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The People of Freedom
The People of Freedom
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The People of Freedom (Italian: Il Popolo della Libertà, PdL) was a centre-right political party in Italy. The PdL launched by Silvio Berlusconi as an electoral list, including Forza Italia and National Alliance, on 27 February for the 2008 Italian general election.[13] The list was later transformed into a party during a party congress on 27–29 March 2009. The party's leading members included Angelino Alfano (national secretary), Renato Schifani, Renato Brunetta, Roberto Formigoni, Maurizio Sacconi, Maurizio Gasparri, Mariastella Gelmini, Antonio Martino, Giancarlo Galan, Maurizio Lupi, Gaetano Quagliariello, Daniela Santanchè, Sandro Bondi, and Raffaele Fitto.

Key Information

The PdL formed Italy's government from 2008 to 2011 in coalition with Lega Nord. After having supported Mario Monti's technocratic government in 2011–2012, the party was part of Enrico Letta's government with the Democratic Party, Civic Choice and the Union of the Centre. Alfano functioned as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior. In June 2013, Berlusconi announced Forza Italia's revival and the PdL's transformation into a centre-right coalition.[14][15] On 16 November 2013, the PdL's national council voted to dissolve the party and start a new Forza Italia party; the assembly was deserted by a group of dissidents, led by Alfano, who had launched the New Centre-Right the day before.[16]

History

[edit]

Background

[edit]

In the run-up to the 2006 Italian general election, there was talk among the House of Freedoms coalition's member parties on merging into a "united party of moderates and reformers". Forza Italia (FI), National Alliance (AN) and the Union of Christian and Centre Democrats (UDC) all seemed interested in the project. Soon after the election, however, UDC leader Pier Ferdinando Casini, who had been a reluctant coalition partner, started to distance from its historical allies. Another party of the coalition, Lega Nord (LN), showed no interest in the idea, because of its character as a regionalist party.

On 2 December 2006, during a big rally of the centre-right in Rome against Romano Prodi's government, Silvio Berlusconi proposed the foundation of a "freedom party", stressing that centre-right voters were all part of a single "people of freedom". On 21 August 2007, Michela Brambilla, president of the Clubs of Freedom (a grassroot group), registered the name and the symbol of the "Freedom Party" (Partito della Libertà) on Berlusconi's behalf,[17] but none of Berlusconi's allies seemed interested in joining such a party and some leading FI dignitaries looked disappointed.

"Running board revolution"

[edit]
Silvio Berlusconi at a PdL rally

On 18 November 2007, Berlusconi claimed that his supporters had collected over 7 million signatures on an appeal demanding the President of the Republic, Giorgio Napolitano, to call a fresh general election. Shortly afterwards, from the running board of a car in a crowded Piazza San Babila in Milan,[18] he announced that FI would soon merge or transform into a new "party of the Italian people".[19] The new course was thus called the "running board revolution" (rivoluzione del predellino) and this expression soon became very popular both among Berlusconi's supporters and his adversaries.[20][21]

At the beginning, the fate of FI remained unclear. Later, it was explained that the new party's core would consist of FI, the Clubs of Freedom and other grassroots groups, and that some minor parties of the House of Freedoms would join too. AN leader Gianfranco Fini made very critical statements in the days after Berlusconi's announcement, declaring the end of his support for Berlusconi as candidate for Prime Minister and that his party would not join the new party. Also UDC leader Casini criticised the idea from the start and seemed interested in an alternative coalition with Fini.[22][23]

Foundation and early years

[edit]

On 24 January, the Prodi II Cabinet fell as a result of the 2008 Italian political crisis, paving the way for a new general election. The day after Berlusconi hinted that FI would probably contest its last election, and postponed the foundation of the new party until after the election. In an atmosphere of reconciliation with Fini, Berlusconi also stated that the new party could involve the participation of other parties.[24] On 8 February, Berlusconi and Fini agreed to form a joint list under the banner of The People of Freedom (PdL), in alliance with LN.[25]

In addition to Forza Italia and the National Alliance, several minor parties and groups chose to join the PdL: the Clubs of Freedom of Michela Vittoria Brambilla, the Clubs of Good Government of Marcello Dell'Utri, the Liberal Populars (a splinter group from the UDC) of Carlo Giovanardi, the Christian Democracy for Autonomies of Gianfranco Rotondi, the Pensioners' Party of Carlo Fatuzzo, Liberal Reformers of Benedetto Della Vedova, the Italian Republican Party of Francesco Nucara, the New Italian Socialist Party of Stefano Caldoro, the Liberal Democrats (a splinter group from The Daisy) of Daniela Melchiorre, Decide! of Daniele Capezzone, Italians in the World of Sergio De Gregorio, Social Action of Alessandra Mussolini, the Libertarian Right (a splinter group from The Right) of Luciano Buonocore and the Reformist Socialists of Donato Robilotta.

In the 2008 Italian general election, the PdL won 37.4% of the vote, getting elected 276 deputies and 146 senators and becoming the Italian largest party. The PdL was also the first party since Christian Democracy in the 1979 Italian general election to get more than 35% of the popular vote.

On 27–29 March 2009, the new party held its first congress in Rome and was officially founded. Berlusconi was elected president, while Sandro Bondi, Ignazio La Russa and Denis Verdini were appointed national coordinators, Maurizio Lupi organizational secretary and Daniele Capezzone spokesperson.

In the 2009 European Parliament election in Italy, the party won 35.2% of the national vote, returning 29 MEPs.[26]

In the big round of regional elections of 2010, the PdL retained Lombardy with Roberto Formigoni (in coalition with LN), gained Lazio with Renata Polverini (a former leader of the General Labour Union), Campania with Stefano Caldoro (a leading Socialist) and Calabria with Giuseppe Scopelliti (a former AN member). The PdL was also instrumental in the centre-right victories in Veneto and Piedmont, where two presidents of LN, Luca Zaia and Roberto Cota respectively, were elected.

Berlusconi vs. Fini

[edit]
Gianfranco Fini

Between 2009 and 2010, Gianfranco Fini, former leader of the conservative AN and president of the Chamber of Deputies, became a vocal critic of the leadership of Berlusconi. Fini departed from party's majority line on stem cell research, end-of-life care, advance health care directive, and immigration,[27][28][29] and he was a proponent of a more structured party organisation.[30][31] His criticism was aimed at the leadership style of Berlusconi, who tended to rely on his personal charisma to lead the party from the centre, and supported a lighter form of party, which in his mind was to be a movement-party active only at election times,[32] as the original FI and on some respects that of political parties in the United States.

Although some Finiani, such as Italo Bocchino, Carmelo Briguglio and Fabio Granata, shared Fini's views on moral issues and immigration, many others, including Andrea Ronchi and Adolfo Urso, were traditionalist. In fact most Finiani were Southern conservatives who opposed Berlusconi's firm alliance with LN, federal reform and Giulio Tremonti's economic policy.[33][34] Fini made inroads among the liberal and centrist ranks of the former FI,[35] but he lost the support of most leading members of the former AN, notably including Ignazio La Russa, Maurizio Gasparri and Altero Matteoli, who became close allies of Berlusconi.[36][37] Others, including Gianni Alemanno and Alfredo Mantovano, found common ground with the party's Christian democrats.[38]

On 15 April 2010, Bocchino launched an association named Generation Italy to better represent Fini's views within the party.[39] Five days later 52 MPs (39 deputies and 13 senators) signed a document in support of Fini and his theses, while other 74 MPs former members of AN, including La Russa, Gasparri, Matteoli and Giorgia Meloni, plus Alemanno, mayor of Rome, signed an alternative document in which they reasserted their loyalty to the party and Berlusconi.[40][41] On 22 April 2010, the national council of the PdL convened in Rome for the first time in a year. The conflict between Fini and Berlusconi was covered live on television. At the end of the day a resolution proposed by Berlusconi's loyalists was put before the assembly and approved almost unanimously.[42]

Following then, clashes between Fini and Berlusconi became even more frequent and reached their height in late July, when Fini questioned the morality of some party bigwigs under investigation.[43] On 29 July 2010, the executive committee released a document (voted by 33 members out of 37) in which Fini was described as "incompatible" with the political line of the PdL and unable to perform his job of President of the Chamber of Deputies in a neutral way. Berlusconi asked Fini to step down and the executive proposed the suspension from party membership of Bocchino, Briguglio and Granata, who had harshly criticised Berlusconi and accused some party members of criminal offences.[44] As response, Fini and his followers formed their own groups in both chambers under the name of Future and Freedom (FLI).[45][46][47][48]

It was soon clear that FLI would leave the PdL and become an independent party. On 7 November, during a convention in Bastia Umbra, Fini asked Berlusconi to step down as Prime Minister and proposed a new government including the Union of the Centre (UdC).[49] A few days later, the four FLI members in the government resigned.[50] On 14 December FLI voted against Berlusconi in a vote of confidence in the Chamber of Deputies, a vote won by Berlusconi by 314 to 311.[51][52]

Re-organisation and discontents

[edit]

In May 2011 the party suffered a big blow in local elections. Particularly painful was the loss of Milan, Berlusconi's hometown and party stronghold, where the outgoing PdL mayor Letizia Moratti was defeated by Giuliano Pisapia, a left-wing independent close to Nichi Vendola's Left Ecology Freedom party.[53]

Angelino Alfano

In response to this and to crescent fibrillation within party ranks (especially among Scajoliani and ex-AN members), Angelino Alfano, then minister of Justice, was chosen as national secretary in charge of re-organising and renewing the party.[54] The appointment of 40-year-old Alfano, a former Christian Democrat who had later been leader of FI in Sicily, was unanimously approved by the party executive. However, economy minister Giulio Tremonti expressed his concerns that the nominee would "make us lose votes in the North".[55] On 1 July the national council modified the party's constitution and Alfano was elected secretary with little opposition.[56]

Alfano led the party through a huge membership drive and, on 1 November, announced that more than one million individuals had joined the party.[57] He also drove the party in a Christian-democratic direction.[58] The factions which benefited most from the effort were those of Roberto Formigoni (Network Italy), Ignazio La Russa (Protagonist Italy) and Franco Frattini (Liberamente). The Christian-democratization of the party and the perceived marginalisation of liberals and social democrats led some to leave the party. One of these, Carlo Vizzini, declared: "It seems to me that the PdL is set to become the Italian section of the European People's Party [which already was]. I come from another tradition: I have been secretary of the PSDI and I was one of the founders of the Party of European Socialists. When I joined Forza Italia there were Liberals, Socialists, Radicals. Now everything has changed."[59]

In the midst of the European sovereign debt crisis, on 14 October, following calls by Claudio Scajola and Giuseppe Pisanu for a new government,[60][61] two deputies close to Scajola, Giustina Destro and Fabio Gava, voted against Berlusconi during a vote of confidence and left the party altogether.[62] On 2 November, Destro and Gava, along with Roberto Antonione, Giorgio Stracquadanio, Isabella Bertolini and Giancarlo Pittelli (who had left the party along with Santo Versace in September), promoted an open letter in which they asked Berlusconi to step down.[63][64] Contextually, Antonione announced that he was leaving the party. In the following days three more deputies, Alessio Bonciani, Ida D'Ippolito and Gabriella Carlucci, left to join the UdC.[65][66] In three months, the PdL had lost 15 deputies and 4 senators, including the 7 deputies and 3 senators who launched Force of the South under Gianfranco Micciché.[67]

Berlusconi's resignation

[edit]
Silvio Berlusconi in 2012

On 7 November 2011 Lega Nord's then-leader Umberto Bossi proposed Angelino Alfano as Berlusconi's successor.[68] On 8 November, during a key vote on a financial statement in the Chamber was approved thanks to the abstention of opposition parties, but Berlusconi got just 308 votes, 8 short of an absolute majority.[69][70] Subsequently, Berlusconi announced that he intended to step down after the passage of the budget bill.[71] Days of turmoil followed. Not only the party was highly divided, but its numerous factions and groups were divided too. As the appointment of Mario Monti, an independent economist and former European Commissioner, looked very likely, some in the party wanted to support the new possible government (and some even wanted to join it), while others were resolutely against and preferred an early election instead. Alfano, in his capacity of secretary, had to mediate.[72]

Among the party's Christian democrats, Roberto Formigoni, Maurizio Lupi and Raffaele Fitto (Network Italy), Claudio Scajola (Christopher Columbus Foundation), and Giuseppe Pisanu (hence Pisaniani) supported Monti, while Gianfranco Rotondi (Christian Democracy for Autonomies) and Carlo Giovanardi (Liberal Populars) did not. Within Liberamente and among the party's Socialists, Franco Frattini (who threatened to leave the party) and Fabrizio Cicchitto were in favour, while Mariastella Gelmini, Paolo Romani, Maurizio Sacconi, Renato Brunetta and, covertly, Giulio Tremonti were against. The vast majority of ex-AN members (Ignazio La Russa, Maurizio Gasparri, Altero Matteoli, Giorgia Meloni, etc.) was against, while a minority (mainly Gianni Alemanno) was in favour.[2][70][73][74][75][76][77]

On 12 November Berlusconi finally tendered his resignation to President Giorgio Napolitano. The executive of the PdL decided to support a government led by Monti under some conditions, the first being that it should not include politicians but only technocrats.[78][79][80] The Monti Cabinet took office on 16 November. In the subsequent votes of confidence in the two houses of Parliament, the PdL voted largely for Monti. However, some party members, including Antonio Martino, Gianfranco Rotondi and Alessandra Mussolini, deserted the party.[81][82] Subsequently, LN broke its ties with the PdL at the national level.[83]

2013 general election

[edit]

After long deliberation, on 24 October 2012, Berlusconi finally announced that he would not run again for Prime Minister in the 2013 Italian general election. In a written press release, the PdL leader also hinted that the party would select his successor through an open primary on 16 December.[84][85]

Berlusconi, who praised Monti, seemed to aim at a new centre-right led by Monti and a PdL led by Alfano.[86] On 25 November eight candidates filed the required number of signature in support of their bid: Angelino Alfano, Giorgia Meloni, Giancarlo Galan (who renounced right after), Guido Crosetto, Daniela Santanchè, Michaela Biancofiore, Giampiero Samorì and Alessandro Cattaneo.[87] However, on 28 November, after Berlusconi had expressed doubts on its success, the primary was cancelled altogether.[88] On 6 December Alfano announced that Berlusconi would run again for Prime Minister.[89] As soon as 12 December Berlusconi backtracked and stated that if Monti were to run for Prime Minister as the leader of a united centre-right (including also Luca Cordero di Montezemolo's Future Italy) he would stand aside and support him.[90] The move appeased the pro-Monti majority of the party, while disappointing other party wings.[91][92][93]

On 16 December the centrist majority of the party, consisting of several leading factions (Liberamente, Network Italy, Reformism and Freedom, Liberal Populars, New Italy, FareItalia, etc.), rallied in Rome under the "Popular Italy" banner: in presence of Alfano, the bulk of the party expressed its support for Monti and Berlusconi.[94][95] On the very same day, a group of anti-Monti reformers, led by Crosetto and Meloni, organised a separate rally and espoused opposite views.[96] On 17 December Ignazio La Russa announced he was leaving the PdL to form "National Centre-Right", aiming at representing not just anti-Monti right-wingers, but also the liberals and Christian democrats around Crosetto.[97] On 21 December La Russa's National Centre-Right and the groups around Crosetto and Meloni joined forces and formed Brothers of Italy.[98] To complete the picture of a highly fragmented centre-right, in the previous months there had already been two minor but significant splits from the PdL: on 3 October Giulio Tremonti left to form the Labour and Freedom List, while on 22 November a group of MPs, led by Isabella Bertolini, formed Free Italy.[99][100]

In early January 2013, after Berlusconi had announced his return as party leader and Monti had refused to join forces with the PdL, the bulk of the party rallied again behind Berlusconi and just a few leading members, notably including Mario Mauro, left to join Monti's Civic Choice party. Most of the centre-right was regrouped around the PdL, which took part to the February general election in coalition with Lega Nord (including the Labour and Freedom List), Brothers of Italy, The Right, Great South (including the Movement for the Autonomies), the Pensioners' Party, the Moderates in Revolution and Popular Agreement.

In the election the PdL obtained 21.6% of the vote (−15.8% from 2008) and the coalition came just 0.3% short of the centre-left. After some inconclusive attempts by Pier Luigi Bersani, leader of the Democratic Party, to form a government, the PdL joined Enrico Letta's government of grand coalition, providing five ministers, including Angelino Alfano who was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior, two deputy ministers and several under-secretaries.

Revival of Forza Italia

[edit]

On 28 June 2013 Berlusconi announced the revival of the defunct Forza Italia and the transformation of PdL into a centre-right coalition.[14][15][101]

On 1 August 2013 Berlusconi was convicted for tax evasion and sentenced to four years of imprisonment, the last three being automatically pardoned.[102] On 18 September, when discussing the enactment of a related six-year public office ban, as required by the "Severino law", the Senate committee in charge of elections refused to endorse a PdL resolution relinquishing Berlusconi's ban, as both the PD and the M5S disagreed.[103] On the same day Berlusconi launched the new Forza Italia (FI) and pledged to stay on as its leader in any case.[104] The would-be PdL coalition might include the new FI, Lega Nord and other parties. In fact, in disagreement with the new FI's liberalism, some members led by former mayor of Rome Gianni Alemanno, who left the PdL in October 2013,[105] might form a conservative party modelled on the late National Alliance (AN), along with Brothers of Italy and other minor right-wing parties, and eventually join the coalition.[106][107][108][109]

After months of bickering within the party between "doves", supporting Letta's government, and "hawks", very critical of it, on 28 September Berlusconi asked to the five ministers of the party (Angelino Alfano, Maurizio Lupi, Gaetano Quagliariello, Beatrice Lorenzin and Nunzia De Girolamo) to resign from the government over a tax hike.[110] The ministers obeyed, but made clear that they dissented from the decision; Quagliariello and Lorenzin announced that they might not join the new FI, while Alfano described himself "differently berlusconiano".[111] The party's moderates, mainly Christian democrats as Alfano and Lupi (Roberto Formigoni, Carlo Giovanardi, etc.) and social democrats (Fabrizio Cicchitto, Maurizio Sacconi, etc.),[112][113] sided with the ministers, while the hawks led by Daniela Santanchè, most of whom liberals (Antonio Martino, Denis Verdini, Giancarlo Galan, Renato Brunetta, Sandro Bondi, Niccolò Ghedini, Daniele Capezzone, etc.), supported the exit from the government.[114]

On 2 October a confidence vote, called by Prime Minister Letta, revealed the division within party ranks, to the extent that around 70 PdL lawmakers were ready to split to support the government, in case Berlusconi and the party had decided not to do the same. Faced by this ultimatum, Berlusconi made a U-turn few minutes ahead of the vote and subsequently tried a reconciliation process within the party to avoid the split.[115] The outcome was a clear victory for the doves and the "ministerial faction" of the PdL, who continued to serve in the government.[116] Raffaele Fitto, Christian democrat and leader of the self-proclaimed "loyalists" (the party's mainstream, including Mariastella Gelmini, Mara Carfagna, etc.), supported by Galan and Bondi, announced his disagreement with Alfano's political line and proposed a congress to decide the party's positionment,[117] while the floor leaders, Maurizio Gasparri, Altero Matteoli, Paolo Romani and others came out as "mediators".[118][119]

On 25 October the PdL's executive committee voted to suspend all the party's activities and proposed the transformation of the current party into the new FI.[120] Consequently, all the leadership roles in the PdL were temporarily revoked and a national council was summoned for 16 November.[121] To approve the executive's proposal over the party's future, a 2/3 majority among voting delegates at the national council was required.[122]

On 16 November 2013 PdL was formally dissolved and replaced by the new FI, while a day earlier a group of dissidents, led by Alfano and including all five PdL ministers, had announced the formation of separate parliamentary groups, called New Centre-Right (NCD).[16]

Ideology and factions

[edit]

The PdL aimed at combining together the traditions of its two main predecessors, Forza Italia (FI) and National Alliance (AN), as well as their smaller partners, among them Liberal Populars, Christian Democracy for Autonomies, New Italian Socialist Party, Liberal Reformers, and Social Action. FI, launched in 1994 by Silvio Berlusconi, was joined mainly by former Christian Democrats, Socialists, and Liberals who had seen their parties disappear amid the Tangentopoli scandals. AN, successor of the post-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI), had become a respectable conservative party under the leadership of Gianfranco Fini. FI and AN started to cooperate and were the pillars of the centre-right Pole of Good Government, Pole of Freedoms and House of Freedoms coalitions. The "Charter of Values" of the PdL underlined the "Christian" and "liberal" character of the party, presenting it as a defender of traditional values as well as of individual responsibility and self-determination. The document stressed the adherence of the party to the values and the platform of the European People's Party (EPP), its support for European integration and the transformation of Italy into a federal state.[123][independent source needed]

The PdL was a classic example of catch-all party. The party's main cultural strains were Christian democracy and liberal conservatism,[6] but it is not to be underestimated the weight of those coming from the right-wing AN and the relevant role played by former Socialists, who were disproportionately represented in Berlusconi IV Cabinet. Four leading ministers (Giulio Tremonti, Franco Frattini, Maurizio Sacconi, and Renato Brunetta) hailed from the old PSI, while another Socialist, Fabrizio Cicchitto, was the party leader in the Chamber of Deputies.[124][125] This is not to say that all former Socialists were actually social democrats; for instance, while Tremonti was an outspoken critic of globalisation[126] and is not enthusiastic about labour market flexibility,[127] Brunetta was a free-market liberal[128][129] and frequently clashed with Tremonti over economic and fiscal policy.[130][131] Moreover, internal alliances were often not consistent with the previous affiliation of party members. On issues such as end of life, Sacconi, a former Socialist who still claimed to be a social democrat, sided with the party's Christian democrats and the social-conservative wing of the former AN, while several members hailing from the MSI found themselves in alliance with the liberal wing of the former FI. This is no surprise, as the late MSI also had a strong secular tradition, while FI was home to both social conservatives and uncompromising social liberals. On the economy, ex-FI Tremonti was often at odds with ex-FI liberals like Antonio Martino and Benedetto Della Vedova,[132][133] and was attacked by Giancarlo Galan for being a "socialist".[134]

Traditional values and the social market economy grew of importance in the rhetoric of the new party, partly replacing the small government and economic libertarian ideals expressed by FI. In this respect, Sacconi summarised the economic propositions of the PdL with the slogan "less state, more society";[135] however, in the PdL there was still some room for Reaganomics, with Berlusconi often making the case for lower taxes and Tremonti for deregulation and against red tape.[136][137][138]

Factions (as of November 2011)

[edit]

The party was home to a wide range of factions, groups and associate parties, whose ideology ranged from social democracy to national conservatism. As of November 2011, the factions, listed by political ideology, were as follows:

Factions (as of October 2013)

[edit]

Apart from the above-mention factions, from 2013 four broad groupings were distinguishable:[118][139]

On 15 November, the day before the PdL's dissolution in the new FI, the "doves" left the party to form the New Centre-Right party.

Associate parties

[edit]

The PdL granted financial support to several minor parties of the centre-right. They contributed one million Euros to the Liberal Democrats whose deputies were elected on the PdL list in 2008, and left the government camp after some months but returned in April 2011. Other parties who received payments from PdL were the Force of the South (€300,000), Christian Democracy for Campania (€144,000), Social Action (€100,000), Christian Democracy for Autonomies (€96,000), the Alliance of the Centre (€80,000), the Movement of National Responsibility (€49,000) and the Federation of Christian Populars (€40,000).[140]

[edit]

The PdL had its strongholds in Southern Italy, especially in Campania, Apulia and Sicily, but its power base included also two regions of the North, Lombardy and Veneto, where the party however suffered the competition of Lega Nord, which controlled the governorships of Piedmont, Lombardy and Veneto. The regions governed by a PdL governor in 2013 were just four (Campania, Calabria, Abruzzo, and Sardinia), far less than the Democratic Party and its allies, which controlled twelve.

In the 2008 Italian general election, the party scored over 40% in Campania (49.1%), in Sicily (46.6%), Apulia (45.6%), Lazio (43.5%), and Calabria (41.2%). In the 2013 Italian general election, in which the PdL suffered a dramatic loss of votes, the party ran stronger in Campania (29.0%), Apulia (28.9%), and Sicily (26.5%).

The electoral results of the PdL in the regions of Italy are shown in the table below. As the party was launched in 2007, the electoral results from 1994 to 2006 refer to the combined result of the two main precursor parties, Forza Italia and National Alliance.

1994 general 1995 regional 1996 general 1999 European 2000 regional 2001 general 2004 European 2005 regional 2006 general 2008 general 2009 European 2010 regional 2013 general
Piedmont 34.8 37.9 33.8 36.8 42.7 41.2 31.0 31.9 35.8 34.3 32.4 25.0 19.7
Lombardy 31.8 39.5 32.6 36.5 43.6 40.9 32.9 34.7 37.3 33.5 34.4 31.8 20.8
Veneto 31.4 34.7 28.8 34.3 40.2 40.5 33.6 30.8 35.8 27.4 29.3 24.7 18.7
Emilia-Romagna 25.5 28.5 26.6 29.0 32.6 33.5 28.2 27.1 28.8 28.6 27.4 24.6 16.3
Tuscany 27.3 32.2 30.1 30.4 35.2 34.7 28.7 27.9 29.5 31.6 31.4 27.1 17.5
Lazio 45.8 43.5 45.0 40.9 44.6 46.8 35.9 39.3 40.0 43.5 42.7 38.2[141] 22.8
Campania 40.2 37.2 42.1 35.9 32.1 46.9 32.7 22.5 39.8 49.1 43.5 31.7 29.0
Apulia 27.3[142] 41.1 42.5 40.7 44.2 45.4 36.4 38.9 40.5 45.6 43.2 31.1 28.9
Calabria 36.2 36.0 41.7 31.6 28.7 40.9 28.5 19.9 31.7 41.2 34.9 36.3[143] 23.8
Sicily 47.6 31.2 (1996) 48.6 38.9 36.4 (2001) 47.4 36.0 29.8 (2006) 40.0 46.6 36.4 33.4 (2008) 26.5
ITALY 34.5 - 35.8 35.5 - 41.1 32.3 - 36.0 37.4 35.3 - 21.6

Electoral results

[edit]

Italian Parliament

[edit]
Election Leader Chamber of Deputies Senate of the Republic
Votes % Seats +/– Position Votes % Seats +/– Position
2008 Silvio Berlusconi 13,629,096 37.4
276 / 630
New 1st 12,678,790 38.0
146 / 315
New 1st
2013 7,332,667 21.6
98 / 630
Decrease 178 3rd 6,829,135 22.3
98 / 315
Decrease 47 3rd

European Parliament

[edit]
Election Leader Votes % Seats +/– Position
2009 Silvio Berlusconi 10,807,794 35.3
29 / 72
New 1st

Leadership

[edit]

Symbols

[edit]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

The People of Freedom (Italian: Il Popolo della Libertà, PdL) was a centre-right in , active from 2009 to 2013, founded by media magnate and politician as a broad to consolidate fragmented conservative and liberal forces against leftist dominance. The party originated as an launched by Berlusconi on 18 November 2007, ahead of the , incorporating his Forza Italia movement and absorbing the National Alliance led by , which had roots in post-fascist traditions but had moderated toward . Formally established on 27 March 2009 through the dissolution and merger of its predecessor parties, PdL emphasized , individual freedoms, and opposition to ideological rigidity, positioning itself beyond traditional left-right divides while prioritizing anti-communist and pro-market principles derived from Berlusconi's entrepreneurial background. In the , PdL's secured a parliamentary majority, enabling Berlusconi's third term as , during which policies focused on tax cuts, , and security measures amid the global . The party's tenure was marked by internal factionalism, including tensions between liberal-conservative wings and more socially traditional elements, culminating in significant electoral decline to around 21% in the 2013 vote, followed by splits—such as Angelino Alfano's formation of the New Centre-Right—and its effective dissolution as Berlusconi refounded Forza Italia to realign with core supporters. PdL's brief existence highlighted challenges in sustaining unified centre-right governance in Italy's polarized system, where personal leadership often overshadowed institutional cohesion.

Formation and Historical Context

Pre-Formation Background

The formation of The People of Freedom (PdL) in 2009 stemmed from the evolution of Italy's center-right political forces during the 1990s and 2000s, particularly the merger of Forza Italia and National Alliance. In the wake of the Tangentopoli corruption scandals that dismantled traditional parties like the Christian Democrats and Socialists between 1992 and 1994, Silvio Berlusconi, a prominent media entrepreneur, established Forza Italia on November 26, 1993, as a personalistic center-right party promoting economic liberalism, anti-communism, and moderate conservatism. Forza Italia rapidly organized through networks of volunteers and business affiliates, achieving significant success in the 1994 general elections by allying with regionalist and post-fascist groups to form the Pole of Freedoms coalition, which won a parliamentary majority but collapsed within a year due to internal coalition fractures. Parallel to Forza Italia's rise, the (MSI), founded on December 26, 1946, by remnants of Benito Mussolini's fascist regime including former officials and sympathizers, had remained a marginal neo-fascist entity confined to subcultural support. Under Gianfranco Fini's leadership from 1987, the MSI initiated a strategic pivot toward mainstream conservatism, culminating in its rebranding as National Alliance (AN) following an in January 1994 and a formal party congress in January 1995, where Fini publicly repudiated fascist ideology, supported free-market reforms, and sought integration into the constitutional republic's anti-fascist framework. Forza Italia and National Alliance forged enduring electoral pacts from 1994 onward, contesting subsequent elections under banners like the House of Freedoms in 2001, which secured Berlusconi's government until 2006. This cooperation reflected a pragmatic consolidation of liberal, regionalist, and conservative-nationalist strands against the center-left, though underlying ideological tensions—such as AN's historical authoritarian leanings versus Forza Italia's entrepreneurial —persisted, setting the stage for deeper unification amid electoral challenges post-2008. Despite AN's efforts at moderation, critics from leftist and academic circles continued to highlight its fascist lineage, attributing residual influence to figures retaining MSI-era affiliations, while Fini positioned the party as a modern European conservative force aligned with and integration.

The "Running Board Revolution" and Merger

On November 18, 2007, addressed supporters in , standing on the of his car to announce the formation of a new center-right political entity named Il Popolo della Libertà (The People of Freedom), following a campaign that collected over seven million signatures calling for the dissolution of the . This impromptu speech, dubbed the "running board revolution" (rivoluzione del predellino) by observers, came after unsuccessful opposition efforts to topple the center-left coalition through parliamentary maneuvers and public pressure. The announcement surprised even Berlusconi's close allies, signaling a strategic pivot toward consolidating fragmented center-right forces into a unified "popular party" to challenge the left more effectively. The initiative gained momentum when Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance), led by , agreed to join, marking a key alliance between Berlusconi's Forza Italia and the party rooted in Italy's post-World War II conservative traditions. On February 27, 2008, Il Popolo della Libertà debuted as an electoral federation comprising Forza Italia, Alleanza Nazionale, and smaller groups, contesting the general elections as the core of the center-right coalition. This setup secured a parliamentary majority for the coalition, with Il Popolo della Libertà obtaining 37.4% of the vote and 276 seats in the . Formal merger followed during the founding congress held March 27–29, 2009, in , where Forza Italia dissolved and integrated with Alleanza Nazionale and other components to establish Il Popolo della Libertà as a single unitary party, with Berlusconi elected president and as secretary. The process involved Alleanza Nazionale's explicit dissolution, absorbing approximately 600,000 members into the new structure, which aimed to streamline decision-making and reduce internal factionalism ahead of future contests. This consolidation reflected pragmatic electoral calculus rather than ideological overhaul, as both founding parties shared commitments to liberal economics, , and security-focused policies.

Official Foundation and Initial Organization

The People of Freedom (PdL) was officially established as a unified during its founding congress in from 27 to 29 March 2009, culminating the merger of 's Forza Italia with Gianfranco Fini's National Alliance, alongside smaller entities including the Liberal Reformers, , and New PSI. This event transformed the PdL from its initial 2007 incarnation as a loose federation of centre-right forces into a single entity aimed at consolidating the Italian right ahead of future elections. At the congress, Berlusconi was unanimously elected as the party's president, providing strategic leadership and embodying its founding vision of liberal-conservative unity. The nascent organizational framework appointed Sandro Bondi and as national coordinators, with Bondi overseeing Forza Italia's integration and La Russa handling the National Alliance's contributions, facilitating the blending of disparate ideological streams into a cohesive structure. This setup emphasized dual coordination to manage internal balances, deferring the formal secretary role until 2011. The foundation reflected Berlusconi's long-term goal of a broad centre-right platform, dissolving predecessor parties' identities to prioritize programmatic alignment on , , and security, though underlying factional tensions persisted beneath the unified facade.

Period of Governance (2008–2011)

2008 Electoral Victory and Coalition Formation

The 2008 Italian general election took place on 13 and 14 April, following the resignation of Prime Minister Romano Prodi on 24 January after his government lost a confidence vote in the Senate, and the subsequent dissolution of Parliament by President Giorgio Napolitano on 6 February. The centre-right coalition, headed by Silvio Berlusconi, united The People of Freedom (PdL) with the Northern League (Lega Nord) in northern and central Italy and the Movement for Autonomy (MpA) in the south, aiming to consolidate conservative, federalist, and regionalist forces against the centre-left alliance led by Walter Veltroni. The achieved a clear victory, capturing 46.8% of the valid votes in the election, which under Italy's electoral law—featuring a majoritarian bonus for the winning —translated into 344 seats out of 630. PdL, as the dominant partner, secured the bulk of these seats, reflecting its recent formation through the merger of Forza Italia and National Alliance, which broadened its appeal among moderate conservatives and former post-fascists. In the , the similarly obtained a with around 49% of the vote, winning 174 of 315 elective seats, ensuring legislative control without reliance on smaller groups. stood at approximately 80.5%, indicating strong participation amid economic concerns and political fragmentation. Coalition formation emphasized strategic alliances to maximize the majoritarian premium: provided regionalist support in the industrial north, where it polled strongly on and anti-immigration platforms, while MpA targeted Sicilian and southern autonomist sentiments, preventing vote splitting in key areas. These pacts were formalized in pre-election agreements, with PdL ceding certain candidacies to allies in exchange for unified lists under the Berlusconi banner. Following the results, President Napolitano tasked Berlusconi with forming the government, leading to the swearing-in of the fourth Berlusconi cabinet on 8 May 2008, comprising ministers from PdL and coalition partners, focused on and security reforms. This outcome marked PdL's debut as a unified force securing national governance, underscoring Berlusconi's enduring electoral dominance.

Major Policy Reforms and Economic Measures

The fourth Berlusconi government, supported by the People of Freedom-led coalition, enacted the "pacchetto sicurezza" through emergency decrees in May 2008 and February 2009, converted into laws later that year, which expanded police powers, criminalized with penalties up to three years , and introduced measures like mandatory reporting of undocumented tenants and harsher sentences for associations. These provisions aimed to address rising and unauthorized entries, with data showing over 30,000 repatriations in 2009 alone under the associated Bossi-Fini framework enhancements. In , Legislative Decree 150 of 2009, known as the Brunetta reform after Minister Renato Brunetta, introduced merit-based evaluations, tied 30% of civil servants' pay to metrics, and imposed sanctions for , including digital clock-ins to curb the estimated 10% annual rate. The reform also streamlined organizational structures and digitized processes, targeting a that consumed about 15% of GDP in operational costs. Economically, the government abolished the ICI municipal property tax on primary residences effective December 2008, forgoing €4 billion in annual revenue to boost household spending amid slowing growth. The 2009 scudo fiscale amnesty imposed a 5% flat rate on repatriated undeclared foreign assets, yielding €4.5-5 billion by mid-2010 from over 200,000 disclosures, though critics argued it incentivized evasion by retroactively legitimizing offshore holdings. Complementary fiscal measures included a delegated law on federalism (Law 42/2009), which outlined principles for regional tax autonomy without raising overall burdens, though implementation decrees lagged until 2011. In education, the Gelmini reform via Law 133/2008 and subsequent decrees reintroduced single-teacher primaries, extended school autonomy, and cut €8 billion over three years by reducing staff and consolidating classes, aiming for efficiency in a system with Italy's highest per-pupil spending in the OECD.

Response to the Global Financial Crisis

The Berlusconi IV Cabinet, formed after the April 2008 and later supported by the newly founded People of Freedom (PdL) party following its March 2009 merger, faced the global financial crisis with a strategy emphasizing targeted support for businesses and liquidity rather than large-scale bank bailouts or expansive fiscal stimuli seen elsewhere in . Italy's banking sector, characterized by lower exposure to toxic assets due to conservative lending practices, required minimal direct intervention, avoiding the multi-billion-euro rescues implemented in countries like the and . On November 28, 2008, the government enacted Decree-Law No. 185/2008, the primary anti-crisis measure, which was converted into Law No. 2/2009 in January 2009 and projected to mobilize approximately €40 billion in resources, equivalent to about 2.5% of GDP. This decree provided tax relief to ease corporate fiscal burdens, including increased deductibility for investments in machinery and equipment, reduced advance tax payments for firms, and tax credits for expenditures. It also introduced incentives for small and medium enterprises, such as simplified access to state guarantees for loans, and family-oriented supports like enhanced child-related tax deductions and one-time bonuses for low-income households. Labor market provisions extended "cassa integrazione" wage supplementation for temporarily laid-off workers, aiming to preserve amid industrial slowdowns, particularly in sectors like automotive . Complementing these, the 2009 Stability Programme incorporated fiscal consolidation elements, such as spending restraint in non-essential areas, to limit deficit expansion while aligning with EU recovery plan guidelines. Economy Minister Giulio Tremonti, a key architect, advocated a "tax shield" approach prioritizing incentives over outright expenditure, which contributed to Italy's relatively contained public debt trajectory in the crisis's early phase compared to higher-stimulus economies. However, the measures drew criticism for insufficient scale and delayed structural reforms, with GDP contracting by 5.5% in 2009 amid export declines and domestic investment drops. Despite this, the absence of systemic bank failures—facilitated by decree provisions allowing voluntary recapitalizations without state compulsion—underpinned short-term financial stability.

Internal Conflicts and Reorganization

Rising Tensions Between Key Leaders

Tensions within The People of Freedom (PdL) intensified in early 2010, primarily between party founder and co-founder , former leader of National Alliance. On April 22, 2010, the PdL's national council meeting in devolved into a public confrontation broadcast live, highlighting irreconcilable differences over party governance and ideological direction. Fini accused Berlusconi of treating the PdL as a personal fiefdom, suppressing internal debate and prioritizing personal legal defenses over collective policy. Berlusconi countered by portraying Fini's critiques as disloyalty to the party's founding principles of unity and . By July 2010, disputes escalated when Fini publicly questioned the ethical integrity of PdL members implicated in a scandal involving the sale of public buildings at undervalued prices, demanding accountability and reform. On July 30, 2010, Berlusconi issued a statement declaring Fini's positions "absolutely incompatible" with PdL values, prompting calls for Fini's resignation from his role as Chamber of Deputies speaker. Fini refused, asserting his independence and framing the conflict as a defense of democratic norms against authoritarian tendencies within the party. This rift fractured parliamentary support, with approximately 33 PdL deputies aligning with Fini, threatening Berlusconi's government majority. Angelino Alfano, appointed PdL secretary in 2009, emerged as a staunch Berlusconi loyalist amid the turmoil, advocating for and downplaying dissent as marginal. Alfano's efforts to mediate failed, as Fini's faction rejected reconciliation proposals, viewing them as attempts to consolidate Berlusconi's control. The culmination came on September 5, 2010, when Fini and his supporters were formally expelled from the PdL following repeated criticisms of Berlusconi's leadership and proposed immunity laws perceived as self-serving. This expulsion, justified by PdL leadership as necessary to preserve unity, instead deepened factionalism, setting the stage for Fini's formation of Future and Freedom.

Factional Struggles and Reorganization Efforts

The factional struggles within the People of Freedom (PdL) culminated in mid-2010, driven by irreconcilable differences between co-founder and over party direction, leadership style, and policy priorities such as justice reform and . Tensions had simmered since the party's formation, with Fini's faction advocating for a more institutionalized, moderate conservative approach rooted in his National Alliance background, contrasting Berlusconi's personalized, media-driven control. On April 22, 2010, the PdL's national council convened in for the first time in a year, but the session devolved into public acrimony, highlighting deep divisions that threatened the party's unity. By July 2010, the rift escalated into a formal . On July 29, the PdL executive committee, voting 33 to 4, issued a document declaring Fini "incompatible" with the party's political line due to his repeated public criticisms of Berlusconi's government and calls for greater internal . Fini, then Speaker of the , rejected demands to resign his parliamentary role and accused the leadership of , prompting approximately 34 deputies and 11 senators—loyal to Fini—to abandon the PdL. This defection eroded Berlusconi's parliamentary majority, forcing reliance on abstentions from allies like the Northern League to maintain government stability. In response, the PdL pursued reorganization efforts to consolidate power under Berlusconi's loyalists and purge dissenting elements. The party leadership expelled Fini and his supporters, framing the split as a necessary cleansing of "irresponsible" voices to refocus on core centre-right objectives. Berlusconi's inner circle, including figures like Angelino Alfano, reinforced hierarchical control through the executive committee, emphasizing discipline and alignment with the government's agenda. On August 4, 2010, the PdL survived a confidence vote in the Chamber of Deputies, bolstered by these internal adjustments and external coalition support, which temporarily stabilized the party's structure. However, the reorganization highlighted the PdL's reliance on Berlusconi's personal authority rather than robust institutional mechanisms, sowing seeds for future fractures. These efforts included informal factional realignments, where Berlusconi cultivated alliances with moderate and liberal currents within the party to offset losses, while sidelining post-Fascist remnants associated with Fini. By late 2010, the PdL had restructured its parliamentary groups to exclude Fini loyalists, enabling passage of key legislation despite the reduced numbers. Yet, the absence of a full party congress until later years underscored the ad hoc nature of the reorganization, prioritizing short-term survival over long-term ideological cohesion. Analysts noted that this process entrenched Berlusconi's dominance but exacerbated personalization, making the PdL vulnerable to his individual fortunes rather than collective resilience.

Impact of Government Instability

The instability inherent in the fourth Berlusconi government, lasting from May 2008 to November 2011, profoundly weakened the internal structure of the People of Freedom (PdL) by amplifying pre-existing factional tensions and exposing leadership vulnerabilities. A pivotal event was the mid-2010 schism led by , whose expulsion from the party alongside his supporters resulted in the formation of Futuro e Libertà, depriving PdL of roughly 36 seats in the and narrowing the coalition's majority to precarious margins. This fracture, rooted in policy disagreements over issues like judicial reforms and corruption scandals, compelled the government to navigate confidence votes through narrow margins, such as the September 2010 ballot passed 342-253, reliant on abstentions from opposition elements rather than unified party support. Such episodes eroded , as internal power struggles diverted focus from governance to personal rivalries between Berlusconi and Fini, contributing to a documented decline in the government's legislative incisiveness from an initial 60% success rate to 29% in later phases. The government's eventual collapse on November 12, 2011, triggered by the sovereign debt crisis and loss of parliamentary confidence amid pressure for , further destabilized PdL by forcing a strategic pivot to external support for Mario Monti's technocratic cabinet. While PdL's initial backing of Monti provided short-term unity around economic stabilization measures, it masked deepening divides between Berlusconi loyalists skeptical of supranational impositions and moderates advocating compliance to avert default, with Italy's bond yields peaking above 7% in July 2011 signaling the acute fiscal peril. This dependency on non-partisan governance highlighted PdL's diminished autonomy, fostering resentment over perceived capitulation and accelerating demands for internal reorganization to restore ideological coherence. The broader perception of ineffective , compounded by the global financial downturn's exacerbation of Italy's structural deficits, tarnished the party's reputation for economic competence, setting the stage for factional realignments under figures like .

Decline, Split, and Dissolution

Berlusconi's Resignation and Transitional Government

Silvio announced on November 8, 2011, that he would resign as once austerity measures demanded by the were approved by , amid mounting pressure from financial markets and the loss of his majority in the due to defections within his coalition. The Italian government faced acute instability during the , with Italy's borrowing costs surging above 7 percent, signaling risk of default and prompting calls for a change to restore investor confidence. On November 12, 2011, the passed the €30 billion package by a narrow margin of 308-321 after amendments, allowing to tender his resignation to President that evening. Napolitano subsequently initiated consultations with party leaders, including representatives from the People of Freedom (PdL), Berlusconi's center-right party, which held the largest bloc in parliament. The PdL, recognizing the need for stability amid the crisis, conditionally endorsed economist Mario Monti to form a technocratic transitional government, provided it adhered to the EU-agreed reforms and excluded figures from the left-wing opposition. Angelino Alfano, PdL secretary and Berlusconi's designated successor within the party, played a key role in signaling this support during talks, emphasizing continuity in economic policy. Monti accepted the mandate on November 13, 2011, and announced his cabinet on November 16, comprising non-partisan experts focused on fiscal consolidation, structural reforms, and EU compliance. The Monti government received parliamentary votes on 17-18, 2011, backed by the PdL alongside other major parties, marking a broad cross-party consensus to avert without immediate elections. PdL lawmakers, numbering around 210 in the Chamber and 147 in the , provided crucial votes for Monti's agenda, including further measures worth €30 billion passed in December 2011, such as pension reforms and property taxes. This support stabilized bond yields temporarily but exposed internal PdL divisions, as some Berlusconi loyalists criticized the technocratic shift for diluting the party's populist mandate, foreshadowing later factional tensions. The transitional administration operated until its resignation in December 2012, after the PdL withdrew backing over policy disputes, leading to early elections in February 2013.

2013 General Election Outcomes

The Italian general elections of 24–25 February 2013 marked a pivotal moment for The People of Freedom (PdL), which contested as the dominant force in Silvio Berlusconi's centre-right coalition alongside parties such as and Fratelli d'Italia. In the , PdL secured 7,332,667 votes, equivalent to 21.56% of the valid votes cast under the proportional system, yielding 97 seats out of 630. In the , the party obtained 6,831,424 votes, representing 22.31% and translating to 98 seats out of 315 elective seats. The coalition's overall performance reached approximately 29% in both chambers, positioning it as the second-largest bloc behind the centre-left alliance led by the Democratic Party, which benefited from an electoral bonus to claim a in the Chamber but fell short in the . This fragmented outcome produced a , with the anti-establishment capturing around 25% independently, underscoring voter disillusionment amid Italy's ongoing economic woes and prior governmental instability. PdL's results reflected a sharp drop from its 37% share in the proportional vote, linked empirically to the 2011 sovereign debt crisis, measures under the Monti technocratic government, and Berlusconi's legal and personal controversies, which eroded public trust in centre-right governance.
Chamber/HouseVotesVote Share (%)Seats
7,332,66721.5697
6,831,42422.3198
Despite the coalition's narrow competitiveness, PdL's diminished standing fueled internal recriminations, as the party failed to capitalize on Berlusconi's late-campaign resurgence and instead highlighted structural vulnerabilities exposed by the proportional system's regional variations and the absence of a clear path to power. The results necessitated PdL's pragmatic support for Enrico Letta's government in April 2013, blending centre-left and centre-right elements to avert further deadlock, though this arrangement masked deepening factional rifts within PdL that would soon culminate in its fragmentation.

Formal Dissolution and Successor Entities

On November 16, 2013, the National Council of the People of Freedom (PdL), convened in and composed primarily of Silvio Berlusconi's supporters, unanimously approved the dissolution of the party and its refounding as Forza Italia. This action followed the party's presidency suspending PdL activities on October 25, 2013, in response to deepening factional rifts triggered by Berlusconi's opposition to the government. The decision was effectively a and absorption of the PdL's majority into the new Forza Italia, which retained Berlusconi as its leader and focused on consolidating conservative forces outside the coalition government. However, , the PdL's secretary, and his allies—known as the "doves"—boycotted the council meeting after announcing on , 2013, their rejection of the dissolution and commitment to sustaining Letta's administration. Alfano's faction formalized the Nuovo Centrodestra (NCD, New Centre-Right) shortly thereafter in November 2013, positioning it as a centrist-conservative alternative supportive of pro-European and government-stability policies. The split divided the PdL's approximately 100 deputies and 60 senators, with Forza Italia claiming the larger share (around 70 deputies and 40 senators) while NCD secured the remainder, including key ministerial positions under Letta. These successor entities marked the end of the PdL as a unified party, with Forza Italia reviving Berlusconi's original 1994 movement and NCD emerging as a more moderate splinter emphasizing institutional loyalty over confrontation. The dissolution resolved immediate leadership tensions but fragmented the centre-right landscape ahead of future elections.

Ideology and Policy Positions

Core Ideological Principles

The People of Freedom (PdL) positioned itself as a centre-right party rooted in liberal-conservative traditions, seeking to foster a modern defined by freedom, justice, prosperity, and solidarity. Its foundational document emphasized that the party was "born from freedom, in freedom, and for freedom," prioritizing individual and collective liberties while rejecting discrimination and promoting equal opportunities as enshrined in Article 51 of the Italian Constitution. Core values included the dignity of the human person, the centrality of the family as society's foundational unit, personal responsibility, , justice, legality, solidarity, and —principles aligned with the (EPP), of which the PdL was a member, reflecting a blend of conservative social stances and liberal economic orientations. This framework drew from the merger of Italia's market-liberal and the National Alliance's post-fascist , aiming to transcend ideological rigidities in favor of pragmatic reforms against and bureaucratic overreach. Economically, the PdL advocated merit-based prosperity through free enterprise and reduced state intervention, viewing and as drivers of growth while upholding solidarity to mitigate inequalities without undermining incentives. Socially, it defended traditional structures and moral order, opposing and emphasizing legality to combat and insecurity, which were seen as threats to . In governance, the party promoted broad popular participation, including digital democracy tools, to ensure accountability and prevent , consistent with its anti-ideological stance that critiqued entrenched leftist influences in institutions. This synthesis, while pragmatic, maintained a commitment to Western democratic fundamentals, devolution, and pro-European integration tempered by national sovereignty concerns.

Economic and Fiscal Policies

The People of Freedom (PdL) positioned itself as advocating liberal economic principles, prioritizing market-oriented reforms to reduce state intervention, promote , and address Italy's structural rigidities in labor and . Influenced by the Forza Italia tradition, the party supported and initiatives to enhance competitiveness, while critiquing excessive public spending as a drag on growth. These policies were enacted primarily through the fourth Berlusconi government (2008–2011), which the PdL dominated following its formation in 2009. A of PdL fiscal policy was the advancement of , formalized in Delegated Law No. 42 of May 5, 2009, which outlined principles for devolving tax-raising and spending powers to regions and municipalities, aiming to align local expenditures with revenue generation and curb overspending. This sought to replace Italy's fragmented equalization system with performance-based allocations, potentially improving fiscal discipline amid chronic deficits; however, implementation stalled due to subsequent political instability and EU constraints. On taxation, the PdL government introduced the "fiscal shield" (scudo fiscale) in 2009, an amnesty program allowing repatriation of undeclared offshore assets at reduced penalty rates of 5–12.5%, which brought back an estimated €92 billion in capital and yielded €5.2 billion in one-time revenues by mid-2010, intended to boost liquidity and fund deficit reduction without broad tax hikes. The party also pledged permanent (IRPEF) cuts, including lowering rates for middle-income earners, but these were largely deferred amid the global , with public debt rising from 106% of GDP in 2008 to 119% by 2011 due to automatic stabilizers and limited structural adjustments. In labor and crisis response, PdL policies emphasized flexibility and job preservation over expansive stimulus, expanding the cassa integrazione guadagni scheme—which subsidizes temporary layoffs—to cover over 2 million workers cumulatively by 2011, averting sharper unemployment spikes compared to peers like . Efforts at broader , such as easing hiring/firing rules and promoting incentives, faced resistance from partners and unions, yielding incremental changes like incentives for youth contracts. Overall, these measures prioritized short-term stability over aggressive or Keynesian spending, reflecting a causal view that Italy's high precluded fiscal expansion without risking .

Social, Cultural, and Foreign Policy Stances

The People of Freedom (PdL) upheld traditional family structures and rooted in Italian heritage, as articulated in its foundational Carta dei Valori, which positioned the party as anchored to "the of our tradition" while promoting a modern, prosperous society. This orientation informed opposition to legislative expansions of rights for non-traditional families, aligning with the party's center-right ethos that prioritized natalist incentives and protections for the over broader redefinitions of . On bioethical issues, the PdL government maintained stringent limits on assisted reproductive technologies, enforcing Law 40/2004's prohibitions on destruction, heterologous fertilization, and pre-implantation genetic diagnosis, which restricted IVF to heterosexual couples using only their own gametes and capped creation at three per cycle. Immigration policies reflected a security-focused approach, with the 2008-2009 Package on (Law 125/2008 and Decree-Law 92/2008) criminalizing , mandating local authorities to report undocumented migrants, and expanding identification requirements for non-EU residents to curb irregular flows and associated crime. Drug policies similarly toughened penalties for possession and trafficking, framing narcotics as a public order threat rather than a issue warranting . Culturally, the PdL championed individual liberties and resistance to statist overreach, drawing from its merger of liberal Forza Italia and post-fascist National Alliance components to advocate a synthesis of economic freedom with national identity preservation, often critiquing leftist cultural hegemony in media and education. The party's statutes emphasized broad popular participation in public life and respect for institutional pluralism, positioning culture as a bulwark against ideological monopolies while endorsing European integration tempered by Italian sovereignty. In foreign policy, the PdL supported Italy's NATO commitments and transatlantic alliances, exemplified by continued troop deployments in post-2001 and initial backing for the U.S.-led intervention under Silvio Berlusconi's leadership, reflecting a pragmatic over multilateral hesitancy. Relations with the were affirmed through adherence to the framework, advocating federalist reforms for efficiency while resisting supranational encroachments on fiscal autonomy; bilateral ties with were prioritized via energy deals and diplomatic warmth under , balancing EU solidarity with national interests. The party navigated Mediterranean dynamics by fostering economic partnerships, including with Libya's until the 2011 unrest, underscoring a realist approach favoring stability and over ideological interventions.

Internal Factions and Structure

Evolution of Major Factions

Upon its formation in 2009 through the merger of Forza Italia and Alleanza Nazionale, the People of Freedom (PdL) encompassed two dominant internal factions reflecting the ideological legacies of its predecessors: the Forza Italia faction, loyal to and oriented toward , , and pro-business policies; and the Alleanza Nazionale faction, influenced by post-fascist traditions, emphasizing , law-and-order priorities, and greater . These groups coexisted uneasily within the unified party structure, with the former AN elements seeking to moderate the PdL's image toward centrist respectability while the Berlusconi wing prioritized personalistic leadership and media-driven . Tensions escalated in 2010 when , former AN leader and PdL co-founder serving as President of the , publicly denounced the party as having abandoned its liberal principles in favor of authoritarian tendencies aligned with Berlusconi's personal interests. On July 29, 2010, PdL leadership, at Berlusconi's behest, moved to expel Fini, citing his "absolutely incompatible" positions that stirred internal dissent and eroded . Fini refused to resign his parliamentary role and, on July 30, 2010, rallied approximately 34 dissident deputies—primarily from the ex-AN faction—to form the Future and Freedom , effectively splitting off a significant moderate-nationalist bloc and weakening Berlusconi's legislative majority. This schism marked the first major factional evolution, transforming the PdL from a tentative merger into a more homogenized Berlusconi-centric entity, though residual divisions among remaining ex-AN members persisted. By 2013, with Angelino Alfano—initially a Berlusconi protégé with AN roots—as PdL secretary and interior minister in Enrico Lettas coalition government, new fractures emerged over strategic direction amid economic austerity and Berlusconi's legal troubles. In October 2013, Berlusconi demanded PdL ministers resign from the government to force its collapse and new elections, but Alfano and allies resisted, prioritizing institutional stability over confrontation. This culminated in a November 16, 2013, rupture where Alfano announced the PdL's dissolution; his faction, comprising roughly one-third of PdL parliamentarians including all five PdL ministers (about 30 senators and 50 deputies), reorganized as the New Centre-Right (NCD), adopting a centrist, pro-European stance supportive of the Letta (later Renzi) governments. Concurrently, Berlusconi revived Forza Italia as the PdL's successor, retaining the core loyalist faction focused on opposition politics and his personal rehabilitation. This final split delineated the PdL's evolution from factional merger to successive fragmentations, underscoring irreconcilable divides between Berlusconi's insurgent populism and pragmatic conservative moderates.

Splinter Groups and Associate Parties

In July 2010, escalating tensions between and , co-founder of the PdL, culminated in a major schism when Fini and approximately 34 deputies and 10 senators, primarily from the party's post-fascist National Alliance heritage, defected to form Futuro e Libertà per l'Italia (FLI). This split arose from policy disagreements, including Fini's criticism of Berlusconi's leadership style and ethical scandals, as well as ideological rifts over issues like and judicial reforms. FLI positioned itself as a liberal-conservative alternative, securing about 4.4% of the vote in subsequent regional elections but failing to sustain momentum, eventually dissolving by 2013. A smaller right-wing faction splintered in December 2012, led by , , and , who opposed the PdL's perceived moderation and Berlusconi's dominance; they established Fratelli d'Italia (FdI) on , drawing from National Alliance roots and emphasizing and . This group, initially marginal with around 1-2% national support, criticized the PdL for diluting conservative principles in favor of personalistic leadership. FdI operated independently thereafter, later gaining prominence outside the PdL's successor entities. The PdL's final fracture occurred in November 2013 amid its dissolution into a revived Forza Italia; , then interior minister, and roughly 30 deputies and 15 senators rejected rejoining Berlusconi's fold over disagreements on supporting Enrico Letta's government and Berlusconi's tax fraud conviction. They founded Nuovo Centrodestra (NCD) on , adopting a centrist, pro-European stance to sustain the Letta coalition. NCD briefly held influence, polling at 4-6% and participating in subsequent governments until its merger into Alternativa Popolare in 2017. These splinters reflected deep internal divides over leadership, ideology, and strategy, fragmenting the PdL's broad-tent structure without forming formal associate parties that remained structurally tied post-split.

Leadership and Key Figures

Party Leadership Timeline

The People of Freedom was launched on 18 November 2007 by , who assumed the position of party president and remained its principal leader until the party's suspension on 15 July 2013. Berlusconi's leadership unified disparate centre-right forces, including his Forza Italia movement and the post-fascist National Alliance, into a single electoral vehicle that secured a parliamentary majority in the April 2008 general elections. From its early years, the party operated under Berlusconi's direct oversight, with organizational roles filled by appointed coordinators rather than an elected secretary. On 1 July 2011, , then Minister of Justice, was elected by acclamation as national secretary during a National Council session, marking the formalization of a dual leadership structure with Berlusconi as president. Alfano, positioned as Berlusconi's protégé, managed day-to-day operations and internal coordination until escalating tensions culminated in his departure. The leadership faced challenges from internal divisions, notably the 2010 exit of co-founder Gianfranco Fini, who formed Future and Freedom, weakening the party's cohesion. By late 2013, following the February general elections and Berlusconi's legal convictions, Alfano led a moderate faction out of the PdL on 16 November, establishing the New Centre-Right and effectively dissolving the original party structure; Berlusconi subsequently refounded Forza Italia. This split reflected irreconcilable differences over alliances and policy, ending the PdL's brief unified existence.

Influential Members and Their Roles

Silvio Berlusconi founded (PdL) on March 27, 2009, through the merger of his Forza Italia party with the National Alliance and other groups, serving as its president until the party's dissolution in November 2013. In this role, he directed the party's strategic orientation, emphasizing liberal-conservative policies and coalition-building with allies like the Northern League. Angelino Alfano assumed the position of national secretary of the PdL in 2011, tasked with internal organization and leadership during a period of governmental instability under Berlusconi's fourth cabinet. As secretary, Alfano coordinated parliamentary support and moderated factional disputes, though he later led a splinter group in 2013 amid tensions over Berlusconi's legal issues. , former leader of the National Alliance, co-founded the PdL as a representative of its conservative-nationalist faction and served as President of the from 2008 to 2013, influencing legislative priorities until ideological clashes prompted his exit in 2010 to establish Future and Freedom. The PdL's national coordinators from 2009 included Sandro Bondi, , and Denis Verdini, who managed party operations, membership drives, and electoral strategies across its Forza Italia and National Alliance components. La Russa, drawing from his National Alliance background, focused on southern outreach and conservative cohesion until 2012. Renato Schifani acted as the PdL's floor leader in the , securing legislative majorities for the government's agenda, including economic reforms during the 2008-2011 term.

Electoral Performance

Results in National Parliamentary Elections

The People of Freedom (PdL) contested Italy's national parliamentary elections in 2008 as the primary electoral list within Silvio Berlusconi's centre-right coalition and in 2013 as a unified party list in a similar coalition. In both cases, the elections used the Porcellum electoral law, which awarded a majority prize to the winning coalition in the if it exceeded 20% of valid votes, while the Senate allocation varied by region without a national prize after 2008 adjustments. The PdL's performance reflected its role as the dominant centre-right force, though results declined sharply by 2013 amid economic crisis fallout and internal strains. In the 13–14 April 2008 general election, the PdL achieved strong results, contributing to the centre-right coalition's outright majority. The coalition secured the Chamber majority prize, translating proportional votes into amplified seats. PdL's vote share positioned it as the largest single list, enabling Berlusconi's return as .
Chamber of Deputies (2008)Votes% of Valid VotesSeats
Il Popolo della Libertà13,629,46437.38%272
Coalition Total17,064,50646.81%340
(2008)Votes% of Valid VotesSeats
Il Popolo della Libertà12,511,25838.17%141
Coalition Total15,508,89947.38%168
By the 24–25 February 2013 election, PdL's support eroded to about half its 2008 levels, amid public discontent over austerity measures and Berlusconi's legal issues. The centre-right coalition placed second in popular votes but gained seats through fragmented opposition results, leading to a and no majority prize in the Chamber. PdL held a near-equal number of seats to its Chamber tally due to proportional regional allocation. This outcome forced a under , including PdL, until internal splits in late 2013 dissolved the party.
Chamber of Deputati (2013)Votes% of Valid VotesSeats
Il Popolo della Libertà7,332,13421.56%97
Coalition Total9,923,60029.18%124
Senate (2013)Votes% of Valid VotesSeats
Il Popolo della Libertà6,828,99422.30%98
Coalition Total9,405,65230.71%116

Performance in European Parliament Elections

The People of Freedom (PdL) contested the 2009 European Parliament elections, held on June 6–7, as its inaugural performance in that arena following the party's formation earlier that year through the merger of Forza Italia and National Alliance. PdL secured the largest share of votes nationwide with 10,767,965 ballots, equivalent to 35.26 percent, translating to 29 seats out of Italy's allocation of 72 in the . These elected members primarily affiliated with the , contributing to its center-right orientation within the assembly. The result marked a consolidation of support for PdL amid a national turnout of approximately 65.8 percent, outperforming the Democratic Party's 26.13 percent and reflecting PdL's dominance in the center-right bloc despite competition from regional parties like the Northern League. PdL did not participate in the 2014 European Parliament elections, as the party effectively dissolved on November 16, 2013, when announced its end amid internal divisions, leading to the reformation of Forza Italia and the departure of Angelino Alfano's faction to form the New Centre-Right. Successor entities, including Forza Italia, captured 16.81 percent of the vote and 13 seats, while New Centre-Right aligned with other moderates but failed to secure in the assembly. This fragmentation underscored the PdL's short-lived unity, with its 2009 electoral high point not replicated by its offshoots in the subsequent cycle. In the 2010 regional elections, conducted on 28–29 March across 13 of Italy's 20 regions, Il Popolo della Libertà (PdL) achieved a national vote share of approximately 25.8% in the proportional lists, positioning it as the second-largest party behind the Partito Democratico. This result bolstered centre-right coalitions, enabling victories for their candidates in seven regions, including (where Roberto Formigoni secured re-election with PdL garnering 28.1% in the coalition lists), , (Renata Polverini won narrowly with PdL at 26.5%), (Stefano Caldoro's upset victory with PdL at 24.8%), and (Giuseppe Scopelliti with PdL at 26.4%). The PdL's strength was particularly evident in southern regions like and , where it capitalized on anti-incumbent sentiment against centre-left administrations, though it underperformed relative to expectations in central regions such as and , where centre-left dominance persisted. PdL's regional performance reflected its coalition dynamics, often amplified by alliances with the in the north (yielding over 30% combined in and ) and smaller centre parties in the south, but it faced challenges from voter abstention rates exceeding 50% in several contests, signaling broader disaffection. Post-2010, the party held influence in centre-right-led regional councils, but internal fissures and national economic pressures eroded gains; for instance, in the 2012 Lazio regional by-election triggered by scandal, PdL-backed candidate Luisa Bocchino polled poorly at under 20%, highlighting vulnerability to narratives. At the local level, PdL's electoral trends mirrored national ebbs and flows during its 2009–2013 lifespan. In the June 2009 administrative elections—its first major test after formation—the party registered gains in numerous municipalities, supporting centre-right mayoral wins in cities like and supporting incumbents in medium-sized northern towns, buoyed by Berlusconi's post-election momentum from the April 2008 nationals. However, results varied regionally, with stronger showings in the south (e.g., 15.4% in Mascalucia, ) amid fragmented opposition. By the 2011 local elections (15–16 May, with run-offs), PdL encountered significant reversals amid Italy's and scandals implicating Berlusconi, losing key strongholds like (where PdL-endorsed fell to Giuliano Pisapia's centre-left coalition, with PdL lists at 23.7%) and (centre-left retained control). Centre-left candidates prevailed in 10 of 11 provincial capitals contested, underscoring PdL's diminished local appeal as voters punished the national government's austerity measures. Overall, PdL's local footprint shrank from 2009 highs, with vote shares often dipping below 20% in urban centres, foreshadowing the party's 2013 dissolution amid factional splits.

Symbols and Organizational Identity

Party Symbols and Branding

The official logo of The People of Freedom (PdL), adopted upon the party's formation in , consisted of the full name "Il Popolo della Libertà" rendered in white capital letters on a upper section, bisected horizontally by a narrow tricolour stripe in green, white, and red to evoke the Italian national flag. The lower white section featured the word "Libertà" in blue lettering alongside a stylized emblem rising from a base, symbolizing enduring liberty and drawing from the National Alliance's inherited . This design integrated elements from predecessor parties, with the originating in the Italian Social Movement's symbolism and the hue continuing Italia's longstanding color association. Party branding emphasized azure blue as the dominant color, used in campaign materials, flags, and apparel to project and within the centre-right ; white accents reinforced themes of purity and . An electoral variant of the streamlined the design for ballots, retaining core elements but adapting for visibility in voting contexts. Flags bearing the were deployed at rallies and events, often waving alongside the Italian tricolour to underscore patriotic alignment. No major redesigns occurred during the PdL's existence from 2009 to 2013, maintaining visual consistency amid internal factional tensions.

Internal Governance and Membership

The internal governance of The People of Freedom (PdL) was structured around a hierarchical, leader-centric model typical of Silvio Berlusconi's political formations, emphasizing centralized decision-making while incorporating formal democratic elements such as congresses and councils. The party's statute, approved at its founding congress on March 27–28, 2009, and updated in 2011, defined key national organs including the National Congress, which convened every three years to set the political line, elect the president, and approve statutes; the President, responsible for representing the party and directing its organs; the Ufficio di Presidenza (Presidency Office), comprising the president and up to 30 members to implement decisions; the Segretario Politico Nazionale (National Political Secretary), appointed by the Ufficio di Presidenza and approved by the National Council for a renewable three-year term; and supporting bodies like the National Direction and National Council for policy execution and oversight. Territorial organization mirrored this at regional, provincial, and communal levels, with coordinators appointed or elected to manage local activities, ensuring alignment with national directives. Decision-making processes relied on majority voting in congresses and executive bodies, with quorums required only where specified, and disputes handled by guarantee commissions or probiviri colleges. The structure featured significant overlap between party executives and parliamentary roles, facilitating rapid alignment between legislative and organizational priorities, as inherited from predecessor parties Forza Italia and National Alliance. Berlusconi served as president from the party's inception, wielding substantial authority over appointments, including three national coordinators to assist the secretary, while held the secretary role from 2009 to 2013, focusing on operational coordination. Membership was open to Italian citizens aged 16 and older who subscribed to the party's Carta dei Valori ( of Values), paid annual fees, and committed to its principles of , , and . Members enjoyed active and passive electorate rights, exercisable at their place of residence or activity, including participation in provincial congresses to elect national delegates (with three-quarters allocated by election results and one-quarter by member vote). Status could be lost through resignation, fee non-payment, or expulsion for misconduct. The party claimed approximately one million enrolled members shortly after its formation, as announced by Secretary Alfano in , reflecting an initial surge from the merger of Forza Italia and National Alliance bases, though independent verification of active participation remained limited due to the party's top-down model. A dedicated youth movement, unitary and integrated within the PdL, was established to engage younger members in activities.

Political Impact and Legacy

Achievements and Contributions to Italian Politics

The People of Freedom (PdL) played a pivotal role in consolidating Italy's center-right forces by merging Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia with Gianfranco Fini's National Alliance in March 2009, creating a unified platform that absorbed smaller groups and reduced fragmentation within the . This integration facilitated the PdL's dominance in the 2008 parliamentary elections, where its precursor list secured a governing in with the Northern League, enabling the formation of the fourth Berlusconi government on May 8, 2008. The merger enhanced electoral efficiency and policy coherence, countering the multiparty volatility that had plagued Italian politics since the , and positioned the PdL as the anchor of center-right governance until 2011. Under PdL leadership, the government enacted significant legislative reforms, approving 204 bills out of 280 introduced by mid-2011, with a focus on , , and . A cornerstone was the delegation law (Legge 42/2009), passed on May 5, 2009, which empowered the government to devolve tax and spending powers to regions and municipalities, aiming to align fiscal responsibility with local autonomy as per Article 119 of the and reduce central-state imbalances. In , the "Pacchetto Sicurezza" (Law 94/2009, effective August 8, 2009) criminalized , strengthened penalties for and , and introduced measures like mandatory reporting of undocumented migrants, addressing rising public concerns over and . Education reforms, led by Minister Mariastella Gelmini, included Law 240/2010, which restructured by introducing merit-based evaluations, reducing administrative bloat, and tying funding to performance metrics to combat inefficiencies in higher education. Economically, the PdL government prioritized relief and labor flexibility amid the 2008 global crisis, passing measures to lower corporate es, extend short-time work subsidies (cassa integrazione), and incentivize hiring, which helped avoid a deeper compared to peers, with GDP contracting 5.5% in 2009 but rebounding faster than forecasted. These included nine bills on reductions and six on , contributing to relative stability despite fiscal pressures. In , the PdL bolstered 's transatlantic ties and energy security through the 2008 Treaty of with , securing resource access and migration repatriation agreements. Following the government's fall in November 2011, PdL parliamentarians largely backed Mario Monti's technocratic cabinet (2011-2013), providing votes for and structural adjustments that stabilized public finances and restored market confidence, averting a sovereign debt default. This pragmatic support underscored the PdL's commitment to institutional continuity over partisan obstruction, influencing subsequent center-right strategies toward coalition discipline and reformist governance. The party's emphasis on , federal devolution, and law-and-order policies left a lasting imprint, fostering a more competitive electoral landscape for conservative forces despite its 2013 dissolution.

Criticisms, Controversies, and Counter-Narratives

The People of Freedom (PdL) faced significant internal divisions, exemplified by the 2010 schism with co-founder , who was expelled from the party after criticizing its centralized leadership under and advocating for greater internal dialogue and ideological pluralism. Fini's departure led to the formation of Future and Freedom, with 32 lawmakers defecting and eroding PdL's parliamentary majority, which critics attributed to Berlusconi's autocratic style prioritizing personal loyalty over collective decision-making. This fracture highlighted tensions between PdL's conservative base and Fini's more moderate, post-fascist National Alliance faction, contributing to perceptions of the party as unstable despite its 2008 formation as a broad centre-right coalition. A further controversy arose in 2013 when PdL secretary led a revolt against Berlusconi's push for early elections, opting instead to support Enrico Letta's government amid Italy's economic fragility. This internal rebellion, involving key ministers, prompted PdL's dissolution on November 16, 2013, with Alfano forming the New Centre-Right while Berlusconi relaunched Forza Italia, fracturing the unified centre-right bloc that PdL had represented. Opponents cited these splits as evidence of PdL's fragility and over-reliance on Berlusconi's persona, while supporters argued they stemmed from principled stands on governance stability during crisis. PdL's reputation was also tarnished by scandals linked to Berlusconi, particularly the "" parties at his residences, culminating in a 2013 Milan court conviction for paying for sex with 17-year-old Karima El Mahroug and abusing office to cover it up, resulting in a seven-year sentence later overturned on appeal. These events, amplified by media coverage, fueled accusations of moral laxity and given Berlusconi's media empire, with critics like European leaders decrying insufficient economic reforms amid Italy's 2011 , which precipitated PdL's poor local election showings and Berlusconi's . Counter-narratives emphasize in Italy's judiciary and media against Berlusconi and PdL, portraying many prosecutions—including the underage case and convictions—as politically motivated by left-leaning magistrates and outlets, with several ending in acquittals or statutes of limitations rather than proven guilt. Berlusconi consistently denied wrongdoing, attributing scandals to a "witch hunt" by opponents leveraging institutional power, a view echoed by PdL loyalists who highlighted the party's electoral successes, such as the , as validation against biased portrayals. International media depictions, often focusing on personal excesses, have been critiqued for overlooking PdL's role in stabilizing amid corruption scandals like , which disproportionately targeted right-wing figures. These defenses underscore that PdL's controversies reflected broader weaponization of institutions rather than inherent party flaws, sustaining Berlusconi's voter base despite elite condemnation.

Long-Term Influence on Centre-Right Politics

The formation of the PdL in 2009 through the merger of Forza Italia and Alleanza Nazionale restructured Italy's center-right by integrating liberal economic policies with national-conservative traditions, creating a broader ideological tent that influenced subsequent party alignments. This synthesis, driven by Silvio Berlusconi's leadership, co-created a bipolar competitive system on the right, emphasizing pro-business reforms, fiscal federalism, and security measures that echoed in later center-right platforms. The party's 2008 electoral success, securing 37.4% of the vote for the Chamber of Deputies, demonstrated the viability of unified lists, a model replicated in post-PdL coalitions such as the 2022 center-right alliance that won a parliamentary majority. The PdL's dissolution on November 16, 2013, following internal divisions exacerbated by Berlusconi's expulsion from the , led to the reformation of Forza Italia by its core faction, preserving elements of the PdL's moderate, Atlanticist orientation amid and opposition to heavy state intervention. Splinter groups, including Angelino Alfano's Nuovo Centrodestra (which garnered 4.4% in the 2014 European elections before merging into larger centrist entities), highlighted the PdL's failure to sustain cohesion, yet contributed to a diversified center-right spectrum where Forza Italia positioned itself as a moderating pivot between populist forces like the Lega and nationalist ones like Fratelli d'Italia. This fragmentation underscored the limits of charismatic, top-down unification, fostering a pragmatic, multi-party structure that dominated Italian politics from 2018 onward, as seen in the Meloni government's reliance on Italia's 8.1% share in the 2022 elections to balance ideological extremes. The PdL's earlier deradicalization of Alleanza Nazionale's post-fascist roots enabled the mainstreaming of conservative-nationalist elements, allowing Fratelli d'Italia—formed in as a PdL offshoot—to rise without isolating the center-right bloc, though this came at the cost of ideological dilution under Berlusconi's influence. Overall, the PdL's legacy lies in institutionalizing electoral over ideological purity, shaping a resilient yet volatile center-right capable of governing despite recurrent splits.

References

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