Respect all members: no insults, harassment, or hate speech.
Be tolerant of different viewpoints, cultures, and beliefs. If you do not agree with others, just create separate note, article or collection.
Clearly distinguish between personal opinion and fact.
Verify facts before posting, especially when writing about history, science, or statistics.
Promotional content must be published on the “Related Services and Products” page—no more than one paragraph per service. You can also create subpages under the “Related Services and Products” page and publish longer promotional text there.
Do not post materials that infringe on copyright without permission.
Always credit sources when sharing information, quotes, or media.
Be respectful of the work of others when making changes.
Discuss major edits instead of removing others' contributions without reason.
If you notice rule-breaking, notify community about it in talks.
Do not share personal data of others without their consent.
The Sitabenga caves in Chhattisgarh, one of the earliest examples of theatre architecture in India, are dated to the Mauryan period of 3rd century BCE.
The region was split between rivaling dynasties from the sixth to twelfth centuries, and parts of it were briefly under the Chola dynasty in the 11th century. Eventually, most of Chhattisgarh was consolidated under the Kingdom of Haihaiyavansi, whose rule lasted for 700 years until they were brought under Maratha suzerainty in 1740. The Bhonsles of Nagpur incorporated Chhattisgarh into the Kingdom of Nagpur in 1758 and ruled until 1845, when the region was annexed by the East India Company, and was later administered under the Raj until 1947 as the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. Some areas constituting present-day Chhattisgarh were princely states that were later merged into Madhya Pradesh. The States Reorganisation Act, 1956 placed Chhattisgarh in Madhya Pradesh, and it remained a part of that state for 44 years.
Chhattisgarh is one of the fastest-developing states in India.[17] Its Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) is ₹5.09 lakh crore (US$60 billion) (2023–24 est.),[8] with a per capita GSDP of ₹152,348 (US$1,800)[8] (2023–24 est.). A resource-rich state, it has the third largest coal reserves in the country and provides electricity, coal, and steel to the rest of the nation.[18][19] It also has the third largest forest cover in the country after Madhya Pradesh and Arunachal Pradesh with over 41.21% of the state covered by forests.
There are several theories as to the origin of the name Chhattisgarh, which in ancient times was known as Dakshina Kosala (South Kosala),[20] the native place of Rama's mother Kausalya. "Chhattisgarh" was popularised later during the time of the Maratha Empire and was first used in an official document in 1795.[21] The Bastar region was previously referred to as Chakrakotya and Cakkarakoṭṭam.[22]
The most popular theory claims that Chhattisgarh takes its name from the 36 ancient forts (from chhattis meaning thirty-six and garh meaning fort) in the area.[23][24] The old state had 36 demesnes (feudal territories): Ratanpur, Vijaypur, Kharound, Maro, Kautgarh, Nawagarh, Sondhi, Aukhar, Padarbhatta, Semriya, Champa, Lafa, Chhuri, Kenda, Matin, Aparora, Pendra, Kurkuti-kandri, Raipur, Patan, Simaga, Singarpur, Lavan, Omera, Durg, Saradha, Sirasa, Menhadi, Khallari, Sirpur, Figeswar, Rajim, Singhangarh, Suvarmar, Tenganagarh and Akaltara.[25] However, most historians disagree with this theory as 36 forts have not been found and identified.
According to the opinion of Hiralal, it is said that at one time there were 36 strongholds in this area, that is why its name was Chhattisgarh. But even after the increase in the number of strongholds, there was no change in the name, Chhattisgarh is the State of India which has been given the status of 'Mahtari' (Mother).[citation needed] There are two regions in India which are named for special reasons – one was 'Magadha' which became "Bihar" due to the abundance of Buddhism viharas and the other was 'Dakshina Kosala' which became "Chhattisgarh" due to the inclusion of thirty-six strongholds.[citation needed]
Another view, more popular with experts and historians, is that Chhattisgarh is the corrupted form of Chedisgarh meaning Raj or "Empire of the Chedis".[citation needed] In ancient times, Chhattisgarh region had been part of the Chedi dynasty of Kalinga, in modern Odisha. In the medieval period up to 1803, a major portion of present eastern Chhattisgarh was part of the Sambalpur Kingdom of Odisha.
During post Vedic period the Chhattisgarh region south-east to Daśārṇas was referred as Pulinda. Pulinda tribe were dominating tribe in this region.[26]
Surguja District of Chhattisgarh is notable for finding of Mauryan and Nanda period coins. Few gold and silver coins of the Nanda - Mauryan ages, picked up at Akaltara and Thathari of the adjacent district of Bilaspur.[27] Another major discovery was Sirpur of Chhattisgarh.[28][29] According to the Chinese traveler Hiuen Tsang, Ashoka erected Buddhist stupas in Shripura (modern-day Sirpur), the ancient capital of Dakshina Kosala.[30]
Sitabenga caves are one of the earliest examples of theatre architecture in India located on Ramgarh hill of Chhattisgarh dated to Mauryan period of 3rd century BCE.[31]
Line1Poets venerable by nature kindle the heart, who (.... lost ....) Line2At the swing-festival of the vernal full-moon, when frolics and music abound, people thus tie (....lost...) thick with jasmine flowers.
Jogimara caves contain ancient Brahmi inscription and the oldest painting known in India. The inscription can be translated as either a love proclamation by a girl or a dancer-painter creating a cave theatre together.[33] In ancient times, this region was known as Dakshina Kosala. This area is also mentioned in Ramayana and Mahabharata.One of the earliest statues of Vishnu has been excavated from Shunga period site at Malhar.
Carved statue in the medieval city of Sirpur6th 7th century Bhima Kichak Temple, Malhar Chhattisgarh India
The plains region of Chhattisgarh was formerly under the Mauryas, although they likely did not exercise much direct control in the region. After the collapse of the Mauryas, Kharavela of the Mahameghavahana dynasty, which was based in neighbouring Kalinga, took over most of Dakshina Kosala. Later in the third century, the Sathavahanas took over Dakshina Kosala, but this was contested and it returned to Megha rule. Mahendra of Dakshina Kosala, who is believed to be identified with a Megha monarch, was the ruler when Samudragupta carried out his Dakshinapatha conquests and conquered Dakshina Kosala, as recorded in Gupta inscriptions in the early 4th century CE. Afterwards the Guptas held control over Chhattisgarh through vassal rulers, and shared control with the contemporaneous Vakatakas. In the late 5th century CE, the Vakataka ruler Harisena recorded his conquest of the Dakshina Kosala region.
After the death of Vakataka ruler Harisena, the Rajarsitulyakula dynasty centred at Arang, former Gupta feudatories, took power and briefly ruled all of Dakshina Kosala. They were contemporaneous with the Nala dynasty, which was centered on the Bastar and Koraput regions.[34] Both these dynasties were succeeded by the Sharabhpurias in the early 6th century, who were likely also former Gupta vassals who had their capital at present-day Sirpur.[35] The Panduvanshis of Mekala, centered in the northern Chhattisgarh plain, and the Panduvamshis of Dakshina Kosala both ruled parts of Chhattisgarh, but the chronology of these kingdoms is not certain. These kingdoms variously controlled the region from the 6th to 8th centuries CE.[36] There is some evidence that the Somavanshis, who later gained power in Kalinga, originated from the Panduvanshis of Dakshina Kosala and were driven out by the Kalachuris of Tripuri in the late 8th century.[35] The Kalachuris of Tripuri held on to the region for the next 200 years, splitting off their territories in Kosala in the late 10th century to be given to a vassal branch which also called itself Kalachuris.[37]
The Kalachuris of Ratnapura, who were these vassals, became independent at the start of the 11th century to rule and fight off challenges to their authority by neighbouring kingdoms, most notably the Eastern Gangas. The last known successor is from the late 13th century, after which the records become less available. By the early 14th century, it appears as if the dynasty split into two branches: one ruling from Ratnapur and another moving to Raipur. This is attested to by inscriptions of the king Vahara in the late 15th century, identified with a figure Bahar Sahai in local tradition at the end of the 18th century.[38] Vahara fought against the Afghans and shifted the capital to Kosgain from Ratnapur. These rulers are now identified as the Haihaiyavanshis and acknowledged the nominal overlordship of the Mughals when they arrived. In the late 14th century, Bastar was ruled by a dynasty which claimed descent from the brother of Prataparudra, the last Kakatiya king, Annamaraja.
Most of Chhattisgarh was consolidated under the Haihaiyavanshi Kingdom, who ruled central Chhattisgarh and held smaller kingdoms like Kanker under their authority.[39][40][41] The Haihaiyavanshis continued to rule the region for 700 years until they were invaded by the Marathas in 1740 and came under their authority. Chhattisgarh was directly annexed to the Maratha Nagpur Kingdom in 1758 on the death of Mohan Singh, the last independent ruler of Chhattisgarh.[42][43]
Chhattisgarh was under Maratha Rule (Bhonsles of Nagpur) from 1741 to 1845. It came under British rule from 1845 to 1947 as the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. Raipur gained prominence over the capital Ratanpur with the advent of the British in 1845. In 1905, the Sambalpur district was transferred to Odisha and the estates of Surguja were transferred from Bengal to Chhattisgarh.
The area constituting the new state merged into Madhya Pradesh on 1 November 1956, under the States Reorganisation Act, 1956, and remained a part of that state for 44 years. Prior to that, the region was part of the Central Provinces and Berar (CP and Berar) under British rule. Some areas constituting the Chhattisgarh state were princely states under British rule, but were later on merged into Madhya Pradesh.[44]
The demand for Chhattisgarh to be a separate state first rose in the 1920s, with similar demands appearing at regular intervals; however, a well-organised movement was never initiated. Several all-party platforms were created and usually resolved around petitions, public meetings, seminars, rallies and strikes.[45] The demand was raised by the Raipur Congress unit in 1924 and was also discussed in the Indian Congress at Tripuri. A discussion about forming a Regional Congress organisation for Chhattisgarh took place. In 1954, when the State Reorganisation Commission was set up, the demand was put forward but was rejected. In 1955, the demand was raised in the Nagpur assembly of Madhya Bharat.[45]
In the 1990s, the demand became more prominent, resulting in the formation of a statewide political forum known as the Chhattisgarh Rajya Nirman Manch. The forum was led by Chandulal Chadrakar and several successful region-wide strikes and rallies were organised under it, all of which were supported by major political parties, such as the Indian National Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party.[45]
The new National Democratic Alliance government sent the Separate Chhattisgarh Bill for approval by the Madhya Pradesh Assembly, where it was unanimously approved and then submitted to the Lok Sabha. The bill was passed in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, which allowed the creation of the state of Chhattisgarh. K. R. Narayanan gave his consent to the Madhya Pradesh Reorganisation Act on 25 August 2000 and the government of India set 1 November 2000 as the day Chhattisgarh would be separated from Madhya Pradesh.[45] As such, Chhattisgarh was formed from Madhya Pradesh.[16]
The northern and southern parts of the state are hilly, while the central part is a fertile plain. The highest point in the state is the Gaurlata near Samri, Balrampur-Ramanujganj district.[46] Deciduous forests of the Eastern Highlands Forests cover roughly 44% of the state.[47]
In the north lies the edge of the great Indo-Gangetic plain. The Rihand River, a tributary of the Ganges, drains this area. The eastern end of the Satpura Range and the western edge of the Chota Nagpur Plateau form an east–west belt of hills that divide the Mahanadi River basin from the Indo-Gangetic plain. The outline of Chhattisgarh is like a sea horse.
The central part of the state lies in the fertile upper basin of the Mahanadi and its tributaries, of which Shivnath River is a major one running around 300 km long. This area has extensive rice cultivation. The upper Mahanadi basin is separated from the upper Narmada basin to the west by the Maikal Hills (part of the Satpuras) and from the plains of Odisha to the east by ranges of hills. The southern part of the state lies on the Deccan plateau, in the watershed of the Godavari River and its tributary, the Indravati River. The Mahanadi is the chief river of the state. The other main rivers are Hasdeo (a tributary of Mahanadi), Rihand, Indravati, Jonk, Arpa and Shivnath.[48]
The state has the third largest forest by area in India. The state animal is the van bhainsa, or wild Asian buffalo. The state bird is the pahari myna, or hill myna. The state tree is the Sal (Sarai) found in Bastar division.
Chhattisgarh has the 3rd largest forest cover in the country. The state is surrounded by the forests in Madhya Pradesh (1st), Odisha (4th), Maharashtra (5th), Jharkhand and Telangana making it India's largest covered forests across state boundaries. There are multiple National Parks, Tiger Reserves across the state. Achanakmar-Amarkantak Biosphere Reserve is UNESCO recognised Biosphere with total area of 383,551 hectares (3,835.51 square kilometres; 1,480.90 square miles)
Chhattisgarh has a tropical climate. It is hot and humid in the summer because of its proximity to the Tropic of Cancer and its dependence on the monsoons for rains. Summer temperatures in Chhattisgarh can reach up to 49 °C (120 °F).[50] The monsoon season is from late June to October and is a welcome respite from the heat. Chhattisgarh receives an average of 1,292 millimetres (50.9 in) of rain. Winter is from November to January. Winters are pleasant with low temperatures and less humidity. Ambikapur, Mainpat, Pendra Road, Samri and Jashpur are some of the coldest places in the state.[51]
Chhattisgarh has four-lane or two-lane roads that provide connectivity to major cities. A total of 20 national highways pass through the state, together measuring 3,078 km (1,913 mi). Many national highways exist only on paper and are not fully converted into four-lane, let alone six-lane or eight-lane, highways. These include:
NH 130A New
NH 130B New
NH 130C New
NH 130D New
NH 149B New
NH 163A New
NH 343 New
NH 930 New
NH 53
NH 16
NH 43
NH 12A
NH 78
NH 111
NH 200
NH 202
NH 216
NH 217
NH 221
NH 30
NH 930 New.
The state highways and major district roads constitute another network of 8,031 km (4,990 mi).
Almost the entire railway network spread over the state comes under the geographical jurisdiction of the South East Central Railway Zone of Indian Railways centred around Bilaspur, which is the zonal headquarters of this zone. Almost 85% of tracks are electrified, the non-electrified route is the Maroda–Bhanupratappur line from the Durg–Bhanupratappur branch line, which is 120 km long. The main railway junctions are Bilaspur Junction, Durg Junction, and Raipur, which is also a starting point of many long-distance trains. These three junctions are well-connected to the major cities of India and also these station comes under the top 50 booking stations in India.[52]
The state has the highest freight loading in the country, and one-sixth of the Indian Railway's revenue comes from Chhattisgarh. The length of the rail network in the state is 1,108 km, while a third track has been commissioned between Durg and Raigarh.[53] Construction of some new railway lines include Dalli–Rajhara–Jagdalpur rail line, Pendra Road–Gevra Road rail line, Raigarh–Mand Colliery to Bhupdeopur rail line and Barwadih–Chirmiri rail line.[54] Freight/goods trains provide services mostly to coal and iron ore industries in east–west corridor (Mumbai–Howrah route). There is a lack of passenger services to the north and south of Chhattisgarh.
The air infrastructure in Chhattisgarh is gradually improving. Swami Vivekananda Airport in Raipur is the primary airport (domestic) and is well connected to all major cities of India. Besides this, the smaller Bilaspur Airport, Jagdalpur Airport and Ambikapur Airport are regionally connected with scheduled commercial services. A massive reduction in sales tax on aviation turbine fuel (ATF) from 25 to 4% in Chhattisgarh in 2003 contributed to a sharp rise in passenger flow. The passenger flow increased by 58% between 2011 and November 2012.[55]
The State Legislative Assembly is composed of 90 members of the Legislative Assembly. There are 11 members of the Lok Sabha from Chhattisgarh. The Rajya Sabha has five members from the state
All values, unless otherwise stated, are in US dollars.
Chhattisgarh's nominal gross state domestic product (GSDP) is estimated at ₹5.09 lakh crore (US$60 billion) in 2023–24, the 17th largest state economy in India. The economy of Chhattisgarh recorded a growth rate of 11.2% in 2023–24.[8] Chhattisgarh's success factors in achieving high growth rate are growth in agriculture and industrial production.
Agriculture is counted as the chief economic occupation of the state. According to a government estimate, the net sown area of the state is 4.828 million hectares and the gross sown area is 5.788 million hectares.[58] Horticulture and animal husbandry also engage a major share of the total population of the state.[59] About 80% of the population of the state is rural and the main livelihood of the villagers is agriculture and agriculture-based small industry.
The majority of the farmers are still practicing the traditional methods of cultivation, resulting in low growth rates and productivity. The farmers have to be made aware of modern technologies suitable to their holdings. Providing adequate knowledge to the farmers is essential for a better implementation of the agricultural development plans and to improve productivity.[60]
Considering this and a very limited irrigated area, the productivity of not only rice but also other crops is low, hence the farmers are unable to obtain economic benefits from agriculture and it has remained as subsistence agriculture till now.
Chloroxylon is used for pest management in organic rice cultivation in Chhattisgarh
Medicinal rice of Chhattisgarh used as an immune booster
The main crops are rice, maize,[61]kodo-kutki and other small millets and pulses (tuar[62] and kulthi); oilseeds, such as groundnuts (peanuts), soybeans[63] and sunflowers are also grown. In the mid-1990s, most of Chhattisgarh was still a monocrop belt. Only one-fourth to one-fifth of the sown area was double-cropped. When a very substantial portion of the population is dependent on agriculture, a situation where nearly 80% of a state's area is covered only by one crop, immediate attention to turn them into double crop areas is needed. Also, very few cash crops are grown in Chhattisgarh, so there is a need to diversify the agricultural produce towards oilseeds and other cash crops. Chhattisgarh is also called the "rice bowl of central India".[58]
Kodo Millet is used as a life-saving medicine in Chhattisgarh
In Chhattisgarh, rice, the main crop, is grown on about 77% of the net sown area. Only about 20% of the area is under irrigation; the rest depends on rain. Of the three agroclimatic zones, about 73% of the Chhattisgarh plains, 97% of the Bastar plateau, and 95% of the northern hills are rainfed. The irrigated area available for double cropping is only 87,000 ha in the Chhattisgarh plains and 2300 ha in Bastar plateau and northern hills. Due to this, the productivity of rice and other crops is low, hence the farmers are unable to obtain economic benefits from agriculture and it has remained as subsistence agriculture till now, though agriculture is the main occupation of more than 80% of the population.[60]
In the Chhattisgarh region, about 22% of the net cropped area was under irrigation as compared to 36.5% in Madhya Pradesh in 1998–99, whereas the average national irrigation was about 40%. The irrigation is characterised by a high order of variability ranging from 1.6% in Bastar to 75.0% in Dhamtari. Based on an average growth trend in the irrigated area, about 0.43% of additional area is brought under irrigation every year as compared to 1.89% in Madhya Pradesh and 1.0% in the country as a whole. Thus, irrigation has been growing at a very low rate in Chhattisgarh and the pace of irrigation is so slow, that it would take about 122 years to reach the 75% level of net irrigated area in Chhattisgarh at the present rate of growth.[60]
Chhattisgarh has a limited irrigation system, with dams and canals on some rivers. Average rainfall in the state is around 1400 mm and the entire state falls under the rice agroclimatic zone. The Large variation in the yearly rainfall directly affects the production of rice. Irrigation is the prime need of the state for its overall development and therefore the state government has given top priority to the development of irrigation.[58]
A total of four major, 33 medium, and 2199 minor irrigation projects have been completed and five major, nine medium, and 312 minor projects are under construction, as of 31 March 2006.[needs update]
Chhattisgarh is one of the few states of India where the power sector is effectively developed. Based on the current production of surplus electric power, the position of the State is comfortable and profitable. The Chhattisgarh State Electricity Board (CSEB) is in a strong position to meet the electricity requirement of the state and is in good financial health. According to Central Electricity Authority (CEA), Chhattisgarh provides electricity to several other states because of surplus production.[64]
In Chhattisgarh, National Thermal Power Corporation Limited (NTPC) has Sipat Thermal Power Station with a capacity of 2,980 MW at Sipat, Bilaspur; LARA Super Thermal Power Station with a nameplate capacity of 1600MW and Korba Super Thermal Power Station with a capacity of 2,600 MW at Korba, while CSEB's units have a thermal capacity of 1,780 MW and hydel capacity of 130 MW. Apart from NTPC and CSEB, there are several private generation units of large and small capacity. The state government has pursued a liberal policy with regard to captive generation which has resulted in a number of private companies coming up.[65]
The state has a potential of 61,000 MW of additional thermal power in terms of availability of coal for more than 100 years and more than 2,500 MW hydel capacity. To use this vast potential, substantial additions to the existing generation capacity are already underway.[65]
The steel industry is one of the biggest heavy industries of Chhattisgarh. Bhilai Steel Plant, Bhilai operated by SAIL, with a capacity of 5.4 million tonnes per year, is regarded as a significant growth indicator of the state. More than 100 steel rolling mills, 90 sponge iron plants, and ferro-alloy units are in Chhattisgarh. Along with Bhilai, today Jagdalpur, Raipur, Bilaspur, Korba and Raigarh have become the steel hub of Chhattisgarh. Today, Raipur and Jagdalpur has become the centre of the steel sector, the biggest market for steel in India.[66]
Gevra, Dipka, Kusmunda open cast coal mines in Korba are the largest in India and the biggest man-made structure visible in satellite images of India. Major coal companies are SECL, Adani, Jindal which operate multiple coal mines across northeast Chhattisgarh.
The Central India Coalfields are spread over the districts of Surguja, Koriya (both in Chhattisgarh), Shahdol and Umaria (both in Madhya Pradesh). The group covers an area of about 5,345 square kilometres (2,064 sq mi) with estimated reserves of 15,613.98 million tonnes. The deposits are at a depth of 0–1200 meters. Therefore, extraction is mainly amenable to underground mining except for a few blocks in the eastern part of these coalfields which have opencast potential.[67]
Jhilimili Coalfield located in Surguja district is spread over an area of 180 square kilometres (69 sq mi). Estimated total reserves are 215.31 million tonnes, out of which about half have been indicated to be Grade I.[68] According to the Geological Survey of India, total reserves of non-coking coal (as of 1 January 2004) in Jhilimili Coalfield (up to a depth of 300m) was 267.10 million tonnes.[69]
The Sonhat is a large coal field representing one of the largest coal reserves in India having estimated reserves of 2.67 billion tonnes of coal.[70]
Bisrampur coal field represents one of the largest coal reserves in India having estimated reserves of 1.61 billion tonnes of coal.[70]
Chirimiri Coalfield is located in the valley of the Hasdeo River, a tributary of the Mahanadi. Opened in 1930 with production starting in 1932, and has been owned by several companies and owners such as Chirimiri Colliery Company Pvt. Ltd., Dababhoy's New Chirimiri Ponri Hill Company (Private) Limited, United Collieries Limited, K.N. Dhady and Indra Singh & Sons (Private) Limited. These were nationalized in 1973.[citation needed]
This coalfield is spread over 125 square kilometres (48 sq mi) of hilly country and includes both the sections – Kurasia and Chirimiri. Total reserves in the Chirimiri coalfield have been estimated to be around 312.11 million tonnes.[71][72] According to Geological Survey of India reserves of non-coking coal up to a depth of 300 m in Chirimiri Coalfield was 362.16 million tonnes.[73]
The South Chhattisgarh Coalfields are made up of the Mand Raigarh, Korba, and Hasdo Arand coalfields. Of at least twelve seams in the Mand Valley, the Mand and Taraimar seams are important.[74]
Mand Raigarh Coalfield includes the areas earlier known as North Raigarh, South Raigarh, and Mand River Coalfields and is located in Raigarh district and lies in the valley of the Mand River, a tributary of the Mahanadi. This coalfield is spread over an area of 520 square kilometres (200 sq mi). The field has a potential for mining power-grade coal, much of which can be extracted through open-cast mining. Gare block has been identified for captive mining by private companies.[75][76]
According to the Geological Survey of India total reserves (including proved, indicated, and inferred reserves) of non-coking coal in the Mand Raigarh Coalfield is 18,532.93 million tonnes. Out of this 13,868.20 million tonnes is up to a depth of 300 metres, 4569.51 million tonnes is at a depth of 300–600 metres and 95.22 million tonnes is at a depth of 600–1200 m.[77]
Chhattisgarh is rich in minerals. It produces 50% of the country's total cement production. Due to its proximity to the western States of Maharashtra and Gujarat, it has the highest producing coal mines in India. It has the highest output of coal in the country with the second-highest reserves. It is third in iron ore production and first in tin production. Limestone, dolomite and bauxite are abundant. It is the only tin ore-producing state in India. Other commercially extracted minerals include corundum, garnet, quartz, marble, alexandrite and diamonds.
Rowghat iron ore deposits are located in the Antagarh Tahsil of Kanker district and contain the largest iron ore deposits after the Bailadila Iron Ore Mine. Rowghat Mines' reserves have been assessed at 731.93 Mn tonnes. Bailadila has reserves assessed at 1.343 Bn tonnes.[78] Iron ore deposits in Rowghat were discovered in 1899 and in 1949 Geological Survey of India investigated the area.[79]
Rowghat deposit is 29 km (18 mi) NNW of Narayanpur, and about 140 km (87 mi) from Jagdalpur. Fe content varies in the various blocks - A Block (62.58% Fe), B Block (50.29% Fe), C Block (57.00% Fe), D Block (60.00% Fe), E Block (52.93% Fe), and F Block (59.62% Fe).
In recent years, Chhattisgarh has also received exposure in information technology (IT) projects and consultancy. Its government is also promoting IT and has set up a body to take care of IT solutions. The body, known as CHiPS, is providing large IT projects such as Choice, Swan, and so forth.
Chhattisgarh's total exports were US$353.3 million in 2009–10. Nearly 75% of exports come from Bhilai and the remaining are from Urla, Bhanpuri, and Sirgitti. The major export products include steel, handicrafts, handlooms, blended yarn, food and agri-products, iron, aluminum, cement, minerals, and engineering products. CSIDC (Chhattisgarh State Industrial Development Corporation Limited) is the nodal agency of the government of Chhattisgarh for export promotion in the state.
As of 2018, Chhattisgarh state had a Human Development Index value of 0.613 (medium), ranking 31st in Indian states & union territories. The national average is 0.647 according to Global Data Lab.[81]
The standard of living in Chhattisgarh is extremely imbalanced. The cities such as Durg, Raipur, Bhilai and Bilaspur have a medium to high standard of living, while the rural and forested areas lack even the basic resources and amenities. For example, Bhilai has a literacy rate of 86%, while Bastar has a literacy rate of 54%.[82]
Raipur, the capital of Chhattisgarh, is one of the fastest-developing cities in India.[83]Atal Nagar (Formerly Naya Raipur[84]) is the new planned city that is touted to become the financial hub of the Central Indian region. New world-class educational institutions and hospitals have already been established in the city.[85]
According to the NITI Aayog's Fiscal Health Index 2025, Chhattisgarh ranks second with a score of 55.2.[86]
Chhattisgarh has an Education Index of 0.526 according to the 2011 NHDR, which is higher than that of the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan. The Average Literacy rate in Chhattisgarh for Urban regions was 84.05 percent in which males were 90.58% literate while female literacy stood at 73.39%. Total literates in the urban region of Chhattisgarh were 4,370,966.[citation needed]
Among the marginalized groups, STs are at the bottom of the rankings, further emphasizing the lack of social development in the state. Bastar and Dantewada in south Chhattisgarh are the most illiterate districts and the dropout ratio is the highest among all the districts. The reason for this is the extreme poverty in rural areas.
As per census 2011, the State has a population of 25.5 million and six medical colleges (five Government and one private) with an intake capacity of 700 students and a doctor-patient ratio of 1:17,000.[88]
Under The NITI Aayog released Health Index report titled, "Healthy States, Progressive India", Chhattisgarh has an index of 52.02 Out of 100, which is better than states such as Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Odisha, Bihar, Assam and Uttar Pradesh.[89]
Despite different health-related schemes and programs, the health indicators such as the percentage of women with BMI<18.5, Under Five Mortality Rate and underweight children, are poor. This may be due to the difficulty in accessing the remote areas in the state. The prevalence of female malnutrition in Chhattisgarh is higher than the national average—half of the ST females are malnourished. The performance of SCs is a little better than the corresponding national and state average. The Under Five Mortality Rate among STs is significantly higher than the national average.
Chhattisgarh is one of the emerging states with relatively high growth rates of net state domestic product (NSDP) (8.2% vs. 7.1% All India over 2002–2008) and per capita NSDP (6.2% vs. 5.4% All India over 2002–2008). The growth rates of the said parameters are above the national averages and thus it appears that Chhattisgarh is catching up with other states in this respect. However, the state still has very low levels of per capita income as compared to the other states.
Out of the total population of Chhattisgarh, 23.24% live in urban regions. The total population living in urban areas is 5,937,237, of which 3,035,469 are males and the remaining 2,901,768 are females.
Raipur, Durg, Bhilai Nagar, Bilaspur, Korba, Jagdalpur, Rajnandgaon, Ambikapur and Raigarh are some of the urban towns and cities in the region.[90]
There are more than 13 million males and 12.9 million females in Chhattisgarh, which constitutes 2.11% of the country's population. The sex ratio in the state is one of the most balanced in India with 991 females per 1,000 males, as is the child sex ratio with 964 females per 1,000 males (Census 2011)
Chhattisgarh has a fairly high fertility rate (2.4) as of 2017 compared to All India (2.2) and the replacement rate (2.1). It has a rural fertility rate of 2.6 and an urban fertility rate of 1.9
With the exception of the hilly states of the north-east, Chhattisgarh has one of highest shares of Scheduled Tribe (ST) populations within a state, accounting for about 10 percent of the STs in India. Scheduled Tribes make up 30.62% of the population. The tribals are an important part of the state population and mainly inhabit the dense forests of Bastar and other districts of south Chhattisgarh. The percentage increase in the population of the scheduled list of tribals during the 2001–2011 decade had been at the rate of 18.23%. The Scheduled Caste (SC) population of Chhattisgarh is 2,418,722 as per the 2001 census constituting 11.6 percent of the total population (20,833,803). The proportion of Scheduled Castes has increased from 11.6 percent in 2001 to 12.8% in 2011.
Tendu Patta (Leaf) collection in Chhattisgarh, India.
The incidence of poverty in Chhattisgarh is very high. The estimated poverty ratio in 2004–05 based on uniform reference period consumption was around 50 percent, which is approximately double the all-India level. The incidence of poverty in the rural and urban areas is almost the same.
More than half of the rural STs and urban SCs are poor. In general, the proportion of poor SC and ST households in the state is higher than the state average and their community's respective national averages (except for rural SC households). Given that more than 50 percent of the state's population is ST and SC, the high incidence of income poverty among them is a matter of serious concern in the state.
This indicates that the good economic performance in recent years has not percolated to this socially deprived group, which is reflected in their poor performance in human development indicators.
In terms of access to improved drinking water sources, at the aggregate level, Chhattisgarh fared better than the national average and the SCs of the state performed better than the corresponding national average. Scheduled Tribes are marginally below the state average, but still better than the STs at the all-India level.
The proportion of households with access to improved sources of drinking water in 2008–09 was 91%. This proportion was over 90% even in states like Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. This was largely because these states had over 70% of their households accessing tube wells/hand pumps as sources of drinking water.
Sanitation facilities in the state were abysmally low with only about 41 percent having toilet facilities before the Swachh Bharat Mission was launched by the Government of India. The Urban areas of Chhattisgarh attained the title of open defecation free on 2 October 2017 and the rural areas have achieved a 90.31% sanitation coverage. What sets Chhattisgarh apart from other states of India is an approach to bring in behavioral change in order to get open defecation-free status. In Chhattisgarh, people don't get toilet incentives before the construction of toilets, so they have to construct the toilet with their own money, and only after using the toilet for 3 months are they entitled to the incentive amount.[91]
In 2020, it again won the title of the cleanest state with more than 100 Urban Local Bodies, as announced by Minister for Housing and Urban AffairsHardeep Singh Puri following the 'Swachh Survekshan 2020'.[92] In the Swachh Survekshan Awards-2023, Chhattisgarh secured the third rank in the 'Best Performing States' category.[93]
Across states, it has been found that teledensity (telephone density) was below 10 percent in 2010 for Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, reflecting a lack of access to telephones in these relatively poorer states. But due to development of new technology the teledensity in 2017 is 68.08 percent which shows improvement of telecom infrastructure. On the other hand, for states like Delhi and Himachal Pradesh and metropolitan cities like Kolkata, Mumbai, and Chennai, teledensity was over 100 percent in 2010 implying that individuals have more than one telephone connection.
The total density of National Highways (NHs) in Chhattisgarh is at 23.4 km per 1,000 km2 out of the total length of 3,168 km in the State, the Central Government has informed.
Chhattisgarh Government had completed construction of 5,266 cement concrete (CC) roads having a total length of 1,530 km in various villages of the State as on 31 May 2016 under 'Mukhyamantri Gram Sadak Yojana'.[94]
To bring about social reforms and with a view to discourage undesirable social practices, Chhattisgarh government has enacted the Chhattisgarh Tonhi Atyachar (Niwaran) Act, 2005 against witchery.[citation needed] Much has to be done on the issue of law enforcement by judicial authorities to protect women in this regard, bringing such persecution to an end.[95]
Some sections of tribal population of Chhattisgarh state believe in witchcraft.[95] Women are believed to have access to supernatural forces and are accused of being witches (tonhi) often to settle personal scores.
As of 2010, they are still hounded out of villages on the basis of flimsy accusations by male village sorcerers paid to do so by villagers with personal agendas, such as property and goods acquisition.[95] According to National Geographic Channel's investigations, those accused are fortunate if they are only verbally bullied and shunned or exiled from their village.
Chhattisgarh has an urban population of 23.4% (around 5.1 million people in 2011) residing in urban areas. According to a report by the government of India,[98] at least 30% are Scheduled Tribes, 12% are Scheduled Castes and over 45.5% belong to the official list of Other Backward Classes. The plains are numerically dominated by castes such as Teli, Satnami and Yadav while forest areas are mainly occupied by tribes such as Gond, Halba, Kamar/Bujia and Oraon. There is also a major general population like Rajputs, Brahmin, Kurmi, Bania, etc. A community of Bengalis has existed in major cities since the times of the British Raj. They are associated with education, industry, and services.
According to the 2011 census, 93.25% of Chhattisgarh's population practised Hinduism, while 2.02% followed Islam, 1.92% followed Christianity and a smaller number followed Buddhism, Sikhism, Jainism or other religions.[99]
Hindus are the majority in the state and are the dominant religion in all districts of the state. One sect particular to Chhattisgarh are the Satnamis aka Satnampanthis, who follow Guru Ghasidas, a saint who promoted bhakti towards God and against the caste system. Chhattisgarh has many famous pilgrimage sites, such as the Bambleshwari Temple in Dongargarh and Danteshwari temple in the Dantewada, one of the Shakti Peethas. Buddhism was once a major religion in Chhattisgarh.
Islam is the second-largest religion, concentrated in urban centres. Most Christians are tribals from the Surguija region.
The official languages of the state are Modern Standard Hindi and Chhattisgarhi, both of which are Central Indo-Aryan languages (also known as Hindi languages, forming a part of the Hindi Belt). Chhattisgarhi is spoken and understood by the majority of people in Chhattisgarh and is the dominant language in the Chhattisgarh plain. Chhattisgarhi is called Khaltahi by tribals and Laria in Odia. Chhattisgarhi is itself divided into many dialects, one of the most distinct being Surgujia from the Surguja region, which is sometimes considered its own language. Near the Uttar Pradesh border this dialect merges into Bhojpuri, while it merges with Bagheli near the Madhya Pradesh border. Surgujia also merges into Sadri in the northeast along the border with Jharkhand. Standard Hindi is spoken by many migrants from outside the state, and is a major language in the cities and industrial centres, while many whose language is actually Chhattisgarhi record their speech as "Hindi" in the census. Odia is widely spoken in eastern Chhattisgarh, especially near the Odisha border. Telugu and Marathi speaking minorities can be found along the Telangana and Maharashtra borders respectively. In the eastern Bastar region, Halbi and Bhatri are major languages.
In addition, Chhattisgarh has several indigenous languages. Kurukh and Korwa are both spoken in the Surguja region. Gondi is a major language in southern Chhattisgarh: Bastar and the adjoining districts. Gondi has many dialects, such as Muria in north Bastar, which transitions to Madia further south and Dorli, transitional between Gondi and Koya, along the borders of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. In the east of Bastar. Most Gonds in the north and east of Bastar, as well as the rest of the state, speak regional languages and have largely forgotten their original tongue.[101][102][103][104]
Chhattisgarh has a high female-male sex ratio (991)[105] ranking at the fifth position among other states of India. Although this ratio is small compared to other states, it is unique in India because Chhattisgarh is the 10th-largest state in India.
The gender ratio (number of females per 1,000 males) has been steadily declining over 20th century in Chhattisgarh. But it is conspicuous that Chhattisgarh always had a better female-to-male ratio compared with national average.
Year
1901
1911
1921
1931
1941
1951
1961
1971
1981
1991
2001
2011
India
972
964
955
950
945
946
941
930
934
927
933
940
Chhattisgarh
1046
1039
1041
1043
1032
1024
1008
998
998
985
989
991
Rural women, although poor, are independent, better organised, and socially outspoken. According to another local custom, women can choose to terminate a marriage relationship through a custom called chudi pahanana, if she desires. Most of the old temples and shrines follow Shaktism and are goddess-centric (e.g., Shabari, Mahamaya, Danteshwari) and the existence of these temples gives insight into the historical and current social fabric of this state. However, a mention of these progressive local customs in no way suggests that the ideology of female subservience does not exist in Chhattisgarh. On the contrary, male authority and dominance are seen quite clearly in social and cultural life.[106]
Panthi, the folk dance of the Satnami community, has religious overtones. Panthi is performed on Maghi Purnima, the anniversary of the birth of Guru Ghasidas. The dancers dance around a jaitkhamb set up for the occasion, to songs eulogising their spiritual head. The songs reflect a view of nirvana, conveying the spirit of their guru's renunciation and the teachings of saint poets like Kabir, Ramdas and Dadu. Dancers with bent torsos and swinging arms dance, carried away by their devotion. As the rhythm quickens, they perform acrobatics and form human pyramids.[107]
Pandavani is a folk ballad form performed predominantly in Chhattisgarh. It depicts the story of the Pandavas, the leading characters in the epic Mahabharata. The artists in the Pandavani narration consist of a lead artist and some supporting singers and musicians. There are two styles of narration in Pandavani, Vedamati, and Kapalik. In the Vedamati style, the lead artist narrates in a simple manner by sitting on the floor throughout the performance. The Kaplik style is livelier, where the narrator actually enacts the scenes and characters. Padma Shri, Padma Bhushan, and Padma Vibhushan Teejan Bai is most popular artist of Pandavani[108]
Raut Nacha, the folk dance of cowherds, is a traditional dance of Yaduvanshis (clan of Yadu) as symbol of worship to Krishna from the 4th day of Diwali (Goverdhan Puja) till the time of Dev Uthani Ekadashi (day of awakening of the gods after a brief rest) which is the 11th day after Diwali according to the Hindu calendar. The dance closely resembles Krishna's dance with the gopis (milkmaids).[109][110]
In Bilaspur, the Raut Nach Mahotsav folk dance festival has been organised annually since 1978. Tens of hundreds of Rautt dancers from remote areas participate.[111]
Soowa or Suwa tribal dance in Chhattisgarh is also known as Parrot Dance. It is a symbolic form of dancing related to worship. Dancers keep a parrot in a bamboo pot and form a circle around it. Then performers sing and dance, moving around it with clapping. This is one of the main dance forms of tribal women of Chhattisgarh.[112]
Tribal groups like Gonds, the Baigas and the Oraons in Chhattisgarh have the Karma dance as part of their culture. Both men and women arrange themselves in two rows and follow the rhythmic steps, directed by the singer group. The Karma tribal dance marks the end of the rainy season and the advent of spring season.[clarification needed][113][114]
Mohammed Rafi sang a song for Chhattisgarhi film. He had also sung songs for various Chhattisgarhi films like Ghardwaar, Kahi Debe Sandesh, Punni Ke Chanda, etc.[115][116]
Chhattisgarh is known as the rice bowl of India and has a rich tradition of food culture.
The typical Chhattisgarhi thali consists of roti, bhat, dal or kadhi, curry, chutney and bhaji. Few Chhattisgarhi dishes are Aamat, Bafauri, Bhajia, Chousela, Dubkikadhi, Farra, Khurmi, Moong Bara, Thethari, and Muthia.[117][118][119][120][121][122]
Chhattisgarh, situated in the heart of India, is endowed with a rich cultural heritage and attractive natural diversity. The state is full of ancient monuments, rare wildlife, exquisitely carved temples, Buddhist sites, palaces, waterfalls, caves, rock paintings, and hill plateaus.
According to the census of 2011, Chhattisgarh's literacy, the most basic indicator of education, was at 71.04 percent. Female literacy was at 60.59 percent.
^"Appendix-A: Detailed tables, Table (7): Literacy rate (in per cent) of persons of different age groups for each State/UT (persons, age-group (years): 7 & above, rural+urban (column 6))". Annual Report, Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) (July 2023 – June 2024)(PDF). National Sample Survey Office, Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Government of India. 23 September 2024. pp. A-10.
^Dr. Bhagvan Singh Verma, Chhattisgarh ka Itihas (A History of Chhattisgarh – in Hindi), Madhya Pradesh Hindi Granth Academy, Bhopal (M.P.), 4th edition (2003), p.7
^Shukla, Hira Lal (2002). Archaeology of the Indian cave theatre : a study of Ramgarh Hill, of Chhattisgarh. Internet Archive. Delhi : B.R. Pub. Corp.; New Delhi : Distributed by BRPC (India) Ltd. p. 17. ISBN978-81-7646-260-0. few gold and silver coins of the Nanda-Maurya ages, picked up at Akaltara and Thathari of the adjacent district of Bilaspur, indicate the Mauryan influence in Surguja (Surguja District Gazetteer, 1989, p. 36).
^Oudhia, P. (1999) Allelopathic effects of Lantana camara L. on germination of soybean. Legume Research 22(4): 273–274.
^Oudhia, P. (2000). Positive (inhibitory) allelopathic effects of some obnoxious weeds on germination and seedling vigour of pigeonpea (Cajanus cajan L.). Research on Crops. 1 (1):116–118.
^Oudhia, P. (2001). Stimulatory allelopathic effects of Ageratum conyzoides L. on soybean. Agric. Sci. Digest. 21 (1):55–56.
^Shri Kamal Sharma, Spatial Framework and Economic Development, Northern Book Centre, 4221/1 Daryaganj, Ansari Road, New Delhi 110 002, 2000, p. 158, ISBN81-7211-111-8
^"Census Population"(PDF). Census of India. Ministry of Finance India. Archived from the original(PDF) on 19 December 2008. Retrieved 18 December 2008.
^"States Census 2011". Census of India. Ministry of Finance India. Archived from the original on 14 February 2014. Retrieved 18 August 2015.
^"NCW Report, page 4"(PDF). National Commission of Women, Government of India. Archived from the original(PDF) on 19 June 2009. Retrieved 22 August 2010.
^"Chhattisgarh, At a glance"(PDF). Census 2011, Ministry of Home Affair, India. Archived(PDF) from the original on 13 August 2011. Retrieved 22 July 2011.
^Oudhia, P. (1999) Chhattisgarh farmer's response on control of weeds in direct seeded rice. Agril. Sci. Digest. 19(4): 261–263.
^Das, G.K. and Oudhia, P. (2001). Rice as the medicinal plant in Chhattisgarh (India): A survey. Agric. Sci. Digest. 21(3):204–205.
^Oudhia, P. (2002). Rice-Acorus intercropping: A new system developed by innovative farmers of Chhattisgarh (India). International Rice Research Notes (IRRN).27(1):56.
^"Chhattisgarh". mapsofindia.com. Archived from the original on 2 August 2011. Retrieved 22 July 2011.
^"Rice Bowl of India"(PDF). India Water Portal. Archived(PDF) from the original on 15 December 2017. Retrieved 29 September 2018.
^"Archived copy"(PDF). Archived(PDF) from the original on 13 August 2011. Retrieved 22 July 2011.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
Chhattisgarh (Hindi: छत्तीसगढ़) is a landlocked state in central India, formed on 1 November 2000 through the bifurcation of the southeastern districts of Madhya Pradesh, becoming the country's 26th state.[1] Covering an area of 135,192 square kilometres, it ranks as the ninth-largest state by territory and is bordered by Madhya Pradesh to the northwest, Maharashtra to the southwest, Telangana and Odisha to the south, Jharkhand to the northeast, and Uttar Pradesh and Bihar via a narrow corridor in the north.[1] Its population stands at approximately 30.18 million as per 2023 projections, with a significant portion—over 30%—comprising Scheduled Tribes, predominantly in the densely forested Bastar region.[2]The state's capital is Raipur, a major commercial hub, while the legislative and administrative functions are increasingly shifting to the planned city of Atal Nagar (Naya Raipur) nearby.[1] Chhattisgarh's geography features the upper Mahanadi River basin, extensive plateaus, and tropical deciduous forests covering about 44% of its land, supporting biodiversity including tigers and sal trees, alongside waterfalls like Chitrakote, often dubbed the "Niagara of India." Economically, it is a powerhouse in minerals, contributing significantly to India's production of coal, iron ore, bauxite, and diamonds, with mineral revenues reaching Rs. 13,000 crore in 2023-24; industries such as steel (via plants like Bhilai), cement, and power generation dominate, bolstered by agriculture yielding surplus rice, earning it the moniker "Rice Bowl of India."[3]Despite these resources, Chhattisgarh contends with developmental disparities, particularly in its southern districts plagued by a protracted Maoist insurgency since the 1980s, rooted in tribal grievances over land and resource exploitation, which has hindered infrastructure and prompted intensified counter-insurgency operations by security forces.[4][5] The state also boasts ancient historical sites, including 2nd-century BCE inscriptions and medieval temples like Bhoramdeo, reflecting its cultural heritage from pre-Mauryan eras through Kalachuri rule.[1]
Etymology
Derivation and historical references
The name Chhattisgarh derives from the words chhattīs ("thirty-six") and gāṛh ("fort" or "stronghold"), translating literally to "thirty-six forts," referring to the numerous ancient fortifications scattered across the region.[6] This etymology reflects the area's historical landscape of defensive structures, though the precise number of 36 may symbolize a collective grouping rather than an exact count, as administrative divisions like garhs or principalities were common in medieval Indian geography.[7]The term was historically applied to the territory governed by the Hehaya (or Haihaya) dynasty centered at Ratanpur, a Kalachuri-era power that emerged around the 10th–11th centuries CE, succeeding earlier rulers in the region.[6] Prior to this, the area lacked the Chhattisgarh designation and was known in ancient Sanskrit texts as Dakṣiṇa Kośala ("Southern Kosala"), a realm mentioned in the Ramayana as the homeland of Rama's mother Kausalya and in the Mahabharata for its role in Vedic-era conflicts and pilgrimages.[6][7] Epigraphic evidence, such as 4th–5th century CE inscriptions from sites like Sirpur, corroborates Dakṣiṇa Kośala as the prevailing name during the Gupta and early medieval periods, with no contemporary references to "Chhattisgarh" in those records.[6]The Chhattisgarh name entered wider usage during the late medieval and early modern eras, particularly under Maratha administration in the 18th century, when British colonial surveys like those by the East India Company formalized it for revenue and mapping purposes, distinguishing the "36 forts" tract from surrounding princely states.[8] Alternative folk theories, such as the region housing 36 noble families or deriving from a temple's 36 pillars, lack primary historical attestation and appear as later rationalizations rather than derivations supported by inscriptions or chronicles.[8] The shift from Dakṣiṇa Kośala to Chhattisgarh underscores a transition from classical literary nomenclature to a pragmatic, fort-centric identifier tied to feudal strongholds, with the latter persisting into the British Raj as a revenue division under the Central Provinces.[7]
History
Ancient and prehistoric eras
Chhattisgarh preserves extensive evidence of human occupation from the Paleolithic period, with stone tools and artifacts indicating early hunter-gatherer societies across river valleys and uplands. Surveys have identified over 332 prehistoric sites, particularly in the Bastar district and along rivers like the Seonath and Hasdeo, featuring hand-axes, choppers, and scrapers characteristic of Lower and Upper Paleolithic phases.[9] Microlithic tools from Mesolithic contexts, including those at Chitrakot Falls, suggest continued habitation by small nomadic groups adapting to forested environments around 10,000–5,000 years ago.[10]Rock shelters in Bastar and northern districts like Surguja host prehistoric paintings depicting hunting scenes, animals, and human figures, executed in red ochre and white pigments, dating primarily to the Mesolithic era. These petroglyphs and pictographs provide insights into indigenous artistic traditions and subsistence patterns, with sites such as those in the Charama area of Kanker district exemplifying widespread rock art distribution.[11] The transition from prehistoric to protohistoric phases is marked by the emergence of settled communities, evidenced by pottery and early iron tools in upland excavations.[12]The region's ancient history begins with epigraphic records from the 2nd century BCE, as seen in the Brahmi-script inscription at Jogimara Cave in the Ramgarh hills of Surguja district, referencing a dramatist named Devadatta skilled in dramatic arts and possibly painting.[13] This artifact, discovered by archaeologist T. Bloch, indicates cultural sophistication including theater and visual arts shortly after the Mauryan Empire's decline. Nearby Sitabenga Cave bears a similar inscription, suggesting these rock-cut structures served ritual or performative functions.[14]By the post-Mauryan period, the area known as Dakshina Kosala fell under Satavahana influence from the 1st century BCE to 3rd century CE, with coin finds and structural remains pointing to trade networks and administrative centers. Archaeological sites like Tarighat on the Kharun River reveal early urban settlements with brick structures and artifacts from this era, bridging prehistoric isolation to integrated regional polities.[15] Excavations at locations such as Damaru have uncovered mud forts dating around 2,000 years ago, underscoring evolving fortifications amid expanding kingdoms.[16]
Medieval kingdoms and dynasties
Following the decline of centralized empires in the early centuries CE, the Dakshina Kosala region encompassing much of present-day Chhattisgarh saw the rise of regional powers starting from the 5th century. The Sarabhapuriya dynasty, active between approximately 475 and 525 CE, established control with their capital at Sripura (modern Sirpur), as evidenced by inscriptions and archaeological remains indicating administrative and religious patronage.[17] This was succeeded by the Panduvamshi dynasty around the 6th to 8th centuries, which claimed descent from the mythical Pandavas and ruled from the same center, fostering Buddhist and Hindu temple architecture, including structures at Sirpur dating to the 7th-8th centuries.[18] King Mahashivagupta Balarjuna (r. c. 595-655 CE) marked a prosperous era with extensive land grants and cultural development, supported by epigraphic records.[18]By the 9th-10th centuries, the area fragmented into smaller polities amid broader influences from the Kalachuris of Tripuri, leading to the emergence of the Kalachuri branch at Ratnapura (modern Ratanpur) in the 11th-13th centuries. This Haihaya-Kalachuri lineage, originating as a feudatory offshoot, consolidated power over central Chhattisgarh, with rulers like Ratnadeva I (r. c. 1090-1120 CE) expanding territory through military campaigns and issuing copper-plate grants that detail revenue systems and temple endowments.[19] Their architectural legacy includes the Bhoramdeo Temple complex near Kawardha, built in the Nagara style during the 11th century, reflecting Shaivite devotion and sculptural sophistication.[6] The dynasty peaked under Jajalladeva I and declined by the early 14th century due to internal strife and invasions, fragmenting into principalities like Raipur and Ratanpur.[19]In the Bastar region, the Nagavanshi dynasty asserted influence from around the 11th century, claiming Naga descent and governing tribal-influenced territories with a focus on local customs and fortifications.[20] Their rule, evidenced by inscriptions and oral traditions, involved alliances with neighboring groups and persisted until challenged by later incursions, such as the Chalukya establishment in Bastar by Annamdev in 1320 CE.[21] These dynasties collectively shaped Chhattisgarh's medieval landscape through patronage of Shaivism, Vaishnavism, and regional autonomy, amid periodic conflicts with Deccan powers and southern invasions, exemplified by Rajendra Chola I's Ganges expedition (c. 1019–1021 CE) that reached and raided the Bastar region.[22][23]
Colonial period and integration into British India
The region comprising present-day Chhattisgarh fell under Maratha control in 1741 when the Bhonsale dynasty of Nagpur defeated the Kalachuris and other local powers to extend its influence over the area.[24] This Maratha suzerainty persisted until the Third Anglo-Maratha War (1817–1818), culminating in British victory and the Treaty of Nagpur on 5 November 1818, which imposed subsidiary alliance terms on the Nagpur state, effectively placing Chhattisgarh under indirect British oversight while allowing nominal Maratha rule.[25] The British East India Company administered the territory through revenue collection and military presence, marking the initial phase of colonial integration without direct annexation.[21]Direct British control solidified in 1853–1854 following the death of Raghuji III Bhonsale on 11 December 1853 without a natural heir or adopted successor approved by the British; invoking the Doctrine of Lapse, Governor-General Lord Dalhousie annexed the Nagpur Province, including Chhattisgarh, on 1 January 1854.[7] This annexation integrated the region fully into British India as a non-regulation province, with administrative reforms emphasizing direct governance, land revenue surveys, and suppression of local feudal structures.[26] Raipur emerged as the key administrative center, supplanting the former capital Ratanpur, and the area was organized into districts under a commissionerate system.[27] In 1861, Chhattisgarh formed one of the core divisions of the newly constituted Central Provinces, alongside territories like Nagpur and Saugor-Nerbudda, facilitating centralized British oversight from Nagpur.[21]Portions of the region retained semi-autonomous status through 14 feudatory princely states under the Eastern States Agency, which handled tribute and internal affairs while aligning with British foreign policy.[27] British rule introduced infrastructural changes, including railways and telegraph lines by the late 19th century, alongside efforts to monetize agriculture via cash crops like cotton, though tribal resistances persisted, notably during the 1857 Indian Rebellion when local leaders in Raipur and Bilaspur districts mobilized against British authority before suppression.[25] The Central Provinces, reorganized as Central Provinces and Berar in 1903, encompassed Chhattisgarh until Indian independence in 1947, after which it merged into the Central Provinces framework leading to Madhya Pradesh.[28]
Post-independence developments and state formation
Following India's independence on August 15, 1947, the territories comprising present-day Chhattisgarh were integrated into the province of Central Provinces and Berar, which was reorganized into Madhya Pradesh under the States Reorganisation Act of 1956.[7] This incorporation placed the region, characterized by its dense forests, tribal populations, and mineral resources, under administrative control from Bhopal and later Jabalpur, leading to perceptions of regional neglect in infrastructure and development.[29]Demands for a separate Chhattisgarh state emerged shortly after independence, with the first formal resolution raised in 1947 amid broader discussions on provincial boundaries.[29] These calls intensified during the 1954-1955 linguistic reorganization debates, as local leaders argued that the area's distinct cultural identity, Halbi and Chhattisgarhi dialects, and economic disparities—stemming from underinvestment in mining and agriculture—warranted autonomy from the Hindi-dominant Madhya Pradesh heartland.[29] The inaugural legislative push occurred in 1955, when a proposal for separation was tabled in the Madhya Pradesh assembly, highlighting aspirations for localized governance to address tribal welfare and resource exploitation.[30] Despite repeated advocacy through organizations like the Chattisgarh Mahasabha, the movement remained largely non-violent and politically driven, lacking the intensity of contemporaneous tribal agitations elsewhere.The statehood demand gained traction in the 1990s amid national political shifts, as competition between the Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Madhya Pradesh elections amplified regional grievances over fiscal allocations and administrative inefficiencies.[31] In 1998, under a BJP-led coalition at the center, commitments to smaller states for better governance prompted renewed momentum.[32] The Madhya Pradesh Reorganisation Bill was introduced in Parliament in December 1999 and enacted as the Madhya Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2000, on August 25, 2000, partitioning Madhya Pradesh into two successor states effective November 1, 2000.[33] Chhattisgarh emerged with 16 districts, Raipur as its capital, and an initial allocation of 11 seats in the national Lok Sabha, enabling focused development on its 135,000 square kilometers of forested terrain and industrial potential. This bifurcation, alongside the creations of Jharkhand and Uttarakhand, marked the largest expansion of India's federal structure since 1956, driven by pragmatic electoral calculus rather than sustained mass mobilization.[32]
Geography
Physical features and topography
Chhattisgarh occupies a portion of the central Indian Deccan Plateau, characterized by a structural plain with undulating topography shaped by extensive denudation processes, including erosion and weathering. The state's terrain generally slopes eastward from an average elevation of about 600 meters (2,000 feet), encompassing a mix of plateaus, hills, and basins. The central region forms the fertile Chhattisgarh Plain, approximately 160 kilometers (100 miles) wide, which serves as a broad alluvial basin drained primarily by the Mahanadi River system. This plain is bounded to the north by the Satpura Range, to the northeast by the Raigarh hills, and to the east and south by the Raipur Upland and extensions of the Bastar plateau.[34][35]The northern part of Chhattisgarh features the Maikal Hills, an extension of the Satpura Range, with elevations rising to around 900 meters in places, forming rugged uplands interspersed with valleys. These hills transition into the Chota Nagpur Plateau's influence along the northeastern border, contributing to a dissected landscape of residual hills and plateaus. In contrast, the southern districts, particularly Bastar, exhibit the Bastar Plateau—a southern outlier of the Deccan—with more pronounced elevations reaching up to 1,276 meters at peaks in the Bailadila Range, marked by iron ore-rich hillocks, deep gorges, and seasonal waterfalls. This region includes the Dandakaranya forest tract, a hilly expanse with steep slopes and undulating terrain derived from ancient Archean and Cuddapah rock formations.[36][37][38]Overall, the state's physiography divides into three major zones: the Northern Hills, Central Plains, and Bastar Plateau, reflecting variations in elevation from 150 to 1,200 meters. Predominant soil types align with these landforms, with red-to-yellow ferralitic soils covering hilly slopes (about 55% of the area) due to intense weathering of crystalline rocks, black clayey vertisols in the central basin from basaltic influences, and patches of lateritic soils on plateaus. These features result from prolonged geological stability punctuated by fluvial erosion, fostering a landscape resilient to monsoon-driven dissection but vulnerable to seasonal flooding in lowlands.[35][39][40]
Rivers, water resources, and hydrology
Chhattisgarh's hydrology is characterized by its position within four major Indian river systems: the Mahanadi, Godavari, Ganga, and Narmada basins, which collectively drain approximately 135,100 square kilometers of the state's geographical area.[41] The Mahanadi basin dominates, covering 77,302 square kilometers or about 57% of the state, while the Godavari basin accounts for 38,361 square kilometers (28%).[41] The Ganga basin drains 18,407 square kilometers (14%), primarily through the Son River, and the Narmada basin covers a smaller portion in the northern districts.[42] These basins support a surface water potential of 48,296 million cubic meters (MCM), with utilizable resources focused on irrigation and hydropower.[43]The Mahanadi River, the state's largest waterway, originates near Sihawa village in Dhamtari district and flows eastward for about 858 kilometers, with roughly 286 kilometers traversing Chhattisgarh before entering Odisha.[44] Its key tributaries in the state include the Shivnath, Hasdeo, Jonk, and Kharun rivers, which originate in the Maikal Hills and contribute to the basin's perennial flow driven by monsoon rainfall averaging 1,200-1,600 millimeters annually.[45] The Godavari basin features the Indravati River, rising in the Eastern Ghats of neighboring states but flowing through southern Chhattisgarh's Bastar region, where it forms the Chitrakote Falls before merging with the Sabari River.[44] Smaller rivers like the Arpa and Pairi in the Mahanadi system and the Son in the Ganga basin supplement drainage, with the state's rivers exhibiting seasonal variability—high discharges during the June-September monsoon and reduced flows in the dry season.Water resources management relies on an extensive network of dams and reservoirs to harness these rivers for irrigation, drinking water, and power generation. The Gangrel Dam, located on the Dhamtari River (a Mahanadi tributary), is Asia's longest masonry dam at 2,256 meters, impounding water for irrigation across 65,000 hectares.[46] The Hasdeo Bango Dam on the Hasdeo River provides irrigation to 137,000 hectares and generates 120 MW of hydropower, while the Tandula Dam on the Tandula River supports Durg and Raipur districts' agriculture.[47] Ground water contributes 14,548 MCM annually, monitored through 1,055 observation wells by the Central Ground Water Board, though over-exploitation risks exist in urban areas like Raipur.[48] Irrigation potential covers about 75% of the gross sown area, equivalent to 3.7 million hectares, through canal systems and minor irrigation tanks, with the Water Resources Department overseeing allocation and conservation.[49]
Climate patterns and seasonal variations
Chhattisgarh features a tropical monsoon climate with pronounced seasonal shifts driven by the southwest monsoon, characterized by hot summers, heavy seasonal rains, and mild winters. The state's average annual temperature hovers around 26.5°C, with annual precipitation typically ranging from 1200 to 1400 mm, though spatial variations exist due to topography—higher in northern hills and southern plateaus, lower in central plains. About 80% of rainfall occurs during the June–September monsoon, influenced by low-pressure systems over the Bay of Bengal.[50][51][52]The summer or pre-monsoon period (March–May) brings intense heat, with daytime highs frequently surpassing 40°C and peaking at 45–49°C in lowland areas like Raipur, accompanied by dry westerly winds and occasional pre-monsoon thunderstorms (locally called kalbaishakhi). Nighttime lows remain elevated at 25–30°C, exacerbating heat stress. This season sees minimal rainfall, under 100 mm total, heightening drought risks in rainfed agriculture.[53][54][50]Monsoon onset in early June delivers copious rains, averaging 1000–1100 mm statewide, with districts like Dantewada recording up to 1432 mm annually and Bastar around 1363 mm, while drier zones like Kabirdham average 885 mm. Temperatures moderate to 30–35°C highs amid high humidity, but flooding occurs in riverine basins. The post-monsoon transition (October–November) features retreating rains and clearer skies. Winter (December–February) offers respite, with daytime maxima of 25–30°C and nocturnal minima dipping to 5–13°C, especially in elevated northern areas; fog is common, and rainfall drops below 50 mm.[51][55][52][56][50]
Forests, biodiversity, and environmental challenges
Chhattisgarh possesses extensive forest cover, encompassing approximately 55,717 square kilometers, which constitutes 41.21% of the state's geographical area of 135,192 square kilometers, as reported in the India State of Forest Report (ISFR) 2023.[57] The forests are predominantly tropical moist and dry deciduous types, dominated by Shorea robusta (sal) trees, alongside bamboo, teak, and tendu, supporting a rich ecological base in the state's hilly and plateau regions.[57] Recent assessments indicate a net increase in forest cover, with very dense forest rising from 7,068 square kilometers in 2021 to 7,416.57 square kilometers in 2023, positioning Chhattisgarh as the leading state in combined forest and tree cover growth at 683.62 square kilometers.[58]Biodiversity thrives across three national parks—Indravati, Kanger Valley, and Guru Ghasidas (formerly Sanjay)—and four tiger reserves: Achanakmar, Indravati, Udanti-Sitanadi, and the recently notified Guru Ghasidas-Tamor Pingla, spanning 2,829 square kilometers and designated as India's 56th tiger reserve in November 2024.[59] These areas host key fauna including Bengal tigers (population doubled from 17 to 35 between 2022 and 2025), Indian elephants, leopards, gaurs, sloth bears, wild water buffaloes, and four-horned antelopes, alongside diverse avifauna, reptiles, and over 90 butterfly species in Kanger Valley alone.[60][61] Protected zones cover about 0.65 million hectares, preserving endemic flora and serving as corridors for species migration amid the Central Indian landscape.[62]Environmental pressures include significant deforestation linked to mining, with 53,500 hectares of forest lost between 2001 and 2023, and an additional 12,900 hectares of natural tree cover from 2021 to 2024, primarily due to coal and iron ore extraction in areas like Hasdeo Arand, where 273,757 trees face felling for operations.[63][64] Mining activities have caused pollution, habitat fragmentation, and violations of forest laws, exacerbating soil erosion and water contamination in mineral-rich Bastar and Surguja districts.[65] Maoist insurgency (Naxalism) compounds these issues by restricting access for conservation efforts, enabling illegal logging and poaching in remote forests, while security operations disrupt wildlife management; however, intensified anti-Naxal actions in 2024 neutralized 287 insurgents, potentially aiding long-term ecological restoration by curbing rebel-funded resource extraction.[66][67] Human-wildlife conflicts, such as elephant crop raids, and encroachment by tribal settlements further strain resources, though state afforestation initiatives have offset some losses.[68]
Administration
Administrative divisions and districts
Chhattisgarh is administratively organized into five revenue divisions—Bastar, Bilaspur, Durg, Raipur, and Surguja—each overseen by a divisional commissioner responsible for coordination among districts.[69] These divisions facilitate administrative efficiency across the state's 33 districts, which were progressively carved out from the original 16 districts at state formation in 2000, with expansions including 14 new districts added by 2020 to address local governance needs.[70][71]The districts vary significantly in area, population, and economic focus, ranging from densely forested tribal areas in Bastar Division to industrial hubs in Durg and Raipur Divisions.[72] Below is a grouping of districts by division:
Each district is headed by a district collector, who serves as the chief executive officer managing revenue, law and order, and development programs.[73] This structure supports decentralized governance, though challenges persist in remote districts due to terrain and security issues.[70]
Local government structures
Chhattisgarh's rural local governance operates through a three-tier Panchayati Raj system established under the Chhattisgarh Panchayati Raj Adhiniyam, 1993, comprising Gram Panchayats at the village level, Janpad Panchayats at the block level, and Zila Panchayats at the district level.[74] Gram Panchayats, the foundational units, handle village-level functions such as sanitation, water supply, minor roads, and primary education, with elected Sarpanchs leading bodies typically covering one or more villages.[75] Janpad Panchayats coordinate at the development block level, overseeing intermediary planning and implementation across multiple Gram Panchayats, while Zila Panchayats manage district-wide rural development, resource allocation, and integration with state schemes.[76]Gram Sabhas, comprising all adult villagers, serve as deliberative bodies within Gram Panchayats, empowered to approve annual plans, select beneficiaries for welfare programs, and manage local natural resources like minor forest produce and water bodies.[75] In Chhattisgarh's scheduled areas, which cover significant tribal regions including districts like Bastar and Dantewada, the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), extends enhanced powers to Gram Sabhas, including authority over land acquisition, mining leases, and prevention of land alienation to non-tribals.[77] Chhattisgarh notified PESA rules in August 2022, mandating at least 50% tribal representation in Gram Sabhas (with 25% women among them) and granting veto powers over development projects impacting tribal customs or resources, though implementation faces challenges from bureaucratic overlaps and enforcement gaps.[78][79]Urban local bodies in Chhattisgarh are structured under the Chhattisgarh Municipalities Act, 1961, and specific Municipal Corporation Acts, categorized into Municipal Corporations for major cities, Municipal Councils for smaller urban areas, and Nagar Panchayats for transitional rural-urban zones.[80] As of recent data, the state has 11 Municipal Corporations (including Raipur, Bhilai, and Bilaspur), 53 Municipal Councils, and 91 Nagar Panchayats, responsible for services like urban planning, waste management, water supply, and public health.[81] These bodies are headed by elected Mayors or Chairpersons, with administrative support from commissioners, and receive oversight from the Urban Administration and Development Department, which coordinates funding and regulatory compliance. Elections for these bodies occur periodically under the State Election Commission, with devolution of powers varying by urban scale, though fiscal constraints and central scheme dependencies limit full autonomy.
Major urban centers and their roles
Raipur functions as the capital city of Chhattisgarh and its primary administrative center, housing key state government institutions and serving as the headquarters for Raipur district and division.[82] The city's economy revolves around trade, transportation, agricultural processing, steel production, cement manufacturing, and rice milling, making it a regional commercial hub.[83] Naya Raipur, a planned satellite city adjacent to Raipur, has been developed as the new administrative capital since 2012, concentrating government offices and fostering urban growth through infrastructure like the state secretariat.Bhilai, integrated with the twin city of Durg, represents Chhattisgarh's foremost industrial agglomeration, anchored by the Bhilai Steel Plant established in 1955 as India's first public-sector integrated steel facility.[84] Operated by Steel Authority of India Limited, the plant produces 3.153 million tonnes of saleable steel annually, specializing in rails, wire rods, and merchant products, while supporting ancillary industries and employment in the region.[85] This steel-centric economy drives metallurgical advancements and contributes significantly to the state's manufacturing output.[86]Bilaspur operates as a vital commercial and logistical node, bolstered by its position as the zonal headquarters of the South East Central Railway, which oversees rail operations across Chhattisgarh and neighboring areas.[87] The city's railway junction facilitates extensive freight and passenger traffic, enhancing trade in goods like coal, cement, and agricultural products, while its markets support regional commerce and services.[88]Korba emerges as a specialized industrial center for energy and metals, hosting Bharat Aluminium Company (BALCO) operations with a 1,740 MW captive power plant that powers aluminum smelting and supplies the grid.[89] The district's thermal power stations and aluminum facilities, including expansions for subsidized supply to small industries, underscore its role in power generation and non-ferrous metal production amid abundant coal resources.[90]
Government and Politics
Constitutional framework and state institutions
Chhattisgarh was formed as India's 26th state on 1 November 2000 through the Madhya Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2000, which carved it out of northern and eastern Madhya Pradesh and amended the First Schedule of the Constitution of India.[91][92] The act delineated the state's territorial boundaries, assets, liabilities, and administrative transfers, establishing its constitutional status as a full-fledged state with autonomy over subjects in the State List and Concurrent List of the Seventh Schedule.[91]The executive framework mirrors that of other Indian states, with the Governor serving as the constitutional head, appointed by the President of India under Article 153 for a usual term of five years.[93] The Governor's role is largely ceremonial, including assenting to bills, summoning and proroguing the assembly, and appointing the Chief Minister, who leads the real executive authority via the Council of Ministers accountable to the legislature.[93][94]Legislative authority resides in the unicameral Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly (Vidhan Sabha), comprising 90 members elected every five years from territorial constituencies under universal adult suffrage as per Article 168.[95] The assembly convenes in Raipur, enacting laws on state matters, approving budgets, and overseeing the executive through debates and committees.[96]The judiciary is headed by the Chhattisgarh High Court, established on 1 November 2000 under the reorganisation act with original and appellate jurisdiction over state civil, criminal, and constitutional matters, its principal seat in Bilaspur.[97][98] Subordinate courts include district courts and sessions courts handling trials and appeals, functioning under the High Court's superintendence as mandated by Articles 214 and 227.[97]
Executive leadership and chief ministers
The executive authority of the Government of Chhattisgarh is vested in the Governor, who serves as the constitutional head of state appointed by the President of India, and the Council of Ministers headed by the Chief Minister.[93] The Governor appoints the Chief Minister, typically the leader of the majority party or coalition in the Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly, who then advises on the formation of the ministry responsible for day-to-day governance, policy implementation, and administration.[93] The Chief Minister holds real executive power, overseeing departments such as home affairs, finance, and rural development, while the Governor's role is largely ceremonial, including assenting to bills and summoning legislative sessions.[1]As of October 2025, Ramen Deka serves as the Governor of Chhattisgarh, having been sworn in on July 31, 2024.[94] Vishnu Deo Sai, from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), is the current Chief Minister, assuming office on December 13, 2023, and marking the first tribal leader to hold the position.[1][99]Chhattisgarh has had four Chief Ministers since its formation on November 1, 2000. The inaugural Chief Minister was Ajit Jogi of the Indian National Congress (INC), serving from November 1, 2000, to June 7, 2003.[100] Raman Singh of the BJP followed, holding office from June 7, 2003, to December 17, 2018, as the longest-serving Chief Minister with three consecutive terms focused on economic development and infrastructure.[101] Bhupesh Baghel of the INC governed from December 17, 2018, to December 13, 2023, emphasizing agrarian reforms and welfare schemes.[102]
Chief Minister
Party
Term Start
Term End
Ajit Jogi
INC
1 November 2000
6 June 2003
Raman Singh
BJP
7 June 2003
17 December 2018
Bhupesh Baghel
INC
17 December 2018
13 December 2023
Vishnu Deo Sai
BJP
13 December 2023
Incumbent
The transitions in Chief Ministers have aligned with assembly election outcomes, reflecting shifts between INC and BJP dominance, with the BJP securing victory in the 2023 elections leading to Sai's appointment.[102]
Legislative assembly and elections
The Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly, known as the Vidhan Sabha, is a unicameral body consisting of 90 members directly elected from single-member constituencies for terms of five years, unless dissolved earlier.[96][103] The assembly convenes in Raipur and holds legislative authority over state matters under India's federal structure, with elections managed by the Election Commission of India, typically in multiple phases to accommodate logistical and security challenges in remote and insurgency-prone regions.[93]Elections to the assembly have occurred quinquennially since the state's creation on November 1, 2000, with the inaugural polls held on November 1, 2003. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won 50 seats in 2003, securing a majority and forming the first elected government.[104] In the 2008 election, conducted on November 14 and 20, the BJP retained power with 50 seats, while the Indian National Congress (INC) secured 38.[105] The 2013 polls, held on November 11 and 19, saw the BJP win 49 seats amid anti-incumbency concerns but maintain governance through alliances.[106]The 2018 election marked a shift, with the INC gaining 68 seats on November 12 and 20, defeating the incumbent BJP which won 15, attributed to voter dissatisfaction with prolonged BJP rule and corruption allegations.[107] The most recent election in 2023, spanning two phases on November 7 and 17, resulted in the BJP capturing 54 seats, the INC 35, and the Gondwana Gantantra Party 1, leading to a change in government.[95]
Election Year
BJP Seats
INC Seats
Other Seats
2003
50
37
3
2008
50
38
2
2013
49
35
6
2018
15
68
7
2023
54
35
1
Voter turnout has averaged around 70-75% across cycles, with reserved seats for Scheduled Castes (10) and Scheduled Tribes (29) reflecting the state's demographic composition.[108][109]
Political parties, ideologies, and shifts
The political landscape of Chhattisgarh is dominated by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Indian National Congress (INC), with the two parties alternating power since the state's formation on November 1, 2000.[110] In the inaugural assembly elections of 2003, the BJP secured 50 of 90 seats, establishing a long-term hold under Chief Minister Raman Singh, who prioritized infrastructure development, power sector reforms, and welfare programs targeting tribal communities, which constitute about 30% of the population.[111] The INC, drawing on its historical base in rural and Scheduled Tribe areas, won 35 seats in 2018 amid anti-incumbency against the BJP's extended rule, forming a government led by Bhupesh Baghel that emphasized agrarian reforms, forest rights implementation under the Forest Rights Act of 2006, and direct benefit transfers.[112]Ideologically, the BJP in Chhattisgarh aligns with national emphases on economic liberalization, law-and-order enforcement—particularly against Maoist insurgency—and cultural integration, including promotion of Hindu festivals and anti-conversion measures, while adapting to local demands for tribal autonomy and resource extraction benefits from mining.[113] The INC, by contrast, positions itself as a defender of social justice, secularism, and expansive welfare, such as debt waivers for farmers and support for cooperative models in liquor and dairy sectors, though critics, including BJP leaders, have alleged these masked systemic corruption, as evidenced by investigations into liquor policy irregularities during Baghel's tenure.[114] Smaller regional outfits like the Gondwana Gantantra Party advocate ethnic separatism for Gond tribes, securing marginal representation, but lack the organizational depth to challenge the duopoly.[95]Electoral shifts reflect cyclical anti-incumbency and issue-based mobilization, with the BJP regaining control in the 2023 assembly polls by winning 54 seats to the INC's 35, propelled by voter disillusionment over graft scandals and perceived governance lapses under Baghel, alongside BJP's focus on industrial growth and security enhancements.[95][115] This marked a return to BJP rule under Vishnu Deo Sai, a tribal leader, underscoring the party's strategic penetration into Scheduled Tribe constituencies since 2003, where it flipped key seats through alliances with local influencers and promises of development without displacement.[112] By 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP captured 10 of 11 seats, reinforcing its dominance amid national alignments, though persistent Naxal-affected pockets continue to constrain ideological discourse toward pragmatic security-welfare balances rather than pure partisanship.[116] These oscillations highlight Chhattisgarh's politics as driven less by rigid ideology than by performance metrics on employment, resource distribution, and insurgency containment, with tribal votes proving pivotal in tipping scales.[111]
Internal Security
Law enforcement agencies and policing
The Chhattisgarh Police serves as the primary law enforcement agency responsible for maintaining public order, preventing crime, and investigating offenses across the state's 33 districts. Established following the state's formation in 2000, it operates under the Chhattisgarh Police Act, 2007, which outlines its constitution as a unified state force accountable to the Department of Home Affairs. The force is headed by a Director General of Police (DGP) from the Indian Police Service (IPS), with an IPS cadre strength of 103 officers as of recent records.[117][118]Organizationally, the state is divided into five police ranges—Raipur, Durg, Bilaspur, Sarguja, and Bastar—each overseen by an Inspector General of Police, with further subdivision into districts led by Superintendents of Police. The force maintains approximately 597 police stations and outposts connected through the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network and Systems (CCTNS) for digitized records and operations. Specialized wings handle cybercrime, economic offenses, and traffic, while armed battalions support internal security duties.[118][119]Policing in Chhattisgarh is heavily oriented toward countering the Naxalite-Maoist insurgency, particularly in the southern and eastern "Red Corridor" districts like Bastar, Dantewada, and Sukma, where left-wing extremists control remote forested terrains and target infrastructure. The District Reserve Guard (DRG), a specialized unit formed in 2008 comprising locally recruited personnel including former insurgents, conducts high-risk anti-Maoist patrols and ambushes, often in tandem with the Special Task Force (STF) and Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) units. These forces have reported neutralizing over 200 Maoists in 2024 through joint operations, though such engagements have resulted in significant personnel losses, with DRG and STF teams facing ambushes that highlight operational vulnerabilities in asymmetric warfare.[120][121][122]Community policing initiatives, such as "Amcho Bastar, Amcho Sansad" in Naxal-affected areas, aim to build trust with tribal populations through awareness campaigns and rehabilitation of surrendered militants, integrating over 50 insurgents into the DRG in recent years. However, challenges persist, including allegations of excessive force in encounters— with reports claiming some civilian deaths misattributed to Maoists—and resource strains from vast rural expanses, leading to police-population ratios below national averages. Government data emphasize fortified stations (576 built nationally in the last decade, many in Chhattisgarh) and surrenders as indicators of progress, though independent assessments note ongoing insurgent resilience in core areas.[123][124][66]
Naxalite-Maoist insurgency origins and ideology
The Naxalite-Maoist insurgency traces its roots to the 1967 peasant uprising in Naxalbari village, West Bengal, where communist radicals, inspired by Mao Zedong's theories of rural revolution, initiated armed struggle against landlords and the state.[125] This event splintered the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and birthed the Naxalite movement, emphasizing guerrilla warfare in underdeveloped rural areas to encircle and overthrow urban centers. In Chhattisgarh, the insurgency's foothold emerged in the early 1980s when squads from the People's War Group—originating in Andhra Pradesh's Telangana region—crossed into the dense, forested Bastar division, exploiting remote terrain and tribal discontent over land alienation and resource extraction.[126] By the 1990s, these groups consolidated control in Bastar's seven districts, leveraging adivasi grievances against mining leases and displacement, though their expansion relied on coercion, extortion, and elimination of local rivals rather than organic peasant mobilization.[127]The formalization of the insurgency in Chhattisgarh intensified after the 2004 merger of the People's War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre into the Communist Party of India (Maoist), which designated the state as a core "guerrilla zone" within India's "Red Corridor."[125] This unification provided ideological coherence and operational unity, enabling sustained operations amid crackdowns in Andhra Pradesh that pushed cadres westward. In Bastar, the Maoists established janatana sarkars (people's governments) by the mid-1980s, imposing taxes on tendu leaf contractors and mineral transporters to fund arms procurement, while recruiting from marginalized Gond and Halba tribes through promises of land redistribution—claims undermined by their own landmines and attacks on infrastructure that perpetuated underdevelopment.[128]Ideologically, the CPI (Maoist) adheres to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, viewing India's parliamentary democracy as a bourgeois facade masking semi-feudal exploitation and imperialist influence, necessitating a protracted people's war to establish a "new democratic" state led by peasants and workers.[125] In Chhattisgarh's context, this manifests as framing the insurgency as resistance against corporate mining and state "fascism," portraying adivasi displacement as class genocide while rejecting electoral politics and development projects as capitulation to capitalism.[129] Core tenets include building rural base areas (guerrilla zones) for strategic encirclement, armed agrarian revolution prioritizing land seizures, and internationalist solidarity with global communist struggles, though practical application involves summary executions of suspected informants and forced conscription, contradicting professed egalitarian aims.[127] The ideology's causal appeal in Bastar stems from real socioeconomic disparities—such as 70% tribal illiteracy and forest rights conflicts—but Maoist control has empirically exacerbated violence, with over 1,200 civilian deaths attributed to them in Chhattisgarh since 2000, per government data, prioritizing revolutionary purity over tangible welfare.[130]
Government counter-insurgency strategies
The Indian government's counter-insurgency efforts in Chhattisgarh against the Naxalite-Maoist insurgency emphasize a multi-pronged strategy combining intensified kinetic operations, intelligence-driven targeting of leadership, establishment of forward security camps, and incentives for surrenders alongside socio-economic development to undermine Maoist influence in tribal-dominated regions.[131][132] Central to this is the deployment of specialized forces such as the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), CoBRA commandos, and the state-specific District Reserve Guard (DRG), a locally recruited unit comprising former Maoists and tribal youth trained for guerrilla-style warfare in dense forests.[120] The DRG has been pivotal in operations, notably eliminating 29 Maoists in a single encounter on April 16, 2024, contributing to broader successes where security forces neutralized 219 Maoists in 115 engagements in 2024, compared to 26 in 68 engagements throughout 2023.[120][122]Key operations, such as Operation Kagar and Operation Sankalp launched in 2025, involve large-scale deployments—over 24,000 personnel in Sankalp—focusing on intelligence-led raids, drone surveillance, and disruption of Maoist supply lines and parallel governance structures in Bastar and other affected districts.[133][134] These efforts target high-value leaders, with 14 top CPI(Maoist) commanders eliminated nationwide in recent years, 85% of whose cadre strength was concentrated in Chhattisgarh as of 2024, alongside the neutralization of 197 hardcore Naxalites by mid-2025 building on 2024 gains.[135][136] The strategy also includes expanding security infrastructure, with dozens of new camps established in Maoist strongholds since 2023 to assert state presence and facilitate rapid response, though critics allege this has displaced tribal communities and escalated civilian casualties, which rose 27% in 2024 per some reports despite overall Maoist weakening.[137][138]Complementing security measures is a rehabilitation policy offering surrendered Maoists financial incentives, vocational training, and reintegration support, which has prompted high-profile surrenders including top commanders like Ramdher in October 2025, potentially with 40-50 cadres, and others such as Bhupati and Rupesh earlier that year.[139][140] Chhattisgarh's state government, under BJP leadership since December 2023, integrates these with development initiatives like accelerated welfare scheme implementation and infrastructure projects to address Maoist-exploited grievances over resource extraction and land rights, aiming for a Maoist-free state by March 2026.[132][141] However, independent analyses question the veracity of encounter killings, with local accounts claiming some of the 287 reported Naxal deaths in 2024 involved innocent civilians misidentified or staged, highlighting tensions between operational intensity and human rights concerns.[66] This approach of coercion paired with co-optation has moderately reduced Maoist capabilities, as evidenced by declining violence in core areas, though residual threats persist in remote terrains.[131][142]
Recent operations, surrenders, and security gains
In 2024 and 2025, Indian security forces intensified anti-Naxal operations in Chhattisgarh's Bastar region, resulting in the elimination of 435 Maoists, including approximately 48 women operatives, between early 2024 and June 20, 2025, according to official data from state authorities.[143] Notable encounters included the killing of 27 Maoists on January 20-21, 2025, near the Chhattisgarh-Odisha border, and 18 on January 16, 2025, in a separate offensive.[144] Operation Black Forest, launched on April 21, 2025, along the Chhattisgarh-Telangana border, facilitated the recapture of the Maoist stronghold Karregutta hill after a nine-day push involving thousands of personnel.[145] The neutralization of senior commander Basavaraju in May 2025 marked one of the most significant blows to Maoist leadership, contributing to 237 Naxal deaths that year alone.[146]Mass surrenders accelerated amid sustained pressure, with 1,225 Maoists laying down arms across India in 2025, many in Chhattisgarh.[147] In July 2025, 22 cadres surrendered in Abujhmad and 23 in Sukma, citing disillusionment with Maoist ideology and attraction to rehabilitation policies offering financial aid and skill training.[148] A landmark event occurred on October 16-17, 2025, when 258 cadres, including a commander and members of the Dandakaranya region's central committee, surrendered in North Bastar, handing over 153 weapons; this followed defections by top leaders like Bhupathi and influenced the Maoist Jan Militia to disband in Abujhmarh.[149][150][151]These efforts yielded measurable security gains, with Union Home Minister Amit Shah declaring Abujhmarh and North Bastar—long Maoist bastions—free of Naxal influence by October 2025, enabling development projects and forward operating bases like the one established in Bijapur's Gundrajgudem in September 2025.[152][153] Nationally, Naxal-affected districts shrank from 126 in 2014 to 18 by 2024, with only six most-affected, reflecting Chhattisgarh's progress in dismantling core Maoist areas in Bijapur and Sukma.[154] Despite residual violence, such as sporadic civilian killings in Bijapur, the Maoist People's Liberation Guerrilla Army abandoned tactical offensives, signaling operational collapse in southern Chhattisgarh strongholds.[155][156]
Transportation
Road infrastructure and connectivity
Chhattisgarh's road network totals approximately 85,019 kilometers of surfaced roads as of 2020, encompassing national highways, state highways, district roads, and rural links, which facilitate intra-state movement and connections to neighboring states including Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Jharkhand, and Telangana.[157] The state's road density stands at 71 kilometers per 100 square kilometers, below the national average, reflecting its forested terrain and dispersed population centers that pose logistical challenges for expansion.[158]National highways span 3,620 kilometers as of March 2024, comprising 11 key routes such as NH-30 linking Raipur to Maharashtra, NH-43 connecting Bilaspur to Odisha, NH-53 from Raipur to Odisha's coast, and the recently developed NH-130CD, a 464-kilometer six-lane corridor enhancing access to Visakhapatnam port.[159][160][161] These highways handle significant freight traffic for the state's mining and industrial outputs, with upgrades since 2014 adding over 1,000 kilometers of paved segments and bridges to improve all-weather connectivity.[162]State highways extend about 4,200 kilometers as of fiscal year 2019, supporting regional links between district headquarters like Raipur, Bilaspur, and Durg, while district and rural roads constitute the bulk of the network for agricultural transport.[163] Under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY), over 1,200 habitations in Chhattisgarh have gained all-weather road access by 2025 through upgrades totaling thousands of kilometers, targeting remote and left-wing extremism-affected areas to integrate rural economies.[164][165]Recent infrastructure initiatives include the completion of Chhattisgarh's first national highway tunnel on NH-130CD in October 2025, built in 12 months to bypass hilly terrain and cut travel times, alongside approvals for ₹7,000 crore in projects for highway widening, bridges, and bypasses on routes like NH-130A and NH-43.[166][167] Further, ₹11,000 crore was sanctioned in 2024 for four major highway developments, including the Urga-Katghora bypass on NH-149B, aimed at reducing congestion and enhancing trade corridors.[168] These efforts, funded via the National Highways Authority of India and Asian Development Bank loans, prioritize resilient construction in flood-prone and insurgency-vulnerable zones to sustain economic growth.[165]
Railway network and key junctions
Chhattisgarh's railway network, operated primarily under the South East Central Railway (SECR) zone headquartered in Bilaspur, spans approximately 1,170 kilometers of route length as of fiscal year 2022.[169] The network achieved full electrification by March 2025, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi dedicating the milestone, enhancing freight and passenger efficiency across the state.[170] SECR includes three divisions—Bilaspur, Raipur, and Nagpur—serving Chhattisgarh alongside parts of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Odisha, with 137 stations facilitating connectivity for industrial hubs, mining areas, and tribal regions.[171][87]Major lines include the Howrah-Nagpur-Mumbai trunk route passing through Bilaspur and Raipur, the Bilaspur-Anuppur-Katni line for eastern connectivity, and branch lines like Raipur-Vizianagaram extending to southern districts.[172] These routes support heavy freight traffic from coal-rich Korba and iron ore from Bastar, integrating with national corridors for steel and power sectors.[173]Bilaspur Junction (BSP) serves as the zonal headquarters and a critical interchange for north-south and east-west traffic, handling over 200 trains daily and connecting to major cities like Mumbai, Kolkata, and Delhi.[87]Raipur Junction (R), the primary station for the state capital, links to Durg-Bhilai industrial belt and southern lines, with redevelopment plans allocating over ₹400 crore for modernization as part of a ₹1,200 crore upgrade for three key stations including Bilaspur and Durg.[174]Durg Junction (DURG) acts as a vital junction for the Bhilai Steel Plant region, integrating lines from Raipur, Bilaspur, and Gondia, supporting passenger services like the Durg-Jagdalpur Express.[170]Other significant junctions include Korba for coal transport, Raigarh on the Mumbai-Kolkata route, and Jagdalpur as a southern terminus with extensions to Odisha.[175] These hubs underscore the network's role in economic logistics, though challenges like Naxal-affected tracks in Bastar require ongoing security measures for maintenance and operations.[87]
Airports and air travel
Swami Vivekananda Airport in Raipur serves as the primary gateway for air travel in Chhattisgarh, handling the majority of domestic and emerging international flights.[176] Located approximately 15 km south of Raipur city, it operates under IATA code RPR and supports connectivity to major Indian cities including Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, and Hyderabad via airlines such as IndiGo and Air India.[177][178] In November 2024, plans were announced to initiate international services from Raipur to destinations like Singapore and Dubai, alongside development of a cargo hub to enhance freight capabilities.[179] Air India SATS commenced domestic cargo operations at the airport in October 2025, strengthening air freight infrastructure.[180]Other operational airports include Bilaspur Airport (IATA: PAB), which facilitates regional domestic flights, and Jagdalpur Airport (IATA: JGB), serving the Maoist-affected Bastar region with limited scheduled services to reduce road travel times from 6-7 hours to about 45 minutes.[181][182] In December 2024, regional carrier FlyBig launched a new route connecting Raipur, Ambikapur, and Bilaspur, inaugurated by Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai to improve intra-state connectivity.[183] Additionally, Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated Maa Mahamaya Airport in Surguja district on October 24, 2024, under the UDAN scheme, marking the state's newest facility to boost access to northern tribal areas.[184]The Chhattisgarh state budget for 2025 allocated Rs 40 crore for airport modernization to support increased flight operations and better regional links, reflecting efforts to integrate remote districts into national air networks despite challenges like occasional disruptions from technical issues, such as DVOR system damage in September 2025 that diverted IndiGo flights.[185][186] These developments aim to facilitate economic growth by easing passenger and cargo movement, particularly for mining and industrial sectors, though air travel remains concentrated at Raipur with secondary airports handling lower volumes.[187]
Economy
Overall growth trends and macroeconomic data
Chhattisgarh's Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) has demonstrated resilience and acceleration in growth post-formation in 2000, with the real GSDP expanding at an average annual rate of 5.5% from 2012–13 to 2021–22, nearly matching India's national average of 5.6%.[188] This period reflects structural strengths in resource-based industries, though growth has been uneven due to reliance on mining and agriculture amid security challenges in certain districts. Nominal GSDP projections indicate a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 10.92% from FY16 to FY26, reaching Rs 6.35 lakh crore (US$74.43 billion) by FY26.[189]Recent fiscal years show post-pandemic rebound, with real GSDP growth at constant prices estimated at 8% in 2022–23 and rising to 11.4% in 2023–24.[190] For 2024–25, growth is forecasted at 7.5% at constant prices, with nominal GSDP reaching Rs 3.30 lakh crore.[191][192]Per capita net state domestic product (NSDP) at current prices was Rs 1,36,873 in 2021–22, about 20% below the national average of Rs 1,71,498, underscoring Chhattisgarh's position among lower-middle income states despite resource wealth.[188] It rose to an estimated Rs 1,47,361 in 2023–24 (7.31% growth) and Rs 1,62,870 in 2024–25 (9.4% increase), remaining below national levels of approximately Rs 1,85,000 in 2023–24.[193][191]In sectoral composition for 2021–22, industry accounted for 42.4% of gross state value added (GSVA), services 35.4%, and agriculture 22.2%, highlighting a deviation from India's service-led national economy toward extractive and manufacturing dominance.[188]
Fiscal Year
Real GSDP Growth (Constant Prices, %)
Source
2022–23
8.0
PRS India[190]
2023–24
11.4
PRS India[190]
2024–25
7.5
PRS India[191]
Agriculture, irrigation, and rural economy
Agriculture forms the cornerstone of Chhattisgarh's rural economy, accounting for 15.32% of the state's gross state domestic product (GSDP) in fiscal year 2023-24 and employing about 62.6% of the working population in agriculture, forestry, and fishing sectors. [188] The sector's dominance reflects the state's agrarian character, with over 70% of the population residing in rural areas dependent on farming for livelihoods.The cultivated area covers 4.78 million hectares, or 35% of the total geographical area, primarily supporting rain-fed kharif crops.[194] Rice dominates, comprising roughly 85% of the gross cropped area during the monsoon season, followed by pulses, oilseeds, millets, and wheat in rabi.[195] Foodgrain output totaled 8.9 million tonnes in 2022, positioning Chhattisgarh as a key rice-producing state.[196] Horticultural production has surged, with vegetables yielding 6.8 million tonnes across 0.49 million hectares in 2023-24, alongside spices like chili and ginger.[197]Irrigation infrastructure lags, with net irrigated area at only 23% of cultivated land, exposing much of the sector to climatic risks and constraining productivity.[194] State efforts include expanding potential from earlier levels of 1.84 million hectares, though actual utilization remains lower.[49] Recent advancements feature the Bodhghat project, cleared in June 2025 at a cost of Rs. 49,000 crore, set to irrigate 0.7 million hectares in Naxal-affected Bastar and add 125 MW hydropower capacity.[198] Complementary micro-irrigation schemes aim to cover more area efficiently, reducing rain-fed dependency projected to decline by 2025 through precision techniques.[199]Rural economic challenges persist from low diversification and infrastructure deficits, limiting income growth despite agriculture's employment role.[200] Budgetary support of Rs. 23,357 crore in 2024-25 targets allied activities, mechanization, and subsidies to enhance resilience and output.[189]
Mining, minerals, and natural resource extraction
Chhattisgarh possesses substantial reserves of 28 identified mineral types, including coal, iron ore, bauxite, dolomite, limestone, tin ore, and diamonds, with the state accounting for 19% of India's iron ore resources, 20% of bauxite, and 36% of tin ore as of April 1, 2020.[201][202] The Bastar region hosts high-grade iron ore deposits in the Bailadila hills, while Korba and Surguja districts are key for coal and bauxite, respectively.[203] These resources position Chhattisgarh as a leading mineral producer, ranking fifth in India by value of major mineral output with a 9.8% national share in 2014-15, though more recent data indicate contributions nearing 17% of total mineral production value.[204][205]The state's mining output includes coal from the Korba and Hasdeo-Arand coalfields, iron ore primarily from Dantewada and Narayanpur districts, and bauxite from multiple central and northern blocks, supporting downstream industries like steel and aluminum.[206] In 2023-24, mineral production reached a value of approximately 27 million INR thousand in peak months, with iron ore output valued at over 20 million INR thousand in early 2025.[207][208] Chhattisgarh remains India's sole producer of tin concentrates and moulding sand, and a top contributor of coal (via South Eastern Coalfields Limited subsidiaries), dolomite, and iron ore, with the sector generating record revenue of Rs. 12,941 crore in 2022-23 and Rs. 14,592 crore in 2024-25—a 34-fold increase since state formation.[209][210] This activity accounts for about 10% of the state's gross state domestic product (GSDP).[210]Extraction is led by public sector entities, including the National Mineral Development Corporation (NMDC) for iron ore at Bailadila mines and South Eastern Coalfields Limited (SECL), a Coal India subsidiary, for coal production exceeding national benchmarks in the region.[211] Private operators such as Adani Enterprises, Rungta Mines, and Vedanta also hold leases for iron ore, coal, and bauxite, often under mine developer and operator models.[212][213] Despite growth, operations face logistical challenges in remote, forested areas, with recent reforms emphasizing digital transparency for auctions and rare earth exploration to boost output.[210]
Industrial sectors: Steel, power, and manufacturing
Chhattisgarh's steel sector is anchored by the Bhilai Steel Plant, operated by Steel Authority of India Limited (SAIL), which expanded its crude steel production capacity from 3.93 million tonnes per annum (MTPA) to 7 MTPA as part of SAIL's modernization efforts.[214] In fiscal year 2023-24, the state produced 19 million tonnes of crude steel, representing 13% of India's national output.[215] The plant achieved records such as 153,743 tonnes of slab production at its Steel Melting Shop-2 in 2024, surpassing the prior year's mark of 151,360 tonnes, and 99,889 tonnes of long rail production in August 2025.[216][217] The state supports around 22 MTPA in combined capacity across multiple rolling mills, leveraging proximity to iron ore mines like Rowghat, which has a 14 MTPA production capacity.[215][218] Overall, Chhattisgarh accounts for approximately 30% of India's iron and steel production, driven by abundant mineral resources and infrastructure like dedicated freight corridors.[158]The power sector positions Chhattisgarh as a major electricity exporter, with Korba district hosting over 15 large-scale thermal plants and earning the moniker "Power Capital of India."[219] NTPC's Korba Super Thermal Power Station operates at 2,600 MW capacity, comprising units of 200 MW and 500 MW.[220] The Chhattisgarh State Power Generation Company Limited (CSPGCL) manages 2,840 MW of thermal capacity, including the 840 MW (4x210 MW) Hasdeo Thermal Power Station commissioned between 1983 and 1986, and a 500 MW Korba West extension added in 2013.[221] Thermal sources dominate, comprising 86.2% of the state's installed capacity from 2019 to 2024, supplemented by smaller hydro facilities like the 120 MW (3x40 MW) Hasdeo Bango project.[222][223] This infrastructure supports surplus generation, with the state exporting power to neighboring regions amid ongoing shifts toward renewables.[221]Manufacturing extends beyond steel and power into cement, aluminum, and automobiles, bolstered by raw material availability and policy incentives under the 2024-30 Industrial Development Policy, which prioritizes core products like cement and aluminum.[224] The cement industry benefits from limestone reserves, enabling the state to produce about 12% of India's cement output.[158] Aluminum smelting, led by facilities like BALCO in Korba, contributes roughly 20% to national production.[158] The automobile sector recorded India's highest growth at 18.57% in 2024, outpacing all states and union territories in vehicle sales, supported by ancillary units and logistics hubs.[225] These sectors collectively drive industrial expansion, with the state's policy aiming to integrate them into value chains for downstream manufacturing.[226]
Services, IT, and emerging investments
The services sector in Chhattisgarh contributed approximately 35% to the state's Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) as of recent estimates, with projections aiming to elevate this share to 50% by 2047 through targeted policy reforms emphasizing digital innovation and consultancy services.[158] In fiscal year 2023-24, the sector's value stood at Rs. 1,71,335 crore, expanding to an estimated Rs. 1,94,346 crore in 2024-25, reflecting a growth rate of 9.22%.[227] This expansion has been driven by steady annual growth of 5.4% from 2013-14 to 2022-23, outpacing agriculture but trailing manufacturing in some periods.[188]The IT and IT-enabled services (ITES) subsector is emerging as a focal point, particularly in Naya Raipur (Atal Nagar), designated as a greenfield smart city with allocated land for IT parks and plug-and-play facilities in its Central Business District.[228] In August 2025, the state cabinet approved 90 acres in Naya Raipur for an IT hub at concessional rates to attract tech firms.[229] Key developments include India's first AI Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Naya Raipur, developed by RackBank Datacenters with a Rs. 1,000 crore investment to support AI research and GPU infrastructure.[230] Partnerships such as the MoU between IIIT Naya Raipur and the Telecom Engineering Centre (TEC) in October 2025 aim to position the state as a hub for telecom and ICT innovation.[231]Emerging investments underscore this shift, with Bengaluru-based tech firms committing Rs. 3,700 crore in March 2025, including Rs. 1,000 crore from Keynes Technology for IT/ITES expansion.[232] The Chhattisgarh Industrial Development Policy 2024–30 offers incentives like up to 25% margin money subsidies for micro units and bespoke support for AI, robotics, and data parks, facilitating proposals exceeding Rs. 1.25 trillion across IT, semiconductors, and related services at investor summits in 2025.[233][234] These initiatives, bolstered by MoUs with NASSCOM and IESA, target consultancy hubs in cities like Raipur and Bilaspur for cloud computing and cybersecurity, signaling a pivot from resource-heavy industries toward knowledge-based growth.[235][236]
Trade, exports, and policy initiatives
Chhattisgarh's merchandise exports primarily consist of non-basmati rice, iron and steel products, and aluminium products, which contributed approximately 42.7%, 23.4%, and 20.5% to the state's total exports, respectively.[3] Iron ore and other minerals also feature prominently due to the state's rich deposits of coal, iron ore, dolomite, and limestone.[237] In FY25 up to February 2025, total merchandise exports reached Rs. 16,209 crore (US$ 1.99 billion).[189] Over the preceding three years, overall exports tripled, with rice surging 400%, iron and steel 750%, and aluminium products 200%.[238]The state's export growth supports its resource-based economy, though specific trade balance data for Chhattisgarh remains limited in public records, with exports driven by industrial output rather than balanced by significant imports at the state level.[239] Key export destinations align with India's broader partners, including engineering goods markets, but state-level partner details emphasize domestic and regional trade facilitation over international specifics.[240]To enhance trade and exports, the Chhattisgarh government launched the Industrial Development Policy (IDP) 2024-30 in November 2024, aiming to promote local manufacturing exports to seven neighboring states and national markets through incentives like fixed capital investment subsidies, interest subsidies up to 7% for five years, electricity duty exemptions for 10 years, and stamp duty waivers.[224][233] The policy targets sectors such as textiles, agro-processing, and metals, with additional focus on special economic zones (SEZs) and export-oriented units; as of February 2020, two SEZs were formally approved to attract foreign investment and streamline exports.[189][241]Complementing these, the Chhattisgarh Industrial Investment Promotion Policy (C-IIPP) provides targeted subsidies, including up to 100% net SGST reimbursement for large textile enterprises over 12 years and project report cost reimbursements, to foster export competitiveness in priority industries.[242][243] These initiatives build on the state's mineral and agricultural strengths, though implementation effectiveness depends on infrastructure and Naxal-affected area stability, as noted in policy analyses.[244]
Demographics
Population size, growth, and density
As of the latest official projections for 2023, Chhattisgarh's population stands at 30.18 million.[2] The 2011 Census recorded 25,545,198 residents, marking a decadal increase of 22.61% from the 2001 figure of 20,795,956.[245] This growth rate exceeded the national average of 17.7% for the same period, driven by factors including high fertility rates in rural and tribal areas, though recent annual projections indicate a slowdown to about 1.2% as of 2022–23.[188][246]The state's population density remains relatively low compared to India's national figure of 382 persons per square kilometer in 2011. Chhattisgarh's 2011 density was 189 persons per square kilometer, based on its total area of 135,192 square kilometers.[245][1] With the 2023 population estimate, this rises to approximately 223 persons per square kilometer, reflecting uneven distribution: higher concentrations in central plains districts like Raipur and Durg, versus sparser tribal and forested regions in the north and south.[2] This density underscores Chhattisgarh's predominantly rural character, with over 75% of the population in villages as of 2011.[245]
Year
Population
Decadal Growth Rate (%)
Density (per km²)
2001
20,795,956
-
154
2011
25,545,198
22.61
189
2023 (est.)
30,180,000
-
223
Linguistic diversity and official languages
Hindi serves as the official language of Chhattisgarh, employed in administration, legislation, judiciary, and education, with all official communications conducted in the Devanagari script.[247] Chhattisgarhi, an Eastern Indo-Aryan dialect closely related to standard Hindi, functions as the primary vernacular and is spoken by approximately 16.25 million residents, representing the majority of the state's linguistic profile as recorded in the 2011 census.[248] This dialect exhibits regional variations, including central, eastern, northern, southern, and Surgujia subtypes, influenced by geographic and cultural factors.[249]Chhattisgarh displays substantial linguistic diversity, with the 2011 census documenting 177 distinct mother tongues, many tied to its 42 scheduled tribes and indigenous communities that comprise roughly 7.5 million people or 30% of the population.[250] Tribal languages predominate in rural and forested districts like Bastar, encompassing Dravidian (e.g., Gondi, spoken by the Gond tribe; Kurukh by Oraons), Austroasiatic (e.g., Korku, Kharia), and Indo-Aryan subgroups (e.g., Halbi, Bhatri).[251] These languages often lack standardized scripts and formal documentation, contributing to challenges in preservation amid Hindi's dominance. Border regions feature additional influences, such as Odia in the east and Sadri among migrant groups.[252]In response to this diversity, the state government has initiated programs to integrate local tongues into primary education, incorporating 18 regional languages and dialects to enhance accessibility and cultural retention, as announced in 2024 policy reforms.[253] The Chhattisgarh Rajbhasha Aayog promotes Chhattisgarhi's development alongside Hindi, aiming to standardize its use in media and literature while addressing the erosion of minority languages due to urbanization and migration.[254]
Religious demographics and community relations
According to the 2011 Indian census, Hinduism is the predominant religion in Chhattisgarh, with 23,819,789 adherents comprising 93.25% of the state's population of 25,545,198.[255] Muslims number 514,998 (2.02%), Christians 490,542 (1.92%), and Buddhists 70,467 (0.28%), while Sikhs (0.27%) and Jains (0.26%) form smaller communities; the remainder includes those following other religions or no religion.[255] These figures reflect a continuation of trends from the 2001 census, where Hindus also held a 94.7% share, with Christians growing from 1.2% amid reports of missionary activity in tribal regions.[256] Among Scheduled Tribes, who constitute about 30.6% of the population, traditional animist practices like Sarna—centered on nature worship and ancestor veneration—are widespread but often enumerated under Hinduism due to historical assimilation and lack of separate census categorization, though Sarna adherents have advocated for distinct recognition to preserve indigenous beliefs.[257]Community relations in Chhattisgarh are generally stable, underpinned by the overwhelming Hindu majority and cultural integration of tribal customs into mainstream Hindu practices, such as through festivals like Bastar Dussehra, which blends tribal rituals with Hindu deity worship.[258] However, tensions have arisen in tribal-dominated districts like Bastar, Surguja, and Jashpur, where Christian populations—largely converts from Scheduled Tribes—face opposition from Hindu nationalist groups alleging coercive or incentive-driven conversions via missionary outreach, including "healing crusades" and aid distribution.[259] Incidents include village panchayats banning house churches and Christian gatherings to preserve "communal harmony," as in Sukma district in November 2024, and mob actions forcing reconversions (ghar wapsi), such as the expulsion of over 50 Christian families from Gorra village in January 2023.[260][261]Hindu-Muslim interactions, involving a small urban-concentrated Muslim minority, have seen sporadic clashes, such as the April 2023 Bemetara riot triggered by a school dispute that escalated into property damage and arrests of over 100 individuals from both communities.[262] In response to perceived threats from conversions, the state government under Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai announced stricter enforcement against illegal proselytization in August 2025, amid demands for enhanced anti-conversion legislation and tribal delisting of Christian converts to deny affirmative action benefits.[263][264] These measures reflect causal links between resource competition in mineral-rich tribal areas and identity assertions, rather than inherent doctrinal conflict, with empirical data showing Christian growth rates outpacing Hindus in select districts due to targeted evangelism.[265] Overall, interfaith violence remains localized and lower in incidence compared to national averages, facilitated by the state's rural-tribal fabric and security operations against Naxalite insurgents, who occasionally exploit religious divides for recruitment.[266]![Bastar Dusshera festival in Chhattisgarh][float-right]
The festival exemplifies syncretic tribal-Hindu traditions central to community cohesion.[258]
Migration patterns and urbanization
The urbanization level in Chhattisgarh remains among the lowest in India, with the urban population share rising modestly from 20.09% in 2001 to 23.24% in 2011, reflecting a decadal urban growth rate of approximately 41.9%.[267][268] This increase, from 4.19 million to 5.94 million urban residents, outpaced the state's overall population growth of 22.61%, driven primarily by industrial expansion in centers like Bhilai and Korba, where steel and power sectors attracted labor.[268][269] However, the decennial urban growth rate declined from 36.24% in 1991-2001, indicating a slowing momentum compared to the state's formative post-bifurcation phase from Madhya Pradesh.Migration patterns in Chhattisgarh are characterized by high intra-state mobility, with the 2011 Census recording 8,888,075 total migrants within the state, representing a significant portion of the 25.5 million population.[270] Intra-state migration totaled over 1.96 million persons, of which 69.2% involved rural-to-rural streams, often seasonal or distress-driven among tribal and agricultural communities seeking short-term opportunities in adjacent districts.[271] Rural-to-urban intra-state migration, though comprising a smaller share, contributes directly to urban expansion, fueled by employment in mining and manufacturing; census data on migrants by place of last residence highlight work as the primary reason for male migrants to urban areas like Raipur and Durg.[272][273]Inter-state migration shows Chhattisgarh as a net recipient in industrial hubs, with inflows from labor-surplus states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh to urban and peri-urban sites, augmenting the workforce in resource extraction and heavy industry.[274] Out-migration from Chhattisgarh, particularly from rural and tribal belts, targets states such as Maharashtra and Gujarat for construction and informal sector jobs, though specific outflows remain lower than high-emigration states like Uttar Pradesh.[275] This pattern underscores causal links between uneven rural underdevelopment—marked by low irrigation and subsistence farming—and urban pull factors, with limited reverse migration due to persistent rural vulnerabilities.[276] Initiatives like the development of Naya Raipur as a planned urban extension aim to channel future rural-urban flows through organized infrastructure, potentially mitigating sprawl in legacy cities.[277]
Society
Education system and literacy rates
The literacy rate in Chhattisgarh stood at 70.28% according to the 2011 Census of India, marking an increase from 64.66% in 2001, with male literacy at 80.27% and female literacy at 60.24%.[278] Rural areas exhibited lower rates at approximately 68%, compared to 87.5% in urban areas, reflecting disparities driven by limited infrastructure and socioeconomic factors in remote tribal-dominated regions. Government estimates project a gradual rise, reaching 74.53% by 2023, though these figures rely on sample surveys and interpolations rather than a full census, which has not been conducted since 2011.[279]Chhattisgarh's education system aligns with India's national framework under the Right to Education Act of 2009, emphasizing free and compulsory education for children aged 6-14, structured into primary (Classes 1-5), upper primary (Classes 6-8), secondary (Classes 9-10), and higher secondary (Classes 11-12) levels, followed by tertiary institutions. Enrollment at the elementary level (Classes 1-8) achieved a gross enrollment ratio (GER) of 95.9% in 2020-21, nearing universal access, with 98.1% of children aged 6-14 enrolled per the 2022 Annual Status of Education Report (ASER), predominantly in government schools (81.7%). [280] However, GER declines sharply at higher stages: 78.3% for secondary (Classes 9-10) and 68.1% for senior secondary (Classes 11-12) in 2020-21, indicating high dropout rates linked to economic pressures, inadequate facilities, and opportunity costs in agrarian and mining-dependent households.[280]Tertiary education GER reached 19.6% in 2021, with recent analyses suggesting growth to 26.5% by 2025, supported by institutions like Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University and Indira Gandhi Krishi Vishwavidyalaya, though quality remains uneven due to faculty shortages and limited research output.[281] In tribal areas, comprising over 30% of the population, literacy lags significantly—often below 50% in districts like Dantewada—exacerbated by linguistic barriers, as instruction in Hindi overlooks indigenous languages, and infrastructural deficits such as single-teacher schools. Naxalite insurgency in southern districts like Bastar disrupts operations through teacher intimidation, school closures, and child recruitment into militant activities, contributing to attendance rates as low as 71.1% for enrolled students and dropout rates exceeding 20% at secondary levels in affected zones. [282] Government initiatives like Eklavya Model Residential Schools aim to address tribal exclusion, yet persistent security threats and poverty undermine efficacy, with empirical evidence showing violence correlating to 10-15% lower enrollment in high-conflict areas compared to state averages.[283]
Health indicators, sanitation, and access to services
According to the National Family Health Survey-5 (NFHS-5) for 2019-21, Chhattisgarh's infant mortality rate was 38.4 deaths per 1,000 live births, with neonatal mortality at 27.5 per 1,000 live births.[284][285] The under-five mortality rate among Scheduled Tribes in the state reached 50 deaths per 1,000 live births during the same period, reflecting persistent vulnerabilities in tribal-dominated rural areas due to factors like malnutrition and limited healthcare reach.[286] Life expectancy at birth rose to 65.2 years in 2014-18, up from 62.4 years in 2006-10, driven by incremental improvements in public health infrastructure and disease control efforts.[287]The state's maternal mortality ratio stood at 141 deaths per 100,000 live births in estimates from 2021-23, higher than the national average of 88 for 2020-22 and indicative of challenges including anemia prevalence and inadequate prenatal care in remote districts.[288][289] Vaccination coverage under NFHS-5 showed 75.6% of children aged 12-23 months fully immunized, though gaps persisted in tribal regions where logistical barriers hinder delivery.[284]
Indicator
Value (NFHS-5, 2019-21)
Urban
Rural
Infant Mortality Rate (per 1,000 live births)
38.4
26.6
Higher in rural areas
Improved Drinking Water Access (%)
95.5
98.6
94.7
Full Immunization Coverage (%)
75.6
N/A
N/A
Sanitation coverage advanced under the Swachh Bharat Mission, with Chhattisgarh declaring over 95% of villages open defecation free (ODF) Plus by 2023, emphasizing sustained waste management beyond initial toilet construction.[290] However, NFHS-5 data revealed that only about 71% of households used improved sanitation facilities, with rural usage at 67.5% versus 85.7% urban, highlighting slippage from ODF status due to maintenance issues and behavioral factors rather than infrastructure deficits alone.[284] Improved drinking water access reached 95.5% of households, predominantly through hand pumps and tubewells in rural areas, though contamination risks remain in forested tribal zones.[284]Access to healthcare services is uneven, with rural areas—home to over 75% of the population—facing acute shortages; the urban-rural doctor density ratio mirrors national disparities of approximately 3.8:1, exacerbating delays in treatment for conditions like malaria and sickle cell disease prevalent in Bastar division.[291] Primary health centers exist but are understaffed, prompting initiatives like Haat Bazaar clinics that provide mobile services to 18 million remote residents via weekly markets since 2024.[292] Hospital availability shows geographical inequity, with urban hubs like Raipur concentrating facilities while southern districts rely on distant referrals, contributing to higher mortality in underserved tribal blocks.[293] Public schemes such as Ayushman Bharat have expanded coverage, yet utilization lags in rural settings due to awareness gaps and transport barriers.[294]
Poverty, inequality, and welfare programs
Chhattisgarh exhibits elevated poverty levels compared to the national average, particularly in rural and tribal-dominated districts, though multidimensional poverty has declined substantially in recent years. According to projections from the National Multidimensional Poverty Index by NITI Aayog, the state's poverty headcount ratio fell from 35.42% in 2013-14 to 11.71% in 2022-23, enabling approximately 7.155 million people to escape multidimensional poverty—a reduction exceeding the national pace of 17.89 percentage points.[295] This progress outpaced the national decline, yet Chhattisgarh's rate remained slightly above India's 11.28% in 2022-23, reflecting persistent challenges in remote, forested regions with high Scheduled Tribe populations.[295] Earlier data from the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative indicated a drop from 70% in 2005-06 to 37% in 2015-16, with 11 million still multidimensionally poor at the latter date, underscoring a trajectory of gradual improvement hampered by slower initial declines until post-2005 economic shifts.[296]Rural areas bear a disproportionate poverty burden, with historical headcount ratios exceeding urban figures by factors of 3-4 times, driven by reliance on subsistence agriculture, limited infrastructure, and insurgency-related disruptions in districts like Bastar and Bijapur.[297] A World Bank assessment from around 2016 identified Chhattisgarh as having India's highest poverty incidence, affecting roughly 10 million of its then-26 million residents, with stagnation until 2005 followed by slower reductions relative to peer low-income states due to uneven industrial growth and consumption patterns.[297] District variations remain stark; for instance, NFHS-5 (2019-21) data show Bijapur at 54.35% headcount versus Durg's 3.55%, highlighting geographic disparities tied to resource access and conflict.[298]Consumption inequality in Chhattisgarh has trended upward over the past decade, particularly in rural areas, as evidenced by rising Gini coefficients amid uneven benefits from agricultural and mining sectors.[299] This increase aligns with broader patterns where urban inequality has also grown, though specific state-level Gini figures for 2022-23 indicate moderate overall distribution compared to national declines; rural Gini nationally fell to 0.266 from 0.283 (2011-12), but Chhattisgarh's rural metrics show sharper rises among the 11 states including it.[300] Such dynamics stem from concentrated gains in extractive industries versus subsistence farming, exacerbating gaps between landed and landless households.[297]The state government has implemented targeted welfare schemes to address poverty and support vulnerable groups, emphasizing direct transfers and agricultural incentives. The Rajiv Gandhi Kisan Nyay Yojana, launched retrospectively from 2019 and formalized on May 21, 2020, provides input subsidies to farmers, disbursing ₹16,415 crore to 2.4 million beneficiaries and facilitating record paddy procurement of 107.53 lakh metric tons in 2022-23, aiming to boost rural incomes.[301] Complementing this, the Godhan Nyay Yojana purchases cow dung from rearers to promote organic farming and livestock support, benefiting 323,000 individuals with ₹403.58 crore and acquiring 103.25 lakh quintals, targeting pastoral poor in tribal areas.[301] For landless laborers, the Rajiv Gandhi Gramin Bhoomiheen Krishi Mazdoor Nyay Yojana, introduced in September 2021, offers financial aid, reaching 466,000 families with ₹221.88 crore in 2022-23 to mitigate agrarian distress.[301] These initiatives, alongside national programs like MGNREGA, focus on cash transfers and asset creation, though implementation challenges in Naxal-affected zones limit reach.[302]
Tribal populations, customs, and integration challenges
Chhattisgarh is home to 42 Scheduled Tribes, comprising approximately 30.62% of the state's 25,545,198 population as per the 2011 census, totaling 7,822,902 individuals predominantly in rural areas.[303][304] Major tribes include the Gond, the largest group concentrated in Bastar and surrounding districts, followed by the Baiga, Halba, Maria (including Bison Horn Maria), and smaller particularly vulnerable tribal groups like Pahari Korwa, Birhor, and Abujhmadia.[305][306] These communities inhabit forested and hilly regions, relying traditionally on shifting cultivation, forest produce collection, and pastoralism, though such practices have declined due to legal restrictions on forest use.[305]Tribal customs emphasize animistic beliefs, clan-based social structures, and communal rituals tied to agriculture and nature. The Gond observe festivals like Hareli for sowing prayers and Madai fairs for deity worship involving animal sacrifices and collective feasting, reinforcing community bonds among Gond, Baiga, and Halba subgroups.[307][308] Baiga traditions feature the Karma dance during harvest celebrations and Phag festivals with ritual drumming and gender-reversed mock combats, alongside tattooing (godna) for spiritual protection and herbal medicine derived from forest knowledge.[309][306] Material culture includes Dhokra lost-wax metal casting for ritual objects and bamboo crafts, while oral epics and songs narrate clan histories during madais (tribal fairs).[310] These practices persist despite modernization pressures, often syncretized with Hinduism in festivals like Bastar Dussehra, a 75-day tribal adaptation featuring rath yatras and sacrifices unique to the region's Danteshwari cult.[307]Integration challenges stem from geographic isolation, resource conflicts, and insurgent violence, exacerbating disparities in development. Tribal areas, especially Bastar, face Maoist (Naxalite) influence, which exploits grievances over land alienation from mining and industrial projects, displacing communities without adequate compensation and fueling recruitment into armed groups claiming to defend forest rights.[311][312] Low literacy rates—around 50-60% in tribal districts versus the state average of 70%—and limited access to schools hinder socioeconomic mobility, compounded by cultural barriers to formal education and seasonal migration for labor.[311] The Forest Rights Act of 2006 aimed to recognize community land claims, but implementation lags, with only partial titling granted amid bureaucratic delays and disputes with state agencies, perpetuating poverty where over 40% of tribals live below the poverty line.[313] Government counterinsurgency has reduced Naxal-affected districts to fewer than 10 by 2024 through operations eliminating 287 militants, yet vigilante groups and security excesses have eroded trust, complicating welfare delivery like health clinics and roads.[314][315] Sustainable integration requires addressing causal drivers—secure land tenure, skill-based education respecting cultural autonomy, and non-coercive development—rather than solely security measures, as unresolved exploitation risks renewed unrest.[316]
Culture
Literature, folklore, and oral traditions
The oral traditions of Chhattisgarh, deeply embedded in its tribal societies, encompass a wide array of expressive forms including myths, legends, folktales, proverbs, riddles, songs, and impromptu performances that transmit cultural knowledge, moral lessons, and historical narratives across generations. These traditions, prevalent among communities such as the Gond, Baiga, Halba, and Maria, emphasize harmony with nature, ancestral reverence, and communal ethics, often linking human experiences to forest spirits, animal behaviors, and seasonal cycles.[317][318][319]A prominent example is Pandavani, a solo narrative singing tradition that dramatizes episodes from the Mahabharata, blending recitation, melody, and gesture with accompaniment from instruments like the tambura (a stringed drone lute) and manjira (cymbals). Practiced mainly by the Pradhan caste in central and northern Chhattisgarh, it originated as a devotional and didactic form around the 19th century, adapting epic Sanskrit themes to local dialects and sensibilities for village audiences.[320]Other notable genres include Bhojalt git, a women's oral song cycle performed during rituals and gatherings, invoking goddesses and exploring bonds of friendship, fertility, and resilience in agrarian life; and epic recitations like the Gopichand Mahakavya, which recounts the yogic trials of King Gopichand in Chhattisgarhi verse, highlighting themes of renunciation and spiritual quest.[321][322] In Bastar and surrounding tribal districts, these practices face erosion from urbanization and linguistic assimilation, prompting institutional documentation initiatives since the early 2000s to archive songs, stories, and rituals before their potential loss.[319][318]Written literature in Chhattisgarh remains limited compared to oral forms, with modern works in Hindi and the Chhattisgarhi dialect often adapting folk motifs into poetry, short stories, and dramas that depict rural hardships and indigenous wisdom, though these draw heavily from unwritten tribal sources rather than establishing an independent canon.[317]
Performing arts: Dances, music, and theatre
Chhattisgarh's performing arts are predominantly folk-based, originating from its tribal populations such as the Gond, Halba, and Maria, and emphasizing communal rituals, harvest celebrations, and storytelling through rhythmic movements and oral narratives. These traditions, preserved in rural areas like Bastar and Durg districts, often blend dance, music, and drama without formal staging, relying on natural venues during festivals.[323]Dances. Traditional dances include Raut Nacha, performed by Yadav herders as a devotional enactment of Krishna's Raas Leela, featuring synchronized steps with peacock feather crowns and vibrant costumes accompanied by dholak drums.[324] Panthi dance, linked to the Satnami community, involves narrative sequences depicting Guru Ghasidas's teachings, executed in groups with sticks and cymbals during religious gatherings.[325] Suwa, or parrot dance, is practiced by tribal women before Diwali, mimicking bird movements with bamboo props to invoke prosperity and fertility.[326] Saila, a post-harvest form, uses paired sticks struck rhythmically by male dancers in circles, symbolizing agricultural abundance in northern districts.[327] Other variants like Gaur Maria, performed by Bison Horn Maria tribes in Bastar with horned headgear, and Karma, a stick-based tribal dance for monsoon invocation, highlight the region's biodiversity and agrarian cycles.[328][329]Music. Folk music accompanies these dances and daily rituals, utilizing indigenous instruments such as the mandar (clay drum), dhol (large barrel drum), and bansuri (bamboo flute) for melodic foundations, while percussion like nishan (kettle drum) and tudburi (small hand drum) drive rhythms.[323] In Bastar, the mohri-shehnai (double-reed oboe) produces shrill tones for ceremonial alerts, and dhankul (bullroarer) creates whirring effects in tribal ensembles.[330] Song forms include sohar (birth songs), bihav (wedding laments), and loriya (lullabies), often in Chhattisgarhi dialect, narrating epics or seasonal events without written notation.[331]Theatre. Nacha, a satirical folk theatre prevalent across Chhattisgarh, integrates comedy, improvisation, song, and dance in open-air performances by local troupes, addressing social issues through exaggerated characters and audience interaction.[332] Pandavani, a recitative style narrating the Mahabharata with musical interludes and solo acting, originated in the region and remains a staple at fairs, emphasizing heroic tales via veena-like string instruments and rhythmic prose.[323] Gammatiha, a dance-drama from Durg, dramatizes mythological battles with masked performers and ensemble chants, preserving pre-colonial oral histories.[333] These forms, transmitted orally, face decline due to urbanization but persist in tribal hamlets.[334]
Handicrafts, architecture, and material culture
![Bhoramdeo Temple, Kawardha.jpg][float-right]
Chhattisgarh's handicrafts primarily emerge from its tribal communities, particularly in the Bastar region, where artisans employ traditional techniques using local materials. Dhokra metal casting, a lost-wax process for bell metal artifacts, produces intricate figures of deities and animals, practiced by the Ghadwa community since ancient times.[335] Terracotta pottery involves hand-building and firing clay into utilitarian pots, tiles, and decorative items, often featuring geometric motifs reflective of tribal aesthetics.[336] Wrought iron craft, known as Loha Shilp, utilizes scrap metal hammered into tools, weapons, and ornamental pieces, sustaining livelihoods in Bastar villages.[337]Bamboo and wood crafts form essential components, with bamboo woven into baskets, mats, and furniture using supple local varieties, while wood carving yields ritual masks and household utensils.[338] Textile traditions include handloom weaving of cotton fabrics and Kosa silk sarees from tussar silk, dyed with natural vegetable extracts for vibrant patterns.[339] Body art like Godna tattoos, applied with needles and natural inks, adorns tribal women with symbolic designs denoting lineage and protection.[335]Architecture in Chhattisgarh showcases a blend of Nagara and local styles, evident in ancient temples dating to the 6th-11th centuries. The Bhoramdeo Temple complex in Kawardha, constructed around 1080 CE, exemplifies Khajuraho-influenced Nagara architecture with erotic sculptures, towering shikharas, and sandstone carvings depicting mythical scenes.[340] Sirpur's Lakshmana Temple, from the 7th century, features brick construction with Gupta-era influences, including Vishnu iconography and remnants of a Buddhist vihara nearby.[340] The Bhima-Kichaka Temple at Malhar, built between the 6th and 7th centuries, displays early brickwork with terracotta plaques illustrating epic narratives.[341] Forts like Ratanpur exemplify medieval defensive architecture with stone walls and gateways from the Kalchuri dynasty's rule in the 14th-17th centuries.[342]Material culture among Chhattisgarh's tribes emphasizes sustainability and communal utility, with dwellings constructed from bamboo, mud, and thatch in clustered villages.[343] Halba and other groups produce handwoven textiles for clothing and beadwork jewelry from seeds and metals, symbolizing social status and ritual significance.[344] Pottery and iron tools remain integral for daily agriculture and cooking, while wooden artifacts serve ceremonial purposes, preserving animistic beliefs tied to forest resources.[345] These practices, rooted in over 40 tribal groups comprising about 32% of the state's 30 million population as of 2021, reflect adaptive responses to the region's dense sal forests and mineral-rich terrain.[346]
Cuisine, festivals, and daily life practices
Chhattisgarh's cuisine emphasizes rice as a staple, reflecting the state's agricultural base known as the "rice bowl of India," with dishes primarily prepared from rice flour and supplemented by lentils, forest produce, and seasonal vegetables.[347] Common preparations include farra, steamed rice flour dumplings often tempered with sesame seeds, chilies, and curry leaves, and aamat, a tangy curry featuring eggplant, drumsticks, potatoes, and bamboo shoots for a distinctive sour-spicy profile.[348][349] Tribal communities incorporate wild ingredients like mahua flowers, kodo millet, mushrooms, roots, tubers, and taro leaves, as in idhar curry made with taro leaves and gram flour, highlighting reliance on dense forest resources for nutrition.[350][351][352]Festivals in Chhattisgarh blend Hindu traditions with indigenous tribal rituals, often tied to agricultural cycles and community devotion. Bastar Dussehra stands out as a 75-day event in the Bastar district, culminating in October-November with processions honoring the goddess Danteshwari, distinct from the standard nine-day Durga Puja elsewhere in India.[353] Hareli, celebrated in Shravan (July-August), marks the onset of the rainy season and farming activities, involving the worship of tools like the plow and bullocks to ensure bountiful harvests.[354] Tribal festivals such as Madai feature offerings to local deities by communities like the Gond and Maria, emphasizing devotion and cultural continuity through dance and fairs.[355]Daily life in rural and tribal areas revolves around agriculture, forest foraging, and communal customs shaped by over 40% tribal population, including Gond, Halba, and Bhatra groups. Residents collect forest edibles like leaves, fruits, and tubers for sustenance, complementing rice farming and millet cultivation.[352] Traditional attire includes simple cotton garments: men wear pancha (short dhoti) and saluka (upper cloth), while women don lugra (saree-like wrap) and polkha (blouse).[356] In Bastar, the ghotul system among Muria and Maria tribes provides youth dormitories from puberty, fostering social education, cooperation, and pre-marital interactions under elder oversight, though modernization erodes this practice.[357] Urban daily routines in areas like Raipur increasingly adopt modern services, yet rural persistence maintains these agrarian and foraging patterns.[358]
Chloroxylon is used for pest management in organic rice cultivation in Chhattisgarh
Medicinal rice of Chhattisgarh used as an immune booster
Aloe vera farming in Chhattisgarh
Herbal farming in Chhattisgarh: Gulbakawali
Kodo Millet is used as a life-saving medicine in Chhattisgarh
Bastar beer prepared from Sulfi
Mineral deposits in the Maikal Hills
Mineral Wealth from Chandidongri
.svg)
Definitions from Wiktionary
Media from Commons
News from Wikinews
Quotations from Wikiquote
Texts from Wikisource
Textbooks from Wikibooks
Resources from Wikiversity
Travel information from Wikivoyage
Geographic data related to Chhattisgarh at OpenStreetMap
