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Enūma Eliš
Enūma Eliš
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Enūma Eliš (Akkadian Cuneiform: 𒂊𒉡𒈠𒂊𒇺, also spelled "Enuma Elish"), meaning "When on High", is a Babylonian creation myth (named after its opening words) from the late 2nd millennium BCE and the only complete surviving account of ancient near eastern cosmology. It was recovered by English archaeologist Austen Henry Layard in 1849 (in fragmentary form) in the ruined Library of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh (Mosul, Iraq). A form of the myth was first published by English Assyriologist George Smith in 1876; active research and further excavations led to near completion of the texts and improved translation.

Enūma Eliš has about a thousand lines and is recorded in Akkadian on seven clay tablets, each holding between 115 and 170 lines of Sumero-Akkadian cuneiform script. Most of Tablet V has never been recovered, but, aside from this lacuna, the text is almost complete.

Over the seven tablets, it describes the creation of the world, a battle between gods focused on the offering to Marduk, the creation of man destined for the service of the Mesopotamian deities, and it ends with a long passage praising Marduk. The rise of Marduk is generally viewed to have started from the Second Dynasty of Isin, triggered by the return of the statue of Marduk from Elam by Nebuchadnezzar I, although a late Kassite date is also sometimes proposed. It may have been recited during the Akitu festival.

Some late Assyrian versions replace Marduk with Ashur.

Background and discovery

[edit]

Before the tablets were discovered, substantial elements of the myth had survived via the writings of Berossus (primarily his Babyloniaca), a 3rd-century BCE Babylonian writer and priest of Bel (Marduk). These were preserved in Alexander Polyhistor's book on Chaldean History, which was reproduced by Eusebius in Book 1 of his Chronicon. In it are described the primeval state of an abyssal darkness and water, the two primeval beings existing therein, said to be of a twofold principle. The description then relates the creation of further beings, partly human but with variants of wings, animal heads and bodies, and some with both sex organs. (Berossus states images of these are to be found at the temple of Bel in Babylon.) The text also describes a female being leading over them, named as Omoroca, called Thalatth in Babylonian (derived from Greek), and her slaying by Bel, who cut her in half, forming Heaven of one part and Earth of the other. This Berossus claims to have been an allegory. The text also describes the beheading of a god, and the mixing of the god's blood with the Earth's soil, leading to the creation of men (people). Finally, there is also reference to Bel's creation of the stars, Sun, Moon, and planets.[1][2][3] Berossus also gave an account of the sage Oannes, a sort of fish-man hybrid, who appeared from the sea and taught people all manner of knowledge, including writing, lawmaking, construction, mathematics, and agriculture;[4] Berossus presented the account of creation in the form of a speech given by the Oannes.[5][6] The neo-Platonist Damascius also gave a short version of the Babylonian cosmological view, which closely matches Enūma Eliš.[7]

Clay tablets containing inscriptions relating to analogues of biblical stories were discovered by A. H. Layard, Hormuzd Rassam, and George Smith in the ruins of the Palace and Library of Ashurbanipal (668–626 BCE) during excavations at the mound of Kuyunjik, Nineveh (near Mosul) between 1848 and 1876. Smith worked through Rassam's find of around 20,000 fragments from 1852, and identified references to the kings Shalmaneser II, Tiglath-Pileser III, Sargon II, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and other rulers mentioned in the Bible. Furthermore, he discovered versions of a Babylonian deluge myth (see Gilgamesh flood myth), as well as creation myths.[8][9]

On examination it became clear that the Assyrian myths were drawn from or similar to the Babylonian ones. Additionally Sir Henry Rawlinson had noted similarities between Biblical accounts of creation and the geography of Babylonia. He suggested that biblical creation stories might have their origin in that area. A link was found on a tablet labelled K 63 at the British Museum's collection by Smith, as well as similar text on other tablets. Smith then began searching the collection for textual similarities between the two myths, and found several references to a deluge myth with an 'Izdubar' (literal translation of cuneiform for Gilgamesh). Smith's publication of his work led to an expedition to Assyria funded by The Daily Telegraph. There he found further tablets describing the deluge as well as fragmentary accounts of creation, a text on a war between good and evil 'gods', and a fall of man myth. A second expedition by Smith brought back further creation legend fragments. By 1875 he had returned and began publishing accounts of these discoveries in the Daily Telegraph from 4 March 1875.[10][11]

Smith speculated that the creation myth, including a part describing the fall of man, might originally have spanned at least nine or ten tablets.[12] He also identified tablets the themes of which were, in part, closer to the account given by Berossus.[13] Some of Smith's early correspondences, such as references to the stories of the temptation of Eve, to the Tower of Babel, and to instructions given from God (Yahweh) to Adam and Eve, were later held to be erroneous.[14][15]

The connection with the Bible stories brought a great deal of additional attention to the tablets, in addition to Smith's early scholarship on the tablets, early translation work included that done by E. Schrader, A. H. Sayce, and Jules Oppert. In 1890 P. Jensen published a translation and commentary Die Kosmologie der Babylonier (Jensen 1890), followed by an updated translation in his 1900 Mythen und Epen (Jensen 1900); in 1895 Prof. Zimmern of Leipzig gave a translation of all known fragments, (Gunkel & Zimmern 1895), shortly followed by a translation by Friedrich Delitzsch, as well as contributions by several other authors.[16][17]

In 1898, the trustees of the British Museum ordered publication of a collection of all the Assyrian and Babylonian creation texts held by them, a work which was undertaken by L. W. King. King concluded that the creation myth as known in Nineveh was originally contained on seven tablets.[18] This collection was published 1901 as Part XIII of Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum (British Museum 1901). King published his own translations and notes in two volumes with additional material 1902 as The Seven Tablets of Creation, or the Babylonian and Assyrian Legends concerning the creation of the world and of mankind (King 1902). By then additional fragments of tablet six had been found, concerning the creation of man; here Marduk was found to have made man from his blood combined with bone, which brought comparison with Genesis 2:23 ("This is now bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh; she shall be called 'woman', for she was taken out of man") where the creation of woman required the use of a man's bone.[19]

New material contributing to the fourth and sixth tablets also further corroborated other elements of Berossus' account.[20] The seventh tablet added by King was a praise of Marduk, using around fifty titles over more than one hundred lines of cuneiform.[21] Thus King's composition of Enūma Eliš consisted of five parts: the birth of gods, legend of Ea and Apsu, Tiamat primeval serpent myth, account of creation, and finally a hymn to Marduk using his many titles.[22] Importantly, tablets, both Assyrian and Babylonian, when possessing colophons had the number of the tablet inscribed.[23]

Further expeditions by German researchers uncovered further tablet fragments (specifically tablet 1, 6, and 7) during the period 1902–1914. These works replaced Marduk with the Assyrian god Ashur; additional important sources for tablets 1 and 6, and tablet 7 were discovered by expeditions in 1924–25 and 1928–29 respectively.[24] The Ashur texts uncovered by the Germans necessitated some corrections: it was Kingu, not Marduk, who was killed and whose blood made men.[25] These discoveries were further supplemented by purchases from antiquity dealers. As a result, by the mid 20th century most of the text of the work was known, with the exception of tablet 5.[26] These further discoveries were complemented by a stream of publications and translations in the early 20th century.[27]

In the 21st century, the text remains a subject of active research, analysis, and discussion. Significant publications include: The Standard Babylonian Creation Myth Enūma Eliš (Talon 2005); Das Babylonische Weltschöpfungsepos Enuma Elis (Kämmerer & Metzler 2012); Babylonian Creation Myths (Lambert 2013); enūma eliš: Weg zu einer globalen Weltordnung (Gabriel 2014); and other works still.[28][29]

Date

[edit]

The earliest manuscript of the myth was excavated from Assur and dated to the 9th century BCE,[30] though may have been recited as part of oral tradition prior to this date.

While it used to be viewed that Enuma Elish was composed in the reign of Hammurabi,[31] most scholars now believe it is unlikely[32] and accept a dating to the Second Dynasty of Isin.[33][34][35][36] During the Old Babylonian period, Marduk was not the pantheon head,[37] appearing instead as the mediator between the great gods and Hammurabi,[38] and there is no evidence that Hammurabi or his successors promoted Marduk at the expense of the other gods.[39] It was during the Second Dynasty of Isin that Marduk started to be referred to as the king of the gods, with the return of the statue of Marduk from Elam by Nebuchadnezzar I.[40] Sommerfield's suggestion that Enuma Elish should be dated instead to the Kassite period,[41] was countered by Lambert,[42] but the god list An = Anum does give the number 50, which traditionally belongs to Enlil, to Marduk.[43] Dalley still proposes that Enuma Elish was written during the Old Babylonian Period,[44] but other scholars find her proposal unlikely.[45]

Variants

[edit]

Numerous copies of the tablets exist. Even by 1902 fragments of four copies of the first tablet were known, as well as extracts, possibly examples of 'handwriting practice'.[46] Tablets from the library of Ashur-bani-pal tended to be well written on fine clay, whereas the Neo-Babylonian tablets were often less well written and made, though fine examples existed.[47] All tablets, both Assyrian and Babylonian had the text in lines, not columns, and the form of the text was generally identical between both.[48]

A tablet at the British Museum (No 93014[49]), known as the "bilingual" version of the creation legend, describes the creation of man and animals (by Marduk with the aid of Aruru), as well as the creation of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, of land and plants, as well as the first houses and cities.[50]

Other variants of the creation myth can be found described in King 1902, pp. 116–55 and Heidel 1951, pp. 61–81.

Text

[edit]

The epic itself does not rhyme, and has no meter; it is composed of couplets, usually written on the same line, occasionally forming quatrains.[51] The title Enūma Eliš, meaning "when on high", is the incipit.

The following per-tablet summary is based on the translation in Akkadian Myths and Epics (E. A. Speiser), in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Pritchard 1969).

Tablet 1

[edit]

When on high the heaven had not been named,
Firm ground below had not been called by name,
Naught but primordial Apsu, their begetter,
(And) Mummu*–Tiamat, she who bore them all, Their waters commingling as a single body;
No reed hut had been matted, no marsh land had appeared,
When no gods whatever had been brought into being,
Uncalled by name, their destinies undetermined—
Then it was that the gods were formed within them.

First eight lines of Enuma Elis. Pritchard 1969, pp. 60–61
* Here Mummu is not an epithet, same as the god Mummu.

The tale begins before creation, when only the primordial entities Apsu and Tiamat existed, co-mingled together. There were no other things or gods, nor had any destinies been foretold. Then from the mixture of Apsu and Tiamat two gods issued – Lahmu and Lahamu; next Anshar and Kishar were created. From Anshar came firstly the god Anu, and from Anu, came Nudimmud (also known as Ea).

The commotion of these new gods disturbed and disgusted Apsu, and Apsu could not calm them. Apsu called Mummu to speak with Tiamat, and he proposed to destroy the new gods, but Tiamat was reluctant to destroy what they had made. Mummu advised Apsu to destroy them, and he embraced Mummu. The new gods heard of this and were worried; Ea, however, crafted a spell to lull Apsu to sleep.

Mummu sought to wake Apsu but could not. Ea took Apsu's halo and wore it himself, slew Apsu, and chained Mummu. Apsu became the dwelling place of Ea, together with his wife Damkina. Within the heart of Apsu, Ea and Damkina created Marduk. The splendor of Marduk exceeded Ea and the other gods, and Ea called him "My son, the Sun!" Anu created the four winds.

Other gods taunted Tiamat: "When your consort (Apsu) was slain you did nothing", and complained of the wearisome wind. Tiamat then made monsters to battle the other gods, eleven chimeric creatures with weapons, with the god Kingu chief of the war party and her new consort. She gave Kingu the 'Tablet of Destinies', making his command unchallengeable.

Tablet 2

[edit]

Ea heard of Tiamat's plan to fight and avenge Apsu. He spoke to his grandfather Anshar, telling that many gods had gone to Tiamat's cause, and that she had created eleven monstrous creatures fit for war, and made Kingu their leader, wielding the 'Tablet of Destinies'. Anshar was troubled and told Anu to go to appease Tiamat, but he was too weak to face her and turned back. Anshar became more worried, thinking no god could resist Tiamat.

Finally, Anshar proposed Marduk as their champion. Marduk was brought forth, and asked what god he must fight – to which Anshar replied that it was not a god but the goddess Tiamat. Marduk confidently predicted his victory, but exacted their promise to proclaim him supreme god, with authority over even Anshar.

Tablet 3

[edit]

Anshar spoke to Gaga, who advised him to fetch Lahmu and Lahamu and tell them of Tiamat's war plans, and of Marduk's demand for overlordship if he defeats her. Lahmu and Lahamu and other Igigi (heavenly gods) were distressed, but drank together, becoming drowsy, and finally approving the compact with Marduk.

Tablet 4

[edit]

Marduk was given a throne, and sat over the other gods, who honored him.

Lord, truly thy decree is first among gods.
Say but to wreck or create; it shall be.
Open thy mouth: the Images will vanish!
Speak again, and the Images shall be whole!

(Other gods speak to Marduk) Translation, Table IV. Lines 20–23. Pritchard 1969, p. 66

Marduk was also given a sceptre and vestments, as well as weapons to fight Tiamat – bow, quiver, mace, and bolts of lightning, together with the four winds. His body was aflame.

Using the four winds Marduk trapped Tiamat. Adding a whirlwind, a cyclone, and Imhullu ("the Evil Wind"), together the seven winds stirred up Tiamat. In his war chariot drawn by four creatures he advanced. He challenged Tiamat, stating she had unrightfully made Kingu her consort, accusing her of being the source of the trouble. Enraged, Tiamat joined Marduk in single combat.

Marduk used a net, a gift from Anu, to entangle Tiamat; Tiamat attempted to swallow Marduk, but 'the Evil Wind' filled her mouth. With the winds swirling within her she became distended. Marduk then shot his arrow, hitting her heart – she was slain. The other gods attempted to flee but Marduk captured them, broke their weapons, and netted them. Her eleven monsters were also captured and chained, whilst Kingu was imprisoned, and the 'Tablet of Destinies' taken from him. Marduk then smashed Tiamat's head with the mace, while her blood was carried off by the North Wind.

Marduk then split Tiamat's remains in two. From one half he made the sky; in it he made places for Anu, Enlil, and Ea.

Tablet 5

[edit]

Marduk made likenesses of the gods in the constellations, and defined the days of the year from them. He created night and day, and the moon also. He created clouds and rain, and their water made the Tigris and Euphrates. He gave the 'Tablet of Destinies' to Anu.

Statues of the eleven monsters of Tiamat were made and installed at the gate of Apsu.

Tablet 6

[edit]

Marduk then spoke to Ea, saying he would use his own blood to create man, and that man would serve the gods. Ea advised one of the gods be chosen as a sacrifice; the Igigi advised that Kingu be chosen. His blood was then used to create man.

Construct Babylon, whose building you have requested,
Let its brickwork be fashioned. You shall name it 'The Sanctuary'.

(Marduk commands the other gods, the Anunnaki)
Translation, Table VI. Lines 57–58. Pritchard 1969, p. 68

Marduk then divided the gods into "above" and "below" – three hundred in the heavens, six hundred on earth. The gods then proposed to build a throne or shrine for him; Marduk told them to construct Babylon. The gods then spent a year making bricks; they built the Esagila (Temple to Marduk) to a great height, making it a place for Marduk, Ea, and Enlil.

A banquet was then held, with fifty of the great gods taking seats, Anu praising Enlil's bow and then Marduk.

The first nine names or titles of Marduk were given.

Tablet 7

[edit]

The remainder of Marduk's fifty names or titles were read.

Colophon

[edit]

Tablets Smith examined also contained attributions on the rear of the tablet. The first tablet contained eight lines of a colophon. Smith's reconstruction and translation of this states:

"When Above"
Palace of Assurbanipal king of nations, king of Assyria
to whom Nebo and Tasmit attentive ears have given:
he sought with diligent eyes the wisdom of the inscribed tablets,
which among the kings who went before me,
none those writings had sought.
The wisdom of Nebo; † the impressions? of the god instructor? all delightful,
on tablets I wrote, I studied, I observed, and
for the inspection of my people within my palace I placed

(Smith 1876, pp. 63–64)
Nebo was god of literacy, scribes, and wisdom; Tasmit or Tasmetu his wife

Significance, interpretation, and ritual use

[edit]

Due to the nature of Enuma Elish, it is generally advised to be wary of simply taking the text as a representative of Mesopotamian creation myths.[52] Enuma Elish references multiple myths and other texts, and epithets usually attested in royal inscriptions were given to Marduk.[53] Similarities with the Anzû myth are commonly observed,[54] such as both myths using the Tablet of Destinies as a key object and the similarities between the weapons used by Ninurta and Marduk,[55] and lines from the Anzu myth were adapted to fit the story of Enuma Elish, such as Anzu's feathers being blown off by the wind being adjusted to having Tiamat's blood being blown off by the wind.[56] Marduk using floods and storms as a weapon and using a net to capture Tiamat (the personified sea) does not make logical sense, but they were weapons that Ninurta used in the Anzu myth and in Lugal-e,[57] and usage of a net would make sense against Anzu.[58] Other traditions related to Ninurta were also applied to Marduk in Enuma Elish, such as the name of one of Ninurta's weapons (long wood) being given to Marduk’s bow.[57] While it would make sense to simply write this off as Marduk using Ninurta's model simply because it was the closest match, the traditions involving Ninurta were already used to allude to heroism in the epic of Gilgamesh, and imageries of Ninurta played an important part of Neo-Assyrian ideology.[59]

Outside of the Anzu myth, similarities between Enuma Elish and the Atrahasis epic were also pointed out. Both Apsu and Enlil wanted to destroy a source of noise which prevented them from falling asleep[60] (for Enlil, this was humanity and for Apsu, this was his offspring). Both Nintu and Tiamat then lament their fate.[61] Wisnom further suggests that the similarities between the beginning of Enuma Elish and Atrahasis was to have Apsu remind people of Enlil, thus the overthrowing of Apsu symbolically represents the dethronement of Enlil, the old head of the pantheon.[62] Enlil is conspicuously missing in most of Enuma Elish, only appearing to offer his title to Marduk, and Marduk receives fifty names, the number of Enlil.[63]

Other comparisons were also drawn, such as the description of Marduk's awe with the description in Marduk's Address to the Demons,[64] and the creation of the universe at the beginning of Tablet X with Tablet XXII of the astronomical series Enuma Anu Enlil. In Enuma Anu Enlil, the creation of the universe was credited to Anu, Enlil and Ea, while in Enuma Elish the creation of the universe was credited to Marduk while Enlil and Ea were assigned a position.[65]

The myth of a god (usually a storm god) fighting the sea is well known in the Ancient Near East, including myths such as the Song of Hedammu, the Baal cycle, the Illuyanka myth, and the Astarte papyrus. In the Song of Hedammu and the Illuyanka Myth the sea acts as a sort of breeding ground for the god's enemies, as both Hedammu and Illuyanka were sea monsters.[66] The Song of the Sea, suggested to belong to the Kumarbi Cycle,[67] likely narrates the story of the storm god Teshub fighting the sea god, although the text is damaged and fragmentary. The Astarte Papyrus also mentioned a struggle with the sea,[68] and the Ugaritic Baal Cycle had Baal Hadad fight for his position from Yam.[69]

A ritual text from the Seleucid period states that Enūma Eliš was recited during the Akitu festival.[70] There is scholarly debate as to whether this reading occurred, its purpose, and even the identity of the text referred to. Most analysts consider that the festival concerned and included some form of re-enactment of Tiamat's defeat by Marduk, representing a renewal cycle and triumph over chaos. However a more detailed analysis by Jonathan Z. Smith led him to argue that the ritual should be understood in terms of its post-Assyrian and post-Babylonian imperial context, and may include elements of psychological and political theater legitimizing the non-native Seleucid rulers; he also questions whether Enūma Eliš read during that period was the same as that known to the ancient Assyrians. Whether Enūma Eliš creation myth was created for the Akitu ritual, or vice versa, or neither, is unclear; nevertheless there are definite connections in subject matter between the myth and festival, and there is also evidence of the festival as celebrated during the neo-Babylonian period that correlates well with Enūma Eliš myth.[71] A version of Enūma Eliš is also thought to have been read during the month of Kislimu.[72][73]

It has been suggested that ritual reading of the poem coincided with spring flooding of the Tigris or Euphrates following the melting of snow in mountainous regions upstream. This interpretation is supported by the defeat of the (watery being) Tiamat by Marduk.[74]

Influence on biblical research

[edit]

Enūma Eliš contains numerous parallels with passages of the Old Testament, which has led some researchers to conclude that these were based on the Mesopotamian work. Overarching similarities include: reference to a watery chaos before creation; a separation of the chaos into heaven and earth; different types of waters and their separation; and the numerical similarity between the seven tablets of the epic and the seven days of creation.[75] However, another analysis (Heidel 1951) notes many differences, including polytheism vs. monotheism, and personification of forces and qualities in the Babylonian myth vs. imperative creation by God in the biblical stories; permanence of matter vs. creation out of nothing; and the lack of any real parallel for Marduk's long battles with monsters. He also notes some broad commonalities of both texts with other religions, such as a watery chaos found in Egyptian, Phoenician, and Vedic works; and that both texts were written in languages with a common Semitic root.[76] Regarding the creation of man, there are similarities in the use of dust or clay, but man's efficiency is inverted in the two texts: in Enūma Eliš they are created as already qualifying as acting as servant of gods, whereas in Genesis, by being given more agency, room for failure is introduced. Nevertheless in both, the dust is infused with "godhood", either through a god's blood in Enūma Eliš, or by being made in God's image in Genesis.[77] As to the seven tablets and seven days of each system, the numbered itineraries in general do not closely match, but there are some commonalities in order of the creation events: first darkness, then light, the firmament, dry land, and finally man, followed by a period of rest.[78]

Different theories have been proposed to explain the parallels. Based on an analysis of proper names in the texts, A. T. Clay proposed that Enūma Eliš was a combination of a Semitic myth from Amurru and a Sumerian myth from Eridu. This theory is thought to lack historical or archaeological evidence. An alternative theory posits a westward spread of the Mesopotamian myth to other cultures such as the Hebrews; additionally, the Hebrews would have been influenced by Mesopotamian culture during their Babylonian captivity. A third explanation supposes a common ancestor for both religious systems.[79]

Conrad Hyers of the Princeton Theological Seminary suggests that Genesis, rather than adopting earlier Babylonian and other creation myths, polemically addressed them to "repudiate the divinization of nature and the attendant myths of divine origins, divine conflict, and divine ascent".[80] According to this theory, Enūma Eliš elaborated the interconnections between the divine and inert matter, while the aim of Genesis was to state the supremacy of the Hebrew God Yahweh Elohim over all creation (and all other deities).

The broken Enūma Eliš tablet seems to refer to a concept of sabbath. A contextual restoration contains the rarely attested Sapattum or Sabattum as the full moon, cognate or merged with Hebrew Shabbat (cf. Genesis 2:2–3), but monthly rather than weekly; it is regarded as a form of Sumerian sa-bat ("mid-rest"), attested in Akkadian as um nuh libbi ("day of mid-repose"). The reconstructed text reads: "[Sa]bbath shalt thou then encounter, mid[month]ly."[81]

The 'Ain Samiya goblet, found in a tomb near modern Ramallah, is believed to depict scenes similar to Enūma Eliš and illustrates a clear influence from Mesopotamia on Canaan during the Middle Bronze Age. The depictions of a double headed god and the creation of the world from a dragon provide the earliest evidence of the epic's composition.[82]

Editions and translations

[edit]

English:

  • Lambert, Wilfred. Babylonian Creation Myths, Eisenbrauns, 2013.
  • Helle, Sophus. Enuma Elish: The Babylonian Epic of Creation, Bloomsbury, 2024.[83]
  • Dalley, Stephanie. Myths from Mesopotamia: Creation, the Flood, Gilgamesh, and Others, Oxford University Press, 2000.
    (as The Epic of Creation)

German:

  • Kammerer TR, Metzler KA. Das babylonische Weltschopfungsepos Enuma elîsh, Ugarit-Verlag, Münster, 2012.

French:

  • Talon P. The standard Babylonian creation myth Enuma Elish, 2005.

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Enūma Eliš (Akkadian cuneiform: 𒂊𒉡𒈠𒂊𒇺, also spelled Enuma Elish, for "When on high"), also known as the Babylonian Epic of Creation, is an ancient Mesopotamian mythological text composed in Akkadian on seven clay tablets, recounting the primordial chaos, the god 's battle against the chaos goddess , and the subsequent establishment of cosmic order, including the creation of the heavens, earth, and humanity. The epic elevates , the patron deity of , as the supreme king of the gods through his victory and the assignment of fifty divine names to him, symbolizing his authority over all aspects of existence. Fragments of the Enūma Eliš were first identified and published in 1876 by the Assyriologist George Smith from tablets excavated in the at , with additional nearly complete tablets from Tablets I and VI discovered at Kish in 1924–1925 during an Oxford University expedition. The text survives in numerous manuscripts, including the oldest copies dating to the BCE from in , as well as later Neo-Babylonian and Assyrian versions preserved on scribal exercise tablets. These artifacts reflect the epic's widespread transmission across Mesopotamian scribal traditions. Scholars date the composition of the Enūma Eliš to the late BCE, likely during the of (1125–1104 BCE), when experienced a political and religious revival under Kassite and early Neo-Babylonian influences, though some elements may draw from earlier Sumerian and Amorite myths. The epic's authorship is anonymous but attributed to Babylonian priestly scribes, who synthesized older narratives—such as Sumerian tales of battling chaos and West Semitic motifs of divine combat—to promote Marduk's supremacy and justify 's . Structurally, the Enūma Eliš unfolds across its seven tablets: the first two describe the emergence of primordial gods from Apsu (fresh water) and (salt water), leading to generational conflict; Tablets III–IV detail the gods' selection of as champion and his epic battle with , from whose body he fashions the ; Tablet V outlines Marduk's organization of the universe and the heavenly stations; Tablet VI recounts the creation of humanity from the blood of 's slain consort Kingu to serve the gods; and Tablet VII celebrates 's fifty names and the gods' building of his temple in , . Key themes include the transition from chaos to order, the role of divine combat in , and the integration of political with . In ancient , particularly in 1st-millennium BCE Babylon and , the Enūma Eliš held central religious importance as a foundational text recited during the festival, the celebration in the month of , where it affirmed Marduk's kingship and the renewal of cosmic and royal order. The epic influenced later Hellenistic and Jewish traditions, as evidenced by references in the 6th-century CE Neoplatonist , and continues to be studied for its insights into Babylonian cosmology, literature, and cultural transmission.

Historical Context

Discovery and Manuscripts

The primary manuscripts of the Enūma Eliš were unearthed during mid-19th-century excavations at the ruins of ancient (modern , ), specifically from the library of the Neo-Assyrian king . British archaeologist discovered the initial fragments in 1850 within the Southwest Palace, with , his assistant and later successor, recovering additional pieces between 1851 and 1854 from various chambers of the royal complex. These artifacts consist of clay tablets inscribed in Akkadian cuneiform using late Neo-Assyrian script, representing copies from the 7th century BCE and totaling approximately 1,000 lines across seven tablets. The British Museum holds the core collection, cataloged in the K series (such as K.5419c for parts of Tablet I and K.3432 for Tablet IV), which form the basis of the standard recension. The tablets are inherently fragmentary due to breakage and erosion over millennia, resulting in significant lacunae that scholars reconstruct using overlaps from parallel manuscripts. By 2013, Assyriologist W. G. Lambert had identified 47 such fragments and manuscripts in his comprehensive edition, with the majority originating from ; subsequent publications, including three large exemplars from a library dated to the late 7th–early 5th centuries BCE released in 2021, have expanded the corpus to over 50 pieces by 2025. Additionally, nearly complete copies of Tablets I and VI were discovered at Kish in 1924–1925 during an Oxford University expedition. Early collation efforts were led by George Smith of the , who in 1875 pieced together key portions from the fragments and announced the epic's existence in a letter to the Daily Telegraph, enabling the first partial publication the following year.

Composition and Dating

The language of the Enūma Eliš exhibits features of the Old Babylonian of Akkadian, including archaic grammatical forms and vocabulary, combined with subtle Kassite-period influences such as loanwords and syntactic patterns reflective of the multicultural environment under Kassite rule. These linguistic traits suggest an original composition in the late BCE, likely during the of (1125–1104 BCE), when experienced a political and religious revival, though some scholars propose a late Kassite date and elements may draw from earlier Sumerian myths. The epic's creation likely served a propagandistic purpose, elevating —the patron deity of —to supremacy among the gods amid the city's political ascendancy and the revival under . This elevation aligned with 's growing imperial ambitions, and the text was probably composed for recitation during the festival, the annual celebration that ritually reenacted 's cosmic victory and reaffirmed his kingship. Dating the Enūma Eliš remains debated among scholars, as its core motifs echo earlier Sumerian creation myths from the third millennium BCE, indicating that the underlying narrative predates the second millennium BCE; however, the full epic in its present form cannot be earlier than the late 2nd millennium BCE. Some Assyriologists propose ties to the revival of Babylonian power under Nebuchadnezzar I, when Marduk's cult was further promoted after victories over Elam. Following its composition, the Enūma Eliš was actively copied and transmitted in scribal schools through the Neo-Babylonian (626–539 BCE) and Neo-Assyrian (911–612 BCE) periods, ensuring its preservation; the latest known manuscripts date to the BCE.

Textual Variants

The standard version of the Enūma Eliš is preserved on seven clay tablets from the in , dating to the seventh century BCE and written in Neo-Assyrian script, providing the most complete sequence of the epic's approximately 1,000 lines. This Nineveh recension serves as the basis for modern editions due to its relative completeness, though it contains numerous lacunae estimated to affect about 20% of the text. A notable variant comes from the Sippar library, where three large Neo-Babylonian and eight smaller fragments, dating to the sixth century BCE or later, show minor textual variants, such as the omission of lines 125-126 in one of Tablet 1, but adhere closely to the overall structure, suggesting a standardized transmission with regional adaptations. These copies, first edited in , show minor lexical differences. Scholarly reconstructions of the Enūma Eliš draw on parallel texts such as the god list An = Anum to fill gaps in divine genealogies and epithets, with key emendations proposed by Alexander Heidel in his 1951 analysis of comparative Mesopotamian cosmogonies and by W. G. Lambert in his 2013 collation of all known exemplars. Heidel's work emphasized philological alignments with Sumerian precursors, while Lambert incorporated late-period variants to refine Tablet 7's cultic hymns. Challenges in reconstructing the epic include dialectal shifts between Neo-Assyrian (e.g., consistent use of š for /s/) and Neo-Babylonian (e.g., s variants) spellings, which affect about 5-10% of legible words across manuscripts, as well as persistent lacunae that require cross-referencing with ritual commentaries.

Narrative Content

Overall Plot Summary

The Enūma Eliš is a Babylonian epic poem composed in Akkadian on seven clay tablets, narrating the origins of the , the succession of divine generations, and the ascendancy of as the chief deity of the pantheon. The central narrative arc traces the emergence from primordial chaos to ordered creation through a series of divine conflicts and resolutions, culminating in the establishment of Babylonian religious and cosmic order. Key figures include the elder primordial deities Apsu (representing fresh waters) and (salt waters), whose union produces the first gods such as and ; subsequent younger gods like and Ea (); 's monstrous allies, including the eleven beasts and her consort Kingu; and , the heroic son of Ea, who emerges as the ultimate victor and creator. The story progresses from the mingling of Apsu and in formless chaos, through generational tensions among the gods that escalate into war, to 's decisive victory over and her forces. Following his triumph, splits 's body to form the heavens and earth, organizes the celestial bodies and divine hierarchies, and fashions humanity from Kingu's blood to relieve the gods of labor. The tablets build progressively from cosmic disorder and theogonic strife to 's , where he receives fifty names symbolizing his attributes and authority. The epic concludes with the gods' praise of and directives for his cultic worship in , underscoring his elevation as supreme ruler and the theological justification for Babylonian supremacy. This structure reflects a that aligns mythic narrative with the promotion of and the city of as the center of the universe.

Tablet 1: Primordial Chaos

The first tablet of the Enūma Eliš opens with a traditional formula, or nam-šub, invoking the primordial state before the ordered existed. This sets the mythic stage for the emergence of divine order , beginning with the mingling of cosmic waters. In this undifferentiated expanse, Apsû represents the fresh, subterranean waters, while Tīāmat embodies the salt waters of the deep; together, they form the sole existing reality, with no named above nor formed below. The tablet's famously declares: "When on high the had not been named, / Firm ground below had not been called by name, / Naught but primordial Apsû, their begetter, / (And) maker Tīāmat, who brought forth every thing, / Combined their waters in one." No dry land or vegetation marked this era—only a vast, formless mixture without boundaries or . From Apsû and Tīāmat's union, the first generations of deities emerge sequentially. and , personifications of , are born first, growing to maturity over vast ages. Anšar (heaven's horizon) and Kišar (earth's horizon) follow as their offspring, establishing the foundational cosmic framework. , the sky god, is then engendered by Anšar, and Anu in turn begets Nudimmud—better known as Ea—the clever god of wisdom and the subterranean waters. These births introduce a burgeoning divine family, with the younger gods beginning to multiply and assert their presence. Tensions arise as the boisterous activities of these younger deities disrupt the tranquility of Apsû, whose rest is disturbed by their incessant noise. Enraged, Apsû consults his advisor and resolves to bind the gods with a spell to restore , even proposing their . Ea, forewarned through his own , intervenes decisively: he casts a potent spell that numbs and lulls Apsû into slumber, then slays Apsû and fashions a upon his corpse, claiming it as his abode. Tīāmat, awakened to the horror, reacts with profound grief and fury over her consort's death, lamenting her loss and the violation of their primordial bond. She cries out: "What has become of Apsû, my ? / Thus I have become , I cannot rest. / How could the binding of Apsû be achieved? / How could the fetter be bound? / ... / My husband, the begetter of gods, / The one who begot the divine company, / They have slain him and cast him down!" This maternal outrage marks the tablet's climax, escalating divine conflicts while highlighting the initial that positions Ea as a pivotal protector of the younger gods.

Tablet 2: Generation of Gods

Tablet II of the Enūma Eliš builds upon the divine genealogy introduced in the first tablet, emphasizing the expanding family of gods and the tensions it engenders within the primordial realm. Following Anu's begetting of Nudimmud—known as Ea, the god of and fresh waters—the younger deities multiply and their collective clamor disrupts the cosmic order, echoing the disturbances that previously provoked Apsu despite his prior defeat by Ea. This generational growth and serve as a catalyst for Tiamat's deepening rage, as she mourns her consort and resolves to avenge his destruction, advancing the plot toward open conflict among the divine kin. Enraged by the younger gods' actions and the loss of Apsu, Tiamat convenes her allies from the older generation, including , , and Anšar, in a to plot war against her offspring. Dismissing their attempts to dissuade her, Tiamat crafts eleven formidable monsters to bolster her forces: the venomous dragon Mušmaḫḫu, raging storm demons, lion-headed warriors, , fish-men, and other hybrid horrors designed for battle. She appoints Kingu, a lesser god elevated to prominence, as their commander, arming him with unparalleled authority to lead the assault on the gods. To solidify Kingu's supremacy, Tiamat bestows upon him the Tablet of Destinies, an emblem of divine sovereignty that dictates the fates of gods and cosmos, placing it on his breast and declaring his commands irrevocable. This act transfers the ultimate decree from established figures like and to Kingu, symbolizing Tiamat's bid to reorder the pantheon through her vengeful campaign. The older gods, upon learning of these preparations, react with alarm; Anšar, distressed by the monsters' roars, dispatches to confront , but she rebukes him fiercely, affirming her intent to eradicate the upstart deities who slew Apsu. The gods of the younger generation, gripped by fear at Tiamat's and the loss of the Tablet's power, huddle in despair and mourn their vulnerability. Anšar falls silent in shock, and the assembly deliberates in gloom before turning to Ea, the clever son of , as their hoped-for champion against the encroaching threat. This appeal to Ea transitions the narrative toward further divine deliberations, highlighting the familial fractures exacerbated by successive generations.

Tablet 3: Conflicts Among Gods

Tablet 3 of the Enūma Eliš portrays the initial divine responses to Tiamat's rebellion, marked by assemblies and failed interventions that reveal the elder gods' vulnerability. Following Ea's report on Tiamat's creation of monstrous allies under Kingu's command, Anšar convenes consultations to devise a strategy against her. The tablet, spanning roughly 150 lines, underscores the growing panic and ineffectiveness among the and Anunna gods, transitioning from individual attempts at appeasement to collective deliberation. This section builds tension through repetitive motifs of hesitation, contrasting the primordial harmony disrupted in earlier tablets. Anšar first turns to Ea (Nudimmud), the cunning god of wisdom and magic, urging him to confront with incantations to quell her rage. Ea approaches her subterranean abode, but , fortified by her fury and the Tablet of Destinies seized by Kingu, rebuffs him decisively, proclaiming her unyielding resolve for battle. Undaunted yet increasingly desperate, Anšar then dispatches , the supreme sky god and his own progenitor, equipped with fearsome arrows to intimidate or subdue her. ventures forth but falters similarly, retreating without engaging closely, as her overwhelming presence renders his threats impotent. These sequential failures highlight the limitations of magical and martial approaches by the patriarchal deities against the chaotic forces embodies. The repeated defeats prompt Anšar to escalate by instructing his vizier to summon , , and the assembled younger gods to a formal for counsel. The deities gather, consuming grain and wine in fashion, yet the proceedings devolve into stunned silence and lamentation over the dire predicament. Anšar, overwhelmed, weeps profusely and gnashes his teeth in anguish, symbolizing the collapse of elder authority. The gods' emerges amid this turmoil, foretelling the need for a bold champion from their midst to vanquish and restore order, thus concluding the tablet on a note of urgent anticipation.

Tablet 4: Marduk's Rise and Creation

In Tablet 4, the gods, having convened in assembly following the escalating conflicts, empower as their champion against 's rebellion. They collectively affirm his leadership, stating that if he defeats and her army, he will hold irrevocable kingship over the divine assembly, with his commands binding upon all. To bolster his authority, the gods bestow upon the Tablet of Destinies, previously granted by to her consort Kingu, enabling him to dictate the fates of gods and cosmos alike. Marduk then prepares for combat, arming himself with a bow forged by the gods, four swift , a flashing , and a net containing fierce winds as allies. Mounting a storm chariot drawn by four snorting horses named Stormer, Onslaught, Strider, and Matchless, he advances to confront . In the ensuing battle, Marduk challenges Tiamat's treachery, and as she opens her jaws to engulf him, he unleashes the Imḫullu wind and other gales into her mouth, distending her body and preventing her from closing it. He then propels a decisive into her distended form, piercing her inner parts and shattering her resistance, before cleaving her corpse in two with his radiant mace. With vanquished, ensnares her monstrous allies in his net, slaying them and trampling their bodies underfoot, thus dismantling her chaotic forces. Turning to the organization of the from 's remains, fashions the vault of heaven from her upper half, stretching it as a covering and securing its edges with a barrier against the primordial waters. From her lower half, he shapes the foundation of the , establishing its bounds. He also subdues Kingu, stripping him of the Tablet of Destinies and condemning him for instigating the rebellion; he seizes Kingu's blood, intending to mix it with clay to fashion humankind as servants to the gods, thereby foreshadowing the relief of divine toil. This victory solidifies 's ascendancy, transforming primordial disorder into structured creation.

Tablet 5: Marduk's Fifty Names

Tablet V of the Enūma Eliš focuses on 's organization of the universe following his victory over . Marduk measures out the dimensions of Apsû, establishes the positions of the heavens, and arranges , assigning stations to the stars, constellations, and the to mark time and seasons, while designating the paths of the sun and other celestial bodies to regulate the divine order. He constructs rivers and springs by opening channels from Tiamat's eyes, forming the and , and delineates the courses of other waterways to nourish the emerging world. Marduk also delineates the heavenly hierarchy and temporal cycles, assigning three hundred s to serve in the heavens under Anu's domain and another three hundred to the earth in the Apsû under Ea's oversight, ensuring a balanced cosmic administration. To regulate time, he establishes the Nanna-Sîn's path to define the months, with its waxing and waning phases marking the progression of lunar cycles, while the sun Šamaš governs the days and years through his daily course. These arrangements impose regularity on the and reflect Marduk's application of his powers to , preventing future disorder. The tablet transitions with Marduk's speech proclaiming his deeds, leading into the subsequent celebration of his attributes.

Tablet 6: Organization of Cosmos and Humanity

Tablet VI of the Enūma Eliš continues the narrative with the gods assembled in praise of for his defeat of and Kingu. Marduk, having organized the broader cosmos in the previous tablet, now focuses on further structuring the divine realm and addressing the gods' labors. The tablet's central innovation lies in the creation of humanity, conceived as a solution to relieve the gods of laborious toil. Marduk proposes forming humankind from the blood of Kingu, the slain rebel whose "crime" of instigating war against the divine order justifies his sacrifice. He directs Ea (also called Nudimmud or We-ilu) to execute Kingu and mix his blood with clay, thereby molding humans as subservient beings destined to perform the —bearing burdens, offering sacrifices, and maintaining cultic duties so that the deities may rest eternally. This anthropogonic act, detailed in lines 29–38, positions humans as an essential counterpart to the divine, their existence tied directly to atonement for Kingu's guilt and the perpetuation of cosmic stability. With humanity now in place, the gods express profound joy at Marduk's kingship, acclaiming him as their eternal ruler and vowing loyalty. Towards the end of the tablet, the gods begin proclaiming Marduk's fifty names, a hymnic that exalts him as the supreme deity, with each name encapsulating his multifaceted roles in creation and governance. These names draw from and expand traditional Mesopotamian god lists, incorporating attributes of other deities to symbolize Marduk's consolidation of divine essences. In celebration, they collectively build the temple in as Marduk's earthly abode, complete with its ziggurat reaching toward the heavens. This construction symbolizes the integration of divine and terrestrial realms, with the gods toiling in unity to honor their victor, much as humans will labor for them. The tablet concludes on a note of harmonious assembly, where the deities' praises reinforce Marduk's unchallenged sovereignty.

Tablet 7: Establishment of Marduk's Cult

Tablet VII of the Enūma Eliš serves as the conclusion to the epic, shifting from the cosmogonic narrative to prescriptive instructions for Marduk's worship, emphasizing his supreme status through ritual observance. Continuing from Tablet VI, it elaborates on Marduk's fifty names with expanded explanations that detail each epithet's significance in governing the cosmos, defeating chaos, and sustaining divine order. These names, such as Asarluḫi (bestower of purification) and Nudimmud (creator of humanity), underscore Marduk's multifaceted authority, with the gods collectively affirming their eternal recitation to honor his sovereignty. Theologically, the fifty names affirm Marduk's absorption and surpassing of the powers of elder gods like Anu, Enlil, and Ea, elevating him to kingship and unifying divine authority under his rule. The tablet prescribes specific cultic practices centered on Marduk's temple, , including the roles of priests in maintaining daily and annual rituals. Priests are directed to recite the fifty names during , ensuring Marduk's attributes are invoked to invoke his protective powers, with offerings of pure meal, libations, incense, and sacrifices presented to accompany the chants. Central to these directives is the integration of the epic into the Babylonian akītu festival, the New Year celebration, where the high priest recites the Enūma Eliš—referred to here as "Marduk's song"—to reenact his victory and , thereby renewing cosmic and royal order through communal praise and feasting. A closing hymn portrays the gods in perpetual adoration of , declaring his rule immutable and their praises unending, as they bow before him in and proclaim his dominion over heaven and earth forever. This eternal veneration reinforces Marduk's unchallenged kingship, with the gods committing to exalt his name daily, ensuring harmony among the pantheon under his leadership. The tablet concludes with a colophon, a scribal note typical of Mesopotamian literary tablets, identifying it as the seventh and final part of the Enūma Eliš ("When on high") and invoking Marduk's favor on the reciter, scribe, and king who reveres it. Often phrased incantatorily, the colophon states: "Tablet VII: Property of the great lord ... Whoever reveres this tablet, may his days be long; whoever neglects it, may the gods curse him," underscoring the text's sacred, function.

Themes and Interpretations

Cosmological and Theological Elements

The Enūma Eliš employs the theogonic chaoskampf motif, wherein the emergence of the cosmos arises from generational conflict among deities culminating in a heroic battle against primordial chaos. In this framework, the initial watery abyss represented by Apsû and Tiāmtu gives rise to younger gods, whose unrest provokes Tiāmtu's rebellion, leading to her defeat by and the subsequent ordering of the universe from her dismembered body. This motif underscores a cosmology where creation is not ex nihilo but a violent reconfiguration of pre-existing chaotic elements into structured realms. Central to the epic's cosmology is 's splitting of Tiāmtu, which forms the and : her upper half becomes the heavens, held in place by cosmic stations, while her lower half shapes the terrestrial foundation, with her eyes as the sources of the and rivers. This act establishes a tripartite cosmic model—heaven, , and the underworld (Apsû)—reflecting Babylonian views of a flat disk enclosed by a vaulted , with waters above and below. Theologically, 's victory over Tiāmtu elevates him to supremacy, as the assembled gods grant him fifty names symbolizing his absorption of their attributes and roles, thereby centralizing divine authority in him while preserving a pantheon. This elevation introduces a tension between and , where is exalted as the chief executive of the gods' collective will, yet their existence and worship persist. Key theological concepts include the Tablet of Destinies, seized by from Kingu after Tiāmtu's defeat, which confers control over cosmic fate and legitimizes his kingship as the arbiter of divine decrees. Humanity emerges as a subservient class, fashioned from Kingu's blood and clay to perform labor and offer cultic service, relieving the gods of toil and ensuring the stability of the ordered cosmos. Scholarly analysis highlights parallels with the (ca. 1400–1200 BCE), where Baal's combat against Yamm and Môt similarly involves a storm god's triumph over sea chaos to claim kingship, suggesting pre-1200 BCE Canaanite influences on Babylonian theogonic traditions. These comparisons reveal shared Near Eastern motifs of divine succession through battle, adapted in Enūma Eliš to assert 's political-theological dominance.

Ritual and Mythic Functions

The Enūma Eliš served as a foundational text in Babylonian religious practices, particularly during the festival, the annual celebration observed in the month of in . This eleven- or twelve-day event commemorated the renewal of the , with the epic recited publicly on the fourth day to reenact Marduk's primordial victory over and the subsequent ordering of the universe from her body. The recitation underscored the cyclical triumph of order over chaos, aligning the festival's themes with seasonal rejuvenation and agricultural fertility. Processions featuring the cult from the temple to a chapel outside the city walls symbolized his battle and return, culminating in ritual combats and divine assemblies that mirrored the epic's narrative. Beyond its narrative role, the Enūma Eliš fulfilled key mythic functions in reinforcing political and cultic authority. By portraying as the supreme deity who defeats chaos and assigns fates to the gods, the text legitimized Babylonian kingship, presenting the as Marduk's chosen agent on earth responsible for maintaining cosmic harmony. Central to this was the festival's enthronement rite, where the king underwent symbolic —stripped of and slapped by a —before reaffirmation, echoing Marduk's elevation in the myth and ensuring the monarch's divine mandate. Tablet 7, with its enumeration of Marduk's fifty names and accompanying hymns, operated as a liturgical script for , recited to invoke blessings and affirm the god's sovereignty during temple ceremonies. Archaeological evidence from Neo-Babylonian ritual tablets substantiates these functions, detailing the epic's integration into festival protocols. For instance, tablet KAR 25, a ritual text from Assur, contains a syncretistic incantation-prayer to Marduk. Other cuneiform fragments from Babylonian sites outline the sequence of readings across festival days, confirming the text's performative centrality in temple rites at Esagila. The Enūma Eliš retained its ritual significance into the post-exilic era, with recitations documented in Babylonian temples during the Seleucid period (312–63 BCE), adapting to Hellenistic rule while preserving Marduk's cult. However, by the 1st century CE, the practice gradually declined amid the rise of Parthian dominance and the erosion of traditional Mesopotamian priesthoods, though echoes persisted in local observances until the full assimilation of Babylonian traditions.

Literary Style and Structure

The Enūma Eliš is composed in Standard Babylonian, an elevated literary dialect of Akkadian that employs a range of poetic techniques to convey its narrative and ritual significance. Central to its form is parallelism, where semantic content or grammatical structures are repeated in consecutive lines, often with progressive specification that builds upon the initial statement to add detail or emphasis, as seen in descriptions of divine assemblies and cosmic battles. Repetition serves both stylistic and mnemonic purposes, with formulaic phrases like invocations of the "great gods" recurring to underscore and unity among the deities, particularly in the generational conflicts and Marduk's exaltation. Recent analysis highlights the innovative use of and , where phonetic patterns in Akkadian syllables enhance the text's sonic texture, creating a rhythmic flow that amplifies its efficacy during . The epic's genre represents a hybrid of and heroic narrative, integrating cosmogonic elements with the structure of a heroic tale centered on 's ascent. It draws on Sumerian antecedents, such as motifs of divine birth and watery chaos from myths like Enki and Ninhursag, but innovates by framing them within a Babylonian-centric epic framework that elevates Marduk as the supreme hero-king. This blend distinguishes it from purely mythological Sumerian compositions, incorporating epic conventions like battle catalogs and divine councils to narrate the transition from primordial disorder to ordered . Lines exhibit a loose hexameter-like , with verses typically comprising two hemistichs divided by a central , fostering a measured, chant-like quality suited to performance. Structurally, the Enūma Eliš unfolds across seven tablets in a chiastic pattern, mirroring the thematic progression from chaos to order: the outer sections (Tablets 1–2 and 6–7) frame the generational strife and cultic establishment, while the core (Tablets 3–5) pivots on Marduk's victory and cosmic reorganization, creating a symmetrical arc that reinforces the epic's theological symmetry. Incantatory elements, including repetitive litanies and phonetic echoes, suggest adaptation for oral delivery, as the text was recited during the Babylonian New Year festival (Akitu), where its rhythmic and sonic features would invoke divine presence and efficacy in ritual contexts. This compositional artistry not only aids memorization but also imbues the narrative with performative power, blending literary craft with ceremonial function.

Cultural Impact

Influence on Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Texts

The Enūma Eliš exerted significant influence on biblical texts, particularly during the in the 6th century BCE, when Judean exiles were exposed to Mesopotamian mythology, leading scholars to identify post-exilic borrowings and adaptations in the to assert Yahweh's supremacy over chaotic forces. This period of cultural contact facilitated the integration of motifs from Babylonian epics into , transforming polytheistic elements into monotheistic polemics. In Genesis 1, the creation narrative echoes the Enūma Eliš in its depiction of primordial chaos as watery disorder (tehom paralleling Tiamat) that transitions to ordered cosmos through divine action, without violent combat. Both texts begin with temporal clauses—"When on high" in the epic and "In the beginning" in Genesis—and feature the separation of upper and lower waters to form the firmament or sky, with Marduk splitting Tiamat's body to create heaven and earth, while Yahweh divides the waters to establish cosmic boundaries. These parallels reflect a shared ancient Near Eastern worldview, but Genesis subverts the epic by portraying creation as peaceful speech acts by a singular God, critiquing Babylonian exaltation of Marduk. Psalms 74 and 89 preserve motifs of divine victory over sea monsters reminiscent of Marduk's battle with , identifying as the one who crushes 's heads and divides the sea (Psalm 74:13–14; 89:9–10). Here, functions as a chaotic serpent akin to , symbolizing primordial disorder subdued at creation, with the psalmists invoking this triumph to affirm 's ongoing amid national distress. The Exodus narrative incorporates similar cosmic battle themes, portraying Yahweh's plagues and victory as a Marduk-like over chaos, with the ten plagues targeting Egyptian deities in a manner evoking Marduk's defeat of Tiamat's monstrous allies—such as serpents, , and representing disordered forces. This culminates in the drowning of Pharaoh's army, paralleling the subjugation of chaotic waters, to demonstrate Yahweh's power over rival nations and gods. Beyond the , the Enūma Eliš shares structural parallels with myths from the pre-1400 BCE , where Baal's combat against the sea god Yam mirrors Marduk's struggle with , both involving a storm god's victory over watery chaos to establish kingship and order. Similarly, the Hittite-Hurrian Cycle exhibits generational conflicts akin to the epic's succession struggles, featuring the overthrow of sky gods (/Ouranos) through castration and the birth of rival deities like the storm god Teššub (paralleling /), highlighting a common ancient Near Eastern pattern of divine hierarchy through familial strife.

Reception in Later Mesopotamian and Hellenistic Traditions

In the Neo-Babylonian period, particularly under Nebuchadnezzar II (r. 605–562 BCE), the Enūma Eliš was integrated into state ideology to legitimize Babylonian imperial power, with allusions to its motifs appearing in royal inscriptions that emphasized Marduk's supremacy and the king's role as his earthly representative. For instance, reliefs from Nebuchadnezzar II's reign depict the battle against Tiamat, underscoring the epic's local significance in promoting Marduk's cult during temple restorations and festivals. This elevation reinforced the epic's role in the akitu New Year ritual, where its recitation affirmed cosmic order under Babylonian rule. During the Hellenistic era following Alexander the Great's conquest (331 BCE), the Enūma Eliš persisted in Babylonian scribal traditions under Seleucid rule, as evidenced by late copies from the 2nd century BCE. The Babylonian priest , writing his Babyloniaca around 278 BCE for a Greek audience under Seleucid patronage, summarized the myth from the epic in its first book, adapting the creation narrative to highlight Oannes (a fish-like sage) revealing divine to humanity while preserving core elements like Marduk's (Bel's) victory over chaos. In Greco-Roman contexts, linked to and , reflecting Hellenistic . Seleucid rulers like Antiochus I (r. 281–261 BCE) identified with in inscriptions such as the Borsippa Cylinder, portraying the king as a mediator between Babylonian gods and Greek equivalents to foster cultural continuity. This equivalence extended to Roman-era texts, where 's attributes as sky god and order-bringer aligned with , appearing in astrological traditions that associated the planet with alongside . Elements of the Enūma Eliš survived in later Greco-Roman philosophical traditions, with motifs like the primordial chaos monster echoed in the 6th-century CE Neoplatonist , who describes Tiamat-like figures such as Tauthe in discussions of Babylonian and divine battles. The epic's influence waned with the rise of Christianity in the region by the 4th century CE, as Christian authorities suppressed pagan texts, leading to the loss of most traditions. However, echoes persisted in Manichaean of the CE, where Mani (c. 216–274 CE) incorporated Mesopotamian motifs from the Enūma Eliš, such as the divine warrior subduing chaos ( over ) into narratives of light versus darkness, blending them with Zoroastrian and Christian elements.

Modern Scholarly Analysis

Modern scholarship on the Enūma Eliš has centered on debates regarding its origins, particularly whether it primarily served political purposes to legitimize Babylonian imperial ambitions or theological ones to elevate Marduk within a henotheistic framework. Thorkild Jacobsen's analysis in the 1970s and 1980s argued that the epic reflects a shift toward henotheism, where Marduk's supremacy is asserted without fully denying other gods, aligning with evolving Mesopotamian religious structures during the late second millennium BCE. This view contrasts with earlier interpretations emphasizing its role as a tool for Nebuchadnezzar I's political propaganda in the twelfth century BCE, highlighting tensions between state ideology and broader theological developments. Post-2010 feminist scholarship has increasingly examined dynamics, portraying not merely as a chaotic monster but as a complex figure embodying maternal power and subversion of patriarchal order. In readings by scholars like Karen Sonik and contributors to recent volumes, Tiamat's defeat symbolizes the suppression of feminine agency, with her body repurposed for cosmic creation underscoring gendered violence in Mesopotamian mythology. Methodological advances in the twenty-first century include digital humanities initiatives that facilitate collation of fragmented tablets, such as the Electronic Babylonian Literature Project and the Digital Library Initiative, enabling more accurate reconstructions of the text's variants. has also progressed, drawing parallels between Enūma Eliš and Indo-European cosmogonies, where motifs like divine combat and world-formation from a primordial body suggest shared archetypes across Eurasian traditions. Influential works from the , such as Jean Bottéro's emphasis on the epic's ritual functions during the festival, underscore its performative role in reinforcing cosmic and rather than as a static theological . Debates on the epic's composition date continue, with some scholars proposing Kassite-period origins in the 16th–15th centuries BCE based on earlier parallels, though the consensus favors the 12th century BCE. A 2025 edited volume, Enūma Eliš: The Babylonian Epic of Creation, compiles recent essays on the epic's , theological elements, and modern interpretations, advancing discussions on its cultural and literary significance. Despite these advances, gaps persist in scholarship, including limited exploration of non-elite receptions, as most studies focus on royal and scribal contexts without addressing potential popular interpretations among lower classes. Additionally, reliance on outdated colonial-era translations, like W. King's edition, hinders nuanced analysis, prompting calls for updated, culturally sensitive renderings.

Scholarly Resources

Key Editions and Translations

One of the earliest influential English editions of the Enūma Eliš is Alexander Heidel's The Babylonian Genesis (1942), which provides a translation alongside discussions of related Mesopotamian creation materials, drawing on tablets from Ashurbanipal's . This work established a foundation for subsequent scholarship by emphasizing philological accuracy and comparative analysis. A pivotal critical edition is W. G. Lambert's Babylonian Creation Myths (2013), building on his earlier studies from 1960, which includes a full , , and extensive of variants from over 100 manuscripts, highlighting textual divergences across Neo-Assyrian and Late Babylonian exemplars. Philippe Talon's The Standard Babylonian Creation Myth: Enūma Eliš (2005) offers a French critical text with facsimiles, , sign lists, and glossary, based primarily on tablets, facilitating detailed syntactic and lexical study. Modern English translations prioritize accessibility and literary quality. Benjamin R. Foster's rendition in Before the Muses: An Anthology of (2005, third edition) presents the epic in clear prose, integrated within a broader corpus of n texts, making it suitable for non-specialists while preserving rhythmic elements. Stephanie Dalley's translation in Myths from (2008 revised edition) incorporates updates to earlier interpretations for improved readability. A recent open-access edition, Enūma Eliš: The Babylonian Epic of Creation (2025), edited by Johannes Haubold, Sophus Helle, Enrique Jiménez, and Selena Wisnom, provides a new transcription, verse translation by Sophus Helle, and essays on the epic's , making it accessible for both scholars and general readers. Digital resources enhance access to primary cuneiform materials. The Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative (CDLI) provides high-resolution images, transliterations, and composites of Enūma Eliš tablets, including the standard seven-tablet series from various provenances like and . The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature (ETCSL) offers supplementary Sumerian parallels, while the Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus (ORACC) project delivers an open-access edition with searchable annotations, lemma-based searches, and for the full Akkadian text. Key commentaries provide specialized insights. Wayne Horowitz's Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (1998) analyzes the epic's cosmogonic descriptions, particularly the spatial organization of the derived from Marduk's division of Tiamat's body, integrating it with Babylonian world maps. Amar Annus's The God in the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient (2002) examines dragon-slaying motifs in Enūma Eliš, tracing Tiamat's portrayal to earlier Sumerian and Akkadian combat myths involving and .

Archaeological and Textual Evidence

Archaeological excavations at Babylon's temple, conducted by German teams led by from 1899 to 1917, revealed the temple's massive foundations and processional ways, underscoring its role as the cult center of , the central deity in the Enūma Eliš. These digs exposed the temple's layout, including shrines dedicated to and his consort , which aligned with descriptions of divine abodes in the epic's cosmological framework. Although few inscribed objects survived due to later plundering, the site's monumental scale confirmed 's prominence in Babylonian ritual life, where the Enūma Eliš was recited during the festival. Artifacts along the procession route in , including glazed brick reliefs and foundation deposits from Nebuchadnezzar II's restorations (c. 605–562 BCE), depict divine processions that echo the epic's themes of Marduk's triumph and cosmic renewal. These elements, found near the Processional Street linking to the Akitu temple outside the city, include inscriptions invoking Marduk's kingship, paralleling the epic's narrative of his elevation among the gods. The route's archaeological remains, such as votive offerings and boundary stones, provide physical context for the festival's reenactment of the Enūma Eliš, emphasizing Marduk's role in maintaining order. Iconographic evidence from Neo-Babylonian cylinder seals, dating to the 7th century BCE, illustrates battling a dragon-like , directly reflecting scenes from Tablets IV–V of the Enūma Eliš where defeats the chaos monster. These seals, often showing wielding a against 's open maw or her consort Kingu, served as amulets symbolizing divine victory over primordial disorder. Similarly, the dragon motifs on the (c. 575 BCE), reconstructed from glazed bricks, represent 's sacred animal, embodying his subjugation of 's chaotic forces as described in the epic. Related texts, such as the Enūma Anu Enlil series of celestial omens (c. 18th–7th centuries BCE), incorporate cosmological elements akin to the Enūma Eliš, including references to divine hierarchies and the organization of the heavens under and . These omens link astronomical phenomena to Marduk's dominion, mirroring the epic's portrayal of the cosmos as Marduk's creation from Tiamat's body. God lists like (c. 2nd millennium BCE) parallel the enumeration of Marduk's fifty names in Tablet V of the Enūma Eliš, detailing divine epithets that affirm his supreme authority and with other gods. A recently published hymn to from a library tablet, published in 2024, praises his cosmic rule and , offering insights into early veneration that may trace pre-Kassite roots for the epic's exaltation of , predating its standard 2nd-millennium BCE composition.

References

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