-43. https://doi.org/10.12795/IE.2014.i82.03
- ^ Ruiz-Eugenio, L.; Soler-Gallart, M.; Racionero-Plaza, S.; Padrós, M. (2023) Dialogic literary gatherings: A systematic review of evidence to overcome social and educational inequalities. Educational Research Review, 39, Article 100534 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.edurev.2023.100534
- ^ "Barriers to Education in Southeast Asia: Children Are Being Taught in a Language They Don't Speak." Action Education SEA, https://action-education.org/sea/barriers-to-education-in-southeast-asia-children-are-being-taught-in-a-language-they-dont-speak/ Archived 2023-03-31 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Rueckert, Phineas (August 13, 2019). "10 Barriers to Education That Children Living in Poverty Face". Global Citizen. Retrieved March 4, 2024.
- ^ a b c d e Haycock, Kafi (2001). "Closing the Achievement Gap". Helping All Students Achieve. 58: 6–11.
- ^ Shrivastava, Meenal; Shrivastava, Sanjiv (June 2014). "Political economy of higher education: comparing South Africa to trends in the world". Higher Education. 67 (6): 809–822. doi:10.1007/s10734-013-9709-6. S2CID 143772365.
- ^ "Learning Poverty". World Bank. Archived from the original on 15 July 2021. Retrieved 15 July 2021.
- ^ Ferreira, Francisco; Gignoux, Jeremie (2014). "The Measurement of Educational Inequality: Achievement and Opportunity". World Bank Economic Review. 28 (2): 210–246. doi:10.1093/wber/lht004. hdl:10986/23539. S2CID 9797693.
- ^ Haskins, Ron; James Kemple (2009). "A New Goal for America's High Schools: College Preparation for All". The Future of Children. 19: 1–7.
- ^ a b c d e f Gamoran, Adam (2001). "American Schooling and Educational Inequality: A Forecast for the 21st Century". Sociology of Education. 74: 135–153. doi:10.2307/2673258. JSTOR 2673258. S2CID 55336675.
- ^ a b c d e f Greenstone, Michael; et al. (2011). "Improving Student Outcomes: Restoring America's Education Potential". The Hamilton Project. Strategy Paper: 1–30.
- ^ a b c d Farkas, George (2006). "How Educational Inequality Develops". National Poverty Center. Working Paper Series: 1–50.
- ^ Wai, Jonathan (2024-08-09). "Mind the COVID-19 gap". Science. 385 (6709): 610.
- ^ a b Nachbauer, Max (2024). "How schools affect equity in education: Teaching factors and extended day programs associated with average achievement and socioeconomic achievement gaps". Studies in Educational Evaluation. 82: 2. doi:10.1016/j.stueduc.2024.101367.
- ^ Nachbauer, Max (2023). Die Effekte von Schule auf Leistungsentwicklung und Leistungsunterschiede nach sozialer Herkunft. Eine Längsschnittstudie zu Ursachen von und Maßnahmen gegen Bildungsungleichheiten. Waxmann. pp. 51–57. doi:10.31244/9783830997320. ISBN 978-3-8309-4732-5.
- ^ "Women and Girls Education". United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. 25 April 2013. Retrieved 4 November 2014.
- ^ Ekine, Adefunke; Samati, Madalo; Walker, Judith-Ann. "Improving Learning Opportunities and Outcomes for Girls in Africa" (PDF). Brookings Institution. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 November 2014. Retrieved 13 November 2014.
- ^ Haridarshan, Pooja. "Voices of Women within the Devanga Community, Bangalore, India." Education Sciences, vol. 11, Jan. 2021. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&AN=EJ1314616&site=ehost-live&scope=site
- ^ Játiva, Ximena, and Michelle Mills. "What Does SEA-PLM 2019 Tell Us about Child Well-Being and Learning in Six Southeast Asian Countries?" UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti, UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti, 1 Jan. 2022. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&AN=ED624436&site=ehost-live&scope=site
- ^ Okonkowo, Ejike (Dec 2013). "Attitude towards Gender Equality in South-eastern Nigerian Culture: Impact of Gender and Level of Education". Gender & Behavior. 11 (2): 5579–5585.
- ^ a b c d Winthrop, Rebecca; McGivney, Eileen (22 September 2014). "Girls' Education Hotspots: A look at the Data". Brookings Institution. Retrieved 3 November 2014.
- ^ "Child marriage". www.unicef.org. Retrieved 2023-01-25.
- ^ a b c d Sharma, Geeta. "Gender inequality in education and employment". Archived from the original on 31 October 2008. Retrieved 5 April 2015.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Banks, James (2013). "1". Multicultural Education: Issues and Perspectives. John Wiley & Sons.
- ^ Rees, Teresa (2001). "Mainstreaming Gender Equality in Science in the European Union: The 'ETAN Report'". Gender and Education. 13 (3): 243–260. doi:10.1080/09540250120063544. ISSN 0954-0253. S2CID 145405873.
- ^ Buchmann, Claudia; DiPrete, Thomas A.; McDaniel, Anne (2008). "Gender Inequalities in Education". Annual Review of Sociology. 34 (1): 319–337. doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.34.040507.134719. ISSN 0360-0572.
- ^ Ceci, Stephen J.; Williams, Wendy M.; Barnett, Susan M. (2009). "Women's underrepresentation in science: Sociocultural and biological considerations". Psychological Bulletin. 135 (2): 218–261. doi:10.1037/a0014412. ISSN 1939-1455. PMID 19254079.
- ^ "Digest of Education Statistics, 2012". nces.ed.gov. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ a b Whitmire, Richard; Bailey, Susan (15 January 2010). "Gender Gap". Education Next.
- ^ a b c "Civil Rights Data Collection(CRDC)" (PDF). Office for Civil Rights. Retrieved 2 April 2015.
- ^ Daniel Voyer and Susan D. Voyer "Gender Differences in Scholastic Achievement: A Meta-Analysis." Psychological Bulletin © 2014 American Psychological Association 2014, Vol. 140, No. 4, 1174–1204 0033-2909/14/$12.00 https://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036620. https://www.apa.org/pubs/journals/releases/bul-a0036620.pdf
- ^ "Women more likely than men to have earned a bachelor's degree by age 29 : The Economics Daily: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics". www.bls.gov. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ "Leaving Boys Behind: Public High School Graduation Rates". Manhattan Institute. 2015-08-24. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ Perry, Mark (2017-09-28). "Women Earned Majority of Doctoral Degrees in 2016 for 8th Straight Year and Outnumber Men in Grad School 135 to 100". American Enterprise Institute - AEI. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ GNAULATI, ENRICO. "Why Girls Tend to Get Better Grades Than Boys Do." The Atlantic. 18 September 2014. https://archive.today/20170328190455/https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2014/09/why-girls-get-better-grades-than-boys-do/380318/
- ^ Guo, Jeff. "The serious reason boys do worse than girls." The Washington Post. 28 January 2016. https://archive.today/20180722233207/https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/01/28/the-serious-reason-boys-do-worse-than-girls/
- ^ Semuels, Alana (2017-11-27). "Poor Girls Are Leaving Their Brothers Behind". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ "What Is It with Boys and Reading? | Psychology Today". www.psychologytoday.com. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ Terrier, Camille. "Boys Lag Behind: How Teachers' Gender Biases Affect Student Achievement." IZA Discussion Paper No. 10343, November 2016. Forschungsinstitut, zur Zukunft der Arbeit, Institute for the Study, of Labor. http://ftp.iza.org/dp10343.pdf.
- ^ Stoet, Gijsbert; Geary, David C. (2015). "Sex differences in academic achievement are not related to political, economic, or social equality". Intelligence. 48: 137–151. doi:10.1016/j.intell.2014.11.006. S2CID 143234406.
- ^ Mago, Robert (1990). Race and Schooling in the South, 1880–1950: An Economic History. University of Chicago Press. pp. 21–22. ISBN 978-0-226-50510-7.
- ^ "EdBuild | 23 Billion". edbuild.org. Archived from the original on 2023-03-27. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ Lewis-Mccoy, R. L'Heureux. "Race and Education". Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology. 2nd Edition: 1.
- ^ Century Foundation, The (22 July 2020). "TCF Study Finds U.S. Schools Underfunded by Nearly $150 Billion Annually". The Century Foundation. Retrieved 22 July 2020.
- ^ Merolla, David M.; Jackson, Omari (2019-04-26). "Structural racism as the fundamental cause of the academic achievement gap". Sociology Compass. 13 (6). doi:10.1111/soc4.12696. ISSN 1751-9020.
- ^ Braveman, Paula; Parker Dominguez, Tyan (2021-09-07). "Abandon "Race." Focus on Racism". Frontiers in Public Health. 9. doi:10.3389/fpubh.2021.689462. ISSN 2296-2565. PMC 8452910. PMID 34557466.
- ^ Yudell, Michael; Roberts, Dorothy; DeSalle, Rob; Tishkoff, Sarah (2016-02-05). "Taking race out of human genetics". Science. 351 (6273): 564–565. Bibcode:2016Sci...351..564Y. doi:10.1126/science.aac4951. ISSN 0036-8075. PMID 26912690.
- ^ Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo (2018). Racism without racists: color-blind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in America (5th ed.). Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-1-4422-7622-2.
- ^ Anderson, Meredith B.L. (2018). "A Seat at the Table: African American Youth's Perceptions of K-12 Education" (PDF). UNCF. Retrieved 2024-08-04.
- ^ Quinn, David M. (2017-08-30). "Racial Attitudes of PreK–12 and Postsecondary Educators: Descriptive Evidence From Nationally Representative Data". Educational Researcher. 46 (7): 397–411. doi:10.3102/0013189X17727270. ISSN 0013-189X.
- ^ Jacobson, Erik; Cross Francis, Dionne; Willey, Craig; Wilkins-Yel, Kerrie (2022-11-21). "Race, Gender, and Teacher Equity Beliefs: Construct Validation of the Attributions of Mathematical Excellence Scale". AERA Open. 8: 233285842211309. doi:10.1177/23328584221130999. ISSN 2332-8584.
- ^ Davis, Lori Patton; Museus (2019). "What Is Deficit Thinking? An Analysis of Conceptualizations of Deficit Thinking and Implications for Scholarly Research". NCID Currents. 1 (1). doi:10.3998/currents.17387731.0001.110. hdl:2027/spo.17387731.0001.110. ISSN 2689-8527.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Desmond-Harris, Jenée (2017-01-05). "The myth about smart black kids and "acting white" that won't die". Vox. Retrieved 2024-08-05.
- ^ Crosnoe, Robert; Turley, Ruth N. López (2011). "K-12 Educational Outcomes of Immigrant Youth". The Future of Children. 21 (1): 129–152. doi:10.1353/foc.2011.0008. ISSN 1550-1558. PMC 5555844. PMID 21465858.
- ^ Baum, Deborah (February 22, 2019). ""News Report Shows How Immigrant Children Are Thriving In Schools, Community"". Brown University. Retrieved October 10, 2022.
- ^ Powers, Margarita Pivovarova and Jeanne M. (2019-10-03). "Are immigrant students disproportionately consuming educational resources?". Brookings. Retrieved 2022-10-19.
- ^ Ge, Haowen (2021-11-19). "ISSA Article". International Student Services Association. Retrieved 2022-10-24.
- ^ "Refugee and migrant Crisis". SOS Childrens Villages.
- ^ "U.S. Immigration Enforcement Policy and Its Impact on Teaching and Learning in the Nation's Schools — The Civil Rights Project at UCLA". civilrightsproject.ucla.edu. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ "Immigrant Students: Our Kids, Our Future". Learning Policy Institute. Retrieved 2022-10-24.
- ^ U.S. Census Bureau. 2017. Annual Estimates of the Resident Population by Sex, Age, Race, and Hispanic Origin for the United States and States: 1 April 2010, to 1 July 2016
- ^ Gonzalez, J. (2011). Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America. New York, New York: Penguin Books.
- ^ Capps, R., Bachmeier, J. D., Fix, M., & Van Hook, J. (2013). A demographic, socioeconomic, and health coverage profile of unauthorized immigrants in the United States. Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute.
- ^ Quayson, A. and Daswani, G. (2013) Introduction – Diaspora and Transnationalism, in A Companion to Diaspora and Transnationalism (eds A. Quayson and G. Daswani), Blackwell Publishing Ltd, Oxford, UK. DOI: 10.1002/9781118320792.ch1
- ^ a b "NYC Population Facts". www.nyc.gov. Retrieved 2023-03-31.[permanent dead link]
- ^ a b c Bradeck, K.M.; Sibley, E.; Lykes, M.B. (2016). "Authorized and Unauthorized Immigrant Parents: The Impact of Legal Vulnerability on Family Contexts". Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 30 (1): 3–30. doi:10.1177/0739986315621741. S2CID 146214206.
- ^ Hernandez, D.J, Denton, N.A., Macartney, S.E. (2008). Children in Immigrant Families: Looking to America's Future. Social Policy Report.
- ^ Taylor, Kate (2017-04-24). "New York City Will Offer Free Preschool for All 3-Year-Olds". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ a b Snyder, T. D., & Dillow, S. A. (2012). Digest of education statistics 2011 (NCES 2012-001). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education.
- ^ Mattern, K.; Wyatt, J. (2009). "Student choice of college: How far do students go for an education?". Journal of College Admission. 203: 18–29.
- ^ a b Excelencia in Education. (2005). How Latino students pay for college. Retrieved from https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED506050.pdf
- ^ ACT. (2015). The Condition of College & Career Readiness 2015: Hispanic Students. Retrieved from http://www.act.org/content/dam/act/unsecured/documents/06-24-16-Subcon-Hispanic-Report.pdf
- ^ College Board. (2017). 2017 SAT Suite Annual Report Total Group. Retrieved from https://reports.collegeboard.org/pdf/2017-total-group-sat-suite-assessments-annual-report.pdf Archived 2017-10-18 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Varma, Roli (2009-08-01). "Attracting Native Americans to computing". Communications of the ACM. 52 (8): 137–140. doi:10.1145/1536616.1536650. ISSN 0001-0782. S2CID 18342723.
- ^ a b Hodges, Jaret; Tay, Juliana; Maeda, Yukiko; Gentry, Marcia (2018-01-17). "A Meta-Analysis of Gifted and Talented Identification Practices". Gifted Child Quarterly. 62 (2): 147–174. doi:10.1177/0016986217752107. ISSN 0016-9862. S2CID 85441654.
- ^ a b c Smith, Jessi L.; Cech, Erin; Metz, Anneke; Huntoon, Meghan; Moyer, Christina (July 2014). "Giving back or giving up: Native American student experiences in science and engineering". Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. 20 (3): 413–429. doi:10.1037/a0036945. ISSN 1939-0106. PMID 25045952. ProQuest 1547256139.
- ^ a b c d e Jackson, Aaron P.; Smith, Steven A; Hill, Curtis L (2003). "Academic Persistence Among Native American College Students". Journal of College Student Development. 44 (4): 548–565. doi:10.1353/csd.2003.0039. ISSN 1543-3382. S2CID 145209414.
- ^ Wier, Kirsten (2016-11-10). "Inequality at Schools". www.apa.org. Retrieved 2022-10-24.
- ^ a b c Krauss, Allison; Barnett, Steven (2020-06-01). "Access to High-Quality Early Education and Racial Equity" (PDF). Nieer. Retrieved 2022-10-14.
- ^ Darling-Hammond, Linda (2022-10-19). "Unequal Opportunity: Race and Education". Brookings. Retrieved 2022-10-24.
- ^ a b c d Truscott, Diane M.; Truscott, Stephen D. (2005). "Differing Circumstances, Shared Challenges: Finding Common Ground between Urban and Rural Schools". Phi Delta Kappan. 87 (2): 123–130. doi:10.1177/003172170508700208. ISSN 0031-7217. S2CID 144960548.
- ^ a b c Waxman, Hersholt C.; Huang, Shwu-Yong L. (1997). "Classroom Instruction and Learning Environment Differences between Effective and Ineffective Urban Elementary Schools for African American Students". Urban Education. 32 (1): 7–44. doi:10.1177/0042085997032001002. ISSN 0042-0859. S2CID 143911695.
- ^ a b Peng, Samuel S.; Wang, Margaret C.; Walberg, Herbert J. (1992). "Demographic Disparities of Inner-City Eighth Graders". Urban Education. 26 (4): 441–459. doi:10.1177/0042085992026004008. ISSN 0042-0859. S2CID 145304667.
- ^ Roscigno, Vincent J.; Crowle, Martha L. (22 October 2009). "Rurality, Institutional Disadvantage, and Achievement/Attainment*". Rural Sociology. 66 (2): 268–292. doi:10.1111/j.1549-0831.2001.tb00067.x. ISSN 0036-0112.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Roscigno, V. J.; Tomaskovic-Devey, D.; Crowley, M. (1 June 2006). "Education and the Inequalities of Place". Social Forces. 84 (4): 2121–2145. doi:10.1353/sof.2006.0108. ISSN 0037-7732. S2CID 145658531.
- ^ Ripple, Carol H; Luthar, Suniya S (1 May 2000). "Academic Risk Among Inner-City Adolescents: The Role of Personal Attributes". Journal of School Psychology. 38 (3): 277–298. doi:10.1016/S0022-4405(00)00032-7. ISSN 0022-4405. PMC 4023637. PMID 24839305.
- ^ Beck, Frank (2005). "How do rural schools fare under a high-stakes testing regime?" (PDF). Journal of Research in Rural Education. 20. S2CID 14228760. Archived from the original (PDF) on 16 August 2018.
- ^ Jennings, Jennifer; Sohn, Heeju (1 April 2014). "Measure for Measure: How Proficiency-based Accountability Systems Affect Inequality in Academic Achievement". Sociology of Education. 87 (2): 125–141. doi:10.1177/0038040714525787. ISSN 0038-0407. PMC 4843844. PMID 27122642.
- ^ a b Herman, Joan L.; Golan, Shari (25 October 2005). "The Effects of Standardized Testing on Teaching and Schools". Educational Measurement: Issues and Practice. 12 (4): 20–25. doi:10.1111/j.1745-3992.1993.tb00550.x. ISSN 0731-1745.
- ^ a b c McGranahan, David A. (1980). "The Spatial Structure of Income Distribution in Rural Regions". American Sociological Review. 45 (2): 313–324. doi:10.2307/2095128. JSTOR 2095128.
- ^ Condron, Dennis (2003). "Disparities Within: Unequal Spending and Achievement in an Urban School District". Sociology of Education. 76 (1): 18–36. doi:10.2307/3090259. JSTOR 3090259. S2CID 17874593.
- ^ Mathews, Jay. "Study says standardized testing is overwhelming nation's public schools". The Washington Post.
- ^ "Improving Children's Lives, Transforming the Future--25 Years of Child Rights in South Asia." UNICEF, UNICEF, 1 Jan. 2014. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eric&AN=ED560005&site=ehost-live&scope=site.
- ^ McFarland, Joel; Cui, Jiashan; Holmes, Juliet; Wang, Xiaolei (14 January 2020). "Trends in High School Dropout and Completion Rates in the United States: 2019".
- ^ Goldfarb, Zachary. "These four charts show how the SAT favors rich, educated families". The Washington Post. Retrieved 5 March 2014.
- ^ Downey, Douglas (1995). "When Bigger is Not Better: Family Size, Parental Resources, and Children's Educational Performance". American Sociological Review. 60 (5): 746–761. doi:10.2307/2096320. JSTOR 2096320. S2CID 13131112.
- ^ DeLaRosa, Josue. "Students Are More Likely to Attend College if They Believe Family Can Afford to Pay". NCES. Retrieved 12 January 2022.
- ^ a b c d Ford, Donna (1998). "The Underrepresentation of Minority Students in Gifted Education: Problems and Promises in Recruitment and Retention". The Journal of Special Education. 32 (1): 4–14. doi:10.1177/002246699803200102. S2CID 145515626.
- ^ "Including diverse learners in gifted education programs and services". National Association for Gifted Children. Retrieved 2 April 2015.
- ^ a b c d e Losen, Daniel J; Orfield, Gary (2002). Racial Inequality in Special Education. Harvard Education Press.
- ^ a b c d e f g Ladson-Billings, Gloria (2006). "From Achievement Gap to the Education Debt: Understanding Achievement in U.S. Schools". Educational Researcher. AERA Presidential Address. 35 (7): 1–11. doi:10.3102/0013189x035007003. S2CID 145286865.
- ^ a b Fox-Williams, Lewis-McCoy, Brittany N., R. L'Heureux (2016). "Race and Education". Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Sociology. 2nd Edition.
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Lawrence Mishel, Jared Bernstein, and Heidi Shierholz, The State of Working America 2008/ 2009 (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press)cited in Stiglitz, Joseph E. (4 June 2012). The Price of Inequality: How Today's Divided Society Endangers Our Future (p. 308). Norton. Kindle Edition.
- ^ Brown, Cynthia G. "The Persistence of Educational Inequality". Center for American Progress. Retrieved 3 December 2011.
- ^ Merolla, David (2013). "The Net Black Advantage in Educational Transitions: An Educational Careers Approach". American Educational Research Journal. 50 (5): 895–924. doi:10.3102/0002831213486511. S2CID 145566807.
- ^ Winthrop, Rebecca; Matsui, Elena. "A New Agenda for Education in Fragile States" (PDF). Brookings Institution. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 November 2014. Retrieved 11 November 2014.
- ^ Ferreira, Francisco; Jeremie, Gignoux (2014). "Measurement of Educational Inequality: Achievement and Opportunity". World Bank Economic Review. 28 (2): 210–246. doi:10.1093/wber/lht004. hdl:10986/23539. S2CID 9797693.
- ^ Picard, Nathalie; Wolff, François-Charles (1 June 2010). "Measuring educational inequalities: a method and an application to Albania" (PDF). Journal of Population Economics. 23 (3): 989–1023. doi:10.1007/s00148-008-0201-z. ISSN 1432-1475. S2CID 53997904.
- ^ "Our Work". World Bank. Retrieved 4 December 2021.
- ^ a b c Xiang, Lili; Stillwell, John; Burns, Luke; Heppenstall, Alison (1 March 2020). "Measuring and Assessing Regional Education Inequalities in China under Changing Policy Regimes". Applied Spatial Analysis and Policy. 13 (1): 91–112. doi:10.1007/s12061-019-09293-8. ISSN 1874-4621. S2CID 134832565.
- ^ a b Scott, Janny; Leonhardt, David (2005-05-15). "Shadowy Lines That Still Divide". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-03-31.
- ^ "Overview | State of Working America". www.stateofworkingamerica.org. Archived from the original on 7 September 2015. Retrieved 20 September 2015.
- ^ "Wages | State of Working America". www.stateofworkingamerica.org. Archived from the original on 7 September 2015. Retrieved 21 September 2015.
- ^ a b c d "Toward Universal Learning: Implementing Assessment to Improve Learning". Brookings Institution. Brookings Institution and UNESCO Institute for Statistics. 15 July 2014. Retrieved 4 November 2014.
- ^ United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (13 June 2014). "Coordination and Advocacy for EFA". United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. Retrieved 3 November 2014.
- ^ "10 Things About The Global Partnership". The Global Partnership for Education. Global Partnership for Education. Archived from the original on 4 April 2014. Retrieved 3 November 2014.
- ^ a b c d Shrivastava, Meenal; Shrivastava, Sanjiv (June 2014). "Political economy of higher education: comparing South Africa to trends in the world". Higher Education. 64 (6): 809–822. doi:10.1007/s10734-013-9709-6. S2CID 143772365.
- ^ Bellis, Mark A.; Hughes, Karen; Ford, Kat; Hardcastle, Katie A.; Sharp, Catherine A.; Wood, Sara; Homolova, Lucia; Davies, Alisha (26 June 2018). "Adverse childhood experiences and sources of childhood resilience: a retrospective study of their combined relationships with child health and educational attendance". BMC Public Health. 18 (1): 792. doi:10.1186/s12889-018-5699-8. ISSN 1471-2458. PMC 6020215. PMID 29940920.
- ^ "Trauma-Informed Care in Schools: A Social Justice Imperative". National Association of School Psychologists (NASP). Retrieved 1 May 2022.
- ^ Treatment (US), Center for Substance Abuse (2014). Historical Account of Trauma. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (US).
- ^ National Child Traumatic Stress Network, Schools Committee. (2017). Creating, supporting, and sustaining trauma-informed schools: A system framework. Los Angeles, CA, and Durham, NC: National Center for Child Traumatic Stress
- ^ Thomas, M. Shelley; Crosby, Shantel; Vanderhaar, Judi (22 March 2019). "Trauma-Informed Practices in Schools Across Two Decades: An Interdisciplinary Review of Research". Review of Research in Education. 43 (1): 422–452. doi:10.3102/0091732X18821123. ISSN 0091-732X.
- ^ Baten, Jörg; de Haas, Michiel; Kempter, Elisabeth; Meier zu Selhausen, Felix (2020). "Educational Gender Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: a Long-term Perspective". Population and Development Review.
- ^ a b c d e f Steer, Liesbet; Rabbani, Fazle; Parker, Adam (30 November 2001). "Primary Education Finance for Equity and Quality: An Analysis of Past Success and Future Options in Bangladesh". Brookings Institution. Retrieved 4 November 2014.
- ^ "Why Are So Many Girls in India Not Getting an Education?". Time. Retrieved 4 May 2022.
- ^ Sell, Susie (10 June 2013). "The unsanitary truth about gender inequality in India". the Guardian. Retrieved 4 May 2022.
- ^ "Girls' enrolment in schools improve under Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan: Education Ministry". Edex Live. 17 March 2022. Retrieved 6 May 2022.
- ^ "Rural Education – Integral To India's Progress | IBEF". www.ibef.org. Retrieved 4 May 2022.
- ^ Chandra, Ritu. "Education and the Poverty Trap in Rural Areas" (PDF).
- ^ Raghavendra, R. H. (19 February 2020). "Literacy and Health Status of Scheduled Castes in India". Contemporary Voice of Dalit. 12 (1): 97–110. doi:10.1177/2455328X19898449. ISSN 2455-328X. S2CID 213815382.
- ^ "National Education Policy 2020 and Marginals - A Primer" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2021-10-28. Retrieved 2022-05-13.
- ^ Sullivan, A., Ketende, S., & Joshi, H. (2013). Social Class and Inequalities in Early Cognitive Scores. Sociology.
- ^ Feinstein, L. (2003). Inequality in the early cognitive development of British children in the 1970 cohort. Economica, 70(277), 73–97.
- ^ Tahir, Imran (18 August 2022). "The UK education system preserves inequality". The Conversation. Retrieved 18 August 2022.
- ^ Leonhardt, D. (2005), Class matters: The college dropout boom The New York Times
- ^ Spellings, Margaret. "10 Facts About K-12 Education Funding". ED.gov. June 2005. U.S. Department of Education. 28 November 2011 http://www2.ed.gov/about/overview/fed/10facts/index.html.
- ^ a b Bjornberg, U. & Dahlgren, L. Policy: The case of Sweden. University of York, United Kingdom. http://www.york.ac.uk/inst/spru/research/nordic/swedenpoli.pdf
- ^ a b Clawson, D. & Gerstel, N. (2007). Caring for our young: Childcare in Europe and the United States. Ed. Ferguson, S.J. Shifting the center: Understanding contemporary families. 3rd Ed. McGraw Hill: Boston, MA
External links
[edit]Educational inequality
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Measurement
Conceptual Foundations
Educational inequality denotes the persistent disparities in access to educational resources, quality of instruction, and achievement outcomes across individuals and groups, primarily correlated with socioeconomic status, family background, and innate cognitive differences. These gaps emerge early in life and compound over time, as evidenced by international assessments like PISA 2015, where students in the lowest socioeconomic quartile scored 84 points lower in reading and 86 points lower in mathematics compared to the highest quartile—equivalent to nearly one standard deviation.[13] Conceptually, such inequality reflects heterogeneous inputs into the human capital production function, including parental time investments (e.g., college-educated U.S. parents devote over three additional hours weekly to child enrichment activities compared to the 1970s baseline) and school resources, which interact with students' varying capacities to produce divergent learning trajectories.[13] At its foundational level, educational inequality stems from causal mechanisms rooted in individual variation and environmental contingencies rather than solely institutional barriers. Twin studies across cohorts and regions estimate the heritability of educational attainment at 40-70%, attributing much of the variance to genetic influences on traits like intelligence and self-regulation, which interact with shared family environments to shape outcomes.[14] [15] This heritability underscores that equal provision of educational inputs does not yield uniform outputs, as differences in innate potential—evident in stability of achievement where 70% of variance traces to genetic factors—limit the efficacy of uniform policies in erasing gaps.[16] Empirical models of skill formation, such as those by Cunha and Heckman (2007), highlight dynamic complementarity: early-acquired cognitive and noncognitive skills enhance returns to later investments, amplifying initial disparities if parental or genetic endowments differ.[13] Human capital theory provides a core framework, positing education as an investment augmenting productivity and earnings; inequalities in its accumulation thus perpetuate intergenerational economic divides, with persistence rates around 0.6 in cohorts like Germany's NEPS data.[13] Philosophically, this contrasts with ideals of equality of educational opportunity, which seek to neutralize morally arbitrary factors like birth circumstances but acknowledge that fair processes cannot mandate equal results due to inherent heterogeneity.[17] Sources emphasizing systemic oppression often understate these biological and familial causations, as twin and adoption studies reveal environmental shares (25-36%) insufficient alone to explain observed gaps without genetic components.[18] Multi-generational transmission, driven by latent family traits rather than purely observable income, further illustrates how inequality endures absent interventions targeting root variances.[13]Key Metrics and Indices
The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), conducted by the OECD every three years, evaluates 15-year-olds' competencies in mathematics, reading, and science, providing metrics on achievement gaps linked to socio-economic status. In the 2022 assessment, the average performance gap between socio-economically advantaged and disadvantaged students across OECD countries was 93 score points in mathematics, 89 points in reading, and 88 points in science; each point equates to about one month's schooling, making these disparities equivalent to nearly three years of learning.[19] These gaps have remained relatively stable over recent cycles, with socio-economic status explaining around 15-20% of variance in scores.[19] The education Gini coefficient adapts the income inequality measure to quantify dispersion in educational attainment, typically years of schooling or test scores, with values ranging from 0 (perfect equality) to 1 (maximum inequality). Globally, the average education Gini stood at approximately 0.22 as of recent estimates, reflecting moderate inequality that has declined by about 2.8 percentage points every five years since the 1970s, driven by expanded access in developing regions.[20] Higher values persist in low-income countries, often exceeding 0.3, while advanced economies maintain levels below 0.1. The World Inequality Database on Education (WIDE), maintained by UNESCO, compiles household survey data to track access and outcome disparities by wealth, gender, ethnicity, and location, using indicators such as completion rates and proficiency levels. Primary completion rates, for instance, frequently show ratios of over 1.5 between the richest and poorest wealth quintiles in low- and middle-income countries, with urban-rural gaps amplifying differences.[21] Upper secondary completion exhibits even wider divides, often below 50% for the poorest groups versus near-universal for the wealthiest.[22] Proficiency metrics, derived from standardized tests, reveal similar patterns, with wealthier students disproportionately achieving basic reading or numeracy thresholds.[22] Other prominent indices include the World Bank's learning poverty rate, which measures the share of 10-year-olds unable to read and understand simple text, disaggregated by income levels to highlight inequality; globally, it exceeded 80% in low-income countries as of 2022 data.[23] Complementary assessments like the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) provide subject-specific inequality metrics, often mirroring PISA's socio-economic gradients but with finer grade-level granularity.[24] These tools collectively enable cross-national comparisons, though they emphasize observable outcomes over underlying causal mechanisms.[25]Challenges in Quantification
Quantifying educational inequality poses significant methodological hurdles due to ambiguities in defining core concepts such as inequality of opportunity versus inequality of outcomes. For instance, measures of opportunity often rely on parametric stochastic dominance methods to isolate circumstances like parental background from individual effort, but these approaches can attribute 31-40% of performance variance to non-circumstantial factors such as pupil effort and preferences, potentially underestimating true inequality if effort is unequally distributed.[26] Distinguishing between systemic barriers and innate or behavioral differences further complicates assessments, as empirical separation of educational qualifications' role in skill enhancement versus signaling underlying abilities remains challenging.[27] Data comparability across contexts exacerbates these issues, with socioeconomic status (SES) proxies varying widely in reliability; household income or parental education metrics often fail to capture nuanced family influences, leading to inconsistent gap estimates in studies like those using kindergarten entry data.[7] International assessments such as PISA face criticism for emphasizing narrow, testable skills in reading, math, and science while overlooking immeasurable aspects like creativity or civic education, potentially distorting inequality portrayals by prioritizing quantifiable outputs over holistic learning.[28] Moreover, national scores in PISA or NAEP are sensitive to demographic compositions, such as poverty rates, where adjusting for low-SES student proportions can shift U.S. rankings dramatically from middling to top-tier among OECD peers.[29][30] Test engagement and stakes introduce additional biases, as low-motivation environments inflate performance gaps by over 50% in low-stakes assessments compared to high-stakes ones, confounding inequality metrics with behavioral responses rather than pure ability differences.[31] Tracking inequalities in participation (e.g., enrollment) versus learning outcomes requires integrating sparse data from low-income regions, where administrative records underreport non-formal education or dropout nuances, hindering global benchmarks.[32] Proposed indices, such as variance-based achievement measures or opportunity-adjusted Gini coefficients for test scores, address some gaps but demand robust circumstance-effort decompositions that current datasets rarely support, often relying on assumptions vulnerable to omitted variables like cultural capital.[25] These limitations underscore the need for multifaceted indicators beyond standardized tests to avoid overemphasizing individual variances at the expense of structural insights.[11]Primary Causes
Socioeconomic and Family Structure Influences
Socioeconomic status, encompassing parental income, education, and occupation, exerts a substantial influence on children's educational outcomes through mechanisms such as resource availability and home learning environments. Children from low-income families demonstrate lower academic achievement, with research indicating that a $1,000 increase in annual family income correlates with a 5-6% standard deviation gain in young children's cognitive test scores, suggesting direct causal impacts via improved nutrition, reduced stress, and enriched early experiences.[33] Parental education levels further amplify this effect; for instance, mothers with higher educational attainment foster environments that indirectly boost child achievement through enhanced parental expectations and involvement in schooling.[34] The socioeconomic achievement gap has widened over time, growing 30-40% larger for children born around 2001 compared to those born 25 years earlier, driven by divergent investments in extracurriculars and test preparation among higher-income families. Family structure significantly mediates these socioeconomic influences, with children in stable two-parent households outperforming peers in single-parent or disrupted families on key metrics. On average, U.S. students from two-parent families achieve about one grade level higher in reading and math than those from single-parent homes, equivalent to a 27-point gap on standardized scales, attributable to greater parental supervision, financial stability, and time for homework assistance.[35] Family instability, such as transitions from two-parent to single-parent arrangements, reduces parental involvement in education, leading to lower test scores and higher dropout risks; longitudinal data from birth to age 10-11 show that such changes diminish reading and math proficiency by disrupting consistent support structures.[36] In non-nuclear families, including single-parent or stepfamily setups, children face elevated rates of grade retention and delayed educational attainment, with effects persisting into adulthood—teens from single-parent homes complete fewer years of schooling by age 24 compared to intact-family peers.[37][38] These influences intersect, as single-parent households often coincide with lower socioeconomic resources, compounding disadvantages through reduced economic mobility and monitoring of academic progress. Empirical studies control for income yet find independent effects of family structure, implying causal pathways beyond mere finances, such as divided parental attention and higher instability.[39] Children in two-biological-parent homes are twice as likely to graduate from selective colleges, highlighting how intact structures facilitate college enrollment and completion amid socioeconomic pressures.[40] While institutional factors like school funding exacerbate gaps, family-level dynamics—rooted in resource allocation and relational stability—remain primary drivers, with evidence from diverse contexts underscoring their universality.[9]Cultural and Behavioral Determinants
Cultural attitudes toward effort, discipline, and intellectual achievement vary across groups and profoundly influence educational outcomes, often overriding socioeconomic constraints. For example, East Asian and Asian American families, influenced by Confucian values emphasizing perseverance and scholarly success, instill habits of extended study and high parental expectations, leading to superior performance in international assessments like PISA, where East Asian countries consistently rank at the top despite comparable or lower per-pupil spending in some cases.[41] In the United States, Asian high school students report spending nearly two hours per day on homework—double the time of White students and more than triple that of Black students—correlating with higher GPAs and standardized test scores across income levels.[42] These patterns persist even among low-income Asian immigrants, suggesting cultural transmission of behaviors like deferred gratification and family-supervised study routines as key mediators.[43] Behavioral determinants, including self-regulation and peer influences, further exacerbate inequalities when maladaptive patterns predominate. Longitudinal studies indicate that externalizing behaviors, such as aggression or hyperactivity, predict declines in math and reading achievement from early childhood through adolescence, with effect sizes persisting after controlling for family background.[44] Similarly, internalizing issues like anxiety reduce cognitive engagement, accounting for up to 10-15% of variance in academic trajectories. Peer groups amplify these effects; exposure to disruptive classmates lowers individual performance by 0.1-0.2 standard deviations in standardized tests, as negative behaviors spread through imitation and distraction.[45] In contrast, cultures fostering "grit"—sustained effort despite setbacks—yield measurable gains; students with high non-cognitive persistence complete more coursework and achieve higher graduation rates, independent of IQ.[46] Economist Thomas Sowell contends that such cultural and behavioral factors explain group disparities more convincingly than systemic discrimination, citing historical evidence: Jewish and Irish immigrants in the 19th-20th centuries overcame prejudice through cultural emphases on literacy and work ethic, attaining educational parity within generations, while groups resistant to these adaptations lagged.[47] Empirical support comes from dynamic cultural capital models, where active parental practices—like discussing books or enforcing routines—boost schooling outcomes by 20-30% beyond static traits like parental education level.[48] However, mainstream academic narratives often underemphasize these voluntary behavioral elements, attributing gaps primarily to external barriers despite evidence from controlled studies showing cultural transmission across SES strata.[49] Interventions targeting behaviors, such as habit-building programs, have narrowed gaps by 0.15 standard deviations in randomized trials, underscoring causality.[50]Genetic and Innate Factors
Twin and adoption studies consistently demonstrate high heritability for educational attainment and achievement, with genetic factors accounting for 40-80% of variance in various populations and cohorts.[51] A meta-analysis of twin studies across multiple countries estimated heritability at approximately 60% for differences in educational achievement, with shared environmental influences explaining less variance as individuals age.[52] Adoption studies further isolate genetic effects, showing that adoptees' cognitive abilities and academic outcomes correlate more strongly with biological parents' traits than adoptive family environments, supporting heritability estimates for IQ—closely linked to educational success—at 50-70% in adulthood.[53] These findings indicate that innate genetic endowments contribute substantially to disparities in learning outcomes, independent of postnatal rearing conditions.[54] Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have identified thousands of genetic variants associated with educational attainment, enabling polygenic scores (PGS) that predict 10-16% of variance in years of schooling and academic performance within independent samples.[55] For instance, a large-scale GWAS meta-analysis derived PGS explaining 11-13% of educational attainment variance, with genetic correlations to intelligence around 0.7, underscoring shared polygenic architecture between cognitive ability and scholastic success.[56] These molecular insights reveal that educational inequality partly stems from polygenic differences influencing traits like intelligence, motivation, and self-regulation, which manifest early and persist across development.[57] Predictive power of PGS holds across diverse ancestries, though transferability varies, affirming a causal genetic role beyond environmental confounders.[58] Beyond intelligence, genetic influences extend to non-cognitive factors such as behavioral traits that mediate academic achievement, with heritability contributing to the stability of outcomes from childhood through adolescence.[59] Cross-national comparisons show genetic effects on achievement are robust but modulated by societal equality; in more egalitarian environments, heritability increases as shared environmental variance decreases, suggesting innate differences amplify under reduced external barriers.[60] This pattern challenges purely environmental explanations for inequality, as genetic variance persists and explains much of the unclosed gaps in interventions like schooling equalization. Empirical data thus support viewing genetic and innate factors as foundational drivers of educational disparities, with implications for policy realism over ideological denial.[15]Institutional Barriers and Policy Distortions
Teacher certification requirements and tenure protections in many public school systems create barriers to hiring effective educators, particularly in low-income districts where turnover is high and qualified applicants are scarce. For instance, rigid state licensing standards often prioritize pedagogical coursework over subject-matter expertise, reducing the pool of potential teachers by up to 50% in some analyses. These rules, intended to ensure quality, instead exacerbate shortages, as evidenced by studies showing that easing certification correlates with modest gains in student math scores in urban areas. Teacher unions, through collective bargaining agreements, frequently oppose performance-based pay and dismissal of underperforming staff, distorting incentives toward seniority over effectiveness and widening achievement gaps. Empirical research indicates that mandatory bargaining laws boost outcomes for high-achieving students while depressing them for low-achievers, with effects equivalent to shifting a student from the 50th to the 40th percentile in reading proficiency.[61] Similarly, unionized districts exhibit lower graduation rates for disadvantaged pupils, as unions resist reforms like extended school days or targeted interventions that could address inequality but increase workload.[62] In Wisconsin, the 2011 weakening of union powers via Act 10 led to initial declines in test scores, but longer-term data suggest improved fiscal efficiency without proportional achievement drops, highlighting trade-offs in union influence.[63] Bureaucratic expansion in public education diverts resources from instruction, with non-teaching administrative staff consuming up to 72% more of budgets relative to international peers, correlating with reduced student performance.[64] States with larger educational bureaucracies in 1984 showed lower high school graduation probabilities, even after controlling for spending levels, as administrative overhead absorbs funds without enhancing classroom outcomes.[65] Federal policies like Title I, while aimed at equity, impose compliance mandates that inflate district-level paperwork, further straining low-resource schools.[66] School funding equalization reforms, such as those following 1970s court rulings like California's Serrano v. Priest (1971), have narrowed per-pupil spending disparities but failed to close achievement gaps, often due to inefficient allocation toward non-instructional costs rather than high-need interventions.[67] Despite progressive formulas directing more funds to poor districts—reaching near-equality by income in many states by 2020—racial outcome disparities widened in some regions, as equal dollars do not yield equal results amid varying district efficiencies and student needs.[68] Policy distortions, including resistance to weighted funding for at-risk students, perpetuate this, with evidence from interstate comparisons showing that untargeted equalization boosts mobility only marginally without accompanying productivity reforms.[69] Restrictions on school choice mechanisms, such as caps on charter school enrollment, limit access for low-income families to higher-performing options, entrenching inequality in assigned districts. Charter schools, operating outside traditional union constraints, deliver superior outcomes for disadvantaged students—gaining 16 additional days of reading instruction equivalent annually—while receiving 20-30% less public funding per pupil.[70] Urban charters in particular narrow racial gaps by 10-20% in math proficiency, yet policy barriers like authorization hurdles and facility funding denials hinder scaling, confining benefits to lotteries rather than universal access.[71] These distortions reflect institutional inertia favoring district monopolies over competitive pressures that empirical models link to systemic improvement.[72]Demographic Disparities
Gender-Based Gaps
In OECD countries, female students consistently outperform males in reading assessments, while males hold an advantage in mathematics, as evidenced by the 2022 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA). Across 81 participating countries and economies, the average gender gap in reading favored females by 27 score points, whereas males led in mathematics by 15 points on average, with females outperforming males in math in only three countries.[19][73] These patterns persist despite overall declines in performance post-pandemic, highlighting domain-specific disparities rather than uniform female disadvantage. In the United States, the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) for 2022 revealed similar trends: fourth-grade females scored 6 points higher than males in reading (217 vs. 211), a gap unchanged from 2019, while eighth-grade females led by 8 points (260 vs. 252).[74] In mathematics, gaps were narrower, with males slightly ahead in some grades, but both genders experienced declines of 5-8 points from pre-pandemic levels. These achievement differences contribute to broader attainment gaps, where females comprise 59% of college enrollees among recent high school graduates and achieve bachelor's degrees at higher rates: 47% of women aged 25-34 hold one compared to 37% of men as of 2024.[75][76] Six-year college graduation rates further underscore this, at 67.9% for women versus 61.3% for men entering in fall 2017.[76] Globally, access disparities have narrowed, with gender parity achieved in primary enrollment rates by 2022 per UNESCO data, though secondary completion rates for girls lag in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia due to factors like early marriage and conflict.[77][78] In contrast, a "reverse gap" emerges in higher education, where women outnumber men in tertiary enrollment in over 100 countries, comprising 55% of global students.[79] Persistent outcome gaps include lower female participation in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields, linked to interest and stereotype effects, while boys exhibit higher disengagement rates, including suspensions and lower aspirations, potentially tied to behavioral mismatches with classroom structures favoring compliance over activity.[80][81]| Assessment | Domain | Gender Gap (2022) | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| PISA (OECD avg.) | Reading | Females +27 points | [19] |
| PISA (OECD avg.) | Mathematics | Males +15 points | [19] |
| NAEP Grade 4 (US) | Reading | Females +6 points | [74] |
| NAEP Grade 8 (US) | Reading | Females +8 points | [74] |
| College Bachelor's (US, ages 25-34) | Attainment | Females 47% vs. Males 37% | [75] |
Racial and Ethnic Variations
In the United States, standardized assessments reveal substantial differences in academic performance across racial and ethnic groups. The 2022 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) reported average eighth-grade mathematics scores of 305 for Asian/Pacific Islander students, 282 for White students, 269 for Hispanic students, and 260 for Black students, with the Black-White gap of 22 points unchanged from prior assessments despite overall declines. Similar disparities appear in fourth-grade mathematics (Asian/Pacific Islander: 257; White: 241; Hispanic: 227; Black: 220) and reading scores, where Black and Hispanic students score 25-30 points below White students on average.[82] These gaps, equivalent to roughly one academic year, persist after controlling for socioeconomic status (SES), with studies showing 40-50% of the Black-White difference unexplained by family income, parental education, or school quality.[83] Educational attainment follows analogous patterns. Among 25- to 29-year-olds, 72% of Asian Americans held a bachelor's degree or higher in recent National Center for Education Statistics data, compared to 45% of Whites, 28% of Blacks, and 25% of Hispanics; high school completion rates reached 98% for Asians and Whites but 90% for Blacks and 89% for Hispanics.[84] College completion rates for entering cohorts (150% normal time) stand at 36% for Asians, 32% for Whites, 24% for Hispanics, and 21% for Blacks, with gaps widening at selective institutions where Asian enrollment exceeds White rates despite affirmative action policies.[85] Peer-reviewed analyses attribute partial persistence to cultural factors like study habits among East Asian subgroups and family structure, alongside evidence from adoption and twin studies indicating heritable components correlating with IQ differences of 10-15 points between groups.[86][87] Internationally, ethnic variations manifest through immigrant-origin groups in assessments like PISA 2022, where students of non-European immigrant backgrounds (e.g., from sub-Saharan Africa or Latin America) score 20-40 points lower in mathematics than native populations after SES adjustments, mirroring U.S. patterns for Black and Hispanic subgroups.[19] In Europe, second-generation immigrants from certain ethnicities close gaps less than others; for instance, those of Turkish or North African descent lag 30-50 points behind host-country averages, while East Asian immigrants outperform natives.[88] These differences hold across contexts, with meta-analyses confirming that environmental explanations alone fail to account for full variances, as gaps endure in high-equity systems like those in Scandinavia.[89] Mainstream academic sources often emphasize discrimination or SES while underweighting behavioral or cognitive heritability, yet longitudinal data from standardized tests consistently validate the observed hierarchies.[90]Immigrant Status and Geographic Differences
First-generation immigrants in the United States typically exhibit lower initial educational outcomes compared to native-born students, with studies showing consistent gaps in academic performance attributable to factors such as language proficiency deficits and varying pre-migration schooling quality.[91] However, selective immigration mechanisms, which prioritize skilled workers, result in immigrants overall comprising 17 percent of college-educated adults ages 25 and older as of 2024, slightly exceeding their share of the total population.[92] Second-generation immigrants—children of immigrants born in the U.S.—demonstrate higher educational attainment than natives, with census data indicating they are more likely to earn bachelor's degrees or higher, a pattern linked to parental motivation and cultural emphasis on education in select groups, such as those of Asian origin who outperform peers on standardized tests.[93][94] Refugee-background children, by contrast, show markedly lower test scores, persisting into later grades due to trauma and disrupted prior education.[95] Geographic disparities exacerbate educational inequality, particularly between urban and rural areas. In the U.S., rural adults aged 25 and older had a high school completion rate of 34 percent compared to higher postsecondary attainment in urban settings, with urban-rural gaps in bachelor's degree attainment widening for cohorts born after 1980 due to limited access to advanced coursework and higher education institutions in rural locales.[96][97] Rural schools enroll about 19 percent of U.S. students but face resource constraints, contributing to lower average outcomes despite some improvements in associate degree attainment from 5.7 percent in 2000 to 10.2 percent in 2023.[98][99] Globally, location-based inequalities are pronounced, with the World Inequality Database documenting stark urban-rural divides in enrollment and completion rates, driven by infrastructure deficits and economic opportunities concentrated in cities; for instance, rural students in low-income countries lag significantly in learning-adjusted years of schooling.[22] These patterns reflect causal factors like funding allocation and teacher distribution rather than inherent student differences, though urban areas can amplify inequality through concentrated poverty in underperforming districts.[100] ![Guinea schoolgirls.jpg][float-right] In developing regions, geographic isolation compounds immigrant-related challenges, as migrant families settling in rural or peripheral areas encounter compounded barriers to quality education, including fewer schools and higher dropout rates compared to urban immigrant enclaves.[101] Empirical analyses confirm that such disparities persist across generations unless mitigated by policy, with second-generation outcomes improving more in accessible urban environments.[102]Historical Context
Origins in the United States
Educational inequality in the United States originated in the colonial period, when formal schooling was sporadic and accessible primarily to white boys from families of means through private tutors, church schools, or dame schools. In the early republic, public education remained limited; New England colonies established town-funded grammar schools as early as 1642 under laws like Massachusetts' Old Deluder Satan Act, which aimed to combat illiteracy for religious purposes but excluded girls, the poor, Native Americans, and enslaved Africans. Southern colonies prioritized plantation economies over widespread education, with literacy rates among whites around 75% by the early 19th century but near zero for enslaved populations due to explicit prohibitions.[103][104][105] The 19th century saw the rise of the common school movement, spearheaded by Horace Mann as Massachusetts Board of Education secretary from 1837 to 1848, which advocated for tax-supported, non-sectarian schools open to all white children to foster republican virtues and economic mobility. However, implementation reinforced class disparities, as rural and urban poor families faced barriers like child labor and inadequate infrastructure, while wealthier households supplemented public schooling with private academies. Racial exclusion intensified; Southern states enacted anti-literacy laws from 1740 to 1867 criminalizing education for enslaved people to preserve social control, and even after emancipation in 1865, Black access remained curtailed.[106][107][105] Post-Civil War Reconstruction briefly expanded opportunities via the Freedmen's Bureau, which established over 4,000 schools for freed slaves by 1870, but Southern resistance led to de jure segregation codified in state laws. The 1896 Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson upheld "separate but equal" facilities, enabling grossly unequal funding—by 1900, per-pupil expenditures for white Southern schools averaged $18 versus $2 for Black schools—entrenching racial disparities that persisted into the 20th century. Immigrant waves from Europe further highlighted ethnic and class divides, with recent arrivals often relegated to overcrowded, under-resourced urban schools.[108][109][110]Global Historical Patterns
Throughout ancient civilizations, formal education was predominantly restricted to elite males, serving to perpetuate social hierarchies rather than promote broad access. In Mesopotamia and Egypt around 3000 BCE, scribal training prepared upper-class boys for administrative roles, with girls and lower strata largely excluded from literacy and instruction. Similarly, in classical Greece (5th-4th centuries BCE) and Rome, education emphasized rhetoric and philosophy for freeborn males of citizen families, barring slaves, women, and the impoverished from systematic schooling. In ancient China, the Confucian curriculum and imperial examinations from the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) offered theoretical mobility but required familial resources for preparation, favoring landed gentry over peasants. Indian Vedic traditions (c. 1500 BCE onward) confined advanced learning to upper castes, embedding inequality in religious and social structures. Global literacy rates before 1000 CE hovered below 5-10%, confined to clerical, noble, and mercantile classes, with negligible female participation.[111][112] Medieval and early modern periods sustained these disparities, though regional variations emerged. In feudal Europe (5th-15th centuries CE), education centered on monastic schools for clergy and nobility, with urban guilds providing limited vocational training to apprentices; female literacy remained under 5% continent-wide. The Islamic world (8th-13th centuries) expanded access via madrasas, achieving literacy rates of 10-20% among urban males, yet gender and class barriers persisted, excluding rural poor and most women. The invention of the printing press in the 1450s facilitated gradual literacy gains in Europe, reaching 20-30% by 1800, primarily among Protestant males due to religious emphasis on Bible reading; Asia and Africa lagged at 5-10%, tied to elite scribal traditions. Compulsory education precedents appeared sporadically, such as Prussia's 1763 mandate for ages 5-13, but enforcement favored urban middles over rural laborers. Colonial expansions (16th-19th centuries) often prioritized basic instruction for European settlers and local elites, while indigenous populations in the Americas, Africa, and Asia received minimal or missionary-led schooling aimed at conversion rather than empowerment.[112][113] The 19th and 20th centuries marked a shift toward mass education amid industrialization and nationalism, yet inequalities adapted rather than vanished. European states enacted widespread compulsory laws—Britain's 1870 Education Act, France's 1882 Ferry Laws—driving male literacy to near 90% by 1900, though female rates trailed at 80% and working-class completion suffered from child labor. Globally, primary enrollment rose from under 50% in 1900 to 80% by 1960 in developed regions, but sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia remained below 30% until post-1950 decolonization and UNESCO initiatives. Literacy surged from 12% worldwide in 1820 to 65% by 1970, narrowing the gender gap from a 10-15 percentage point deficit for females in 1900 to under 5 points by 2000, though low-income countries retained 20-30 point disparities favoring males. Socioeconomic divides endured: by the mid-20th century, children from the bottom income quintile completed 2-3 fewer years of schooling than top-quintile peers across regions, as elites captured emerging secondary and tertiary opportunities. Post-World War II expansions in developing nations reduced absolute exclusion but amplified relative gaps, with rural poor and girls facing persistent barriers in quality and progression.[112][114][115] These patterns reveal a historical constancy: educational systems expanded quantitatively under state compulsion and economic pressures, yet socioeconomic status consistently determined access depth and outcomes, with gender biases yielding to policy only partially and regionally. In pre-industrial eras, rarity confined benefits to elites; modern universalism masked quality divergences, as evidenced by persistent attainment gradients where higher-status families invested in supplementary resources.[116][112]Post-20th Century Shifts
In the decades following World War II, particularly from the 1980s onward, global educational inequality shifted toward greater access to primary and secondary education, driven by expanded public systems and international aid efforts, which reduced absolute disparities in enrollment rates across countries. By 2010, the global mean years of schooling had risen to approximately 7.9 years from 5.3 in 1980, with between-country inequality declining as developing nations closed gaps in basic attainment. However, within-country inequalities in educational quality and outcomes often persisted or intensified, as measured by relative inequality indices like the Gini coefficient for schooling, which showed limited convergence.[117] [115] In developed nations such as the United States and European countries, post-1980 trends revealed a stalling or reversal of mid-20th-century equalization gains, with socioeconomic gaps in achievement widening amid rising income inequality and family structure changes. In the US, the achievement gap between children from the highest and lowest income quintiles expanded by roughly 0.4 standard deviations in reading and mathematics from the late 1970s to the early 2000s, outpacing earlier racial gaps that had narrowed due to desegregation and civil rights policies. European data for cohorts born after 1975 indicate a resurgence in social origin effects on attainment, with odds ratios for university access favoring high-SES backgrounds increasing after decades of decline.[118] [119] [120] Recent assessments underscore persistent outcome disparities despite access improvements, with Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) data showing socioeconomic performance gaps in OECD countries widening from 88 to 93 score points between advantaged and disadvantaged students from 2018 to 2022, amid overall declines in mean scores. These shifts reflect causal factors including uneven school funding, teacher quality variations, and non-cognitive skill gaps emerging early, rather than mere access barriers, as low-SES students entered school with cognitive deficits already 0.5-1 standard deviation larger by kindergarten. Globally, while gender enrollment gaps closed—reversing historical male advantages—inequalities tied to parental education and economic status drove divergent higher education trajectories, with university attainment rates surging 83% on average across 17 countries from 1990 to 2020 but disproportionately benefiting advantaged groups.[3] [7] [10]Consequences
Individual-Level Impacts
Individuals disadvantaged by educational inequality often experience stunted cognitive development, with early disparities in access to quality instruction leading to persistent gaps in literacy, numeracy, and executive function skills. For instance, children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds enter school with cognitive skill deficits averaging 0.5 to 1 standard deviation below their higher-status peers, and these gaps typically widen by adolescence due to cumulative effects of inferior teaching and resources.[7] [121] Such deficits impair problem-solving and adaptability, reducing individuals' capacity for higher-order learning and innovation throughout life.[122] In the labor market, these skill shortfalls translate to lower productivity and earnings, with empirical analyses showing that cognitive abilities acquired through uneven schooling explain up to 20-30% of lifetime wage variance independent of formal credentials. Adults with suboptimal education face unemployment rates 1.5 to 2 times higher than better-educated counterparts, alongside limited occupational mobility into high-skill roles.[123] For example, reductions in school resources correlate with 5-10% lower adult hourly wages, as measured in quasi-experimental studies of funding disparities.[124] This perpetuates cycles of financial instability, as individuals with inferior educational inputs invest less in further training due to eroded human capital.[122] Health consequences are profound, with lower educational attainment causally linked to elevated risks of chronic diseases and premature mortality. Each additional year of schooling decreases five-year mortality by approximately 1.8 percentage points and heart disease incidence by 2.16 percentage points, effects driven by improved health literacy, behavioral choices, and access to preventive care.[125] Unequal educational distributions exacerbate longevity gaps, where high inequality in years of schooling increases variance in life expectancy by up to 2-3 years across cohorts.[126] Individuals from under-resourced systems also exhibit higher rates of obesity, smoking, and mental health disorders, compounding physical decline.[127] Psychologically, educational inequality fosters diminished self-efficacy and well-being, with longitudinal data revealing that persistent academic underachievement correlates with 10-15% lower subjective happiness scores in adulthood.[128] This manifests in higher incarceration risks—persons without high school completion are 3-4 times more likely to be imprisoned—and reduced family stability, as limited skills hinder partnership formation and parenting efficacy.[129] Overall, these individual trajectories underscore education's role as a causal lever for personal agency, where disparities in input quality yield compounding deficits in output capabilities.[122]Societal and Economic Ramifications
Educational inequality contributes to diminished economic growth by constraining human capital development and productivity. Empirical estimates indicate that learning gaps and out-of-school children result in an annual global economic loss of approximately $10 trillion, equivalent to about 10% of global GDP, due to foregone earnings and reduced innovation potential.[130] Reducing the proportion of early school leavers and those lacking basic skills by 10% could boost annual world GDP by 1-2 percentage points through enhanced workforce capabilities.[131] Furthermore, persistent disparities in educational attainment exacerbate income inequality and hinder intergenerational social mobility, as evidenced by the "Great Gatsby Curve," where countries with higher educational inequality exhibit lower mobility rates, limiting overall economic dynamism.[132] On the societal front, educational gaps correlate with elevated crime rates, as lower attainment reduces legitimate employment opportunities and impulse control. A study exploiting variations in U.S. compulsory schooling laws found that increasing high school graduation rates yields social savings from crime reduction amounting to 14-26% of the private returns to education for men, through decreased incarceration and victimization costs.[133] Health outcomes also suffer, with individuals possessing only primary education facing a mortality risk up to twice that of tertiary-educated peers; completing secondary education lowers the risk of premature death by nearly 25%, while 18 years of schooling reduces it by 34%, amplifying disparities in longevity and healthcare burdens.[134] These ramifications extend to eroded social cohesion, where unequal educational access fosters distrust and fragmentation. Cross-national analyses reveal a linear inverse relationship between educational inequality and social cohesion indices, independent of income effects, as disparities undermine shared civic values and community solidarity.[135] Such patterns persist despite potential biases in academic sourcing toward emphasizing systemic factors over individual agency, underscoring the causal role of skill deficits in perpetuating broader societal strains.[122]Policy Interventions
Redistribution and Affirmative Measures
Redistribution policies in education seek to equalize funding across school districts by transferring resources from wealthier areas to poorer ones, often through state-level formulas or court-ordered reforms aimed at mitigating disparities tied to local property taxes. In the United States, landmark cases such as California's Serrano v. Priest (1971) prompted finance equalization, reducing spending variation between high- and low-wealth districts by up to 50% in some states. Federal programs like Title I allocate over $18 billion annually (as of 2023) to high-poverty schools, targeting supplemental aid to narrow resource gaps.[136] Empirical studies indicate that such redistributive increases in per-pupil spending yield modest gains in student outcomes, particularly for low-income students, but fail to substantially close achievement gaps. A 2016 analysis of U.S. school finance reforms from 1970–2010 found that a $1,000 sustained spending increase raised high school graduation rates by 7.8 percentage points and adult earnings by 9.8%, with larger effects in low-income districts. However, meta-analyses and longitudinal data reveal persistent racial and socioeconomic gaps post-reform, as funding effects diminish over time and are overshadowed by non-school factors like family structure and peer influences; for instance, post-reform spending equalization in Michigan correlated with only marginal test score improvements (0.1–0.2 standard deviations). Critics, including economist Eric Hanushek, argue that aggregate spending variations explain less than 20% of achievement differences across districts, emphasizing instructional quality over raw dollars.[137] Affirmative measures, including race- or class-based preferences in school assignments and higher education admissions, aim to counteract historical underrepresentation by prioritizing disadvantaged groups. In K-12, desegregation efforts like busing under Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg (1971) temporarily boosted minority enrollment in higher-resource schools but saw limited long-term academic gains, with Black-White test score gaps narrowing by only 0.1 standard deviations despite billions in implementation costs.[138] Higher education affirmative action, practiced at selective U.S. universities until the Supreme Court's 2023 ruling in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard, increased Black and Hispanic enrollment by 15–20% at elite institutions but correlated with higher mismatch risks—where beneficiaries attend schools beyond their academic preparation—leading to graduation rates 10–15% lower than similarly credentialed peers without preferences.[139] The mismatch hypothesis, supported by analyses of law school data, posits that affirmative action places students in environments where they earn lower grades and higher dropout rates compared to matched institutions, reducing overall credentials like bar passage (e.g., 10–20% gaps for Black students at top-tier vs. mid-tier schools).[140] Proponents counter that diversity benefits all students via enriched learning environments, with some reviews finding net positive outcomes in 63% of global studies on minority representation.[141] Yet, post-ban data from states like California (after Proposition 209 in 1996) show no decline in minority college access overall and potential gains in graduation rates at less selective schools, challenging claims of broad harm from ending preferences.[142] Internationally, quota systems in India’s higher education have expanded access for lower castes but yielded mixed results, with affirmative admits often underperforming peers by 0.5–1 standard deviation on metrics like employment placement.[143] Evaluations highlight that while these measures address immediate access barriers, they rarely eradicate underlying inequalities, as achievement disparities—such as the 1–1.5 standard deviation Black-White gap in U.S. NAEP scores—persist amid stable or widening socioeconomic divides.[144] Causal analyses attribute limited efficacy to intervening variables like cognitive skill development prior to intervention, underscoring that redistribution and affirmative actions treat symptoms rather than root causes rooted in family and cultural factors.[145]Market-Oriented Reforms
Market-oriented reforms in education seek to mitigate inequality by fostering competition among schools, empowering parental choice, and tying funding to performance rather than geographic assignment. These approaches posit that public school monopolies stifle innovation and responsiveness, particularly disadvantaging low-socioeconomic status (SES) students in underperforming districts, and that market incentives—such as vouchers or charters—enable families to select higher-quality options, compelling improvements across the system through rivalry and accountability.[146] Empirical evaluations, often via randomized controlled trials (RCTs), reveal heterogeneous outcomes, with benefits accruing to participants in rigorous programs but inconsistent broad reductions in achievement gaps due to factors like program design and participation rates.[147] School vouchers, which redirect public funds to private or alternative schooling, exemplify these reforms; programs like the 1990 Milwaukee Parental Choice Program targeted low-income families, aiming to bypass failing urban publics. RCTs from U.S. voucher initiatives, including Washington D.C.'s Opportunity Scholarship (2004-2010), show mixed academic impacts: short-term math declines in some cases (e.g., -0.15 to -0.50 standard deviations in Louisiana and Ohio, 2015-2018), but potential long-term gains in graduation rates, especially for Black students. A 2021 meta-analysis of 21 studies across U.S., Indian, and Colombian programs found modest positive effects on test scores overall (+0.05 to +0.15 SD), stronger abroad, though U.S. results were tempered by selection into lower-quality private options.[148][149][150] For inequality, vouchers can narrow gaps for users by facilitating access to better environments, but flat designs without means-testing may exacerbate disparities if higher-SES families dominate participation.[151] Charter schools, publicly funded yet autonomously managed, introduce competition by drawing students and resources from traditional districts; expansions since the 1990s, such as in Massachusetts and New York City, have enrolled disproportionate low-SES and minority students. A meta-analysis of experimental evidence on "No Excuses" charters—emphasizing discipline, extended time, and high expectations—estimates annual gains of 0.25 SD in math and 0.16 SD in reading, closing about 25% of the Black-White math gap and 20% of the literacy gap after several years, primarily benefiting urban low-income youth. Broader charter effects vary: middle-school math improvements in some metas (+0.10 SD), but null or negative in others for reading or non-urban settings. Competition spillovers appear modestly positive; a 2023 RCT on Florida's Tax Credit Scholarships (2002 onward) found neighboring public schools gaining 0.02-0.05 SD in test scores, with larger boosts (up to 0.10 SD) for low-SES subgroups, suggesting rivalry incentivizes public enhancements without cream-skimming dominance.[152][153] However, rigorous studies indicate persistent challenges: low awareness among eligible low-SES families limits uptake (e.g., only 10-20% participation in mature U.S. programs), and uneven quality can widen gaps if weak charters serve as exit options without systemic pressure.[154] Overall, these reforms demonstrate causal potential to alleviate inequality via direct gains for mobile low-SES students and indirect public school improvements, as evidenced by NBER analyses showing small competitive lifts (0.01-0.03 SD) in districts with 10%+ charter market share. Yet, meta-reviews underscore that effects hinge on oversight, targeting, and scale; poorly regulated choice may sort students by ability, amplifying preexisting disparities absent universal access or performance mandates.[155][156] Academic sources, while rigorous in RCTs, often reflect institutional skepticism toward privatization, potentially underemphasizing positive selection dynamics where informed choice amplifies benefits for the disadvantaged.[157]Early and Targeted Programs
Early and targeted programs address educational inequality by providing intensive interventions, often in preschool or infancy, to children from low-socioeconomic backgrounds or other at-risk groups, aiming to build foundational cognitive and non-cognitive skills before formal schooling begins. These programs typically feature small class sizes, trained educators, and family support components, contrasting with universal approaches by focusing resources on those most disadvantaged to maximize impact per dollar invested. Randomized controlled trials of such initiatives demonstrate varying long-term effects, with high-quality models yielding persistent gains in educational attainment and economic outcomes.[158] The Perry Preschool Project, launched in 1962 in Ypsilanti, Michigan, targeted 123 African American children aged 3-4 from low-income families, offering a high-quality half-day preschool program with home visits. Participants showed significantly higher high school graduation rates (44% vs. 33% in controls), increased college attendance, and elevated earnings into adulthood, alongside reduced criminal activity, with an estimated social rate of return of 7-10% annually. Follow-up data through age 40 confirmed sustained benefits, including multigenerational effects such as improved outcomes for participants' children. These results stem from the program's emphasis on active learning and teacher-child interactions, fostering self-regulation and problem-solving skills that endure beyond initial cognitive boosts.[159][160][161] Similarly, the Abecedarian Project, initiated in 1972 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, provided full-day, year-round care from infancy to age 5 for 111 high-risk infants, incorporating language-rich environments and individualized curricula. Treatment group members achieved higher IQ scores persisting into adulthood, completed more years of schooling (0.5-1 year advantage), and exhibited better employment rates and health behaviors at age 30, with effect sizes remaining moderate despite some convergence over time. The program's intensity—over 40 hours weekly—appears causal in mitigating poverty-related delays, as evidenced by reduced special education needs and improved reading/math achievement in elementary years. Long-term analyses attribute gains partly to enhanced parental engagement and early health screenings.[162][163][164] Larger-scale efforts like Head Start, established in 1965 as a federal program for preschoolers from poor families, have produced mixed results from randomized evaluations. The Head Start Impact Study, tracking over 5,000 children, found short-term cognitive gains that largely faded by third grade, with no significant differences in achievement tests or grade retention. However, quasi-experimental and natural experiment analyses reveal long-term benefits, including higher earnings, reduced crime, and improved health, suggesting non-cognitive mechanisms like behavioral improvements drive societal returns despite academic fade-out. Critics note implementation variability and selection biases in non-randomized studies, underscoring that scaled programs often dilute the intensity of model interventions like Perry or Abecedarian.[165][166][167] Targeted programs in other contexts, such as the Chicago Child-Parent Centers, which served low-income children from preschool through third grade starting in the 1960s, have shown returns of approximately $11 per dollar invested through reduced remedial education and welfare costs. Cross-national evidence from OECD analyses indicates that well-resourced early childhood education and care (ECEC) can narrow achievement gaps by 10% across parental education levels, particularly when emphasizing quality over mere access. Effectiveness hinges on causal factors like teacher qualifications and curriculum focus, with peer-reviewed syntheses confirming that intensive, evidence-based designs outperform diffuse efforts in reducing inequality's intergenerational transmission.[168][169][170]Evaluations of Effectiveness
Evaluations of randomized controlled trials and longitudinal studies of affirmative action policies reveal mixed outcomes in addressing educational inequality. While such measures increase underrepresented minority enrollment in selective institutions, they often result in academic mismatch, where beneficiaries underperform relative to peers, leading to higher dropout rates and lower graduation completion. For instance, analysis of California's Proposition 209, which banned affirmative action in 1996, showed initial declines in minority enrollment but subsequent recovery through alternative outreach, with no long-term exacerbation of inequality gaps in degree attainment. A 2024 NBER study examining affirmative action bans found short-term declines in underrepresented minority women's college completion and earnings, yet these effects were concentrated among lower-performing applicants, suggesting potential efficiency gains from race-neutral alternatives that better align students with suitable institutions.[171][172] Redistributive funding policies, such as increased per-pupil spending targeted at low-income districts, demonstrate modest narrowing of achievement gaps but limited persistence over time. Court-mandated finance reforms in the U.S. from the 1970s to 1990s equalized spending across districts, reducing gaps in standardized test scores by 0.1 to 0.2 standard deviations for low-income students, though effects faded without complementary reforms like teacher quality improvements. Empirical models indicate that while such redistribution boosts short-term inputs like class sizes, it yields diminishing returns on outcomes due to inefficiencies in allocation and behavioral responses among higher-income families opting out of public systems.[173] Market-oriented reforms, including school vouchers and choice programs, show more consistent positive effects for participating disadvantaged students. A 2021 meta-analysis of global voucher experiments found moderate gains in math and reading achievement (0.15-0.25 standard deviations) for voucher recipients, particularly in urban low-income settings, with benefits persisting into adulthood via higher graduation rates. U.S.-specific evaluations, such as those of Milwaukee's voucher program since 1990, report improved attainment and earnings for Black students, though overall system-wide effects on non-participants remain negligible or slightly negative due to cream-skimming concerns. Critics' claims of null effects, as in a 2017 Louisiana study, are contested by reanalyses highlighting selection biases in non-randomized designs.[174][175] Early childhood interventions, exemplified by programs like Head Start launched in 1965, exhibit strong long-term benefits despite initial fade-out of cognitive gains. Rigorous evaluations, including the program's experimental cohorts, indicate sustained improvements in high school completion (by 5-8 percentage points), earnings (up to 10% higher), and reduced criminality for participants from impoverished backgrounds, with benefit-cost ratios exceeding 7:1 when accounting for intergenerational effects. Universal or targeted preschool expansions, as modeled in Perry Preschool replications, reduce later inequality by enhancing socio-emotional skills and human capital, though scalability challenges arise in under-resourced implementations. These outcomes underscore the causal primacy of foundational skill-building over later-stage redistributions.[167][158]Global Comparisons
Developed Nations
Educational inequality in developed nations primarily involves persistent gaps in cognitive skills, academic achievement, and postsecondary attainment linked to socioeconomic status (SES), parental education, and family structure. Across OECD countries, these disparities remain substantial despite universal access to compulsory schooling and high overall enrollment rates. Family background accounts for a larger share of variance in outcomes than school-level factors, with SES gradients explaining up to 15-20% of differences in test scores.[176] The OECD's Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2022 revealed that, on average, disadvantaged students in OECD nations scored 92 points lower in mathematics than advantaged peers, corresponding to nearly three years of education.[19] In the United States, National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) data from 2022 showed a 36-point gap in fourth-grade mathematics between students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch (a SES proxy) and those not eligible.[177] Racial-ethnic gaps compound SES effects; for instance, the White-Black reading gap widened to 28 points in 2022 from 25 points in 2011, even after partial SES controls.[178] In the United Kingdom, the association between family SES and primary school performance has stayed stable over 95 years, with low-SES children scoring one standard deviation below high-SES peers.[179] Cross-nationally, inequality varies: Canada and Finland exhibit smaller SES-achievement gaps (around 70 PISA points) due to selective immigration and cultural emphasis on education, while the U.S. and southern European countries show larger divides exceeding 100 points.[180] In Europe, wealth gaps persist in postsecondary enrollment, with low-wealth students 20-30 percentage points less likely to attend university than high-wealth peers in nations like Germany and Italy.[181] Causal factors include differential parental investment in early cognitive stimulation and home learning environments, which mediate up to 40% of SES effects, rather than school funding or teacher quality alone.[182] Heritability estimates from twin studies indicate genetic influences contribute 50-70% to individual differences in educational attainment, amplifying SES disparities through assortative mating and intergenerational transmission.[176]Developing Economies
Educational inequality in developing economies manifests primarily through stark disparities in access to schooling and learning outcomes, exacerbated by poverty, infrastructure deficits, and geographic isolation. In low- and middle-income countries, learning poverty—the share of 10-year-olds unable to read and understand a simple text—stood at 57% in 2019, rising to approximately 70% following the COVID-19 disruptions, with rates exceeding 80% in regions like Sub-Saharan Africa.[183][184] Globally, around 251 million children and youth remain out of school as of 2024, with the majority concentrated in developing regions such as South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, where progress in reducing out-of-school populations has stalled at a 1% decline over the past decade.[185] Access gaps are pronounced in rural areas, where most out-of-school children reside and where enrollment and completion rates lag significantly behind urban centers due to limited school infrastructure, teacher shortages, and child labor demands. For instance, rural students in developing countries face higher dropout risks, with primary completion rates often 20-30 percentage points lower than in urban areas, driven by economic pressures that prioritize family labor over education.[186][187] Wealth-based disparities compound this, as public education funding disproportionately benefits richer households; in low-income countries, only 11% of such funding reaches the poorest learners, compared to 42% for the wealthiest.[188] Gender disparities, while narrowing at primary levels, persist in secondary and higher education in parts of South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, where cultural norms and early marriage reduce female enrollment by up to 20% in rural settings.[77][78] Quality issues further entrench inequality, with overcrowded classrooms, undertrained teachers, and curricula misaligned with local needs leading to minimal skill acquisition even among enrolled students; empirical assessments show that socioeconomic background explains much of the variance in outcomes, independent of policy inputs.[189] These patterns reflect causal chains from low household investment capacity to systemic under-provision, hindering broad human capital formation essential for economic mobility.[176]Cross-National Lessons
Cross-national assessments such as the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) indicate that socioeconomic status (SES) explains a smaller proportion of variance in student performance in countries like Canada and Estonia compared to the OECD average, where advantaged students outperform disadvantaged peers by approximately 93 PISA points in mathematics.[180] In Canada, the SES performance gap averages around 80-85 points across domains, reflecting policies emphasizing provincial-level equity funding and support for immigrant and indigenous students, which correlate with lower between-school segregation by SES.[190] These systems demonstrate that decentralizing authority to local levels while enforcing national standards can buffer SES impacts without central micromanagement, as evidenced by Canada's consistent top-quartile ranking in equity metrics despite diverse provincial approaches.[191] A recurring feature in low-inequality performers is rigorous teacher selection and professional development; for instance, historical Finnish practices drew teachers from the top third of graduates, coupled with master's-level training, contributing to a SES gap of 83 points in PISA 2022 mathematics before recent declines linked to immigration and curricular shifts.[192][193] In contrast, Singapore's meritocratic streaming at age 12 narrows absolute gaps through targeted interventions for lower tracks but perpetuates inequality via private tutoring prevalence, where shadow education amplifies SES disparities by up to 20-30% in achievement variance.[194] This highlights a causal tension: early ability grouping can accelerate high performers but entrenches divides unless paired with resource equalization, as Singapore's gap remains larger than Canada's despite overall high scores.[195] Policies delaying academic tracking until adolescence, as in most Nordic and Canadian systems, reduce SES-driven sorting into schools, lowering the between-school variance component of inequality to under 20% of total variance in equity-strong nations versus over 40% in selective systems like Germany's.[180] Equitable per-pupil funding formulas, adjusted for need, further mitigate gaps; Japan's post-2010 reforms equalized resources across prefectures, shrinking the lower-tail SES gap relative to upper-tail disparities compared to the U.S.[196] However, persistent family-level inputs—such as parental education and home resources—account for 15-20% of unexplained variance across nations, underscoring that systemic reforms alone cannot fully offset pre-school SES effects without complementary family engagement programs.[179] Empirical comparisons thus emphasize prioritizing teacher quality and resource parity over expansive affirmative measures, as the latter often yield diminishing returns in high-SES baseline environments.[197]| Country | SES Performance Gap (PISA 2022 Math, Points) | Key Policy Feature |
|---|---|---|
| Canada | ~82 | Equity-focused funding and anti-segregation |
| Finland | 83 | Elite teacher recruitment (historical) |
| Japan | ~79 (lower-tail focus) | Resource equalization post-reform |
| OECD Avg. | 93 | Varied, higher segregation |
| U.S. | ~98 | High between-school variance |
