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Nubi language
Nubi language
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Nubi Arabic
Kinubi
كي-نوبي
Native toUganda, Kenya
EthnicityUgandan Nubians, Kenyan Nubians
Speakers50,000 (2014-2019)[1]
Early form
Arabic
Language codes
ISO 639-3kcn
Glottolognubi1253
ELPNubi
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

The Nubi language (also called Ki-Nubi, Arabic: كي-نوبي, romanized: kī-nūbī) is a Sudanese Arabic-based creole language spoken in Uganda around Bombo, and in Kenya around Kibera, by the Ugandan Nubians, many of whom are descendants of Emin Pasha's Sudanese soldiers who were settled there by the British colonial administration. It was spoken by about 15,000 people in Uganda in 1991 (according to the census), and an estimated 10,000 in Kenya; another source estimates about 50,000 speakers as of 2001. 90% of the lexicon derives from Arabic,[2] but the grammar has been simplified,[3] as has the sound system. Nairobi has the greatest concentration of Nubi speakers.[4] Nubi has the prefixing, suffixing and compounding processes also present in Arabic.[5]

Many Nubi speakers are Kakwa who came from the Nubian region, first into Equatoria, and from there southwards into Uganda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. They rose to prominence under Ugandan President Idi Amin, who was Kakwa.[6][7]

Jonathan Owens argues that Nubi constitutes a major counterexample to Derek Bickerton's theories of creole language formation, showing "no more than a chance resemblance to Bickerton's universal creole features" despite fulfilling perfectly the historical conditions expected to lead to such features.[citation needed] Scholars (Sebit, 2023) have suggested that the Nubi Language was the main point of unity among the Nubi community in east Africa, to survive the hardship they experienced from different community components.

Phonology

[edit]

Vowels

[edit]

Sources:[4][2]

There are five vowels in Nubi. Vowels are not distinguished by length except in at least two exceptions from Kenyan Nubi (which are not present in Ugandan dialects) where bara means "outside" and is an adverb while baara means "the outside" and is a noun, and also where saara meaning "bewitch" is compared to sara meaning "herd, cattle". Despite this, there is a tendency for vowels in stressed syllables to be registered as long vowels.[2]

Front Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a

Each of the vowels has multiple allophones and the exact sound of the vowel depends on the surrounding consonants.[2]

Consonants

[edit]

Sources:[4][2]

Bilabial Dental Alveolar Post
alveolar 		Velar Uvular Pharyngeal Glottal
Nasal m n ɲ (ŋ)
Plosive/
Affricate 		voiceless p t tʃ k (q) (ʔ)
voiced b d dʒ ɡ
Fricative voiceless f (θ) s ʃ (x) (ħ) h
voiced v (ð) z
Rhotic r (ɽ)
Lateral l
Approximant w j (w)

Speakers may use Standard Arabic phonemes for words for which the Arabic pronunciation has been learned. The retroflex version of the /r/ sound may also occur and some dialects use /l/ in its place. Geminates are very unusual in Nubi. These less common phonemes are shown in brackets.[4][2]

Ineke Wellens gives the following orthography for Nubi where it differs from the IPA symbols: /ʃ/ = sh; /tʃ/ = ch; /dʒ/ = j; /ɲ/ = ny; /w/ = w or u; /j/ = y or i; /θ/ = th; /ð/ = dh; /x/ = kh; /ħ/ = ḥ.[2]

Syllable structure

[edit]

Syllables typically have a CV, VC, V or CVC structure with VC only occurring in initial syllables. Final and initial CC occur only in a few specific examples such as skul which means "school" or sems which means "sun".[4]

Stress can change the meaning of words for example saba means "seven" or "morning" depending on whether the stress is on the first or second syllables respectively. Vowels are often omitted in unstressed, final syllables and sometime even the stressed final "u" in the passive form may be deleted after "m", "n", "l", "f" or "b". This can cause syllables to be realigned even across words.[4]

Grammar

[edit]

Nominals

[edit]

Nouns are inflected by number only (taking a singular or plural form) although for most nouns this does not represent a morphological change. Jonathan Owens gives 5 broad inflectional categories of nouns:[4]

  1. Nouns which undergo a stress shift when the plural is formed.
  2. Nouns which undergo apophony.
  3. Nouns which take a suffix and undergo a stress shift in the plural form.
  4. Nouns which form the plural by suppletion
  5. Bantu loan-words which take different prefixes in the singular and plural forms

The table below shows examples of each type of pluralisation. The apostrophe has been placed before the stressed syllable:[4]

Type of

Pluralisation

Singular Form Plural Form English Translation
1 yo'wele yowe'le boy(s)
2 ke'bir ku'bar big [thing(s)]
3 'tajir taji'rin rich person(s)
3 'seder sede'ra tree(s)
4 'marya nus'wan woman / women1
5 muze waze old man / old men

1Nuswan may be supplemented by a suffix as if it were type 3, thus, nuswana could also mean "women".[4]

Adjectives follow the noun and some adjectives have singular and plural forms which must agree with the noun. Adjectives may also take the prefixes al, ali, ab or abu which mark them as habitual. Possessor nouns follow the possessed, with a particle ta placed in between. In the case of inalienable possession the particle is omitted.[4]

See also

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Bibliography

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Nubi language

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The Nubi language (also known as Ki-Nubi) is an Arabic-based creole primarily spoken by the Nubi people in and . It emerged in the as a variety of used in Egyptian military and trading camps in southern , where soldiers and laborers from diverse ethnic groups, including non- speakers, interacted. This evolved into a full creole when descendants of these soldiers, recruited into British colonial forces like the , settled in , bringing the language to regions such as Bombo in and in . Approximately 90% of Nubi's vocabulary derives from , but its grammar is markedly simplified, lacking complex inflections, distinctions, and case markings typical of , while featuring invariant verb stems and preverbal tense-aspect-mood markers. Nubi exhibits a basic subject-verb-object and a five-vowel phonemic without length contrasts, with some variations influenced by substrate languages. The language incorporates loanwords from , English, and local , reflecting the multilingual environments of its speakers. As of 2003, there were around 25,000 Nubi speakers scattered across urban areas in and ; estimates as of 2021 suggest approximately 50,000 speakers. According to , Nubi is classified as endangered. Despite its creole status, younger generations increasingly shift to dominant languages like English, , or , though it remains a vital marker of Nubi ethnic identity tied to their history of and migration.

Overview

Classification

Nubi is classified as an Arabic-based creole language, with serving as the primary lexifier language, contributing approximately 90% of its vocabulary. Its , however, is significantly simplified compared to dialects, featuring reduced morphological complexity and influences from substrate languages such as and Kakwa, alongside other Nilotic and spoken by the original military recruits who formed the community. This process resulted in a stable, nativized variety distinct from both its lexifier and substrates, with providing the core while substrate elements shaped phonological and syntactic features. The status of Nubi as a full creole has been debated among linguists, particularly in relation to Bickerton's language bioprogram hypothesis, which posits that creoles emerge from an innate human grammatical blueprint activated in children exposed to . Proponents of Nubi's creole status point to features like invariant verb stems and preverbal aspect marking (e.g., for completive and non-completive aspects) as aligning with Bickerton's predictions for universal creole structures. In contrast, argues that Nubi represents a heavily restructured variety of rather than a true creole, emphasizing its retention of Arabic-derived syntax and over bioprogram-driven innovation; key evidence includes the absence of case endings, adoption of subject-verb-object (SVO) word order typical of dialects, and limited substrate impact on core grammar. This perspective highlights Nubi's gradual evolution from a military , with inheritance from the Arabic superstrate dominating its development. Despite its name, Nubi is unrelated to the of the Nilo-Saharan family, such as Nobiin, which are indigenous to the Valley and regions. The similarity in nomenclature stems from the historical association of Nubi speakers with soldiers from Nubian areas, but linguistic analysis confirms no genetic affiliation, a distinction clarified through scholarship in the that separated the creole from indigenous Nubian tongues. Nubi's official code is kcn, and it is cataloged in as nubi1253 under the Afro-Asiatic > Semitic > Central Semitic > branch, reflecting its Arabic origins.

Speakers and distribution

The Nubi language is spoken by an estimated 50,000–60,000 people as of the , primarily in and . In , there are approximately 30,000 speakers, with concentrations in the Bombo area of Luweero District and urban centers like . In , the speaker population is estimated at 20,000–25,000, with the highest density in the Kibera slum of . Nubi speakers belong to the Ugandan and Kenyan Nubian ethnic communities, who are descendants of Sudanese ex-soldiers recruited during the 19th and early 20th centuries for colonial forces in . Many identify ethnically as Kakwa, a Nilotic group from the Sudan- border region, and the community gained historical prominence in under President , who himself was Kakwa and favored Nubian military personnel. The distribution of Nubi speakers is predominantly urban, with communities forming tight-knit enclaves in cities rather than rural areas; for instance, serves as a major hub for Kenyan , while Bombo functions similarly for Ugandans. Within these groups, Nubi functions as an in-group language that reinforces communal bonds and identity among . Most Nubi speakers are multilingual, typically proficient in as a regional , English as an , and local tongues such as in ; this bilingualism or multilingualism underscores Nubi's role as a key ethnic marker distinct from dominant national languages.

History

Origins

The Nubi language originated in the late as a military used among diverse Sudanese troops serving in the Egyptian army during the Turco-Egyptian period (1821–1885) and the subsequent (1885–1898). This developed as a to facilitate communication between northern Sudanese and Egyptian officers, who primarily spoke dialects, and southern recruits from various ethnic groups speaking Nilotic and other local languages. The formation occurred amid the multilingual environments of military camps established by Muhammad Ali's expeditions for slave trading and conquest in southern . Key substrate influences on the emerging came from such as and Kakwa, spoken by southern Sudanese soldiers who formed a significant portion of the ranks. These contributions shaped aspects of the pidgin's and , while the dominant superstrate was , introduced by northern officers and reflecting the administrative language of the Turco-Egyptian . The pidgin began to stabilize around the 1880s in key locations including , the administrative center in northern , and in the south, where garrisons housed thousands of troops from over 50 ethnic groups. Following the British-Egyptian victory in the at the in 1898, many surviving Sudanese soldiers were integrated into the Anglo-Egyptian army and relocated to form stable military communities, particularly in and later in . This relocation by the British colonial administration provided the social conditions for the to expand beyond its initial military context, though it remained a non-nativized variety until the early .

Development and spread

The Nubi language underwent and in the early 20th century following the British relocation of over 10,000 Sudanese troops and their families to after the conquest of in 1898. These soldiers, primarily from diverse ethnic groups in southern who had served in the Egyptian army, were resettled in military barracks such as Bombo between 1902 and 1904, where the Arabic they spoke evolved into a stable creole as children born in the camps adopted it as their . This process was accelerated by intermarriage with local Ugandan groups and isolation from Standard influences, leading to the language's establishment as a distinct community vernacular by the . The language spread to Kenya through initial military postings and subsequent family migrations, with a significant portion of the community moving to in the 1930s to 1960s in search of economic opportunities following demobilization after World Wars I and II. emerged as a central hub for these settlers, who were granted land near the barracks in 1904 and expanded the settlement through informal economies like gin distillation and urban labor in 's growing infrastructure. By the 1960s, rapid urbanization in post-independence solidified Nubi-speaking communities in , where the population grew amid housing shortages and intermarriage with incoming migrants, though the language remained primarily intra-community. Post-independence political upheavals profoundly impacted Nubi speakers, with initial favor under Idi Amin's regime in the —despite his Kakwa ethnic ties to some Nubi—giving way to severe suppression after his overthrow, as communities faced persecution, property destruction, and mass displacement to and due to their association with Amin. In the , during the bush war and early Museveni era, Nubi endured further targeting and marginalization, including frozen bank accounts and land seizures under interim governments. Revival efforts gained momentum in the late and through Nubian cultural associations in and , which promoted via orthography development, community events, and for citizenship , culminating in constitutional recognition as indigenous Ugandans in 1995. These efforts have continued into the , including cultural festivals that encourage language maintenance.

Phonology

Vowels

The Nubi language has a simplified vowel inventory consisting of five monophthongal vowels: /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, /u/. Vowel length is not phonemically distinctive, though vowels in stressed syllables may be realized as slightly longer. Nubi lacks vowel harmony, a feature present in some Arabic varieties but absent here due to creolization processes. The vowel system shows a reduction from Classical and Sudanese Arabic norms, where additional distinctions like /ɛ/ and /ɔ/—often allophones in dialects—are merged into the phonemes /e/ and /o/, respectively, under substrate influences from Nilo-Saharan and Bantu languages with simpler five-vowel systems. Central vowels are rare as independent phonemes; any schwa-like [ə] realizations function as allophones of /i/, /e/, /u/, or /o/ in unstressed positions. Diphthongs from Arabic origins, such as /aj/, are typically monophthongized, contributing to the streamlined inventory, though specific mappings vary by lexical item. Allophonic variations enrich the realizations of these vowels, influenced by phonetic context and stress. For /a/, variants include (default, often after bilabials) and [æ] (before alveolar consonants like /n/ or front articulations). Examples include sini "knife" (pronounced approximately [ˈsɪnɪ], with potential [æ]-like quality near coronals) and saba "morning" ( [ˈsæbɑ ] ). The vowel /e/ alternates between in stressed finals, [ɛ] in unstressed syllables, and [ə] medially; /o/ shows before close vowels, [ɔ] unstressed, and occasional [ə]; while /i/ and /u/ centralize to [ə] in weak positions but retain and under stress. These patterns arise from interactions with surrounding consonants and syllable structure, without altering phonemic contrasts.

Consonants

The Nubi language has a consonant inventory of 21 phonemes, which is simplified compared to due to the process involving substrate influences from local African languages. Marginal phonemes, such as /p/, /tʃ/, /x/, /ɣ/, and /ŋ/, primarily appear in loanwords from and and are often substituted in core vocabulary (e.g., /p/ realized as /b/). The inventory lacks pharyngeal consonants /ħ/ and /ʕ/, which are either merged with /h/ or deleted in Nubi derivations from Arabic (e.g., Arabic ḥāǧa 'thing' > Nubi haja). Emphatic consonants from Arabic, such as /ṭ/, /ḍ/, and /ṣ/, are de-emphaticized or lost, merging with their plain counterparts /t/, /d/, and /s/ (e.g., Arabic ṭawīl 'long' > Nubi towil). The uvular stop /q/ is rare and typically realized as /g/ or /k/ in Nubi (e.g., Arabic qalb 'heart' > Nubi kalib or galib). Fricatives include both Arabic-derived /f/, /s/, /ʃ/, /z/, /ʒ/, and /h/, with /v/ emerging later from influence. The core consonants are organized by place and manner of articulation as follows:
BilabialLabiodentalAlveolarPalato-alveolarVelarGlottal
Stopsp bt dk gʔ
Affricatestʃ dʒ
Fricativesf vs zʃ ʒx ɣh
Nasalsmnŋ
Tap/Trillr
Laterall
Approximants
This table reflects the phonemic contrasts, with /ʔ/ occurring frequently as a word-initial or intervocalic , though not always marked in orthographies. The /r/ alternates between trill and flap [ɾ] as allophones. Marginal phonemes like /x/, /ɣ/, /p/, and /ŋ/ occur mainly in loans. Allophonic variation includes the alveolar /r/, which alternates between a trill and a flap [ɾ] depending on speech rate and (e.g., in rapid speech, [ɾ] predominates). Additionally, /g/ often derives from /d͡ʒ/, as in jabal 'mountain' > Nubi gabal. Representative examples of consonants in words include /f/ in fula 'flower' (from ward 'flower', adapted via substrate), /v/ in vari 'good' ( influence), /ʃ/ in shina 'thing', /ʒ/ in zana 'know' (from ʿālim 'knowing'), and /ŋ/ in ngoma 'drum' (from ). These features highlight Nubi's phonological adaptation, reducing 's complexity while incorporating regional elements.

Phonotactics

The phonotactics of Nubi are characterized by a preference for open syllables, with the basic syllable templates including , CV, VC, and CVC. VC syllables occur primarily in word-initial position, while CVC structures are permitted but restricted in the coda, where only certain sonorants such as /l/, /n/, and /r/ appear word-finally to avoid complex codas. Complex onsets are absent, maintaining simple consonant-vowel sequences in most cases, though limited initial clusters like /bw-/, /kw-/, and /gw-/ may occur in specific lexical items. Stress in Nubi is non-phonemic in the sense that it does not form a contrastive system like tone, but it plays a role in lexical and grammatical distinctions, typically falling on the penultimate or final of polysyllabic words. For instance, stress differentiates sába 'seven' from sabá 'morning', and límu 'to gather' from limú 'to be gathered (passive)'. Nubi lacks tone, with prosodic patterns relying instead on stress accent, where accented syllables may associate with high pitch but default low tones fill intervocalic positions without phonemic contrast. Phonological processes in Nubi are minimal, reflecting its creole simplification from sources. is common, particularly in loanwords or to resolve closed syllables, as seen in the adaptation of Arabic kebír to kebíri 'big' or English book to búku, inserting a vowel to conform to open syllable preferences. Assimilation is rare, with few instances of consonant or vowel harmony affecting sound sequences. Word boundaries and morpheme edges are often marked by a /ʔ/, especially between vowels across morpheme junctions, such as in possessive constructions with the particle ta- followed by a vowel-initial noun (e.g., ta-ána 'of me'). This glottal insertion helps maintain syllable integrity without hiatus.

Grammar

Nominals

Nubi nominals encompass nouns, adjectives, and related elements, exhibiting a simplified morphology influenced by its creole origins. Unlike its superstrate , Nubi lacks and case marking on nouns, with the primary inflectional category being number. Adjectives typically follow the nouns they modify and may agree in number through similar morphological strategies as nouns, though agreement is not obligatory. Possession is expressed through or a linker particle, while determiners rely on context, , or quantifiers for specificity. Number marking in Nubi nouns employs five main strategies, reflecting a mix of Arabic-derived patterns and creole simplification, where many nouns remain unmarked for plural and rely on context or modifiers. The most common method is stress shift, as in yo'wele "boy" becoming yowe'le "boys," where the stress moves to the final syllable. Apophony, or internal vowel change, appears in broken plurals like marya "woman" shifting to nuswan "women," akin to Arabic patterns but less productive in Nubi. Suffixation combined with stress shift occurs in forms such as -i or -in, for example tajir "rich person" to taji'rin "rich people." Suppletion is rare, involving entirely different roots, as seen in marya "woman" versus nuswan "women," though the latter also involves apophony. Additionally, loanwords, particularly from Bantu languages, may incorporate prefixes for pluralization, such as nas- in collectives like nas Morú "the Moru people." These strategies result in irregular plurals, with many nouns, especially mass nouns, showing no morphological change and using quantifiers or demonstratives to indicate plurality. Adjectives in Nubi follow the head in post-nominal position and lack agreement, aligning with the language's overall absence of nominal . Number agreement is possible but variable, often mirroring the noun's strategy; for instance, bet kbir "big house" becomes buyut kbar "big houses," where the adjective undergoes similar to the noun. Adjectives can also function nominally, as in mokweis "good one" derived from kweis "good." Prefixes like al-, ali-, ab-, or abu- may mark adjectives as habitual or intensive, but this is not systematic for all forms. Possession is typically constructed by placing the possessor after the possessed , often linked by the particle ta-, as in bet ta "Adam's house." Juxtaposition without a linker occurs in compounds or fixed expressions, such as ras i "my head" for inalienable possessions like body parts, where pronominal possessors directly follow. For fuller possession with nouns, the ta- linker is preferred, e.g., kura ta raji "the man's ," and pronominal suffixes like -i (1SG) or -ki (2SG) attach directly to the possessed in inalienable contexts. Determiners in Nubi are not morphologically marked on nouns but are conveyed through , , or quantifiers. is often inferred from or signaled by the de "the," as in rangi de "the man," while the prefix al- can occasionally mark on nouns or adjectives in Arabic-influenced forms. Indefiniteness is unmarked or expressed with wai "one" or way "a," e.g., sokol wai "one thing." Quantifiers include kul "all," which precedes or follows the noun, and numerals that postpose, such as wele kamsa "five boys." Collective markers like nas "people" can function quasi-determinatively for groups, e.g., nas sedera "trees" (literally "people of trees").

Verbs

Verbs in the Nubi language exhibit invariant stems that do not inflect for , number, gender, or tense, distinguishing them from the fusional morphology of their primary lexifier, . These stems are typically derived from the third-person singular perfective form of or, in some cases, the imperative , resulting in a simplified base form used across all contexts. For instance, the verb katab "to write" originates from Arabic kataba "he wrote," while wakal "to eat" comes from wakala "they ate." Aspect is the primary marked on Nubi s, achieved through preverbal prefixes rather than conjugation, with no dedicated marking for subjunctive or other moods. The progressive aspect is expressed by the prefix ka-, indicating ongoing action, as in ana ka-wakal "I am eating" or ka-katab "is writing." The completive aspect relies on the bare stem for completed actions, such as katab "wrote" or "has written," while the prefix fi-, derived from the verb meaning "finish," can emphasize completion in certain contexts, though it also functions in or intentional readings like fi-katab "will write" or "finish writing." Habitual actions are often conveyed contextually or with the prefix b-, marking general or future habituals, as in b-wakal "eats (habitually)" or "will eat." In some varieties, gi- alternates with ka- or b- for durative or habitual aspects, reflecting dialectal variation between Ugandan Nubi and Kenyan Ki-Nubi. Negation is uniformly marked by the prefix ma-, placed before the verb stem or aspectual prefix, with no distinctions for mood or tense in negative forms. Examples include ma-katab "did not write" or ma-ka-wakal "am not eating," applying equally to all persons and numbers without additional agreement. This preverbal negation strategy simplifies the system inherited from , eliminating complex negative particles or auxiliaries. Verbal derivation in Nubi is limited compared to , but includes the -is to form causatives from basic stems, often preserving the Arabic-derived structure. For example, fal "to open" becomes falis "to cause to open" or "to open (something)," illustrating a productive but restricted morphological . Other derivations, such as reciprocals or passives, are rare and typically handled through periphrastic constructions rather than affixation.

Syntax

Nubi syntax features a rigid subject-verb-object (SVO) word order in main clauses, aligning with typological patterns common in Arabic-based creoles. This structure is illustrated in examples such as Fi'lel, 'it(a) 'afuta 'lufra ke'biri ("Yesterday, she opened the big door"), where the subject precedes the verb and object (Wellens 2005: 247). Postpositions are rare in Nubi, with adpositional relations instead expressed through prepositions derived from Arabic, such as fi ("in") in fi 'sika 'in ("in the street") and ala ("on") in locative contexts (Wellens 2005: 58, 218). Interrogative constructions in Nubi distinguish between yes/no and wh-questions while generally preserving SVO order. Yes/no questions are formed primarily through rising intonation at the end of the clause, without inversion or dedicated particles in core varieties, though a particle a- may appear in emphatic or dialectal variants (Wellens 2005: 261). Wh-questions utilize pronouns such as min ("who"), which are typically fronted for focus, as in min ka-jib? ("Who is coming?"), where the interrogative precedes the subject and (Heine 1982: 45). Coordination of clauses and noun phrases employs the Arabic-derived conjunction wa- ("and"), which links elements without altering basic word order, for example, wa yal ("and he said") in narrative sequences (Wellens 2005: 152). Relativization is achieved through relative pronouns like alli ("who/which") or illi ("that"), which introduce restrictive relative clauses following the head noun, as in a'nas al awi'rin ("people who are twenty") (Wellens 2005: 127). Nubi lacks serial verb constructions typical of some African substrate languages, instead relying on asyndetic chaining of up to three verbs in sequence for complex actions, but these do not function as unified predicates (Wellens 2005: 209). Embedding in complex sentences occurs via complementizers such as illi ("that") to introduce finite clauses, for instance, in reported speech or purpose constructions marked by ke'de, as in ke'de 'aruf ba'dum ("in order to know after") (Wellens 2005: 72, 234).

Lexicon

Arabic origins

The lexicon of the Nubi language is predominantly derived from Sudanese Arabic, with approximately 90% of its vocabulary originating from this source. This Arabic base forms the core of Nubi's nominal, verbal, and adjectival systems, reflecting the historical context of its development as a creole among soldiers and communities in 19th-century Sudan and Egypt. Nouns such as bet "house" (from Arabic bayt), ras "head" (from raʾs), and family terms like baba "father" (from bābā) exemplify this direct inheritance, maintaining recognizable phonetic and semantic ties to the lexifier language. Similarly, numbers like saba "seven" (from sabʿa) and body parts such as khasma "mouth" (from Arabic khashm) illustrate the retention of basic vocabulary items essential to everyday communication. Verbs and adjectives also draw heavily from Sudanese Arabic roots, with simplifications that adapt them to Nubi's creole structure. For instance, the verb jib "bring" derives from Arabic jāba, while rua "go" comes from rāḥa, and adjectives like kbir "big" (from kabīr) preserve the original consonantal roots but undergo reduction in complexity. These elements constitute the foundational lexicon, enabling Nubi speakers to express core concepts in domains like kinship, numeration, and description. Phonological adaptations in Arabic-derived words are prominent, particularly the loss or weakening of consonants characteristic of . Pharyngeals such as ʿayn and ḥāʾ are often elided or realized as a or zero, as seen in ḥāǧa > haja "thing" or ḥarāmī > aram (related to ). Velars like ḫ and ġ may shift to k or other , exemplified by ḫidma > kidima "service." This simplification aligns with Nubi's overall , which favors a reduced inventory to facilitate acquisition and use among diverse speakers. Morphological simplifications further distinguish Nubi's Arabic lexicon from its source. Complex Arabic patterns, such as broken plurals, are largely absent in core vocabulary, replaced by invariant forms or suffixation. is frequently degeminated for ease, as in kallam > kelemu "to speak," and epenthetic vowels ensure a preferred CV syllable structure, seen in baḫšīš > bakasisi "tip." These changes reflect processes that prioritize transparency over the intricate morphology of . Semantic extensions occur in some Arabic-derived terms, allowing them to adapt to new cultural or contextual needs. For example, certain loanwords undergo shifts in meaning influenced by contact, though the core lexicon retains primary senses close to the original Arabic. This adaptability underscores Nubi's role as a functional medium in multicultural settings.

Non-Arabic influences

The Nubi lexicon incorporates approximately 10% non-Arabic vocabulary, drawn primarily from substrate languages of the Nilo-Saharan family and adstrate languages of the Niger-Congo (Bantu) family, reflecting the cultural and environmental integration of Nubi speakers in East Africa. These borrowings, totaling around 57 identified loanwords in early 20th-century records, consist mostly of nouns and function words related to daily life, agriculture, and social structures, with substrate contributions estimated at 5-10% of the overall lexicon. For instance, substrate influences from Nilotic languages like Bari and Acholi include terms such as korofu or korofai "leaf" from Bari and lawoti "neighbors" from Acholi, highlighting adaptations to local flora and community concepts. Additional substrate loans encompass gugu "granary" from Bari and seri "fence" from Lugbara, often pertaining to agricultural and household practices. Adstrate influences, particularly from Swahili, are more extensive, with Kenyan Nubi featuring about 170 such loanwords that enrich domains like , , and modern objects. Examples include meja "table" (from Swahili meza), gari "cart" or "vehicle," chai "tea," lipa "pay," and vita "," many of which retain their original forms while integrating into Nubi syntax. Swahili verbs frequently appear with the infinitive ending -a, as in cheka "," contributing to verbal expressions in contemporary usage. Loans from other Bantu languages, such as , include kibri "forest" and mé(é)mvu (related to local fauna or agriculture), while semantic extensions under adstrate influence expand Arabic-derived terms, like fáham shifting to mean "understand/remember" akin to Swahili usages. Post-colonial adstrate borrowings from English have introduced terms for and , such as buku "," skul "" (via Swahili shule), radio, and basi "bus," comprising a small but growing portion of the in urban Nubi communities. These recent additions, alongside calques like gata kalam "cut words" (meaning "insult" from and patterns), underscore Nubi's ongoing adaptation to contemporary East African .

Sociolinguistics

Dialectal variation

The Nubi language exhibits two primary dialects: Ugandan Nubi, primarily spoken in areas around Bombo and , and Kenyan Nubi, mainly used in and . These varieties are highly mutually intelligible due to their close structural similarity, stemming from shared origins as an Arabic-based creole. Phonologically, the dialects show subtle distinctions, with Ugandan Nubi displaying a stronger tendency toward open structures (CV) through processes like and final addition, more pronounced in southern than in the north. In contrast, Kenyan Nubi is more conservative, retaining closed syllables in some cases, such as gíízma for "" compared to Ugandan gezima. Consonant shifts, including s to sh (e.g., sheder/seder "") and j to z (e.g., za’lan/ja’lan "angry"), occur more frequently in Ugandan Nubi than in the Kenyan variety. is generally not phonemically distinctive in either dialect, though Kenyan Nubi occasionally preserves length contrasts in exceptions like baara "" versus Ugandan bara. Kenyan Nubi also reflects greater phonological influence due to the regional . Grammatically and lexically, differences are minor but notable. Kenyan Nubi tends to incorporate more Bantu elements from , including plural formations influenced by prefixes, while Ugandan Nubi retains stronger -derived structures, such as sentence-final negation (ána árífu má "I don’t know") and the gál in subordinate clauses (gi-kélem gáli saharó). Lexically, Ugandan Nubi preserves more idioms and words like áin "to see," whereas Kenyan Nubi favors innovations like súfu. These variations highlight divergent adstratum influences, with Kenyan Nubi showing heavier borrowing. Micro-variations exist within dialects, particularly between urban and rural settings, where urban speakers in both countries exhibit more with and English due to multilingual environments. Generational shifts are evident, especially among younger urban speakers in , who increasingly blend Kinubi with or Sheng in home and peer interactions, while older generations emphasize pure Kinubi usage. Similar patterns of occur in urban , though less documented.

Language status and vitality

Nubi is primarily an oral language with no standardized , serving as a marker of ethnic identity among Nubian communities in and , though it holds no official status in either country. According to , Nubi is classified as an , where it functions as a (L1) for all adults in the ethnic community but is not acquired as L1 by all children, indicating intergenerational transmission challenges. This vitality assessment aligns with broader patterns of minority creoles in urban East African settings, where Nubi's use persists in informal cultural contexts but faces pressure from dominant languages. The language is predominantly spoken in home and family domains, reinforcing ethnic solidarity among speakers, but its role is diminishing in public spheres due to the prevalence of English and Swahili in education, employment, and media. Urbanization and migration to cities like Kampala, Nairobi, and Bombo have scattered communities, reducing opportunities for consistent use and accelerating language shift among younger generations who prioritize vehicular languages for socioeconomic mobility. In Kenya's Kibera slum, where a significant Nubi-speaking population resides, daily interactions increasingly incorporate Swahili, further marginalizing Nubi outside private settings. Preservation efforts are community-driven and limited, focusing on cultural promotion rather than institutional support. Nubian associations in and organize events to maintain traditions, including language use in and music, while radio programs on stations like Voice of broadcast in Nubi to reach dispersed audiences. Recent initiatives, such as the Imagining Futures project in , Kenya (as of 2025), include language workshops, live debates between youth and fluent speakers, programs, and skits to encourage Ki-Nubi usage and strengthen community identity. Documentation remains sparse, with Ineke Wellens' 2005 study providing a key corpus of recordings, grammar, and vocabulary from Ugandan speakers, aiding linguistic analysis but not widespread revitalization. Challenges include historical stigmatization of Nubi as a "soldier's " from its origins among Sudanese military recruits, which undermines its prestige, alongside the lack of educational integration that hinders transmission to youth.

References

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  3. https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/An-Arabic-Creole-in-Africa.-The-Nubi-Language-of-Wellens/94acc130e052b4ee21d384d353922e8f541cd5c7
  4. https://www.omniglot.com/writing/nubi.htm
  5. https://www.ethnologue.com/language/kcn/
  6. https://repository.ubn.ru.nl/bitstream/2066/19253/1/19253_arabcrina.pdf
  7. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/285751169_Nubi_genetic_linguistics_and_language_classification
  8. https://www.jbe-platform.com/content/journals/10.1075/dia.7.2.05owe
  9. https://glottolog.org/resource/languoid/id/nubi1253
  10. https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/12629
  11. https://zfejsca.org/ojs/index.php/jsca/article/download/3767/2630/4642
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  18. https://scispace.com/pdf/the-nubis-of-kibera-a-social-history-of-the-nubians-and-j8eapie6kv.pdf
  19. https://theconversation.com/the-fascinating-history-of-how-residents-named-their-informal-settlements-in-nairobi-159080
  20. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/276224759_Strangers_Everywhere_Exclusion_Identity_and_the_Future_of_Nubians_in_Northern_Uganda
  21. https://theconversation.com/from-mercenaries-to-citizens-how-the-nubians-gained-acceptance-in-uganda-167725
  22. https://nilepost.co.ug/news/234941/museveni-urges-preservation-of-african-culture-at-interstate-nubian-festival
  23. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/231965473_Between_stress_and_tone_in_Nubi_word_prosody
  24. https://www.isca-archive.org/tal_2006/gussenhoven06_tal.pdf
  25. https://referenceworks.brill.com/display/entries/EALO/EALL-COM-0074.xml?language=en
  26. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/266379359_The_morphologization_of_an_Arabic_creole
  27. https://www.academia.edu/38110850/An_early_Nubi_vocabulary
  28. https://langsci-press.org/catalog/view/235/1817/1843-1
  29. https://brill.com/display/book/9789047416227/B9789047416227-s008.pdf
  30. https://www.ijhssnet.com/journals/Vol_2_No_4_Special_Issue_February_2012/13.pdf
  31. https://www.ethnologue.com/language/kcn
  32. https://imaginingfutures.world/projects/reviving-the-nubian-language/
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