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Circumcision controversies
Circumcision controversies
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Male circumcision has been a subject of controversy for a number of reasons including religious, ethical, sexual, legal and medical.[1][2][3][4][5]

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, in a rapidly changing medical and surgical world, circumcision rose in popularity as a means of prophylaxis in the Anglosphere.[6] Its primary justification was to promote cleanliness,[7][8][9] as well as reducing and preventing the incidence of disease.[10][11][12] Many medical professionals and advocates of the procedure also believed that it would reduce pleasure and the urge to masturbate, which was considered a social ill of the era, although their belief is considered false in modern times.[1][4][13][11][14][9]

Circumcision proponents say that circumcision reduces the risks of a range of infections and diseases and confers sexual benefits.[1][15][4][2][16] By contrast, the majority of modern opponents, particularly of routine neonatal circumcision, question its preventive efficacy and object to subjecting non-consenting newborn males to a procedure that is potentially harmful with little to no benefit, as well as violating their human rights and possibly negatively impacting their sex life.[1][2][4][5][3][17][18][19][20]

In Classical and Hellenistic civilization, Ancient Greeks and Romans posed great value on the beauty of nature, physical integrity, aesthetics, harmonious bodies and nudity, including the foreskin[20][21][22] (see also Ancient Greek art), and were opposed to circumcision, an opposition inherited by the canon and secular legal systems of the Christian West and East that lasted at least through to the Middle Ages, according to Frederick Hodges.[20]

Traditional branches of Judaism, Islam, Coptic Christianity, and the Eritrean Orthodox Church still advocate male circumcision as a religious obligation.[23] It is common in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church as a cultural practice despite the liturgy recommending against it.[24]

Religious and cultural conflicts

[edit]

Ancient Levant

[edit]
Circumcision of Abraham's son Isaac. Regensburg Pentateuch, Israel Museum, Jerusalem (c. 1300).

The Book of Genesis explains circumcision as a covenant with God given to Abraham,[25] In Judaism it "symbolizes the promise of lineage and fruitfulness of a great nation,"[26] the "seal of ownership and the guarantee of relationship between peoples and their god."[27] Some scholars look elsewhere for the origin of Jewish circumcision. One explanation, dating from Herodotus, is that the custom was acquired from the Egyptians, possibly during the period of enslavement.[28] An additional hypothesis, based on linguistic/ethnographic work begun in the 19th century,[29] suggests circumcision was a common tribal custom among Semitic-speaking peoples (Jews, Arabs, and Phoenicians).

The Jewish and Islamic traditions both see circumcision as a way to distinguish a group from its neighbours.[30] The Bible records "uncircumcised" being used as a derogatory reference for opponents[31] and Jewish victory in battle that culminated in mass post-mortem circumcision, to provide an account of the number of enemy casualties.[32] Jews were also required to circumcise all household members, including slaves[33] – a practice that would later put them into collision with Roman and Christian law (see below).

Classical civilization

[edit]

In 167 BCE Judea was part of the Seleucid Empire. Its ruler, Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175–165 BCE), smarting from a defeat in a war against Ptolemaic Egypt, banned traditional Jewish religious practices, and attempted to forcibly let the Jews accept Hellenistic culture.[34] Throughout the country Jews were ordered, with the threat of execution, to sacrifice pigs to Greek gods (the normal practice in the Ancient Greek religion), desecrate the Shabbat, eat unkosher animals (especially pork), and relinquish their Jewish scriptures. Antiochus' decree also outlawed Jewish circumcision,[34] and parents who violated his order were hanged along with their infants.[9][35] According to Tacitus, as quoted by Hodges, Antiochus "endeavoured to abolish Jewish superstition and to introduce Greek civilization."[20]

According to rabbinical accounts, he desecrated the Second Temple of Jerusalem by placing a statue of Olympian Zeus on the altar of the Temple;[36] this incident is also reported by the biblical Book of Daniel,[36] where the author refers to the statue of the Greek god inside the Temple as "abomination of desolation".[36] Antiochus' decrees and vituperation of Judaism motivated the Maccabean Revolt;[37][38] the Maccabees reacted violently against the forced Hellenization of Judea,[37] destroyed pagan altars in the villages, circumcised boys, and forced Hellenized Jews into outlawry.[39] The revolt ended in the re-establishment of an independent Jewish kingdom under the Hasmoneans,[37][38] until it turned into a client state of the Roman Republic under the reign of Herod the Great (37–4 BCE).

Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman culture found circumcision to be cruel and repulsive.[20][22][40] In the Roman Empire, circumcision was regarded as a barbaric and disgusting custom.[20][41][40] The consul Titus Flavius Clemens was condemned to death by the Roman Senate in 95 CE for, according to the Talmud, circumcising himself and converting to Judaism. The Emperor Hadrian (117–138) forbade circumcision.[20][41][42] Overall, the rite of circumcision was especially execrable in Classical civilization,[20][41][40] also because it was the custom to spend an hour a day or so exercising nude in the gymnasium and in Roman baths, therefore Jewish men did not want to be seen in public deprived of their foreskins.[20][34][41][40]

As for the anti-circumcision law passed by Hadrian, it is considered by many[who?] to be, together with his decision to build a Roman temple upon the ruins of the Second Temple and dedicate it to Jupiter, one of the main causes of the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–135 CE), which was brutally crushed;[43] according to Cassius Dio, 580,000 Jews were killed and 50 fortified towns and 985 villages razed.[43][44] He claimed that "Many Romans, moreover, perished in this war. Therefore, Hadrian, in writing to the Senate, did not employ the opening phrase commonly affected by the Emperors: 'If you and your children are in health, it is well; I and the army are in health.'"[43] Because of the great loss of life in the war, even though Hadrian was victorious, he refused a triumph.

Hadrian's policy after the rebellion reflected an attempt to root out Judaism: he enacted a ban on circumcision,[20][42] all Jews were forbidden to enter Jerusalem upon pain of death, and the city was renamed Aelia Capitolina, while Judea was renamed Syria Palaestina. Around 140, his successor Antoninus Pius (138-161 CE) exempted Jews from the decree against circumcision, allowing them to circumcise their sons, although they were forbidden to do the same on their slaves and proselytes.[20][42] Jewish nationalists' (Pharisees and Zealots) response to the decrees also took a more moderate form: circumcisions were secretly performed, even on dead Jews.[9]

However, there were also many Jews, known as "Hellenizers", who viewed Hellenization and social integration of the Jewish people in the Greco-Roman world favourably,[20][38][41] and pursued a completely different approach: accepting the Emperor's decree and even making efforts to restore their foreskins to better assimilate into Hellenistic society.[20][21][34][38][41] The latter approach was common during the reign of Antiochus, and again under Roman rule.[20][41] The foreskin was restored by one of two methods, that were later revived in the late 20th century; both were described in detail by the Greek physician Aulus Cornelius Celsus in his comprehensive encyclopedic work De Medicina, written during the reign of Tiberius (14-37 CE).[41][45] The surgical method involved freeing the skin covering the penis by dissection, and then pulling it forward over the glans; he also described a simpler surgical technique used on men whose prepuce is naturally insufficient to cover their glans.[41][45] The second approach, known as "epispasm",[20][22][41][45] was non-surgical: a restoration device which consisted of a special weight made of bronze, copper, or leather (sometimes called Pondus Judaeus, i.e. "Jewish burden"),[20][41][45] was affixed to the penis, pulling its skin downward. Over time, a new foreskin was generated, or a short prepuce was lengthened, by means of tissue expansion.[20][41][45] Martial also mentioned the instrument in Epigrammaton (Book 7:35).[45]

The Apostle Paul referred to these practices in his letters,[20][41][45] saying: "Was a man already circumcised when he was called? He should not become uncircumcised."[46] But he also explicitly denounced the forcing of circumcision upon non-Jews, rejecting and condemning those Judaizers who stipulated the ritual to Gentile Christians, labelling such advocates as "false brothers"[47] (see below). In the mid-2nd century Rabbinical Jewish leaders, due to increasing cases of foreskin restorations in Roman Empire, introduced a radical method of circumcision, the periah, that left the glans totally uncovered and sew the remaining skin. The new method became immediately the only valid circumcision procedure, to ensure that a born Jew will remain circumcised for all his life and to make mostly impossible restoring the foreskin.[45] Operations became permanent and irreversible like today.

Under the first Christian emperor, Constantine, the two rescripts of Antoninus on circumcision were re-enacted and again in the 6th century under Justinian. These restrictions on circumcision made their way into both secular and Canon law and "at least through the Middle Ages, preserved and enhanced laws banning Hebrews from circumcising non-Hebrews and banning Christians or slaves of any religious affiliation from undergoing circumcision for any reason."[20]

Christianity

[edit]
The Christian sacrament of baptism, in covenant theology, is seen as fulfilling the Israelite rite of circumcision.

Circumcision has also played a major role in Christian history and theology.[48][49] While the circumcision of Jesus is celebrated as a feast day in the liturgical calendar of many Christian denominations.[49] There was debate in the early Church on whether Gentiles needed to be circumcised in order to join the communities; some Jewish Christians insisted that it was necessary. As such, the Council of Jerusalem (50 CE) was held, which decreed that male circumcision was not a requirement for Gentiles, which became known as the "Apostolic Decree".[50] This was one of the first acts differentiating Early Christianity from Judaism.[51] Covenant theology largely views the Christian sacrament of baptism as fulfilling the Israelite practice of circumcision, both being signs and seals of the covenant of grace.[52][53]

Today, many Christian denominations are neutral about ritual male circumcision, not requiring it for religious observance, but neither forbidding it for cultural or other reasons.[54] Followers of some African and Eastern Christian denominations (such as the Coptic, Ethiopian, and Eritrean Orthodox Churches) commonly practice male circumcision shortly after birth as a rite of passage,[23][55][23] despite the churches themselves not mandating or encouraging the practice.[56][57][58]

Male circumcision is widely practiced among Christian communities in the Anglosphere countries, Africa, Oceania, the Middle East, South Korea and the Philippines.[59][60][61][62] The United States and the Philippines are the largest Christian countries in the world to extensively practice male circumcision.[63] While countries with majorities of Christian adherents in Europe and South America have low circumcision rates.[64]

Islam

[edit]

In the early 7th century, Muhammad welded together many Semitic tribes of the Arabian peninsula into the kernel of a rapidly expanding Muslim movement. Male and female circumcision were already well established among these tribes, and probably had been for more than 1,000 years, most likely as a fertility rite. Herodotus had noticed the practice among various Semite nations in the 5th century BCE, and Josephus had specifically mentioned circumcision as a tradition among Arabs in the 1st century CE.[29] There are some narrations attributed to Muhammad in which he approves of female circumcision; many scholars believe that these narrations are weak and lack authenticity.[65][66]

The practice of circumcision is sometimes characterized as a part of fitrah as mentioned in the hadith (Prophetic narrations).[67][68]

Judaism

[edit]

Around 140 CE, the Tannaim made circumcision requirements stricter, in order to make the procedure irreversible.[69]

During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries many Jewish reformers, doctors, and physicians in Central and Eastern Europe proposed to replace circumcision with a symbolic ceremony, while others sought to ban or abolish circumcision entirely,[70] as they perceived it as a dangerous, barbaric and pagan ritual of genital mutilation[70] that could transmit infectious diseases to newborns.[70] The first formal objection to circumcision within Judaism occurred in 1843 in Frankfurt.[70][69] The Society for the Friends of Reform, a group that criticized traditional Jewish practices, said that brit milah was not a mitzvah but an outworn legacy from Israel's earlier phases, an obsolete throwback to primitive religion.[69] With the expanding role of medicine came further opposition; certain aspects of Jewish circumcision such as periah and metzitzah (drawing the blood from the circumcision wound through sucking or a cloth) were deemed unhygienic and dangerous for the newborns.[69][70] Later evidence that syphilis and tuberculosis – two of the most feared infectious diseases in the 19th century – were spread by mohels,[70] caused various rabbis to advocate metzitzah to be done using a sponge or a tube.[69] Among the secular, non-observant Jews who chose to not circumcise their sons there was also Theodor Herzl.[71]

Ephron reports that non-Jews and also some Jewish reformers in early 19th-century Germany had criticized ritual circumcision as "barbaric" and that Jewish doctors responded to these criticisms with defences of the ritual or proposals for modification or reform. By the late 19th century some Jewish doctors in the country defended circumcision by saying it had health advantages.[72] Today the Rabbinical Council of America, the largest group of Modern Orthodox rabbis, endorses using a glass tube as a substitute of metzitzah.[73]

However, a growing number of contemporary Jews and Intactivist Jewish groups in the United States and Israel, both secular and religious, started to question overall long-term effects, psychological and psychophysical consequences of trauma caused by circumcision on Jewish children,[74] and choose not to circumcise their sons.[75][74][76][77][78] They are assisted by a small number of Reform, Liberal, and Reconstructionist rabbis, and have developed a welcoming ceremony that they call the Brit shalom ("Covenant [of] Peace") for such children,[75][74] also accepted by Humanistic Judaism.[77][79]

Sikhism

[edit]

Circumcision is strongly condemned in Sikhism as it is seen as a violation of the Sikh principle of respecting the body as created by God. Sikh infants are not circumcised, and the practice is criticized in Sikh.[80]

Middle Ages to the 19th century

[edit]

Judaism and Christianity

[edit]

Thomas Aquinas in his Summa Theologica questioned why, if under Jewish doctrine circumcision removed original sin, Jesus was circumcised – as Jesus had no original sin. Steve Jones suggests there is a theological tradition that Jesus regained his foreskin at the Ascension. "Had he failed to do so, the Saved would themselves have to be operated upon in Paradise so as not to be more perfect than their Saviour."[81]

The Jews were expelled from England by Edward I in 1290, ostensibly over social tensions concerning usury. But the public imagination had been gripped by blood libel since at least the 12th century: "So pervasive was the belief that Jews circumcised their victims ... that Menasseh ben Israil, the Dutch Rabbi who sought from Cromwell the readmission of the Jews in 1656, had to dwell at considerable length in his Vindiciae Judaeorum at refuting the claim."[82]

In 15th-century Spain, most Jews and Muslims were expelled and the Spanish Inquisition monitored and prosecuted converts to Christianity to ensure they were not secretly practising Judaism, consorting with Jews or engaging in Jewish practices such as circumcision.[83]

Mesoamerican cultures

[edit]

In 1521, Cortés defeated the Aztec empire in Mesoamerica, which was followed by a large influx of Spanish clergy, whose writings provide most of information about pre-conquest Aztec life and customs largely assembled from interviews with those who survived the invasion and subsequent epidemics, and their descendants. Diego Durán, a Dominican friar, was convinced that the Aztecs were one of the lost tribes of Israel, with a crucial piece of supporting evidence being that they had practised circumcision.[84]

So influential was this notion that 300 years later Bancroft in his monumental Native Races[85] began his discussion of circumcision by writing: "Whether the custom of circumcision, which has been the great prop of argument in favor of the Jewish origin of the Aztecs, really obtained among these people, has been doubted by numerous authors," concluding that it probably existed in a "certain form among some tribes" (p278). The key being "a certain form", since Bancroft makes clear in a footnote that the majority of his sources, including Clavigero, Ternaux-Compans, Carbajal Espinosa, Oviedo y Herrera, and especially Acosta, believed Durán and others "confounded the custom of drawing blood from the secret organs with circumcision", and "the incision on the prepuce and ear to have been mistaken for circumcision", adding that this blood-letting rite[86] was "chiefly performed upon sons of great men" (p279). The case was not helped by the fact no reports of seeing a circumcised adult Aztec existed in the literature. Remondino says it is "a matter of controversy" whether the foreskin had actually been removed (p46).[9]

In regard to the Mayans, Bancroft says that in 1858 Brasseur de Bourbourg reported finding "traces" [87] of circumcision in the sources, despite Cogolludo having reported that "circumcision was unknown to the Indians of Yucatan" (pp279, 679).[85] But in 1864 Brasseur published his French translation of Diego de Landa's recently recovered 1556 ethnographic manuscript, which decisively rejected the notion of Mayan circumcision, and in a footnote he acknowledged there had probably been a "mistake", an admission that never found its way into the English-language literature[88] although modern ethnography has long since understood the nature of these rituals.[89] However, the Aztecs and Mayans are included by many authors from other disciplines among the list of pre-modern people who practised circumcision. Examples of such sources include UNAIDS,[90] Kaplan,[91] and Weiss.[92]

Later times

[edit]

Countries that do not circumcise have often held antipathy for those that do. Being circumcised was often seen as a sign of disgrace.[9] According to Darby, it was also seen as a serious loss of erogenous tissue: "During the Renaissance and 18th century the centrality of the foreskin to male sexual function and the pleasure of both partners was recognised by anatomists Berengario da Carpi, Gabriello Fallopio and William Harvey, in popular sex manuals like Aristotle's master-piece, and by physicians like John Hunter, who also appreciated the importance of the foreskin in providing the slack tissue needed to accommodate an erection."[93]

In 1650, English physician John Bulwer in his study of body modification, Anthropometamorphosis: Man Transform'd, or the Artificial Changeling, wrote of the loss in sexual pleasure resulting from circumcision: "the part which hangeth over the end of the foreskin, is moved up and down in coition, that in this attrition it might gather more heat, and increase the pleasure of the other sexe; a contentation of which they [the circumcised] are defrauded by this injurious invention. For, the shortnesse of the prepuce is reckoned among the organical defects of the yard, … yet circumcision detracts somewhat from the delight of women, by lessening their titillation." The English historian Edward Gibbon, author of The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, referred to the practice as "a painful and often dangerous rite", and a "singular mutilation" practiced only by Jews and Turks.

Modern debates

[edit]

Tengrism

[edit]

Tengri Turks, a neo-paganist term for Turks who practice the ancient faith of Tengrism, categorically oppose male circumcision. Fathers who are circumcised themselves no longer have their sons circumcised, since it is not an original old Turkish tradition, but has found its way through Islam.[94]

Ethics

[edit]

The ethical view of circumcision varies by country. In the United States, which has a high circumcision rate, the American Medical Association stated in 2011 that they "will oppose any attempts to intrude into legitimate medical practice and the informed choices of patients".[95] In 2012, the American Academy of Pediatrics and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists released a joint report and a policy statement on non-therapeutic infant circumcision, stating that preventive health benefits of elective circumcision of male newborns outweigh the risks of the procedure, although the health benefits are not great enough to recommend routine circumcision for all male newborns, and that parents ultimately should decide whether circumcision is in the best interests of their male child.[16]

After the release of the position statement, a debate appeared in the journal Pediatrics and the Journal of Medical Ethics.[96][97] In 2013, a group of 38 Northern European pediatricians, doctors, surgeons, ethicists, and lawyers co-authored a comment stating that they found the AAP's technical report and policy statement suffered from cultural bias, and reached recommendations and conclusions different from those of physicians in other parts of the world;[17] in particular, the group advocated instead a policy of no-harm towards infants and respect for their rights of bodily integrity and age of consent.[17] Two authors stated that, in their view, the AAP's 2012 analysis was inaccurate, improper, and incomplete.[97] The AAP received further criticism from Intactivist groups that oppose circumcision.[98][99]

The American Academy of Pediatrics responded that because about half of American males are circumcised and half are not, there may be a more tolerant view concerning circumcision in the US, but that if there is any cultural bias among the AAP taskforce who wrote the Circumcision Policy statement, it is much less important than the bias Frisch et al. may hold because of clear prejudices against the practice that can be found in Europe. The AAP then explained why they reached conclusions regarding the health benefits of circumcision that are different from the ones reached by some of their European counterparts.[100]

In 2017, the American Medical Association's Journal of Ethics published two articles challenging the morality of performing non-therapeutic infant circumcision.[101][102]

History

[edit]

Circumcision spread in several English-speaking nations from the late 19th century, with the introduction of anesthesia and antisepsis rapidly expanding surgical practice.[6] Doctors such as Sir Jonathan Hutchinson in England wrote articles in favour of the procedure on medical and social grounds, popularizing it in his home country, as well as the Anglosphere.[8] Peter Charles Remondino, a San Diego physician, wrote History of Circumcision from the Earliest Times to the Present: Moral and Physical Reasons for Its Performance (1891), to promote circumcision.[103] Lewis Sayre, a prominent orthopedic surgeon at the time, was another early American advocate and is generally credited with popularizing the procedure in the United States.[12][104] However, the theories on which many early claims were made, such as the reflex theory of disease and the alleged harmful effects of masturbation, have long since been abandoned by the medical profession.[104]

An early British opponent of circumcision was Herbert Snow, who wrote a short book called The barbarity of circumcision as a remedy for congenital abnormality in 1890.[105] But as late as 1936, L. E. Holt, an author of pediatric textbooks, advocated male and female circumcision as a treatment for masturbation.[106] The first serious questioning of the practice did not occur until late 1949, when the Scottish neonatologist and pediatrician Douglas Gairdner published The Fate of the Foreskin in the British Medical Journal;[107] according to Wallerstein, this began to significantly affect the practice of circumcision in the United Kingdom.[4]

According to Darby and Cox, the persistence of circumcision in the US has led to more vigorous protest movements.[108] A 1980 protest march at the California State Capitol was reported in an Associated Press article.[109] The National Organization of Circumcision Information Resource Centers (NOCIRC) was formed by Marilyn Milos, R.N., in 1985.[citation needed] The organization's stated objective is to secure the birthright of male, female, and intersex children and babies to keep their sex organs intact. Protest rallies have been held in the US and other areas. NOCIRC have consistently criticised the American medical community's circumcision guidelines.[110] According to Milos and Donna Macris, "The need to defend the baby's right to a peaceful beginning was brought to light by Dr. Frédérick Leboyer in his work, Birth Without Violence".[110]

This period also saw the formation of anti-circumcision organizations in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom and South Africa. Activists began creating websites in the mid-1990s, and this process has continued. One such organization distributed questionnaires to men who felt harmed by their circumcisions. The complaints included prominent scarring (33%), insufficient penile skin for comfortable erection (27%), erectile curvature from uneven skin loss (16%), and pain and bleeding upon erection/manipulation (17%). Psychological complaints included feelings of mutilation (60%), low self-esteem/inferiority to intact men (50%), genital dysmorphia (55%), rage (52%), resentment/depression (59%), violation (46%), or parental betrayal (30%). Many respondents reported that their physical/emotional suffering impeded emotional intimacy with their partner(s), resulting in sexual dysfunction.[111] Prominent men known to be unhappy about being circumcised include Sigmund Freud,[112] A. E. Housman, W. H. Auden, Geoffrey Keynes and his brother John Maynard Keynes, the economist.[108] In 1996 the British Medical Journal published a letter by 20 men saying that "we have been harmed by circumcision in childhood"; they argued that "it cannot be ethical for a doctor to amputate normal tissue from a normal child".[108] Dr. Benjamin Spock (1903 – 1998), whose Baby and Child Care is the biggest selling American single-author book in history, originally supported circumcision but changed his mind near the end of his life.[113]

Medical controversies

[edit]

United States medical view

[edit]
A restraining device used to immobilize infants during circumcision

In the United States, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), the American Academy of Family Physicians (AAFP), and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), which collaborated to produce the 2012 statements issued by the AAP, position paper as of 2012 stated:[114]

In cases such as the decision to perform a circumcision in the newborn period (where there is reasonable disagreement about the balance between medical benefits and harms, where there are nonmedical benefits and harms that can result from a decision on whether to perform the procedure, and where the procedure is not essential to the child's immediate well-being), the parents should determine what is in the best interest of the child. In the pluralistic society of the United States, where parents are afforded wide authority for determining what constitutes appropriate child-rearing and child welfare, it is legitimate for the parents to take into account their own cultural, religious, and ethnic traditions, in addition to medical factors, when making this choice.[115]

In 2017, the film American Circumcision was released, taking a critical look at the medical and societal effects of circumcision. The movie features prominent circumcision advocates like Brian Morris and intactivists like Marilyn Milos.

Genital integrity

[edit]

The term "genital integrity" refers to the condition of having complete and unaltered genital organs. Genital integrity is the norm in Latin America and the Caribbean; all European states, except for three countries in the Balkans with large Muslim populations (namely Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo); and in most Asian countries.[116]

A lobby against infant circumcision on Chicago's Pride Parade

T Hammond (1999) is of the view that every person has a right to a whole intact body and that, where minors are concerned, "the unnecessary removal of a functioning body organ in the name of tradition, custom or any other non-disease related cause should never be acceptable to the health profession." He opines that such interventions are violations of individual bodily rights, and "a breach of fundamental medical ethics principles".[111] Many opponents[who?] of circumcision see infant circumcision as unnecessary, harmful, and unethical;[citation needed] some want the procedures prohibited.[117]

Others also see the genital cutting of children as a human rights and children's rights issue,[118] opposing the genital modification and mutilation of children, including circumcision, female genital mutilation (FGM), and intersex genital surgeries; a number of anti-circumcision organizations oppose sex assignment surgeries on infants with ambiguous genitalia.[117][119][120][121][independent source needed]

Current laws in many countries, and both United States federal law as well as laws in several U.S. states, prohibit the genital modification and mutilation of female minors, with some exceptions based on medical need. Opponents of male circumcision assert that laws against genital modification and mutilation of minors should apply equally to males and females.[122][123][124]

Women protest against infant circumcision in front of the White House in 2013; captions read: "All Babies Are Born Perfect. Keep Them This Way."

Comparing male circumcision to FGM is highly controversial. Many organizations involved in combating FGM have been at considerable pains to distinguish the two, as this UNICEF document explains: "When the practice first came to be known beyond the societies in which it was traditionally carried out, it was generally referred to as 'female circumcision'. This term, however, draws a direct parallel with male circumcision and, as a result, creates confusion between these two distinct practices."[125] This stance has been largely echoed by Western medical and political authorities.[citation needed] A Royal Dutch Medical Association viewpoint says that the form of female genital mutilation that resembles non-therapeutic circumcision the most is rejected unanimously throughout literature. The Association also says "FGM takes many forms. There is the most severe form, infibulation, in which the inner and outer labia are stitched together and the clitoris is removed. However, there are less extreme forms of FGM, in which only the foreskin of the clitoris is removed."[126] This type of mutilation that removes the prepuce, also known as the clitoral hood, is called Type Ia.[127]

In the United States, the organization MGMbill.org has sent a proposed bill to the US Congress and 15 state legislatures every year since 2004 in order to extend the prohibition on genital modification and mutilation of minors to include male and intersex children.[117]

In U.S. politics

[edit]

Though the issue of infant circumcision is generally not discussed by U.S. politicians,[128] circumcision controversies have occasionally arisen in the U.S. political system.

In 2011, anti-circumcision activists in San Francisco gathered over 12,000 signatures to put a measure on the city's ballot in November that would ban circumcisions of males under 18.[129] Proponents of the ban argued that circumcision is not medically necessary and that the choice should be left up to the child rather than the parents, while opponents of the ban, such as the American Civil Liberties Union and the American Jewish Committee, argued that circumcision is a recognized medical procedure with clear health benefits and that the measure would violate religious freedoms and cause unnecessary religious strife.[130][131] The measure was ultimately removed from the ballot, as a court ruled that it would violate a state law leaving the regulation of medical procedures up to the state rather than cities. Following this, California governor Jerry Brown signed a law preventing localities in California from banning circumcision.[132]

In 2019, then-candidate for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination Andrew Yang declared himself "[a]gainst the practice" of routine infant circumcision.[133] This received coverage from several outlets, as major politicians discussing circumcision has been rare, with Yang being the only candidate for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination to talk about it. Though Yang said he would push for giving parents more information about this decision if elected, he also stated that he supported the parents' choice to have their child circumcised for religious or cultural reasons, and would not support a ban on the practice. Intact America's Georganne Chapin speculated that Yang's support of parental choice was likely a result of political pressure.[128]

Voluntary Medicalized Male Circumcision

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The Voluntary Medical Male Circumcision (VMMC) anti-HIV programme started in 2007 aims at administrating medicalised male circumcision as an anti-HIV policy. Between then and 2023 more than 35 million adolescents and men had been circumcised via the program in 15 countries - Botswana, eSwatini, Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, South Africa, South Soudan, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.[134] Researchers from different disciplines have raised concerns regarding the way the policy has been communicated, for example by presenting the practice as a socially neutral “technical” act despite it producing (potentially problematic) social norms.[135]

For example, researchers criticize the idea that some doctors have suggested that VMMC is ‘as good as the HIV vaccine[136] or works as a ‘natural condom’.[137] More broadly, scholars show that the communication of VMMC is unethical and contradicts medical evidence. For example, in their analysis of “Stand Proud, Get Circumcised”, a public health campaign promoting circumcision as an HIV-prevention strategy in Uganda, Rudrum et al. found that the campaign's materials “exploit male anxieties about appearance and performance, drawing on hegemonic masculinity to promote circumcision as an idealised body aesthetic”.[138] In their work combining a transnational history of medicalised male circumcision and an analysis of International Organisations documents promoting VMMC, Alejandro and Feldman show that medicalised male circumcision “is represented as an enhancer of virility, sexual pleasure and sexual performance”.[139] For instance, they cite a ‘creative brief’ in Swaziland (now eSwatini), Population Services International that emphasises the interest in saying circumcised men ‘can last longer during sex and please their girlfriends, their penises look larger, etc.’:

While at this point, we certainly don’t want a campaign that promotes this as the sole reason to go for circumcision, it would still be nice to be able to use this pre-existing perception to our marketing advantage.[140]

Other contemporary controversies

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Controversy in Israel

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Opposition to circumcision[141] exists among Jews in Israel. Protests for children's rights have occurred there.[142] Even though there is often pressure from family on parents to circumcise their sons, "more and more families" are preferring to abstain from circumcision.[143] The alternative practice to Brit milah that does not involve circumcision is Brit shalom.

Controversy in South Africa

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In the Xhosa areas of South Africa, the large death toll from traditional circumcision provides a constant source of friction between traditional leaders, who oppose medicalised procedures, and health authorities. In 2009 in the Eastern Cape Province alone, 80 boys died and hundreds were hospitalized after attending initiation schools.[144] The controversy looked set to spread in 2010 to the Zulu, whose present-day king Goodwill Zwelithini has called for the reintroduction of customary circumcision after it was banned by Zulu king Shaka in the 19th century.[145] Similar issues, though on a smaller scale, have arisen with traditional circumcision of Aborigines in remote areas of central Australia.[146]

Controversy in Germany

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On 26 June 2012, a court in Cologne, Germany, ruled that circumcision was "inflicting bodily harm on boys too young to consent", deciding that the practice contravenes the "interests of the child to decide later in life on his religious beliefs".[147] The decision was based on the article "Criminal Relevance of Circumcising Boys. A Contribution to the Limitation of Consent in Cases of Care for the Person of the Child"[148] published by Holm Putzke, a German law professor at the University of Passau.[149][150] The court's decision that a child's right to physical integrity trumps religious and parental rights applied only within the jurisdiction of that court, the city of Cologne. The ruling was condemned by Jewish and Muslim groups in Europe.[151] A broad majority of German lawmakers passed a resolution asking Angela Merkel's government to clarify the ruling so as to allow Jews and Muslims to continue to practice their religion. On 12 December 2012, following a series of hearings and consultations, the Bundestag adopted a law explicitly permitting non-therapeutic circumcision to be performed under certain conditions by a vote of 434–100, with 46 abstentions.[152]

Controversy in Turkey

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Muslim men's opposition against male circumcision in Turkey maintains a strong connection with religious responsibilities and masculinity construction in Turkey.[153][154] It's illegal in Turkey to perform circumcision on boys between the ages of two and six to prevent psychological trauma.[citation needed]

Anti-circumcision movement

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Anti-circumcision protest at Capitol Hill in 2011
Secular Israeli Jews (Hilonim) protest against ritual circumcision (brit milah) in Tel Aviv

Anti-circumcision activists, sometimes called intactivists (a portmanteau of intact and activist),[155] consider circumcision to be genital mutilation, and celebrate the foreskin as a natural, beneficial, and functional part of the penis.[155] Various organisations have been set up specifically for the purpose, and other organizations have stated their support for the movement.

Name Founded Region served Notes
Bloodstained Men & Their Friends (BSM)[156] 2012 United States Known for public protests in white overalls with bloodstains around their crotches.[157]
Children's Health and Human Rights Partnership 2012 Canada Application of Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms
Circumcision Resource Center 1991 United States "Our nonprofit educational organization raises awareness, helps healing, and informs about sexual, psychological, and traumatic effects, medical issues, and cultural bias."
Circumstitions — The Intactivism Pages 1994 New Zealand The focus is on the intact male.
Doctors Opposing Circumcision 1995 United States Publishes medical information regarding non-therapeutic male circumcision. Based in Seattle, Washington.
Genital Autonomy America (GAA) 1985 United States Merged with Intact America in 2021. Previously called National Organization of Circumcision Information Resource Centers (NOCIRC). Based in San Anselmo, California.
Genital Autonomy Legal Defense and Education Fund (GALDEF) 2022 United States Genital autonomy advocates and legal professionals pursuing impact litigation to protect children's bodily integrity rights.
Intact America 2008 United States Intact America is the largest organization working to end child genital cutting. Based in Tarrytown, New York.
Intact Australia 2012 Australia Defense of human rights of boys
Intaction[158] 2010 United States Based in Brooklyn, New York.
IntactiWiki 2014 World Information resource.
intaktiv e.V. – eine Stimme für genitale Selbstbestimmung (German: A Voice for Genital Autonomy) 2013 Germany Is a registered charity since November 2013 Based in Mainz.[159]
Jews Against Circumcision (JAC) 2011 World
Justice for Men & Boys (and the women who love them) (J4MB) 2013 United Kingdom Circumcision has been the political party's primary campaigning issue since 2014, and the topic is covered in the party's 2015 general election manifesto.[160]
Men Do Complain (MDC)[161] 2012 United Kingdom Based in London.
NORM-UK, operating as "15Square"[162][163][164] 1994 United Kingdom Based in Stone, Staffordshire.[165]
Seminal Church 2020 World The Seminal Church actively opposes both male and female circumcision worldwide. It commits time and funding toward ending the practice of circumcision worldwide.[166]
Your Whole Baby 2014 United States "Your Whole Baby's mission is to provide parents-to-be and healthcare providers about the functions and care of the foreskin..."[167]
Genital Autonomy Collective 2022 United States & Global Focus on solidarity in resisting Female, Male, and Intersex Genital Mutilation. Explicitly transgender inclusive.

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Circumcision controversies involve debates over the routine surgical removal of the from the of male infants and children, primarily for non-therapeutic reasons including religious, cultural, or purported preventive benefits, which pit claims of modest medical advantages against concerns regarding procedural risks, ethical violations of bodily , and lack of from the minor. Proponents, often citing systematic reviews, argue that neonatal circumcision reduces risks of urinary tract infections, , and heterosexual HIV acquisition, with bodies like the concluding in 2012 that benefits outweigh risks, though not sufficiently to recommend universal adoption. Critics, including intactivist advocates and some European pediatric associations, highlight complications such as bleeding, infection, and rare severe outcomes like penile damage, alongside debates over diminished sexual sensitivity and function, with evidence suggesting no clear net superiority in sexual satisfaction but potential for iatrogenic harm without therapeutic imperative. These disputes extend to legal realms, with ongoing challenges in various jurisdictions questioning parental rights versus , exemplified by proposed restrictions or bans on non-therapeutic procedures for minors, amid calls for policy reevaluation as prevalence declines in regions like the .

Historical Context

Ancient and Pre-Modern Practices

The earliest archaeological evidence of circumcision originates from , with a relief carving in the of Ankhmahor dating to the Sixth Dynasty, approximately 2400 BCE, depicting the procedure performed on standing figures interpreted as young males using a blade. This rite appears linked to initiation or status elevation among elites or priests, as evidenced by the context of the scenes showing restrained individuals and the procedure's association with temple service rather than universal practice. Mummified remains, such as those of pharaohs like (c. 1525–1504 BCE), confirm partial removal in some cases, suggesting a cultural continuity tied to ritual purity or social distinction in a environment prone to sand and heat, though without explicit health rationales in surviving texts. In the , including the and regions of , circumcision evidence emerges around the early third millennium BCE, as indicated by artifacts from North Syria suggesting the practice among Semitic groups predating Abrahamic traditions. These instances align with or , potentially diffused through trade routes from Egyptian influences, but textual records remain sparse and do not uniformly describe full prepuce excision, emphasizing symbolic or maturation over hygiene. Mesopotamian medical tablets reference genital surgeries but lack clear circumcision protocols, pointing to localized adaptations rather than widespread adoption. Analogous practices in , among Maya and Aztec elites from the Classic period (c. 250–900 CE), involved ritual via or incision—often self-inflicted by rulers using spines or —for visionary or sacrificial purposes, but not systematic removal as in Egyptian or Near Eastern customs. Spanish chroniclers like documented such rites as elite initiations marking status or divine communication, distinct from yet sharing themes of bodily sacrifice for fertility or cosmic renewal. Circumcision persisted and spread through conquest and commerce, notably observed by and Romans who regarded Jewish variants as mutilatory and uncivilized, contrasting their cultural valuation of an intact prepuce for aesthetic and gymnastic ideals. Hellenistic decrees, such as Antiochus IV's ban in 168 BCE, aimed to suppress it as a marker of ethnic difference, prompting some to undergo epispasm () to assimilate, while Roman policies later restricted conversions partly due to the procedure's perceived barbarity. These external views underscore the rite's role in amid expansion, without altering its non-medical, rite-of-passage foundations in originating societies.

Development in Religious Traditions

In , circumcision originated as a divine mandate in the Abrahamic covenant described in Genesis 17:10–14, where instructed Abraham to circumcise every in his household on the eighth day as an everlasting sign of the covenant. This biblical event is traditionally dated to approximately 1800 BCE, establishing () as the first commandment given to Abraham and a core ritual for Jewish infants. , including the and from the 2nd to 5th centuries CE, expanded on the procedure, specifying details such as performing it even on the unless health risks intervene, and requiring a symbolic blood extraction (hatafat dam brit) for already-circumcised converts to affirm the covenant. These developments reinforced circumcision's doctrinal centrality, linking it to and covenantal fidelity amid evolving legal interpretations. In , male circumcision (khitan) emerged as a recommended practice rather than a Quranic obligation, rooted in the Prophet Muhammad's example during the 7th century CE. collections, such as those in Sahih Bukhari and , classify it among the five acts of fitrah (natural instincts), including hygiene and alignment with Abrahamic tradition, performed typically between infancy and puberty. This prophetic endorsement, absent direct Quranic verses, positioned circumcision as a meritorious act for Muslim males, influencing its widespread adoption across diverse Islamic schools by the medieval period. Christianity diverged from requiring circumcision following the Apostolic Council in , circa 50 CE, which exempted converts from the practice to avoid burdening them with law, prioritizing faith over ritual observance. Early , including (c. 185–253 CE), interpreted teachings to justify both circumcised and uncircumcised s under grace, contributing to the ritual's abandonment in mainstream by the 2nd century, though retained in Ethiopian and Coptic traditions. This doctrinal shift, emphasized in like Galatians, causally severed circumcision from salvific necessity, allowing its decline except in sects viewing it as cultural holdover. Medieval developments further entrenched circumcision in Jewish and Islamic traditions amid external pressures. In Judaism, 12th-century persecutions, including the first blood libel accusation in , , in 1144, prompted communal reinforcements of rituals like to preserve identity against forced conversions and expulsions. For Muslims under the (1299–1922), state-sponsored circumcision ceremonies for imperial heirs and elites formalized the practice, extending its socioeconomic and ritual prominence across regions through public festivals and centralized oversight, solidifying its persistence as a marker of religious maturity.

Medical Evidence and Public Health

Proven Health Benefits

in infancy reduces the risk of urinary tract infections (UTIs) by approximately 90%, with meta-analyses of observational studies reporting an of 0.13 (95% CI 0.08-0.20). The (AAP) 2012 policy statement identifies this as a specific benefit, noting the (NNT) is 111 to prevent one UTI in normal boys under one year, dropping to 11 for those with recurrent UTIs. This protective effect persists across age groups, with uncircumcised males facing a 9.9-fold higher risk in infancy, 6.6-fold from ages 1-16, and 3.4-fold beyond age 16. Penile cancer, though rare (incidence ~1 in 100,000 in developed countries), shows substantially lower rates in circumcised populations, particularly when performed in childhood or . A 2011 systematic review and of case-control studies found men circumcised neonatally or in youth had an of 0.33 (95% CI 0.13-0.83) for invasive compared to uncircumcised men, attributing part of the effect to reduced human papillomavirus (HPV) persistence and chronic inflammation. Neonatal circumcision nearly eliminates the risk in high-prevalence settings, as supported by epidemiological data linking uncircumcised status to higher incidence via and poor . Three randomized controlled trials (RCTs) in —ANRS 1265 (, 2005), and studies in (Bailey et al., 2007) and (Gray et al., 2007)—demonstrated that adult male reduces heterosexual acquisition by 50-60% over 24-30 months follow-up, with hazard ratios ranging from 0.40 to 0.47. The (WHO) endorses voluntary medical male based on these RCTs, estimating it averts ~3.4 million infections in eastern and southern since 2007. Similar RCTs show 25-35% reductions in high-risk HPV acquisition and 24-34% for type 2 (HSV-2), mediated by removal of the foreskin's inner mucosa, which harbors higher viral loads. Meta-analyses confirm these effects, with linked to lower odds of prevalent and incident HPV (OR ~0.70-0.80) and HSV-2 infections. Circumcision also lowers risks of inflammatory conditions like (OR 0.32, 95% CI 0.20-0.52) and pathologic , which affects up to 10% of uncircumcised boys by and predisposes to adhesions and infections. Longitudinal data indicate these benefits stem from improved hygiene and keratinization of the , reducing accumulation and bacterial colonization under the .

Risks, Complications, and Mitigations

Acute complications from neonatal in medical settings, such as , , and , occur at rates of 0.2% to 0.6% based on systematic reviews of U.S. . These events are predominantly minor and resolve with conservative management, while severe complications like excessive skin removal or injury remain rare, affecting fewer than 0.1% of cases. In non-sterile or traditional settings, particularly adult voluntary medical male programs in , complication rates rise to 2-18%, including higher incidences of wound and hematoma due to poorer and surgical conditions. Meatal stenosis, a narrowing of the urethral opening, develops in approximately 0.9-2% of males, though estimates vary and some cohort studies report rates below 1% when excluding confounding factors like . Systematic analyses indicate no robust causal association between circumcision and long-term , with high-quality prospective studies and meta-analyses finding no differences in erectile function or satisfaction compared to uncircumcised controls. A 2007 study by Sorrells et al. mapped fine-touch pressure thresholds, showing the foreskin as highly sensitive in uncircumcised men, with the glans less sensitive relative to the foreskin in intact penises; other self-reported sensitivity maps indicate minor variations but no consistent large glans sensitivity differences between circumcised and uncircumcised men. Claims of sensitivity loss often stem from lower-quality retrospective surveys prone to , lacking empirical support from randomized or controlled designs. Mitigations include standardized use of local anesthesia, such as dorsal penile nerve block or ring blocks with lidocaine, which has been recommended since the 1990s and effectively minimizes procedural pain when combined with sucrose pacifiers or swaddling. Neonatal procedures exhibit lower overall risks than those in adolescents or adults, with reduced blood loss (typically <5 mL versus up to 100 mL in adults) due to smaller penile size and immature vascularity, alongside faster healing and fewer infections. Adherence to aseptic techniques and trained providers further lowers adverse event rates to under 1% in developed settings.

Epidemiological Impacts and Studies

Voluntary medical male circumcision (VMMC) programs in , endorsed by the in 2007, have scaled up to circumcise millions of men, with three randomized controlled trials in , , and demonstrating a 51–60% reduction in heterosexual acquisition risk for circumcised men compared to uncircumcised controls over 24–30 months of follow-up. Population-level implementation in high-incidence settings has correlated with incidence declines; for instance, modeling from Ugandan trial data projected that sustained VMMC uptake could avert up to 20% of new infections in priority countries by controlling for behavioral confounders like partner concurrency. Multivariate analyses of observational data from the region further indicate that circumcision retains protective associations against after adjusting for variables such as age, marital status, and sexual partnerships, supporting causal inferences from trial outcomes in real-world contexts. In the United States, neonatal circumcision rates declined from 58.3% in 2010 to around 55–60% by 2022, based on data tracking hospital procedures among newborns. This trend occurred amid stable or increasing (STI) rates overall, with cohort studies showing higher and other STI incidences among uncircumcised men after multivariate adjustment for confounders like use and partner numbers, though effects remain diluted by high baseline prevention measures. Globally, regions with low circumcision prevalence like exhibit low prevalence (0.2–0.3% among adults), contrasting with sub-Saharan Africa's higher burdens, but multivariate ecological analyses attribute part of the African disparity to circumcision status independent of socioeconomic and behavioral factors. In high-risk African settings, VMMC interventions have demonstrated epidemiological causality through time-series declines in incidence post-uptake, exceeding expectations from behavioral interventions alone, whereas low-prevalence contexts like show minimal marginal gains due to already subdued transmission dynamics.

Ethical and Philosophical Debates

Bodily Autonomy and Genital Integrity Claims

Opponents of non-therapeutic infant male contend that the procedure constitutes a violation of the child's inherent right to bodily autonomy, as it involves irreversible surgical alteration of healthy tissue without the individual's . This argument posits that infants, lacking capacity for consent, possess a presumptive right to an intact body, with any elective modification deferred until maturity when personal agency can be exercised. Such claims frame as an unethical proxy consent by parents or society, prioritizing over tradition or perceived benefits. Philosophical underpinnings invoke libertarian ethics, including John Stuart Mill's harm principle from On Liberty (1859), which permits interference with liberty only to avert harm to others. Applied here, advocates argue that circumcision inflicts direct, permanent bodily harm—via tissue removal and potential sensory alteration—without necessitating intervention for the child's immediate welfare, rendering parental sovereignty subordinate to the infant's future autonomy. This reasoning extends first-principles bodily ownership: the penis, as natural endowment, embodies integrity until voluntarily altered, with non-therapeutic cutting akin to unauthorized property damage. Central to genital integrity claims is the foreskin's characterization as specialized erogenous tissue, containing dense concentrations of Meissner's corpuscles for fine-touch mechanoreception. Histological analyses identify these rapidly adapting, low-threshold receptors as abundant in the prepuce's inner mucosa, facilitating tactile during . A 2007 study by Sorrells et al. quantified fine-touch pressure thresholds across penile regions, revealing the foreskin's ridged band exhibited the lowest detection thresholds (most sensitive), surpassing the and shaft, with circumcised men's exposed showing keratinization-linked desensitization. Opponents assert this supports integrity preservation, as removal ablates irreplaceable sensory architecture, though applications to outcomes remain empirically contested due to developmental variables. The assertion that the harbors over 20,000 nerve endings—predominantly fine-touch variants—originates from extrapolations in advocacy referencing prepuce innervation density, though direct quantification varies across studies. Intactivism, a movement term gaining traction in the , codifies these integrity arguments, with the National Organization of Circumcision Information Resource Centers (NOCIRC), founded in 1985, pioneering campaigns against non-consensual cutting under the banner of "genital autonomy." Analogies to female genital mutilation (FGM) underscore non-consensual parallels: both entail cultural or parental imposition of genital excision on minors, altering healthy without therapeutic imperative, yet FGM faces universal condemnation while male circumcision evades equivalent scrutiny. Proponents of equivalence argue this reflects inconsistent application of autonomy ethics, where degree of tissue removal or cultural valence should not eclipse the principle of , urging parity in prohibiting irreversible modifications. These claims, while highlighting procedural similarities, apply to contexts where long-term sensory or psychological harms are alleged but lack uniform empirical validation across cohorts. Parents exercise proxy consent for their minor children in medical decisions, including irreversible procedures such as vaccinations—which carry risks of rare but permanent neurological effects—and , which permanently alter dental structure, based on a duty to promote the child's long-term welfare amid incomplete information. This authority stems from contractual and evolutionary rationales wherein parents, as primary caregivers, balance immediate risks against projected benefits like prevention or aesthetic/functional improvements, with legal frameworks upholding such prerogatives absent demonstrable harm. In the case of neonatal , parental decisions reflect similar reasoning, supported by empirical data indicating limited decisional ; a 2024 study in a U.S. pediatric clinic found that while approximately 20% of parents reported moderate —comparable to rates for other elective pediatric surgeries—strong was infrequent, and most affirmed the choice aligned with or health considerations. Societal utility further bolsters parental discretion in circumcision, as the procedure contributes to population-level reductions in sexually transmitted infections, analogous to dynamics observed in programs. Randomized trials demonstrate that male circumcision decreases heterosexual acquisition by 53-60% and lowers transmission risks for type 2 and human papillomavirus, thereby protecting uncircumcised partners and reducing overall community STI prevalence without relying solely on individual behavioral changes. These effects extend to broader gains, including decreased healthcare burdens from preventable infections, justifying proxy interventions where net benefits accrue to dependents and despite the child's inability to . Infant claims to bodily autonomy falter on grounds of incompetence, as neonates lack capacity for rational deliberation or foresight, rendering absolute deferral to adulthood philosophically incoherent and practically suboptimal. Adult procedures, intended as reversals, yield inconsistent functional outcomes with potential complications like scarring or sensory deficits, and demand remains negligible—less than 1% of circumcised men pursue non-therapeutic reversals—suggesting widespread acceptance rather than latent dissatisfaction. Moreover, in immigrant communities, parental circumcision choices foster cultural cohesion and identity preservation against assimilation pressures; for Muslim families in Western contexts like and the , forgoing the rite risks familial stigmatization and erosion of rites-of-passage traditions tied to and group belonging. This utility aligns with contractual societal norms permitting parents to transmit adaptive cultural practices that enhance offspring integration and resilience.

Causal Reasoning from First Principles

From a causal standpoint, the primary of neonatal involves a low-probability acute against probabilistic long-term reductions in risks. Complications occur in approximately 0.2% to 0.5% of cases, predominantly minor issues like bleeding or , with severe outcomes such as rare at rates below 0.1%. These risks stem directly from surgical intervention on delicate tissue, but empirical data indicate they are mitigated by trained providers and sterile technique, yielding a net far below 1% in controlled settings. In contrast, retention of the causally elevates exposure to pathogens by creating a moist, enclosed environment conducive to bacterial , particularly under inconsistent . This manifests in a 10-fold higher urinary tract (UTI) risk in uncircumcised male infants, where baseline incidence is about 1%, necessitating roughly 111 procedures to avert one UTI. For , randomized controlled trials demonstrate a 60% reduction in acquisition risk during heterosexual exposure in high-prevalence regions, attributable to removal of the 's inner mucosal layer, which harbors target cells like Langerhans cells and serves as an entry portal during microtears. In low-prevalence contexts, these benefits accrue cumulatively over lifetime exposure, outweighing surgical risks when discounting deontological objections and focusing on empirical . Evolutionary biology provides a first-principles lens: the likely evolved in ancestral environments with minimal and high mobility, offering protective and gliding during intercourse while assuming reliable post-coital via natural behaviors or water access. However, modern lifestyles introduce a mismatch, with sedentary habits, synthetic fabrics trapping moisture, and variable personal amplifying smegma accumulation and adhesion under the , independent of cultural practices. This shift causally heightens infection vectors—such as or phimosis-related issues—that were less selective pressures in pre-agricultural epochs, where post-reproductive mortality from penile infections did not impede gene propagation. Removal aligns the with contemporary sanitary realities, reducing these mismatches without invoking adaptive foresight, as operates on reproductive fitness, not post-hoc hygiene optimality. Claims of normalized harms to lack causal substantiation from high-quality data. Systematic reviews of controlled studies find no significant differences in overall sexual satisfaction, erectile function, or orgasmic quality between circumcised and uncircumcised men, with self-reported equivalence persisting across large cohorts despite anecdotal sensitivity loss assertions. One study suggesting reduced penile sensitivity in circumcised groups relied on self-reports prone to and did not isolate causation from factors like age or partner dynamics, failing to demonstrate downstream impacts on pleasure or function. Empirically, any keratinization of the post-circumcision does not impair density to the extent of altering satisfaction metrics, as evidenced by longitudinal assessments showing stable or improved ejaculatory control and relational outcomes. Prioritizing observable utilities over subjective proxies, the procedure's net causal effect favors reduced transmission over unsubstantiated pleasure deficits.

Historical Laws and Bans

In the 2nd century BCE, Seleucid king decreed a ban on Jewish as part of broader efforts to impose Hellenistic assimilation on , viewing the practice as a marker of resistance to Greek cultural norms; this prohibition, enforced with severe penalties including execution for performers, ignited the in 167 BCE. Under the , Emperor enacted a comprehensive ban on circa 132 CE in response to the , equating the procedure with bodily mutilation akin to and subjecting violators—primarily targeting Jews—to as a measure to dismantle Jewish ethnic and religious cohesion. The edict extended to prohibiting the practice among non-Jews as well, reflecting Roman disdain for perceived barbarism, though enforcement involved inspections and epispasm () incentives for compliance. Hadrian's successor, , partially reversed the policy by permitting exclusively for Jewish religious observance while upholding the ban for others, including converts. In medieval Europe, while no empire-wide legal bans specifically targeted , localized persecutions arose from accusations of forcibly circumcising Christian children, as in the 1144 case where such claims fueled ritual murder libels and expulsions rather than formal prohibitions on Jewish ritual practice itself. Broader anti-Jewish edicts during events like the pogroms indirectly curtailed religious observances, including circumcision, through community disruptions and forced conversions, but these stemmed from plague-attributed culpability rather than hygiene or assimilation rationales. During the era, from the 1920s through the 1980s, ritual circumcision faced systematic suppression under anti-religious campaigns labeling it as feudal superstition; the procedure was legally restricted to medically indicated cases, with performers risking criminal prosecution, , or exile, compelling Jewish families to conduct clandestine operations. Historical attempts at bans, often motivated by cultural assimilation or eradication of minority identities, rarely endured long-term, succumbing to revolts, policy reversals, or underground persistence, with no global prohibitions achieving sustained enforcement.

Modern Court Cases and Policy Shifts

In 2012, the Regional Court in , , ruled in case 151 Ns 169/11 that non-therapeutic of male minors constituted under German , effectively prohibiting the practice for religious reasons and sparking international debate among Jewish and Muslim communities. This decision, which prioritized the child's right to over parental religious rights, was swiftly overturned by federal legislation passed on December 12, 2012, with 434 votes in favor and 100 against, explicitly permitting by trained physicians or experts under conditions minimizing pain and informing parents of risks. The law's enactment prevented a nationwide decline in rates, maintaining access for religious minorities without documented long-term policy disruption. In the United States, a 2011 ballot initiative in , Proposition F, sought to criminalize of males under 18 as a , qualifying for the November ballot through signatures but was removed by Loretta Giorgi, who held that local ordinances cannot regulate medical procedures reserved to state authority. No federal ban has emerged, but state-level policies have causally influenced neonatal rates: as of 2014, 18 states excluded routine coverage, correlating with rates 24 percentage points lower than in covering states, reflecting economic barriers rather than outright prohibition. This variation, driven by fiscal decisions like California's 1982 defunding, has sustained disparities in procedure prevalence without judicial mandates. In , a 2018 parliamentary bill proposed amending the penal code to ban non-medical male circumcision with penalties up to six years' imprisonment, framing it as a violation of , but faced opposition from religious leaders and was ultimately withdrawn amid concerns over religious freedom, preserving the practice's legality. Across the , tensions with human rights frameworks persist, yet ritual circumcision endures under Article 9 of the , which safeguards freedom to manifest , balancing parental rights against child protections without supranational bans. No direct rulings on circumcision have imposed restrictions as of 2023, unlike adjacent cases on , allowing national policies to uphold religious exemptions.

Cultural, Religious, and Social Dimensions

Justifications in Judaism, Islam, and Other Faiths

In , male circumcision, known as , constitutes a core covenantal sign established with Abraham in Genesis 17:10-14, mandating its performance on the eighth day after birth as an eternal mark of the Jewish people's bond with God. This ritual, executed by a trained , symbolizes identity and continuity, particularly vital in contexts where it reinforces communal cohesion amid assimilation pressures. Israeli multicenter surveys indicate complication rates for neonatal ritual circumcisions as low as 0.34%, with most cases mild and attributable to factors like operator experience rather than the procedure itself. In Islam, khitan for males derives from prophetic as one of the fitrah acts of innate purity and hygiene, emulating Abrahamic tradition without explicit Quranic mandate but upheld through emphasizing cleanliness. Timing varies culturally, from the seventh day to pre-puberty, and remains nearly universal in Muslim-majority nations, with prevalence estimates approaching 99.9% tied to religious observance. This practice sustains ethnic and faith-based identity, especially in diverse or minority settings, mirroring Jewish uses as a resilient communal marker. Among other faiths, Coptic and Ethiopian Orthodox Christians retain male circumcision as a customary rite, often performed for hygienic reasons and cultural continuity in Muslim-influenced regions, though absent as a doctrinal imperative following New Testament supersession. Sikhism, conversely, rejects elective circumcision, viewing it as unnecessary alteration conflicting with principles of bodily wholeness, with debates arising only in medical necessities rather than ritual endorsement. These variances underscore circumcision's role in select traditions as an enduring emblem of fidelity and group resilience, empirically supported by low adverse outcomes in supervised ritual contexts.

Secular Cultural Practices and Shifts

In the late 19th century, physicians in English-speaking Western countries, including the and Britain, began advocating routine male circumcision as a preventive measure against , which was pathologized as a cause of neurological and physical disorders such as and . This medical rationale, detached from ancient religious precedents, drove initial adoption among secular elites concerned with and moral discipline, with U.S. rates estimated at around 10% by 1880 before accelerating. By the mid-20th century, cultural normalization peaked, with newborn circumcision rates in the U.S. reaching 80-90% in the late 1960s, influenced by hospital routines and aesthetic preferences for conformity. Subsequent shifts reflected questioning of these justifications amid and declining faith in early medical claims. U.S. rates declined to 64.5% by 1979 and further to 58.3% by 2010, with regional variations showing drops to as low as 31% in some Western states by the early 2000s. In , newborn rates fell from approximately 50% in the 1970s to 20% by the 2010s, paralleling public health advisories emphasizing non-surgical hygiene. New Zealand experienced a comparable reversal post-1970s, with rates dropping below 40% for early cohorts to rarity today. Among certain African ethnic groups, such as the Xhosa in , circumcision features in secular coming-of-age rituals emphasizing manhood, endurance, and genital cleanliness, often conducted in remote, unregulated bush schools by traditional practitioners lacking formal medical training. These practices blend with hygiene rationales but carry elevated risks, including in 56.2% of cases, genital mutilation in 26.7%, in 11.4%, and penile amputation in 5.7% among treated complications. Mass initiations have resulted in dozens of deaths annually from botched procedures, exacerbated by poor wound care and infections, with over 150 fatalities reported since 2012. In , where baseline rates remain under 10%, immigration from high-prevalence regions in and the has introduced sustained cultural preferences for circumcision tied to and , potentially stabilizing or incrementally raising localized practices amid native declines. Persistence in the global south often stems from analogous secular emphases on hygiene, with surveys in countries like the and parts of citing easier genital cleaning as a primary motivator alongside reduced and infection risks. In the , neonatal male rates declined from 54.1% in 2012 to 49.3% in 2022, representing a nearly 5 drop, according to a study analyzing hospital data. This shift occurred despite endorsements of the procedure's benefits by organizations like the CDC and AAP, with researchers attributing the decline to factors including reduced Medicaid coverage in 17 states, increased parental skepticism toward medical recommendations, and changing cultural norms rather than widespread consensus on net harm. Rates remained higher among certain demographics, such as and newborns where prevalence stayed relatively stable, often linked to cultural or religious traditions, while white newborns saw sharper drops from over 65% to 60%. Globally, male circumcision prevalence stands at approximately 37-39% among males aged 15 and older, with near-universal rates (over 90%) in Muslim-majority countries and Jewish communities, reflecting strong cultural and religious support in those areas. In high-prevalence regions like parts of and the , surveys indicate majority parental approval tied to traditional practices and perceived health or hygiene benefits, though specific polling on voluntary adult circumcision for prevention shows variable enthusiasm outside targeted programs. Western countries outside the U.S., such as those in , exhibit low prevalence (under 20%) and polls revealing opposition to routine infant procedures, with medical bodies advising against non-therapeutic circumcision. Generational trends in the West show younger cohorts less favorable toward routine ; a 2015 poll found only 33% of U.S. adults under 30 supported it as standard practice, compared to higher rates among older groups, potentially due to greater exposure to online information questioning benefits versus risks. U.S. studies also link higher rates to parents with greater levels, who cite familiarity with on preventive outcomes like reduced urinary tract infections and certain STIs, countering narratives of inverse correlations in less informed populations. These patterns suggest changes and differential access to empirical on benefits have driven fluctuations more than uniform shifts in public consensus.

Activism and Contemporary Conflicts

Anti-Circumcision Organizations and Arguments

The anti-circumcision movement, often termed intactivism, emerged during the amid growing scrutiny of routine neonatal procedures, with early organizations like the National Organization to Halt the Abuse and Routine Mutilation of Males (NOHARMM) advocating for into adverse outcomes from circumcision and promoting and among affected men. NOHARMM focused on highlighting potential long-term physical and psychological harms, drawing from personal testimonies and emerging medical critiques of non-therapeutic interventions. By the 1980s, groups such as the National Organization of Restoring Men (later evolving into Genital Autonomy America, founded in 1985) expanded efforts to challenge the procedure as a form of bodily alteration . Intact America, established in 2008, has become a prominent U.S.-based organization in the movement, emphasizing public awareness campaigns against infant male circumcision, including documentation of hospital practices that pathologize the to justify the procedure. Its tactics include street protests at medical conferences, regret narratives from circumcised individuals, and comparisons to female genital mutilation to underscore ethical parallels in non-consensual genital cutting. In 2025, Intact America supported events like Foreskin Day on April 4, themed around the 's protective functions, alongside localized protests in cities such as in June and Grand Forks in May, often targeting neonatal intensive care units (NICUs) to highlight perceived infant trauma. Core arguments advanced by these groups center on the procedure's irreversibility, as the cannot be restored post-removal, leading to permanent loss of nerve endings and potential impacts on . They contend that inflicts significant pain, frequently citing historical data from unanesthetized procedures to argue that even modern fails to fully mitigate neonatal distress, which may cause lasting psychological effects. Rights-based claims frame the practice as a violation of bodily autonomy and , asserting that infants cannot authorize permanent alterations, akin to protections against unnecessary intrusions. The movement has received funding primarily from secular philanthropies and individual donors opposed to routine medical interventions, enabling sustained advocacy without reliance on religious affiliations. Globally, intactivist efforts have spread to , where groups push for regulatory scrutiny and alternatives like non-invasive rituals, amplified by documentaries such as "Cut: Slicing Through the Myths of Circumcision" (2007) and "American Circumcision" (2017), which feature personal stories and ethical critiques to challenge cultural normalization. These films, released in the late and , contributed to broader media discussions on and harm, though empirical support for long-term claims often relies on rather than large-scale controlled studies.

Responses from Medical and Religious Bodies

(AAP) issued a 2012 policy statement concluding that the health benefits of newborn male outweigh the risks, though not sufficiently to recommend it universally for all families; this position emphasizes systematic evaluation of evidence on prevention of urinary tract infections, , and heterosexual acquisition. (WHO) has endorsed voluntary medical male since 2007 as an efficacious intervention reducing acquisition risk by approximately 60% in heterosexual men in high-prevalence settings, based on randomized controlled trials in , with ongoing implementation in 15 priority countries. The American Urological Association (AUA) maintains that neonatal offers potential medical benefits alongside risks, advising parents to weigh these through informed discussion with providers. High-quality systematic reviews and meta-analyses have countered claims of diminished penile sensitivity or post-circumcision, finding no adverse effects on , sensation, or satisfaction in circumcised versus uncircumcised men, with some evidence of reduced . These institutions advocate parental over legislative bans, prioritizing evidence-based decision-making amid activism-driven challenges. Religious bodies have mounted unified defenses, exemplified by the 2012 response to a Cologne regional court ruling deeming non-therapeutic circumcision bodily harm; Jewish and Muslim organizations in formed coalitions denouncing the decision as an infringement on religious freedom, prompting federal legislation in December 2012 to explicitly permit the practice under regulated conditions. Such alliances underscored communal commitments to covenantal rites in and sunnah in , framing circumcision as integral to identity resilient against secular encroachments.

Recent Global Incidents and Developments

In July 2025, a mass initiation ceremony in South Africa's province resulted in the deaths of 39 young boys from infections and complications during unregulated traditional circumcisions, with additional mutilations reported among survivors. This incident highlighted ongoing risks in non-medical rites, prompting government oversight visits and calls for stricter regulation of customary practices. In contrast, voluntary medical male circumcision (VMMC) programs in maintain low rates, with intraoperative complications at approximately 0.2% and moderate or severe events below 1% post-procedure across large-scale implementations. By 2025, VMMC initiatives in eastern and had scaled to over 37 million procedures since 2008, contributing to verifiable incidence reductions of about 60% in heterosexual transmission to men, as confirmed by UNAIDS modeling and epidemiological data. These programs, supported by entities like PEPFAR, have averted millions of infections without corresponding rises in complications, underscoring differences between standardized medical protocols and informal rituals. In the United States, Health Secretary asserted in October 2025 a potential link between infant —often involving post-procedure acetaminophen (Tylenol) use—and increased autism risk, citing limited studies but lacking causal evidence. Fact-checks and expert analyses dismissed the claims as unsupported, noting no established causal connection and stable autism prevalence trends amid declining U.S. neonatal rates from around 58% in 2010 to under 50% by the mid-2020s. European efforts to restrict non-therapeutic faced stasis in the 2020s, with proposals like Denmark's 2021 parliamentary bill to ban or heavily regulate boys' rejected by a two-thirds majority, preserving legal access amid religious and cultural accommodations. No widespread bans materialized, maintaining policy equilibrium despite intermittent advocacy.

References

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