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Late Middle Japanese
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|
| Late Middle Japanese | |
|---|---|
| 日本語 | |
| Region | Japan |
| Era | Evolved into Early Modern Japanese in the 17th century |
Early forms | |
| Hiragana, Katakana, and Kanji | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | – |
| Glottolog | None |
Late Middle Japanese (中世日本語, chūsei nihongo) was a stage of the Japanese language following Early Middle Japanese and preceding Early Modern Japanese.[1] It was a period of transition in which the language shed many of its archaic features and became closer to its modern form.
The period spanned roughly 500 years from the 12th century to the 16th century and is itself customarily divided into Early and Late periods.[2] Politically, the first half of Late Middle Japanese was the end of the Heian period, known as Insei and the Kamakura period. The second half of Late Middle Japanese was the Muromachi period.
Background
[edit]The late 12th century was a time of transition from the aristocratic society of nobles in the Heian period to the feudal society of the warrior class. Accompanying that change, the nation's political center temporarily transitioned from historical Kyoto to Kanto alongside the establishment of the Kamakura shogunate. This move resulted in a significant blend between the dialects of Kyoto and Kanto, shaping the language of the time.
During this period, various Buddhist movements found their footing, leading to an overall increase in literacy.[3]
In the mid-16th century, Portuguese Christian missionaries arrived in Japan. Alongside Western technology and philosophy, the Portuguese brought various loanwords to the Japanese language.[4]
In an attempt to spread Christianity among the locals, many Portuguese missionaries studied Japanese, producing a number of dictionaries and linguistic grammars such as the Arte da Lingoa de Iapam and Nippo Jisho, in addition to producing translations of Japanese literary works. Today, these materials serve a vital role in the study of medieval Japanese language.
Phonology
[edit]Vowels
[edit]There were five vowels: /i, e, a, o, u/.
- /i/: [i]
- /e/: [je], [e]?
- /a/: [a]
- /o/: [wo], [o]?
- /u/: [u]
Syllable-initially, /e/ and /o/ were realized with semivowels [j] and [w], respectively, a result of earlier mergers inherited from Early Middle Japanese.[5]: 323 According to Nakata (1972), it is unclear how they were realized when they were preceded by a consonant.[6][clarification needed] Frellesvig (2010) argues that consonants were always palatalized before /i, e/, as in Early Middle Japanese.[5]: 322–323
In addition, there were two types of long o, [ɔː] and [oː], known respectively in Japanese as kaion (開音; lit. 'open sound')[7] and gōon (合音; lit. 'closed sound').[8] The vowel sequence /au/ contracted into [ɔː], and /ou/ and /eu/ contracted into [oː] and [joː], respectively:[9]
- /ɸayaku/ "quickly" > /ɸayau/: [ɸajaku] > [ɸajau] > [ɸajɔː]
- /omou/ "think": [womou] > [womoː]
Consonants
[edit]Late Middle Japanese had the following consonants:
| Bilabial | Alveolar | Postalveolar | Palatal | Velar | Uvular | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Plosive | p b | t d | k ɡ | |||
| Affricate | t͡s d͡z | t͡ɕ d͡ʑ | ||||
| Nasal | m | n | ɴ | |||
| Fricative | ɸ | s z | ɕ ʑ | |||
| Liquid | r | |||||
| Approximant | j | w |
In addition were two phonemes: /N/ and /Q/. "Before a pause, /N/ is a uvular [ɴ]; it assimilates to the place of articulation of a following stop, affricate, or nasal." "/Q/ becomes a phonetic copy of a following obstruent."[10]
- /s, z/, /t, d/, /n/, /h, b/, /p/, /m/, and /r/ could be palatalized.
Labialized consonants /kw, gw/ appeared during Early Middle Japanese. Labialized consonants before -i and -e merged with their non-labial counterparts.[11] Specifically:
- /kwi/ > /ki/
- /gwi/ > /gi/
- /kwe/ > /ke/
- /gwe/ > /ge/
The distinction between /ka/ and /kwa/ remained.
The sibilants /s, z/ were palatalized before /i/ and /e/ and had the following distribution:[12]
- /sa, za/: [sa, za]
- /si, zi/: [ɕi, ʑi]
- /su, zu/: [su, zu]
- /se, ze/: [ɕe, ʑe]
- /so, zo/: [so, zo]
João Rodrigues noted in Arte da Lingoa de Iapam that the eastern dialects were known for realizing /se/ as [se], rather than [ɕe].[13][14] Note that /se, ze/ has become [se, ze] in Modern Japanese but retained [ɕi, ʑi] for /si, zi/.
/t/ and /d/ were distinguished from the sibilants in all positions but undergo affrication before /i, u/:
- /ti, di/: [t͡ɕi, d͡ʑi]
- /tu, du/: [tsu, dzu]
Prenasalization
[edit]Voiced stops and fricatives were prenasalized:[15]
- /g/: [ᵑɡ]
- /z/: [ⁿz]
- /d/: [ⁿd]
- /b/: [ᵐb]
João Rodrigues made that observation in Arte da Lingoa de Iapam. In addition, the Korean text Ch'ŏphae sinŏ "spelled [...] b, d, z, g with the Hangul letter sequences -mp-, -nt-, -nz-, -ngk-",[12] indicating prenasalization.
The effects of prenasalization may also be seen in the transcription of words such as muma < /uma/ "horse" and mube < /ube/ "truly".
/h/ and /p/
[edit]While the proto-Japonic language contained *[p], by the Old Japanese stage, this had likely already lenited to [ɸ]. Late Middle Japanese reintroduced [p], which had a phonemic contrast with [ɸ] and was treated as a distinct phoneme.
In Early Modern Japanese, [ɸ] became [h]; in many dialects, [h] is still the modern form. [p] is found in mimetic words, such as pinpin and patto, and also occurs instead of h in loanwords from the Sinitic languages in two environments: after moraic /N/ (sanpai), and when geminated (Nippon).[16]
Medial /ɸ/ became [w] before /a/. Before all other vowels, it became silent:[17][18]
- /-ɸa/: [wa]
- /-ɸi/: [i]
- /-ɸu/: [u]
- /-ɸe/: [je]
- /-ɸo/: [wo]
Glides
[edit]/w/ had the following distribution:
- /wa/: [wa]
- /wi/: [i]
- /we/: [je]
- /wo/: [wo]
The prior merger between /o/ and /wo/ into [wo] during Early Middle Japanese continued into Late Middle Japanese, with /e/ and /we/ merging into [je] by the 12th century.
/j/ had the following distribution:
- /ja/: [ja]
- /ju/: [ju]
- /je/: [je]
- /jo/: [jo]
Various mergers, /e/, /we/ and /je/ made all realized as [je] and thus indistinguishable.
Syllable structure
[edit]Traditionally, syllables were of (C)V structure and so there was no need to distinguish between syllables and morae. However, Chinese loanwords introduced a new type of sound that could end in -m, -n, or -t.[19][20][21][22] That structure is the syllable (C)V(C). The mora is based on the traditional (C)V structure.
The final syllables -m and -n were initially distinguished; but by the end of the Early period, both had merged into /N/.[23][24]
Medial gemination
[edit]The final syllables -m, -n, -t before a vowel or a glide underwent gemination and became the consonant clusters -mm-, -nn-, and -tt-.[11][25][19]
-m > -mm-:
- samwi > sammi "third rank"
-n > -nn-:
- ten'wau > tennau > tennoː "Emperor of Japan"
- kwan'on > kwannon "Guanyin"
- kon'ya > konnya "tonight"
-t > -tt-:
- set'in > settin 雪隠 "toilet"
- konnitwa > konnitta "as for today"
- but'on > button "blessing of Buddha"
Onbin
[edit]Onbin (音便; "euphony") are a type of sporadic sound changes and "were not automatic or exceptionless," [26] and their exact causes are still debated. They also appear in earlier stages of the language but were particularly prevalent throughout Late Middle Japanese and had a great effect on its verbal and adjectival morphology.
Verbs:
- yom- "read": /jomite/ > /joNde/ [joɴde]
- kuh- "eat": /kuɸite/ > /kuute/ [kuːte] :: /kuQte/ [kutte]
The kuh- example had two possible outcomes. The former was particular of the western dialects, and the latter was particular of the eastern dialects.[27]
Adjectives:
- /ɸajaku/ "quickly" > /ɸajau/: [ɸajaku] > [ɸajau] > [ɸajɔː]
- /kataki/ "hard" > /katai/ [katai]
In both words, the medial velar -k- became silent by elision.
Morphology
[edit]A number of archaic grammatical forms were lost in this period, bringing the language closer to its modern form.
One of the most prominent developments was the replacement of the conclusive form by the attributive,[28] which has a number of effects:
- It was instrumental in changing from bigrade to monograde verbs.[29]
- It caused a chain of events in the two adjectival classes that eventually resulted in both merging into one.
- It weakened the kakarimusubi system.
- The verb ar- "be", which was once irregular, began to regularize as a quadrigrade.
Verbs
[edit]Late Middle Japanese inherited all nine verbal conjugations from Early Middle Japanese:
| Verb Class | Irrealis | Adverbial | Conclusive | Attributive | Realis | Imperative |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Quadrigrade | -a | -i | -u | -u | -e | -e |
| Upper Monograde | -i | -i | -iru | -iru | -ire | -i(yo) |
| Upper Bigrade | -i | -i | -u | -uru | -ure | -i(yo) |
| Lower Monograde | -e | -e | -eru | -eru | -ere | -e(yo) |
| Lower Bigrade | -e | -e | -u | -uru | -ure | -e(yo) |
| K-irregular | -o | -i | -u | -uru | -ure | -o |
| S-irregular | -e | -i | -u | -uru | -ure | -e(yo) |
| N-irregular | -a | -i | -u | -uru | -ure | -e |
| R-irregular | -a | -i | -i | -u | -e | -e |
However, throughout the period, bigrade verbs gradually changed into monogrades. The process was completed by Early Modern Japanese, partly a result of the merger of the conclusive and attributive forms.[29]
Adjectives
[edit]There were two types of adjectives: regular adjectives and adjectival nouns.
Regular adjectives
[edit]The regular adjective was traditionally subdivided into two types: those whose adverbial form ends in -ku and those whose ends in –siku:[30]
| Adjective Class | Irrealis | Adverbial | Conclusive | Attributive | Realis | Imperative | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| -ku | -ku | -si | -ki | ||||
| -u | -ki | -i | Early | ||||
| -u | -i | -i | Late | ||||
| -kara | -kari | -karu | -kere | -kare | |||
| -siku | -siku | -si | -siki | ||||
| -siu | -sisi | -sii | Early | ||||
| -siu | -sii | -sii | Late | ||||
| -sikara | -sikari | -sikaru | -sikere | -sikare |
There were three notable changes that eventually collapsed the two-way distinction into one:
- In Early Middle Japanese, the -siku conclusive develops a -sisi form.
- The conclusive and attributive forms merged.
- In Late Middle Japanese, adjectival suffix -ki was reduced to -i
While the grammatical distinction between the two classes has disappeared, the historic distinction was used to explain certain present forms of -shii adjectives, notably the euphonic changes (音便) that occur in polite form of adjectives (when they are followed by ござる gozaru 'to be' or 存じる zonjiru 'to know').
Adjectival nouns
[edit]There were two classes of adjectival nouns inherited from Early Middle Japanese: -nar and -tar.
| Type | Irrealis | Adverbial | Conclusive | Attributive | Realis | Imperative | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nar- | -nara | -nari -ni |
-nari | -naru -na |
-nare | Early | |
| -nara | -ni -de |
-dya -na |
-naru -na -no |
-nare | Late | ||
| Tar- | -to | -tari | -taru | Early | |||
| -to | -taru | Late |
The most prominent development was the reduction of attributive -naru to -na.[31] When the conclusive and attributive merged, they both share the new -na. The tar- type becomes more archaic and was continually reduced in distribution. In Modern Japanese, a few naru-adjectives and taru-adjectives remain as fossils.
Hypothetical
[edit]The realis base developed into the hypothetical.[32] The realis described something that had already occurred. That usage began to fade and resulted in the use of the hypothetical for events that have not already occurred. Note that Modern Japanese has only a hypothetical and has lost this realis base.
Imperative
[edit]The imperative traditionally ended either with no suffix or with -yo. During Late Middle Japanese, -i was attached to lower bigrade, k-irregular, and s-irregular verbs:[33]
- kure + i: kurei "give me"
- ko + i: koi "come"
- se + i: sei "do"
João Rodrigues Tçuzu noted in Arte da Lingoa de Iapam that -yo could be replaced with -ro, as in miyo > miro "look."[34] Note that the eastern dialects of Old Japanese in the 8th century also contained the -ro imperative, which is the standard imperative in Modern Japanese.
Tense and aspect
[edit]The tense and aspect systems underwent radical changes. The perfective n-, t-, and r- and the past k-/s- and ker- became obsolete and were replaced by tar- which developed from the perfective aspect into a common past tense. It eventually became ta-, the modern past tense.[35]
Particles
[edit]The new case particle de was developed from ni te.[36]
The conjectured suffix -mu underwent a number of phonological changes: mu > m > N > ũ. Combining with the vowel from the irrealis base to which it attached, it then became a long vowel, sometimes with -y- preceding it, forming the basis of the -ō/-yō volitional form.
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Shibatani (1990:119)
- ^ Nakata (1972:175)
- ^ Kondō, Tsukimoto & Sugiura (2005:97)
- ^ Shibatani (1990:121)
- ^ a b Frellesvig, Bjarke (2010). A history of the Japanese language. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-65320-6.
- ^ Nakata (1972:181)
- ^ "開音". コトバンク (in Japanese).
- ^ "合音". コトバンク (in Japanese).
- ^ Yamaguchi et al. (1997:86–87)
- ^ Miyake (2003:76–77)
- ^ a b Kondō, Tsukimoto & Sugiura (2005:103)
- ^ a b Miyake (2003:75)
- ^ Yamaguchi et al. (1997:87–88)
- ^ Doi (1955:613)
- ^ Ōno (2000:53–54)
- ^ Nakata (1972:197–198)
- ^ Kondō, Tsukimoto & Sugiura (2005:71)
- ^ Miyake (2003:74–75)
- ^ a b Irwin & Narrog (2012:247)
- ^ Nakata (1972:222–226)
- ^ Doi (1955:230–232)
- ^ Martin (1987:73–75)
- ^ Kondō, Tsukimoto & Sugiura (2005:102)
- ^ Irwin & Narrog (2012:250)
- ^ Martin (1987:75)
- ^ Frellesvig (1995:21)
- ^ Kondō, Tsukimoto & Sugiura (2005:128)
- ^ Yamaguchi et al. (1997:95–96)
- ^ a b Tsuboi (2007:14–30)
- ^ Matsumura (1971:961, 966–967)
- ^ Kondō, Tsukimoto & Sugiura (2005:113)
- ^ Yamaguchi et al. (1997:96)
- ^ Yamaguchi et al. (1997:97)
- ^ Yamaguchi et al. (1997:97–98)
- ^ Shibatani (1990:123)
- ^ Kondō, Tsukimoto & Sugiura (2005:113–114)
References
[edit]- Doi, Tadao (1985). Jidaibetsu Kokugo Daijiten: Muromachi Jidaihen I (in Japanese). Tōkyō: Sanseidō. ISBN 4-385-13296-8.
- Doi, Tadao (1955) [1604-1608]. Nihon Daibunten (in Japanese). Sanseidō. ISBN 978-4-8301-0297-4.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Doi, Tadao (1980) [1603]. Hōyaku Nippo Jisho (in Japanese). Tōkyō: Iwanami Shoten. ISBN 4-00-080021-3.
- Frellesvig, Bjarke (1995). A Case Study in Diachronic Phonology: The Japanese Onbin Sound Changes. Aarhus University Press. ISBN 87-7288-489-4.
- Frellesvig, Bjarke (2010). A history of the Japanese language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-65320-6.
- Ikegami, Mineo (1993) [1620]. Nihongo Shōbunten (in Japanese). Iwanami Shoten. ISBN 4-00-336811-8.
- Irwin, Mark; Narrog, Heiko (2012). "Late Middle Japanese". In Tranter, Nicholas (ed.). The Languages of Japan and Korea (PDF). Routledge. doi:10.4324/9780203124741. ISBN 9781136446597.
- Kondō, Yasuhiro; Tsukimoto, Masayuki; Sugiura, Katsumi (2005). Nihongo no Rekishi (in Japanese). Hōsō Daigaku Kyōiku Shinkōkai. ISBN 4-595-30547-8.
- Martin, Samuel E. (1987). The Japanese Language Through Time. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-03729-5.
- Matsumura, Akira (1971). Nihon Bunpō Daijiten (in Japanese). Meiji Shoin. ISBN 4-625-40055-4.
- Miyake, Marc Hideo (2003). Old Japanese : a phonetic reconstruction. London; New York: RoutledgeCurzon. ISBN 0-415-30575-6.
- Nakata, Norio (1972). Kōza Kokugoshi: Dai 2 kan: On'inshi, Mojishi (in Japanese). Taishūkan Shoten.
- Ōno, Susumu (2000). Nihongo no Keisei (in Japanese). Iwanami Shoten. ISBN 4-00-001758-6.
- Shibatani, Masayoshi (1990). The Languages of Japan. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-36918-5.
- Tsuboi, Yoshiki (2007). Nihongo Katsuyō Taikei no Hensen: Zōteiban (in Japanese). Kasama Shoin. ISBN 978-4-305-70353-8.
- Yamaguchi, Akiho; Suzuki, Hideo; Sakanashi, Ryūzō; Tsukimoto, Masayuki (1997). Nihongo no Rekishi (in Japanese). Tōkyō Daigaku Shuppankai. ISBN 4-13-082004-4.
Late Middle Japanese
View on GrokipediaIntroduction
Definition and Time Period
Late Middle Japanese (LMJ) represents the later phase of the Middle Japanese period in the historical development of the Japanese language, succeeding Early Middle Japanese (EMJ, ca. 800–1200) and preceding Early Modern Japanese (ca. 1600 onward). Scholarly dates for LMJ vary slightly, with some starting at ~1185 CE (Kamakura onset) and others at 1200 CE.[1][2] It is defined by significant grammatical and syntactic innovations that bridged archaic structures with features closer to modern forms, including the reduction of genitive subject marking in favor of nominative particles across clause types, and the loss of certain mono-clausal focus constructions inherited from Old Japanese.[1] These changes reflect a period of consolidation where many EMJ innovations stabilized, while proto-modern traits such as obligatory tense inflections on verbs emerged, marking the erosion of earlier nominalizing verb forms.[1] The chronological boundaries of LMJ are generally set from approximately 1200 to 1600 CE, encompassing a transformative era in Japanese history.[3] This timeframe aligns closely with the Kamakura period (1185–1333), the Muromachi period (1336–1573), and the initial phase of the Azuchi-Momoyama period (1573–1603).[3] These alignments highlight LMJ's correspondence to late medieval Japan, a time when linguistic evidence from diverse genres—beyond elite courtly texts—became more abundant.[1] LMJ's transitional character is evident in its role as a linguistic pivot, where the loss of archaic features like complex predicate systems from Old Japanese and EMJ gave way to streamlined structures anticipating modern usage.[1] This evolution occurred amid feudal societal shifts, including the rise of warrior governance, which facilitated the broader dissemination of the language from aristocratic court circles to samurai and regional elites, influencing its standardization and stylistic diversity.[4]Distinction from Early and Late Stages
Late Middle Japanese (LMJ, approximately 1200–1600) differs from Early Middle Japanese (EMJ, 800–1200) in significant morphological and phonological innovations that mark a transition toward greater simplification and alignment with spoken forms. A key development in LMJ is the merger of the adnominal (attributive) and conclusive verb forms, which were distinct in EMJ to indicate syntactic roles such as modification versus sentence-ending. This merger, occurring likely by the mid-LMJ period, streamlined verb inflections and facilitated more fluid clause chaining in vernacular texts.[3] Additionally, LMJ saw the loss of distinctions among bigrade verbs (including upper and lower subtypes), reducing the complexity of conjugation classes that characterized EMJ's more elaborate system.[1] In comparison to Early Modern Japanese (EMJpn, post-1600), LMJ preserves archaic elements that were reformed or lost in the later period, reflecting its role as an intermediary stage. LMJ maintains four primary verb conjugations (quadrigrade, upper bigrade, lower bigrade, and irregular), whereas Early Modern Japanese standardized the ren'yōkei (continuative) form as the basis for most inflections, effectively merging bigrade classes into a single ichidan pattern.[1] Orthographically, LMJ adheres to the historical kana system, which preserved etymological spellings from earlier periods (e.g., rendering modern /e/ asHistorical and Sociolinguistic Background
Chronological Periods
Late Middle Japanese (LMJ) encompasses the stage of the Japanese language from approximately 1185 to 1600 CE, aligning with significant political and cultural shifts in Japanese history. This period marks the transition from court-centered aristocratic society to one influenced by the rising warrior class and later by feudal unification efforts. While some classifications extend the onset to the late Insei subperiod of the Heian era (late 12th century), the core timeframe begins in the early 13th century.[5][6] The initial emergence of LMJ features is observed in the Late Heian Insei period (late 12th century), characterized by courtly literature that reflects the lingering elegance of Heian aesthetics amid political instability from cloistered rule. Works from this transitional phase, such as compilations of tales and poetry, illustrate the language's evolution toward more narrative complexity. During the Kamakura period (1185–1333), LMJ developed amid the rise of the warrior class and the establishment of the first shogunate, influencing literary styles toward epic storytelling. This era's language appears prominently in epic tales like the Heike Monogatari, which recounts the Genpei War and blends historical narrative with dramatic recitation.[5][7] The Muromachi period (1336–1573) saw LMJ flourish with the patronage of Ashikaga shoguns, fostering artistic forms like linked verse (renga) and Noh drama, which incorporated Zen Buddhist elements into poetic and theatrical expression. These genres, including linked poetry sequences and masked plays by authors like Zeami, highlight the period's emphasis on subtlety and impermanence.[5] In the early Azuchi-Momoyama period (late 16th century), LMJ served as a prelude to national unification under warlords like Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi, accompanied by the advent of print culture through woodblock publications. This phase also witnessed brief Portuguese contact via Jesuit missionaries, introducing Christian texts that documented the language.[5]Cultural and Linguistic Influences
The transition from the aristocratic court culture of the Heian period to the feudal warrior society during the Kamakura period (1185–1333) significantly influenced the Japanese language, promoting the use of vernacular forms over classical Chinese-inspired styles. This shift was driven by the rise of the samurai class, which favored practical, spoken Japanese in legal codes like the Goseibai Shikimoku, written in a Japanized form of kanbun that incorporated native grammar and vocabulary, making it more accessible to non-aristocrats.[8] Buddhist movements, particularly Pure Land and Zen sects, flourished in the Kamakura and Muromachi periods (1185–1573), broadening literacy among commoners through accessible religious practices. Pure Land Buddhism emphasized simple faith and nembutsu chants in vernacular Late Middle Japanese, allowing laypeople to engage with sutras without elite education, while Zen sermons and koans promoted oral transmission of teachings that integrated everyday speech patterns. These developments democratized language use, fostering a cultural environment where spoken and written forms converged for broader societal participation. Political decentralization during the feudal era led to emerging regional dialectal variations, notably between the eastern Kamakura region and the western Kyoto area, reflecting isolated power centers and limited mobility. The Kamakura dialect, centered in the east and ancestral to modern Tokyo speech, developed distinct intonations and simplifications compared to the more conservative Kyoto dialect (Kyō-kotoba), which retained influences from its status as the imperial cultural hub with varied verb conjugations and pitch patterns. These differences arose from feudal fragmentation, where local lords enforced regional autonomy, resulting in mutually intelligible but phonologically and lexically diverse forms of Late Middle Japanese. In the late 16th century, Portuguese missionaries arrived during Japan's Warring States period, introducing Christianity and initiating the first significant European linguistic contact, which influenced Late Middle Japanese through loanwords and descriptive grammars. Figures like St. Francis Xavier established missions from 1549 onward, leading to the compilation of works such as João Rodrigues's Arte da Lingoa de Iapam (1604–1608), the earliest systematic grammar of Japanese, which documented syntax, honorifics, and vocabulary using Latin models and drew on texts like the Heike Monogatari. This contact not only spread Christian terminology but also advanced metalinguistic awareness, laying groundwork for later romanization systems.[9]Sources and Orthography
Primary Written Sources
The primary written sources for Late Middle Japanese (c. 1200–1600) consist of a range of literary, historical, and religious texts that document the language's evolution during the Kamakura and Muromachi periods. These works, primarily composed in kana script with varying degrees of kanji integration, provide essential evidence for phonological shifts, morphological developments, and syntactic patterns characteristic of the era.[10] Key texts reflect both courtly and warrior influences, capturing the transition from classical to more vernacular styles. Prose works from the early phase include setsuwa collections such as the Uji shūi monogatari (early 13th century), which preserves vernacular dialogue in tales of the supernatural and everyday life, alongside the Hōjōki (1212), authored by the poet and recluse Kamo no Chōmei, which meditates on impermanence amid natural disasters and social upheaval, offering insights into contemporary vocabulary and prose rhythm.[10] Later prose is exemplified by the Tsurezuregusa (c. 1330–1332), a collection of essays by the monk Yoshida Kenkō, known for its anecdotal style and reflections on aesthetics and transience, preserving idiomatic expressions of the mid-Muromachi period.[10] Epic and historical narratives form another major corpus, with the Heike Monogatari (late 13th century), an anonymous epic recounting the Genpei War between the Taira and Minamoto clans, serving as a foundational source for late medieval narrative language and oral-derived phrasing.[11] The Taiheiki (14th century), also anonymous and chronicling the Nanboku-chō conflicts, extends this tradition through its detailed battle accounts and political commentary, illustrating regional dialectal influences in military prose.[10] Poetic and dramatic sources highlight collaborative and performative genres. Renga collections, such as the Tsukubashū (1356), compiled under the patronage of Nijō Yoshimoto, represent the pinnacle of linked-verse poetry, with over 2,000 verses demonstrating syllable-based linking and seasonal imagery in vernacular form.[10] Noh plays by Zeami Motokiyo (c. 1363–1443), including works like Yuya and Aoi no Ue, embody the era's theatrical language, blending poetic chants (yojō) and prose dialogue to convey supernatural themes and emotional depth.[10][12] Dictionaries and grammars from the transitional late phase include Jesuit missionary texts, notably the Feiqe monogatari (1592), an early printed adaptation of the Heike monogatari in mixed kanji-kana script, and the Nippo Jisho (1603–1604), a Japanese-Portuguese dictionary compiled by João Rodrigues and others, which records approximately 30,000 entries reflecting Azuchi-Momoyama-era phonology and lexicon, including loanwords and everyday terms.[13][14] These sources, often employing hiragana and katakana for phonetic accuracy, bridge Late Middle and Early Modern Japanese.[10]Development of Kana and Writing Conventions
During the Late Middle Japanese period (c. 1185–1600), which encompasses the Muromachi era (1336–1573), hiragana and katakana had already evolved from man'yōgana, the earlier phonetic use of Chinese characters, with their forms largely stabilized since the Earlier Middle Japanese period.[15] Hiragana developed from cursive, grass-script versions of man'yōgana, while katakana arose from abbreviated, angular forms often used in glosses for classical Chinese texts (kanbun kundoku).[15] By the Muromachi period, the kana system comprised 48 basic signs corresponding to the gojūon (fifty sounds) arrangement, minus two obsolete ones, providing a standardized phonographic script for native words and grammatical elements.[15] Historical kana orthography, or rekishi-teki kana-zukai, dominated writing conventions in this era, employing a conservative etymological spelling that preserved Earlier Middle Japanese pronunciations rather than contemporary spoken forms.[15] This approach retained distinctions such as "ye" for the vowel /e/ and the high vowel /wi/, even as mergers like /ye/ and /e/ had occurred in speech by around 950, reflecting a deliberate link to classical literary traditions from the 13th century onward.[15] Such orthography ensured continuity in textual transmission, prioritizing aesthetic and historical fidelity over phonetic accuracy.[16] Texts from Late Middle Japanese typically employed a mixed script known as kanji-kana majiribun, where kanji served logographically for content words like nouns and verbs, while kana provided phonographic notation for grammatical particles, inflections, and function words.[15] This convention, established since the mid-Heian period but refined in Muromachi vernacular literature, saw an increasing proportion of kana usage, particularly in prose and dramatic works, to better capture colloquial expressions and enhance readability for non-elite audiences.[15] Prenasalized consonants, such as those in mediae like /b, d, g/, were represented phonetically in kana, often with nasality indicated through contextual harmony or doubled forms in some annotations.[15] Writing conventions exhibited notable regional and genre-based variations, with eastern dialects (e.g., Kantō) showing more consonantal tendencies in spelling compared to western (Kansai) vocalic preferences, as seen in administrative texts (shōmono).[15] In genres like Noh drama, scripts (utaibon) employed fuller phonetic representations using historical orthography to support performance recitation, often with cursive kuzushiji and vermillion annotations for choreography.[16] Conversely, poetry, including renga and linked verse, favored abbreviated forms and conservative spellings to evoke classical elegance, minimizing kana for rhythmic and allusive purposes.[15] These differences highlight how orthographic choices adapted to functional needs across literary and regional contexts.[16]Phonology
Vowel System
The vowel system of Late Middle Japanese (LMJ) consisted of five short monophthongal vowels: /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, and /u/. This inventory, inherited from Old Japanese and Early Middle Japanese, remained stable throughout the LMJ period (c. 1200–1600), with no major qualitative shifts occurring within it. The realizations of /e/ and /o/ typically involved onglide insertions, resulting in [je] (or [je]) and [wo] (or [wo]), respectively, as seen in forms like e- 'to get' pronounced [je] and oto 'sound' as [wodo]. These diphthongal realizations persisted from earlier stages and reflected a general tendency for mid vowels to develop palatal or labial onglides in certain phonetic environments.[15] Diphthongs in LMJ underwent systematic reductions to monophthongs, a process largely completed by this period and contributing to the stabilization of the vowel inventory. For instance, /ai/ reduced to /e/, as in /pirai/ > /pirɛ/ > /here/ 'flat'; /au/ to /ɔː/, yielding /kau/ > /kɔː/ 'buy'; /oi/ to /e/, evident in contractions like /ko'i-/ > /koi-/ > /ke-/ (with further merger to /i/ in some cases, e.g., /kopwi/ 'tree' > /ki/); and /eu/ to /joː/, as in /peu/ > /pyoo/. Related reductions included /iu/ > /juː/ and /ou/ > /oː/, collectively known as chōonka (long vowel formation), which introduced or reinforced long vowels without altering the core five-vowel system. These changes primarily arose from syllable contractions and Sino-Japanese loanword adaptations, marking a transition toward the modern vowel phonology. Note that /ɔː/ from /au/ was distinct from /oː/ from /ou/ in LMJ, with later merger in Early Modern Japanese.[15] Vowel length distinctions between short and long forms (e.g., /a/ vs. /aː/) were phonemically established in LMJ, inherited from Early Middle Japanese but further stabilized through the aforementioned diphthong reductions and contractions of sequences like /Vu/. Long vowels were often transcribed with diacritics in sources and could occur in structures such as /CVV/, /CjVV/, or /CwVV/, distinguishing lexical items (e.g., /kyoː/ from Sino-Japanese influences). While no significant mergers or shifts affected the short vowel qualities during LMJ itself, the period laid the groundwork for later developments, such as the eventual loss of distinction between /e/ and [je] in Early Modern Japanese.Consonant System
The consonant inventory of Late Middle Japanese (LMJ, ca. 1200–1600) consisted of stops, fricatives, nasals, and approximants, reflecting ongoing shifts from Old Japanese while establishing patterns closer to Modern Japanese. The system was primarily obstruent-initial in syllables, with no phonemic contrasts in voicing for most stops except in prenasalized contexts, and allophones influenced by following vowels.[15] Stops included the bilabial /p/, which had shifted to the fricative /ɸ/ (realized as in many contexts) primarily in initial positions by early LMJ, as seen in forms like hana 'flower' from Old Japanese /pana/, with /p/ reintroduced after moraic /Q/ or /N/ (e.g., /Qpa/ [ppa]) contrasting with /ɸ/. Further weakening to /h/ emerged toward the end of LMJ or in Early Modern Japanese. Alveolar stops /t/ and /d/ were retained, though /t/ assibilated to [tɕ] before /i/ (e.g., ti → [tɕi]) and /d/ to [dʑ] before /i/; medial /d/ often lost voicing by late LMJ. Velar stops /k/ and /g/ remained stable, with /g/ appearing as [ŋg] in prenasalized forms but simplifying over time.[15] Fricatives comprised /s/ and /z/, where /s/ palatalized to [ɕ] before /i/ (e.g., si → [ɕi] 'poem') and /z/ realized as [dz] or , potentially [ʑ] before /i/ (e.g., zi 'character'). The fricative /h/ emerged prominently from the historical /p/, with allophones including in open syllables, [ç] before /i/, and [ɸ] before /u/ (e.g., hu [ɸu] 'ear').[15] Nasals were /m/, /n/, and /ŋ/, the latter deriving from historical velar nasalization or prenasalization of /k/-initial syllables (e.g., ŋga in compounds like kingo 'today'). /m/ and /n/ occurred freely in onset position, while /ŋ/ was allophonic, often surfacing medially before velars. The moraic nasal /N/ could assimilate to [m, n, ŋ, ɲ], as in sinobu [sinomɯ] 'to hide'.[15] Approximants included /w/ and /j/, with /j/ functioning as a palatal glide triggering assibilation in preceding stops (e.g., kaj [kaʑ] 'moss'). /w/ was restricted, occurring primarily after /u/ or in diphthongs like /awi/ → [aβi], but weakening and merging with /o/ or /u/ elsewhere (e.g., kwo → ko 'child'); /w/ was lost before /i/ and /e/ by around 1300.[15] Prenasalization was an established feature for voiced stops and fricatives, particularly in compounds, where they were preceded by homorganic nasals (e.g., /mb/ in tamaboko 'drum', /nd/ in yonda 'read', /ŋg/ in kingo), confirmed by Korean sources from the Chosŏn period such as han'geul transcriptions. This process, inherited from earlier stages, often resulted in nasalized vowels as an intermediate realization before full voicing assimilation, though it began to weaken in central dialects by late LMJ.[17][15]Syllable Structure and Gemination
In Late Middle Japanese (LMJ, ca. 1200–1600), the syllable structure followed a predominantly moraic pattern of (C)V(N), where C represents an optional onset consonant (including glides /y/ or /w/), V a vowel, and N an optional coda limited to the nasal /n/ or a geminate consonant represented as /Q/. This structure maintained the open syllable core of CV as dominant, with closed syllables occurring only when the coda was /n/ (a moraic nasal) or /Q/ (a non-syllabic mora preceding certain obstruents), ensuring that most syllables ended in a vowel or semivowel. For instance, native words typically adhered to CV patterns like hana 'flower' (/hana/), while Sino-Japanese loanwords introduced limited codas such as /n/ in forms like hon 'book' (/hon/). Bound moraic elements like /Q/ and /n/ functioned prosodically to lengthen the following consonant, contributing to the rhythmic structure without violating the language's aversion to complex codas.[18] Gemination in LMJ primarily manifested medially as double consonants (/tt/, /kk/, /ss/, /pp/), realized through the mora /Q/ before voiceless obstruents /p, t, k, s/, which doubled the following consonant and extended the moraic unit. These geminates arose from processes such as compounding or rendaku-influenced sandhi (known as renjō), where historical finals like /-t/ or contractions led to closure, as in taiset-ta 'important-TOP' (/taiset-ta/), transcribed with doubled tt. Examples include maccura 'very black' (/maQ-kura/), where /Q/ precedes /k/, creating a geminate that emphasizes duration and prosodic weight. Unlike initial positions, where no consonant clusters were permitted—maintaining simple onsets like /k/ or /t/—medial geminates provided a means to adapt Sino-Japanese vocabulary, such as in ippō 'one direction' (/ippoː/), without introducing illicit syllable-initial clusters. Palatalized affricates like /tʃ/ (from /ti/) and /dʒ/ (from /di/) further simplified potential clusters, appearing as single onsets in syllables such as ti > chi in chikara 'power' (/tʃikara/).[18] This syllable organization underscored LMJ's mora-timed rhythm, with geminates and nasals serving as heavy codas that distinguished prosodic units, though onbin sound changes occasionally altered geminate realizations in connected speech.[18]Sound Changes and Onbin
Late Middle Japanese (LMJ, roughly 1200–1600) featured several key phonological innovations that built upon developments from Early Middle Japanese (EMJ), including systematic sound simplifications known as onbin (音便, "euphonic changes"), which facilitated smoother articulation in connected speech, particularly in compounds and inflected forms.[15] One prominent aspect of onbin was the voicing of voiceless obstruents in the initial position of non-first elements in compounds, a process akin to rendaku, where /k/ became /g/, /s/ became /z/, /t/ became /d/, and /h/ became /b/ intervocalically; for instance, the compound sakura + pana ("cherry blossom + flower") yielded sakurabana ("cherry blossom"). This voicing was not automatic but conditioned by prosodic factors, such as the absence of an initial voiced obstruent within the compound element (per Lyman's Law), and it stabilized in LMJ, influencing lexical compounding across genres like poetry and prose.[15] The shift of initial /p/ to /ɸ/ (realized as ) was complete by early LMJ, with /p/ reintroduced after /Q/ or /N/; further weakening to /h/ emerged toward the period's end, affecting both initial and medial occurrences in derived forms, as seen in EMJ pito ("person") becoming LMJ fito, eventually hito in later stages. Intervocalic /p/ had already lenited to /w/ in EMJ (e.g., EMJ kawo from OJ kapo "fragrance"), but by LMJ, the loss of /w/ in most contexts (except before /i/ and /e/, lost by ~1300) led to vowel contractions or hiatus resolutions, simplifying syllable onsets across the lexicon.[15] Prenasalization was more systematic in LMJ compared to earlier sporadic occurrences, where voiced obstruents were often realized with a preceding nasal homorganic to the following consonant, such as /g/ as [ŋg] or /b/ as [mb]; this phonetic feature, inherited from Old Japanese, is exemplified in forms like LMJ ŋgo for underlying /go/, aiding in the perceptual distinction of voiced stops in rapid speech, and confirmed by Korean Chosŏn-period transcriptions. However, prenasalization began to weaken in central dialects by late LMJ, with full denasalization occurring in Early Modern Japanese, though it persisted in peripheral varieties and influenced rendaku patterns.[17][15] Diphthong monophthongizations accelerated in late LMJ, with /ou/ regularly contracting to /oː/ and /au/ to /ɔː/ (a mid-open vowel distinct from /oː/), processes that had initiated in EMJ but became near-categorical by the 14th–15th centuries; representative examples include OJ /kou/ ("light") > LMJ /koː/ and OJ /kau/ ("buy") > LMJ /kɔː/, contributing to the five-vowel system's stability while lengthening mid vowels in open syllables. These changes, alongside onbin, occasionally impacted verb stem alternations, such as in conjunctive forms, but primarily reshaped the phonological inventory for prosodic efficiency.[15]Morphology
Nominal Morphology
In Late Middle Japanese (LMJ, ca. 1200–1600), nouns exhibited no inflectional morphology for case, gender, or number, remaining invariant forms that relied on postposed particles to indicate grammatical roles..pdf) This lack of inherent marking distinguished nouns from inflecting predicates like verbs and adjectives, allowing flexibility in usage but necessitating contextual or particle-based disambiguation for plurality or specificity..pdf) Gender was unmarked across the board, with no dedicated suffixes or alternations to denote masculine or feminine referents, reflecting a broader typological shift away from such categories in Japonic languages.[1] However, honorific prefixes began to emerge as a means of polite elevation, particularly for nouns associated with superiors or sacred contexts; common forms included o-, mi-, and go-, as in o-miya ("honorable palace") or go-zén ("honorable front"), which exalted the referent without altering the noun's core form..pdf) Pronouns in LMJ similarly lacked inflection, inheriting the non-inflecting nature of nominals while undergoing a profound systemic change from earlier stages..pdf) By the mid-LMJ period, traditional personal pronouns had largely fallen out of use due to social avoidance of direct self-reference, replaced by lexical nouns or titles for first- and second-person reference; surviving or reintroduced forms included ware (humble first person, e.g., "I"), na (informal second person, e.g., addressing inferiors), and ji (second person borrowed from Chinese, used in formal or literary contexts)..pdf) Third-person reference avoided dedicated pronouns altogether, instead employing demonstratives as proxies, such as kore ("this one," proximal), sore ("that one," medial), and are ("that one," distal), often combined with nouns for clarity (e.g., kore no hito "this person")..pdf) These forms were uninflected and could take the same honorific prefixes as nouns when politeness demanded, though direct pronominal use remained rare and contextually sensitive.[1] Possession was primarily expressed through genitive constructions using the particles ga and no, with ga restricted to personal pronouns and human nouns (e.g., wa-ga kokoro "my heart," where wa- is a first-person prefix), while no applied more broadly to inanimate or non-personal nouns (e.g., Ariwara no Narihira "Narihira of the Ariwara clan")..pdf) This distinction reflected sociolinguistic nuances, with ga carrying a sense of intimacy or animacy, but by late LMJ, no increasingly dominated genitive functions, evolving toward its modern role as the default possessive marker and laying the groundwork for its use in nominalization..pdf) Case roles for possessed or possessing nominals, such as nominative or accusative, were indicated via separate particles like ga (shifting to nominative) or wo, but these attachments did not modify the nominal forms themselves..pdf) Nominal derivation in LMJ was limited compared to verbal morphology, relying mainly on compounding rather than affixation or conversion..pdf) Noun-noun compounds formed productively, often with rendaku voicing of the second element's initial consonant (e.g., sakura-bana "cherry blossom," from sakura + hana), incorporating Sino-Japanese loans and native roots..pdf) A nascent form of nominalization appeared through Sino-Japanese verbal noun stems combined with the light verb suru ("do"), creating complex predicates like kenbutsu-suru ("to sightsee," from kenbutsu "sightseeing"), though this was far less pervasive than in later Japanese and primarily affected loanword integration..pdf) Sino-Japanese prefixes (e.g., ko- "child/small," sai- "re-") and suffixes (e.g., -sya "person") also contributed to derivation, yielding forms like ko-sya "young person," but these were affix-like additions to existing nouns rather than systematic inflection..pdf) Overall, derivation emphasized lexical expansion through borrowing and combination over morphological innovation.[1]Verbal Morphology
Late Middle Japanese (LMJ, ca. 1200–1600) verbs inflected according to four primary conjugation classes, a simplification from the nine classes of Old Japanese and Early Middle Japanese: the quadrigrade (yodan) class, comprising the majority of verbs with stems ending in consonants and inflecting across four vowel grades; the upper monograde (kami-ichidan) class, with stems ending in /i/; the lower monograde (shimo-ichidan) class, with stems ending in other vowels; and the irregular class, including kuru 'come' and suru 'do'. These classes determined the forms of core inflections, such as the mizenkei (irrealis base, used for negatives and conditionals), ren'yōkei (conjunctive base, for linking and derivations), rentaikei (adnominal, for nominal modification), shūshikei (conclusive, for sentence endings), and izenkei (realis/hypothetical base). For a representative yodan verb like yomu 'read', the ren'yōkei was yomi- (e.g., linking to auxiliaries), the izenkei yome- (e.g., in hypothetical contexts like yome-ba 'if reading'), and the mizenkei yoma- (e.g., for negation yoma-zu 'not read'). Monograde verbs, such as kami-ichidan miru 'see', showed uniform stems across inflections: ren'yōkei and rentaikei mi-, izenkei mire-, and mizenkei mir-. Irregular verbs deviated, with suru having multiple bases like shi- (ren'yōkei) and se- (izenkei). A major innovation in LMJ was the merger of the rentaikei (-u form) and shūshikei, both converging on the adnominal shape by around the 14th century, which eliminated the earlier distinction and simplified predicate endings from Early Middle Japanese paradigms (e.g., yodan shūshikei shifting from -u to align fully with rentaikei). This merger, complete by mid-LMJ, affected all classes and marked a key step toward Modern Japanese uniformity. LMJ also witnessed the decline of classical inflections, such as the exclamatory and conclusive verb forms, alongside the emergence of new auxiliaries that regularized the verbal system. These included -sase- for causatives (e.g., yom-sase-ru "to make read"), -rare- for passives and potential (e.g., yom-rare-ru "to be read" or "can read"), and -(a)na- for negatives (e.g., yom-ana-i "do not read"), which attached to the ren'yōkei or mizenkei and contributed to obligatory tense marking by the late period (e.g., non-past yom-u vs. past yom-ita "read"). These developments shifted the language toward a more analytic morphology with synthetic elements. Tense and aspect were expressed through auxiliaries attached primarily to the ren'yōkei or mizenkei. The past tense -ta, derived from earlier -ki via sound changes, attached to the ren'yōkei (e.g., yomi-ta 'read' for yodan), indicating completed action and becoming the dominant retrospective marker by LMJ. The perfective aspect used -nu on the mizenkei (e.g., yoma-nu 'having read'), conveying resultative states, while its negative counterpart -zu (e.g., yoma-zu 'not having read') also appeared on the mizenkei. An emerging progressive construction involved the te-form (ren'yōkei + -te, e.g., yomi-te 'reading') combined with auxiliaries like iru, foreshadowing Modern Japanese ongoing aspect usage, though still optional in LMJ texts. These developments reflected a shift toward analytic expression, reducing reliance on synthetic inflections.Adjectival Morphology
In Late Middle Japanese (LMJ), adjectives, known as i-adjectives, formed a major inflectional class that conjugated similarly to verbs but retained distinct morphological paradigms influenced by earlier sound changes such as onbin. The core stems ended in -i in non-past forms, with the adnominal -ki shifting to -i and the infinitive -ku to -u due to phonetic erosion. For example, the adjective taka- "high" appeared as taka-i in the conclusive or adnominal form ("high") and taka-u in the adverbial infinitive ("highly"). The past tense was marked by -katta, as in takakatta "was high," which emerged as a stable innovation during the LMJ period. LMJ i-adjectives encompassed two historical subtypes inherited from Old and Early Middle Japanese: simple ku-adjectives (e.g., naga-ku "long[ly]") and complex siku-adjectives (e.g., bekasi- "ought to"), distinguished originally by the presence of a -si- element in the stem. By the LMJ era, however, the morphological distinction between ku- and siku-adjectives had largely merged, with both types integrating into the unified i-adjective paradigm and losing separate inflectional markers, though some lexical remnants persisted in compounds. Other forms included the gerund -kute (e.g., takakute "being high and"), used for connective purposes, and conditional variants like -kattara (e.g., takakattara "if high"). Adjectival nouns, a non-inflecting class, differed from i-adjectives by relying on copular elements for predication and attribution, with two primary subclasses: -nar and -tar. These were linked to the copula nari in predicative contexts, as in shizuka nari "is quiet," where shizuka "quiet" functions nominally without inherent inflection. The -nar forms reduced attributively to na in western dialects and nwo in eastern ones, facilitating noun modification (e.g., shizuka na hito "quiet person"), while -tar forms often conveyed evidential or resultative nuances but declined in productivity. Many adjectival nouns derived from Sino-Japanese loans, such as yunzoku "unique," integrated via these copular links. Derivational processes enriched the adjectival system, including the suffix -shii, which adjectivalized verbal or nominal bases (e.g., kasikoi-shii from kasikoi- "fearsome," yielding "awesome"). This suffix originated from earlier -si- extensions and fully merged into the i-adjective class by late LMJ, as seen in utsukushii "beautiful." Honorific derivations employed prefixes like o-, applied to adjectival stems for respectful modification (e.g., o-taka-i "honorably high"), often in polite or exalted registers. Reduplication also served derivational roles for intensification, such as koti-koti-si- "unrefined."| Form Category | Key Markers | Example (taka- "high") | Function |
|---|---|---|---|
| Non-past | -i | taka-i | Conclusive/adnominal: "high" |
| Adverbial | -u | taka-u | Infinitive: "highly" |
| Past | -katta | takakatta | "was high" |
| Connective | -kute | takakute | "being high and" |
| Copular (adjectival noun) | nari/na | shizuka nari | "is quiet" |

