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Robert Moses
Robert Moses
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Robert Moses (December 18, 1888 – July 29, 1981) was an American urban planner and public official who worked in the New York metropolitan area during the early to mid-20th century. Moses is regarded as one of the most powerful and influential people in the history of New York City and New York state. The grand scale of his infrastructure projects and his philosophy of urban development influenced a generation of engineers, architects, and urban planners across the United States.[2]

Key Information

Never elected to any public office, Moses held various positions throughout his more-than-40-year career. He held as many as 12 titles at once, including New York City Parks Commissioner and chairman of the Long Island State Park Commission.[3] By working closely with New York governor Al Smith early in his career, he became an expert in writing laws and navigating and manipulating the workings of state government. He created and led numerous semi-autonomous public authorities, through which he controlled millions of dollars in revenue and directly issued bonds to fund new ventures with little outside input or oversight.

Moses's projects transformed the New York area and revolutionized the way cities in the U.S. were designed and built. As Long Island State Park Commissioner, Moses oversaw the construction of Jones Beach State Park, the most visited public beach in the United States,[4] and was the primary architect of the New York State Parkway System. As head of the Triborough Bridge Authority, Moses had near-complete control over bridges and tunnels in New York City as well as the tolls collected from them; he was responsible for, among others, the Triborough Bridge, the Brooklyn–Battery Tunnel, and the Throgs Neck Bridge, as well as several major highways. These roadways and bridges, alongside urban renewal efforts that destroyed huge swaths of tenement housing and replaced them with large public housing projects, transformed the physical fabric of New York and inspired other cities to undertake similar development endeavors.

Moses's reputation declined after the publication of Robert Caro's Pulitzer Prize-winning biography The Power Broker (1974), which cast doubt on the purported benefits of many of Moses's projects and further cast Moses as racist. In large part because of The Power Broker,[5] Moses came to be considered a controversial figure in the history of New York City as well as New York State.

Background

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Moses was born in New Haven, Connecticut, on December 18, 1888, to parents of German Jewish descent, Isabella "Bella" (née Cohen; Yiddish: איזאַבעלאַ כהן משה) and Emanuel Moses (Yiddish: עמנואל משה).[6][7] He spent the first nine years of his life living at 83 Dwight Street in New Haven, two blocks from Yale University. In 1897, the Moses family moved to New York City,[8] where they lived on East 46th Street off Fifth Avenue.[9] Moses's father was a successful department store owner and real estate speculator in New Haven. In order for the family to move to New York City, he sold his real estate holdings and store, then retired.[8] Moses's mother was active in the settlement movement, with her own love of building. Robert Moses and his brother Paul attended several schools for their elementary and secondary education, the Dwight School and the Mohegan Lake School, a military academy near Peekskill.[10]

After graduating from Yale College (B.A., 1909) and Wadham College, Oxford (B.A., Jurisprudence, 1911; M.A., 1913), and earning a Ph.D. in political science from Columbia University in 1914, Moses became attracted to New York City reform politics.[11]

In 1915, Moses married Mary Louise Sims of Dodgeville, Wisconsin. They had two daughters, Mrs. Richard J. Olds (Barbara) of Greenwich, Conn., and Jane Rose Moses Collins. Mary Sims Moses, who had remained virtually bedridden in their home from 1952–1966 with arthritis,[12] died on September 6, 1966. Moses subsequently married his secretary Mary Alicia Grady on October 4, 1966. Newsday reported on Grady's death in 1993, Grady had accompanied Moses on numerous vacations, prior to their marriage.[13] They lived in Manhattan's Gracie Terrace.[13]

Career

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After losing his campaign for governor in 1934, Moses never again sought elected office

Moses developed several plans to rid New York of patronage hiring practices, including authoring a 1919 proposal to reorganize the New York state government, which was ultimately not adopted but drew the attention of Belle Moskowitz, a friend and trusted advisor to Governor Al Smith.[14] When the state Secretary of State's position became appointive rather than elective, Smith named Moses. He served from 1927 to 1929.[15]

Moses rose to power with Smith, who was elected as governor in 1918, and then again in 1922. With Smith's support, Moses set in motion a sweeping consolidation of the New York State government. During that period Moses began his first foray into large-scale public work initiatives, while drawing on Smith's political power to enact legislation. This helped create the new Long Island State Park Commission and the State Council of Parks.[16] In 1924, Governor Smith appointed Moses chairman of the State Council of Parks and president of the Long Island State Park Commission.[17] This centralization allowed Smith to run a government later used as a model for Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal federal government.[original research?] Moses also received numerous commissions that he carried out efficiently, such as the development of Jones Beach State Park.[citation needed] Displaying a strong command of law as well as matters of engineering, Moses became known for his skill in drafting legislation, and was called "the best bill drafter in Albany".[18] At a time when the public was accustomed to Tammany Hall corruption and incompetence, Moses was seen as a savior of government.[14]

Shortly after President Franklin D. Roosevelt's inauguration in 1933, the federal government found itself with millions of New Deal dollars to spend, yet states and cities had few projects ready. Moses was one of the few local officials who had projects shovel ready. For that reason, New York City was able to obtain significant Works Progress Administration (WPA), Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), and other Depression-era funding. One of his most influential and longest-lasting positions was that of Parks Commissioner of New York City, a role he served from January 18, 1934, to May 23, 1960.[19]

Offices held

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The many offices and professional titles that Moses held gave him unusually broad power to shape urban development in the New York metropolitan region. These include, according to the New York Preservation Archive Project:[20]

Influence

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During the 1920s, Moses sparred with Franklin D. Roosevelt, then head of the Taconic State Park Commission, who favored the prompt construction of a parkway through the Hudson Valley. Moses succeeded in diverting funds to his Long Island parkway projects (the Northern State Parkway, the Southern State Parkway, and the Wantagh State Parkway), although the Taconic State Parkway was later completed as well.[21] Moses helped build Long Island's Meadowbrook State Parkway. It was the first fully divided limited access highway in the world.[22]

Moses was a highly influential figure in the initiation of many of the reforms that restructured New York state government during the 1920s. A 'Reconstruction Commission' headed by Moses produced a highly influential report that provided recommendations that would largely be adopted, including the consolidation of 187 existing agencies under 18 departments, a new executive budget system, and the four-year term limit for the governorship.[23]

WPA swimming pools

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During the Depression, Moses, along with Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia, was especially interested in creating new pools and other bathing facilities, such as those in Jacob Riis Park, Jones Beach, and Orchard Beach.[24][25] He devised a list of 23 pools around the city.[26][27] The pools would be built using funds from the Works Progress Administration (WPA), a federal agency created as part of the New Deal to combat the Depression's negative effects.[25][28]

Eleven of these pools were to be designed concurrently and open in 1936. These comprised ten pools at Astoria Park, Betsy Head Park, Crotona Park, Hamilton Fish Park, Highbridge Park, Thomas Jefferson Park, McCarren Park, Red Hook Park, Jackie Robinson Park, and Sunset Park, as well as a standalone facility at Tompkinsville Pool.[29] Moses, along with architects Aymar Embury II and Gilmore David Clarke, created a common design for these proposed aquatic centers. Each location was to have distinct pools for diving, swimming, and wading; bleachers and viewing areas; and bathhouses with locker rooms that could be used as gymnasiums. The pools were to have several common features, such as a minimum 55-yard (50 m) length, underwater lighting, heating, filtration, and low-cost construction materials. To fit the requirement for cheap materials, each building would be built using elements of the Streamline Moderne and Classical architectural styles. The buildings would also be near "comfort stations", additional playgrounds, and spruced-up landscapes.[29][30]

Construction for some of the 11 pools began in October 1934.[31] By mid-1936, ten of the eleven WPA-funded pools were completed and were being opened at a rate of one per week.[25] Combined, the facilities could accommodate 49,000 swimmers.[32] The eleven WPA pools were considered for New York City landmark status in 1990.[33] Ten of the pools were designated as New York City landmarks in 2007 and 2008.[34]

Moses allegedly fought to keep African American swimmers out of his pools and beaches. One subordinate remembers Moses saying the pools should be kept a few degrees colder, allegedly because Moses believed African Americans did not like cold water.[35]

Water crossings

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Triborough Bridge

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Part of the Triborough Bridge (left) with Astoria Park and its pool in the center

Although Moses had power over the construction of all New York City Housing Authority public housing projects and headed many other entities, it was his chairmanship of the Triborough Bridge Authority that gave him the most power.[14]

The Triborough Bridge (later officially renamed the Robert F. Kennedy Bridge) opened in 1936, connecting the Bronx, Manhattan, and Queens via three separate spans. Language in its Authority's bond contracts and multi-year Commissioner appointments made it largely impervious to pressure from mayors and governors. While New York City and New York State were perpetually strapped for money, the bridge's toll revenues amounted to tens of millions of dollars a year. The Authority was thus able to raise hundreds of millions of dollars by selling bonds, a method also used by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey[36] to fund large public construction projects. Toll revenues rose quickly as traffic on the bridges exceeded all projections. Rather than pay off the bonds, Moses used the revenue to build other toll projects, a cycle that would feed on itself.[37]

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In the late 1930s a municipal controversy raged over whether an additional vehicular link between Brooklyn and Lower Manhattan should be built as a bridge or a tunnel. Bridges can be wider and cheaper to build, but taller and longer bridges use more ramp space at landfall than tunnels do.[14] A "Brooklyn Battery Bridge" would have decimated Battery Park and physically encroached on the financial district, and for this reason, the bridge was opposed by the Regional Plan Association, historical preservationists, Wall Street financial interests, property owners, various high society people, construction unions, the Manhattan borough president, Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia, and governor Herbert H. Lehman.[14] Despite this, Moses favored a bridge, which could both carry more automobile traffic and serve as a higher visibility monument than a tunnel. LaGuardia and Lehman as usual had little money to spend, in part due to the Great Depression, while the federal government was running low on funds after recently spending $105 million ($1.8 billion in 2016) on the Queens-Midtown Tunnel and other City projects and refused to provide any additional funds to New York.[38] Awash in funds from Triborough Bridge tolls, Moses deemed that money could only be spent on a bridge. He also clashed with the chief engineer of the project, Ole Singstad, who preferred a tunnel instead of a bridge.[14]

Only a lack of a key federal approval thwarted the bridge project. President Roosevelt ordered the War Department to assert that bombing a bridge in that location would block East River access to the Brooklyn Navy Yard upstream. Thwarted, Moses dismantled the New York Aquarium on Castle Clinton and moved it to Coney Island in Brooklyn, where it grew much bigger. This was in apparent retaliation, based on specious claims that the proposed tunnel would undermine Castle Clinton's foundation. He also attempted to raze Castle Clinton itself, the historic fort surviving only after being transferred to the federal government.[14] Moses now had no other option for a trans-river crossing than to build a tunnel. He commissioned the Brooklyn–Battery Tunnel (now officially the Hugh L. Carey Tunnel), a tunnel connecting Brooklyn to Lower Manhattan. A 1941 publication from the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority claimed that the government had forced them to build a tunnel at "twice the cost, twice the operating fees, twice the difficulty to engineer, and half the traffic," although engineering studies did not support these conclusions, and a tunnel may have held many of the advantages Moses publicly tried to attach to the bridge option.[14]

This had not been the first time Moses pressed for a bridge over a tunnel. He had tried to upstage the Tunnel Authority when the Queens-Midtown Tunnel was being planned.[39] He had raised the same arguments, which failed due to their lack of political support.[39]

Post-war influence of urban development and projects

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The headquarters of the United Nations in New York City, viewed from the East River. The Secretariat Building is on the left and the General Assembly Building is the low structure to the right of the tower. This set of buildings straddles the FDR Drive, another of Moses's creations.

Moses's power increased after World War II after Mayor LaGuardia retired and a series of successors consented to almost all of his proposals. Named city "construction coordinator" in 1946 by Mayor William O'Dwyer, Moses became New York City's de facto representative in Washington. Moses was also given powers over public housing that had eluded him under LaGuardia. When O'Dwyer was forced to resign in disgrace and was succeeded by Vincent R. Impellitteri, Moses was able to assume even greater behind-the-scenes control over infrastructure projects.[14] One of Moses's first steps after Impellitteri took office was halting the creation of a citywide Comprehensive Zoning Plan underway since 1938 that would have curtailed his nearly unlimited power to build within the city and removed the Zoning Commissioner from power in the process. Moses was also empowered as the sole authority to negotiate in Washington for New York City projects. By 1959, he had overseen construction of 28,000 apartment units on hundreds of acres of land. In clearing the land for high-rises in accordance with the towers in the park concept, which at that time was seen as innovative and beneficial by leaving more grassy areas between high-rises, Moses sometimes destroyed almost as many housing units as he built.[14]

From the 1930s to the 1960s, Robert Moses was responsible for the construction of the Triborough, Marine Parkway, Throgs Neck, Bronx-Whitestone, Henry Hudson, and Verrazzano-Narrows Bridges. His other projects included the Brooklyn-Queens Expressway and Staten Island Expressway (together constituting most of Interstate 278); the Cross-Bronx Expressway; many New York State parkways; and other highways. Federal interest had shifted from parkway to freeway systems, and the new roads mostly conformed to the new vision, lacking the landscaping or the commercial traffic restrictions of the pre-war highways. He was the mover behind Shea Stadium and Lincoln Center, and contributed to the United Nations headquarters.[14] On November 25, 1950, Governor Thomas E. Dewey appointed Moses along with former Secretary of War Robert P. Patterson and former New York State Supreme Court Justice Charles C. Lockwood as a member of the Temporary Long Island Railroad Commission, installed after the Richmond Hill train crash on November 22, 1950, that claimed 79 lives.[40] The Commission recommended the state purchase and operation by non-profit public authority of the railway service.[41]

Moses had influence outside the New York area as well. Public officials in many smaller American cities hired him to design freeway networks in the 1940s and early 1950s. For example, Portland, Oregon hired Moses in 1943; his plan included a loop around the city center, with spurs running through neighborhoods. Of this plan, only I-405, its links with I-5, and the Fremont Bridge were built.[42]

Moses himself did not drive an automobile.[43] Moses's highways in the first half of the 20th century were parkways—curving, landscaped "ribbon parks" that were intended to be pleasures to travel on, as well as "lungs for the city". However, post–World War II economic expansion, and notion of the automotive city, led to the creation of freeways, most notably in the form of the vast, federally funded Interstate Highway network.[14]

Brooklyn Dodgers

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When the owner of the Brooklyn Dodgers, Walter O'Malley, sought to replace the outdated and dilapidated Ebbets Field, he proposed building a new stadium near the Long Island Rail Road on the corner of Atlantic Avenue and Flatbush Avenue (at the current site of the Atlantic Terminal Mall, across from the Barclays Center, home of the NBA's Brooklyn Nets). O'Malley urged Moses to help him secure the property through eminent domain, but Moses refused, having already decided to build a parking garage on the site. Moreover, O'Malley's proposal—to have the city acquire the property for several times as much as he had originally said he was willing to pay—was rejected by both pro- and anti-Moses officials, newspapers, and the public, as an unacceptable government subsidy of a private business enterprise.[44]

Moses envisioned New York's newest stadium being built in Queens' Flushing Meadows on the former (and as it turned out, future) site of the World's Fair, where it would eventually host all three of the city's major league teams of the day. O'Malley vehemently opposed that plan, citing the team's Brooklyn identity. Moses refused to budge and, after the 1957 season, the Dodgers left for Los Angeles and the New York Giants left for San Francisco.[14] Moses was later able to build the 55,000-seat multi-purpose Shea Stadium on the site. Construction ran from October 1961 to its delayed completion in April 1964. The stadium attracted an expansion franchise, the New York Mets, who played at Shea until 2008, when the stadium was demolished and replaced with Citi Field. The NFL's New York Jets also played its home games at Shea from 1964 until 1983, after which the team moved its home games to the Meadowlands Sports Complex in New Jersey.[45]

End of the Moses era

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View of the 1964–1965 New York World's Fair as seen from the observation towers of the New York State pavilion. The Fair's symbol, the Unisphere, is the central image.

Moses's reputation began to fade during the 1960s. Around this time, Moses's political acumen began to fail him, as he unwisely picked several controversial political battles he could not possibly win. For example, his campaign against the free Shakespeare in the Park program received much negative publicity, and his effort to destroy a shaded playground in Central Park to make way for a parking lot for the expensive Tavern-on-the-Green restaurant earned him many enemies among the middle-class voters of the Upper West Side.

A 1964 Parks Department map showing numerous Robert Moses projects, including several highways that went unbuilt or were only partially completed.

The opposition reached a climax over the demolition of Pennsylvania Station, which many attributed to the "development scheme" mentality cultivated by Moses[46] even though it was the impoverished Pennsylvania Railroad that was actually responsible for the demolition.[47] This casual destruction of one of New York's greatest architectural landmarks helped prompt many city residents to turn against Moses's plans to build a Lower Manhattan Expressway, which would have gone through Greenwich Village and what is now SoHo.[48] This plan and the Mid-Manhattan Expressway both failed politically. One of his most vocal critics during this time was the urban activist Jane Jacobs, whose book The Death and Life of Great American Cities was instrumental in turning opinion against Moses's plans; the city government rejected the expressway in 1964.[49]

Moses's power was further eroded by his association with the 1964 New York World's Fair. His projections for attendance of 70 million people for this event proved wildly optimistic, and generous contracts for Fair executives and contractors made matters worse economically. Moses's repeated and forceful public denials of the fair's considerable financial difficulties in the face of evidence to the contrary eventually provoked press and governmental investigations, which found accounting irregularities.[37] In his organization of the fair, Moses's reputation was now undermined by the same personal character traits that had worked in his favor in the past: disdain for the opinions of others and high-handed attempts to get his way in moments of conflict by turning to the press. The fact that the fair was not sanctioned by the Bureau of International Expositions (BIE), the worldwide body supervising such events, would be devastating to the success of the event.[50] Moses refused to accept BIE requirements, including a restriction against charging ground rents to exhibitors, and the BIE in turn instructed its member nations not to participate.[51] The United States had already staged the sanctioned Century 21 Exposition in Seattle in 1962. According to the rules of the organization, no one nation could host more than one fair in a decade. The major European democracies, as well as Canada, Australia, and the Soviet Union, were all BIE members and they declined to participate, instead reserving their efforts for Expo 67 in Montreal.

Robert Moses gives a salute after the ribbon-cutting ceremony to open the Verrazzano-Narrows Bridge on November 21, 1964

After the World's Fair debacle, New York City mayor John Lindsay, along with Governor Nelson Rockefeller, sought to direct toll revenues from the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority's (TBTA) bridges and tunnels to cover deficits in the city's then financially ailing agencies, including the subway system. Moses opposed this idea and fought to prevent it.[47] Lindsay then removed Moses from his post as the city's chief advocate for federal highway money in Washington.

The legislature's vote to fold the TBTA into the newly created Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) could have led to a lawsuit by the TBTA bondholders. Since the bond contracts were written into state law, it was unconstitutional to impair existing contractual obligations, as the bondholders had the right of approval over such actions. The largest holder of TBTA bonds, and thus agent for all the others, was the Chase Manhattan Bank, headed then by David Rockefeller, the governor's brother. No suit was filed. Moses could have directed TBTA to go to court against the action, but having been promised a role in the merged authority, Moses declined to challenge the merger. On March 1, 1968, the TBTA was folded into the MTA and Moses gave up his post as chairman of the TBTA. He eventually became a consultant to the MTA, but its new chairman and the governor froze him out—the promised role did not materialize, and for all practical purposes Moses was out of power.[45]

Moses in 1978

Moses had thought he had convinced Nelson Rockefeller of the need for one last great bridge project, a span crossing Long Island Sound from Rye to Oyster Bay. Rockefeller did not press for the project in the late 1960s through 1970, fearing public backlash among suburban Republicans would hinder his re-election prospects. A 1972 study found the bridge was fiscally prudent and could be environmentally manageable (according to the comparatively low environmental impact parameters of that period), but the anti-development sentiment was now insurmountable and in 1973 Rockefeller canceled plans for the bridge.

The Power Broker

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External videos
video icon Presentation by Robert Caro on Robert Moses and urban development at the Brookings Institution, September 28, 1998, C-SPAN

Moses's image suffered a further blow in 1974 with the publication of The Power Broker, a Pulitzer Prize–winning biography by Robert A. Caro. Caro's 1,200-page opus (edited down from 2,000 or so pages) showed Moses generally in a negative light; essayist Phillip Lopate writes that "Moses's satanic reputation with the public can be traced, in the main, to ... Caro's magnificent biography".[52][14] For example, Caro describes Moses's lack of sensitivity in the construction of the Cross-Bronx Expressway, and how he disfavored public transit. Much of Moses's reputation is attributable to Caro, whose book won both the Pulitzer Prize in Biography in 1975 and the Francis Parkman Prize (which is awarded by the Society of American Historians), and was named one of the 100 greatest non-fiction books of the twentieth century by the Modern Library.[51][14] Upon its publication, Moses denounced the biography in a 23-page statement, to which Caro replied to defend his work's integrity.[53]

Caro's depiction of Moses's life gives him full credit for his early achievements, showing, for example, how he conceived and created Jones Beach and the New York State Park system, but also shows how Moses's desire for power came to be more important to him than his earlier dreams. Moses is blamed for having destroyed more than a score of neighborhoods by building 13 expressways across New York City and by building large urban renewal projects with little regard for the urban fabric or for human scale.[14] Yet the author is more neutral in his central premise: the city would have developed much differently without Moses. Other U.S. cities were doing the same thing as New York in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s; Boston, San Francisco, and Seattle, for instance, each built highways straight through their downtown areas just as Moses wished to do in New York.[14] The New York City architectural intelligentsia of the 1940s and 1950s, who largely believed in such proponents of the automobile as Le Corbusier and Mies van der Rohe, had supported Moses. Many other cities, like Newark, Chicago, and St. Louis, also built massive, unattractive public housing projects.[54][14] Caro also points out that Moses demonstrated racist tendencies.[55] These allegedly included opposing black World War II veterans' intentions to move into a residential complex specifically designed for these veterans,[56] [failed verification] and purportedly trying to make swimming pool water cold in order to drive away potential African American residents in white neighborhoods.[57]

People had come to see Moses as a bully who disregarded public input, but until the publication of Caro's book, they had not known many details of his private life—for instance, that his older brother Paul had spent much of his life in poverty. Moses was said to have blocked Paul, an engineer, from being hired for any public service jobs including major infrastructure projects that Moses himself had spearheaded.[58] Paul, whom Caro interviewed shortly before the former's death, claimed Robert had exerted undue influence on their mother to change her will in Robert's favor shortly before her death.[14] Caro notes that Paul was on bad terms with their mother over a long period and she may have changed the will of her own accord, and implies that Robert's subsequent treatment of Paul may have been legally justifiable but was morally questionable.[14]

Death

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The crypt of Robert Moses

During the last years of his life, Moses concentrated on his lifelong love of swimming and was an active member of the Colonie Hill Health Club.

Moses died of heart disease on July 29, 1981, at the age of 92 at Good Samaritan Hospital in West Islip, New York.

Moses was of Jewish origin and raised in a secularist manner inspired by the Ethical Culture movement of the late 19th century. He was a convert to Christianity[59] and was interred in a crypt in an outdoor community mausoleum in Woodlawn Cemetery in The Bronx, New York City following services at St. Peter's by-the-Sea Episcopal Church in Bay Shore, New York. [60]

Legacy

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Various locations and roadways in New York State bear Moses's name. These include two state parks, Robert Moses State Park – Thousand Islands in Massena, New York and Robert Moses State Park – Long Island, the Robert Moses Causeway on Long Island, and the Robert Moses Niagara Power Plant in Lewiston, New York. The Niagara Scenic Parkway in Niagara Falls, New York was originally named the Robert Moses State Parkway in his honor; its name was changed in 2016. The Moses-Saunders Power Dam in Massena, New York also bears his name. Moses also has a school named after him in North Babylon, New York on Long Island; there is also a Robert Moses Playground in New York City. There are other signs of the surviving appreciation held for him by some circles of the public. A statue of Moses was erected next to the Village Hall in his long-time hometown, Babylon Village, New York.

During his tenure as chief of the state park system, the state's inventory of parks grew to nearly 2,600,000 acres (1,100,000 ha). By the time he left office, he had built 658 playgrounds in New York City alone, plus 416 miles (669 km) of parkways and 13 bridges.[61] The proportion of public benefit corporations is greater in New York than in any other U.S. state, however, making them the prime mode of infrastructure building and maintenance in New York and accounting for 90% of the state's debt.[62]

Appraisal

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Criticism and The Power Broker

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Moses's life was most famously characterized in Robert Caro's 1974 award-winning biography The Power Broker.

The book highlighted his practice of starting projects certain to cost more than the initial funding approved by the New York State Legislature, knowing the legislature would eventually have to fund the full project to avoid appearing to have provided ineffective oversight (fait accompli). He was also characterized as using his political power to benefit cronies, including a case in which he secretly shifted the planned route of the Northern State Parkway large distances to avoid impinging on the estates of the rich, but told owners of the family farms who lost land that it was an unbiased decision based on "engineering considerations."[14] The book also charged that Moses libeled officials who opposed him, attempting to have them removed from office by calling them communists during the Red Scare. The biography further notes that Moses fought against schools and other public needs in favor of his preference for parks.[14]

Moses's critics charge that he preferred automobiles over people. They point out that he displaced hundreds of thousands of residents in New York City and destroyed traditional neighborhoods by building multiple expressways through them. The projects contributed to the ruin of the South Bronx and the amusement parks of Coney Island, caused the Brooklyn Dodgers and the New York Giants Major League Baseball teams to relocate to Los Angeles and San Francisco respectively, and precipitated the decline of public transport from disinvestment and neglect.[14] His building of expressways also hindered the proposed expansion of the New York City Subway from the 1930s to well into the 1960s because the parkways and expressways that were built replaced, at least to some extent, the planned subway lines. The 1968 Program for Action (which was never completed) was hoped to counter that.[14] Other critics charge that he precluded the use of public transit, which would have allowed non-car-owners to enjoy the elaborate recreation facilities he built.

Racism

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Caro's The Power Broker also accused Moses of building low bridges across his parkways to make them inaccessible to public transit buses, thereby restricting "the use of state parks by poor and lower-middle-class families" who did not own cars. Caro also wrote that Moses attempted to discourage Black people in particular from visiting Jones Beach, the centerpiece of the Long Island state park system, by such measures as making it difficult for Black groups to get permits to park buses, and assigning Black lifeguards to "distant, less developed beaches".[35] While the exclusion of commercial vehicles and the use of low bridges where appropriate were standard on earlier parkways, where they had been instituted for aesthetic reasons, Moses appears to have made greater use of low bridges, which his aide Sidney Shapiro said was done to make it more difficult for future legislatures to allow access for commercial vehicles.[63][64] Woolgar and Cooper refer to the claim about bridges as an "urban legend".[65]

Moses vocally opposed allowing Black war veterans to move into Stuyvesant Town, a Manhattan residential development complex created to house World War II veterans.[56][14] In response to the biography, Moses defended his forced displacement of poor and minority communities as an inevitable part of urban revitalization: "I raise my stein to the builder who can remove ghettos without moving people as I hail the chef who can make omelets without breaking eggs."[53]

Additionally, there were allegations that Moses selectively chose locations for recreational facilities based on the racial compositions of a neighborhood, such as when he selected sites for eleven pools that opened in 1936. According to one author, Moses purposely placed some pools in neighborhoods with mainly white populations to deter African Americans from using them, and other pools intended for African Americans, such as the one in Colonial Park (now Jackie Robinson Park), were placed in inconvenient locations.[66] Another author wrote that of 255 playgrounds built in the 1930s under Moses's tenure, only two were in largely Black neighborhoods.[67] Caro wrote that close associates of Moses had claimed they could keep African Americans from using the Thomas Jefferson Pool, in then-predominantly-white East Harlem, by making the water too cold.[68][57] Nonetheless, no other source has corroborated the claim that heaters in any particular pool were deactivated or not included in the pool's design.[69]

In addition, Moses took a favorable view of the British Empire and a racism much broader than solely towards the African-American community, speaking of Empire as useful in stemming the "rise of the lesser breeds without the law".[70][71][72]

Reappraisal

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Some scholars have attempted to rehabilitate Moses's reputation by contrasting the scale of works with the high cost and the slow speed of public works in the decades following his era. The peak of Moses's construction occurred during the economic duress of the Great Depression, and despite the era's woes, Moses's projects were completed in a timely fashion and have been reliable public works since then, which compares favorably to the delays that New York City officials have had in redeveloping the Ground Zero site of the former World Trade Center or to the delays and technical problems surrounding the Second Avenue Subway and Boston's Big Dig project.[54]

Three major exhibits in 2007 prompted a reconsideration of his image among some intellectuals, as they acknowledged the magnitude of his achievements. According to the Columbia University architectural historian Hilary Ballon and colleagues, Moses deserves a better reputation. They argue that his legacy is more relevant than ever and that people take the parks, playgrounds, and housing that Moses built, now generally binding forces in those areas, for granted even if the old-style New York neighborhood was of no interest to Moses himself. Moreover, were it not for Moses's public infrastructure and his resolve to carve out more space, New York might not have been able to recover from the blight and flight of the 1970s and the 1980s to become today's economic magnet.[73]

"Every generation writes its own history," said Kenneth T. Jackson, a historian of New York City to the New York Times in 2007. "It could be that The Power Broker was a reflection of its time: New York was in trouble and had been in decline for 15 years. Now, for a whole host of reasons, New York is entering a new time, a time of optimism, growth and revival that hasn't been seen in half a century. And that causes us to look at our infrastructure," said Jackson. "A lot of big projects are on the table again, and it kind of suggests a Moses era without Moses," he added.[73] Politicians are also reconsidering the Moses legacy; in a 2006 speech to the Regional Plan Association on downstate transportation needs, New York Governor-elect Eliot Spitzer stated a biography of Moses written today might be called At Least He Got It Built: "That's what we need today. A real commitment to get things done."[74]

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  • Moses is the subject of a satirical song by John Forster entitled "The Ballad of Robert Moses", included on his 1997 album Helium.[75]
  • In season 3, episode 2 of the television series Unbreakable Kimmy Schmidt, "Kimmy's Roommate Lemonades", Kimmy is shown considering attendance at several New York City colleges with comedic names based on the city's culture and history. One was originally called "Robert Moses College for Whites", and its sign has been altered by crossing out "Whites" and replacing it with the word "Everyone".[76]
  • Moses is the subject of a critical song by NYHC band Sick of It All entitled "Robert Moses was a racist", included on their 2018 album Wake the sleeping dragon!.[77]
  • The band Bob Moses is named after Robert Moses.[78]
  • A fictionalized version of Moses is the main villain of The Unsleeping City, the third season of the web series Dimension 20.[79]
  • The character of Moses Randolph in Motherless Brooklyn is based on Robert Moses.[80]
  • At the beginning of the COVID pandemic, when many TV commentators, politicians and others worked from their homes, The New York Times noted the frequent placement of The Power Broker as a background element.[81]
  • The 2021 film adaptation of West Side Story adds the historical context of New York City's urban gentrification in the 1950s. During the song "America", a group of Puerto Rican demonstrators appear, protesting their pending evictions, and one of them holds a sign condemning Moses.[82]
  • The 2022 play Straight Line Crazy depicts Robert Moses's shaping of New York City.[83]

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Robert Moses (December 18, 1888 – July 29, 1981) was an American urban planner and public administrator who amassed unparalleled authority over infrastructure and development in New York State, holding up to a dozen simultaneous unelected positions including New York City Parks Commissioner and chairman of the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority. Through these roles, Moses orchestrated the construction of 416 miles of parkways and highways, 13 major bridges, hundreds of playgrounds, expansive public parks like Jones Beach State Park, and public housing initiatives that facilitated automobile access and suburban expansion while accommodating urban density. His methods relied heavily on eminent domain to clear land, resulting in the demolition of established neighborhoods and the relocation of hundreds of thousands of residents, predominantly from low-income and minority areas, which prioritized engineering efficiency and middle-class mobility over community preservation. While celebrated during his era for engineering feats that employed tens of thousands and directed substantial federal funds into New York projects, Moses's tenure later drew scrutiny for concentrating power in bureaucracies insulated from democratic oversight, influencing debates on urban planning's balance between progress and equity.

Early Life and Education

Family and Upbringing

Robert Moses was born on December 18, 1888, in , to Emanuel Moses, a owner and investor who amassed significant wealth, and Bella Moses, both of German Jewish descent. He was the second of three children, with an older brother, Paul Emanuel Moses, and a younger sister, Edna Marion Moses. The family lived at 83 Dwight Street, two blocks from , in a prosperous household shaped by Emanuel's business success and Bella's active role in charitable causes. In 1897, following Emanuel's retirement from the department store business that had made him a millionaire, the family relocated to , settling in a townhouse on East 46th Street in . This move exposed Moses to the urban environment that would later define his career, amid a privileged upbringing that included access to private preparatory schools funded by family wealth. Bella, described as strong-willed and ambitious, exerted significant influence over her children, enforcing strict discipline while fostering their potential through involvement in settlement house activities and , traits that echoed her own mother's imperious nature. The Moses family's affluence stemmed partly from Bella's Bavarian immigrant parents, Bernard Cohen and Rosalie Silverman, who had risen to prominence in retail trade after arriving in the United States. Emanuel, more reserved and less dominant in family dynamics, provided financial stability but deferred to Bella's forceful personality, which prioritized education and social engagement for the children despite the assimilated, secular Jewish context of their home life. This environment instilled in Moses a of entitlement and drive, unburdened by overt religious observance but rooted in generational immigrant success.

Academic Pursuits and Influences

Moses graduated from with a degree in 1909. Following this, he studied at University, where he received a in and subsequently a . During his time in , Moses became particularly interested in the British civil service system, observing its emphasis on merit-based recruitment and efficiency, which contrasted with the patronage-driven he perceived in American governance. Returning to the United States, Moses pursued graduate studies at Columbia University, earning a Ph.D. in political science in 1914. His doctoral dissertation, titled The Civil Service of Great Britain, analyzed the structure, recruitment, and operations of the British civil service, highlighting its competitive examinations and professionalization as models for reform. In the work, Moses advocated for adopting similar meritocratic principles in New York to replace political favoritism with competent administration, drawing directly from his observations abroad. This thesis reflected his early commitment to rational, expert-led public service, influenced by progressive reform ideals prevalent in early 20th-century academia and his exposure to efficient European systems. These academic pursuits shaped Moses's worldview, instilling a preference for top-down, technocratic governance over democratic deliberation, as evidenced by his later emphasis on insulated public authorities. While his education occurred amid the Progressive Era's push for in government, Moses's focus on British precedents underscored a pragmatic, efficiency-oriented approach rather than ideological experimentation. No specific mentors are prominently documented in his formative studies, though his independent thesis work suggests self-directed into administrative reform.

Entry into Public Administration

Initial Reform Efforts

In 1913, Robert Moses joined the New York City Bureau of Municipal Research, a privately funded organization dedicated to improving government efficiency through studies of administrative practices. There, he focused on reform, advocating for merit-based hiring and promotions to replace political patronage systems prevalent under influence. Moses proposed a comprehensive plan to restructure operations, emphasizing objective examinations and performance evaluations over favoritism, though the proposal faced resistance from entrenched political interests and was not implemented. This early work on municipal efficiency elevated Moses' profile among reformers, drawing the notice of Belle Moskowitz, a key advisor to Alfred E. Smith, who had been elected in 1918. In 1919, Smith appointed Moses as chief of staff to the Reconstruction Commission, tasked with retrenchment and reorganization of the to reduce waste and consolidate fragmented agencies. Under Moses' direction, the commission produced the Report of the Reconstruction Commission to Governor Alfred E. Smith on Retrenchment and Reorganization in the State Government, which outlined structural reforms including agency mergers and streamlined budgeting processes; a public hearing on the draft occurred on September 24, 1919. Although the full reorganization plan encountered legislative opposition and partial adoption, it positioned Moses as a skilled drafter of and navigator of bureaucratic complexities, fostering his alliance with Smith and laying groundwork for future administrative roles. By early 1920, Smith publicly endorsed elements of the commission's recommendations, with Moses leading a to advocate for their passage amid ongoing debates over centralizing executive authority. These efforts highlighted Moses' commitment to rational, expertise-driven governance over partisan control, though they revealed tensions with Tammany-aligned factions resistant to diminished opportunities.

Early Governmental Roles

In 1919, Governor Alfred E. Smith appointed Robert Moses as chief of staff of the New York State Reconstruction Commission, marking his initial entry into state government administration. In this capacity, Moses helped produce a report advocating for the reorganization of state government operations, including recommendations for streamlining administrative processes that were later adopted in part by the legislature. By 1924, Moses had drafted and advocated for legislation creating the New York State Council of Parks, assuming the chairmanship of this new body to coordinate state park policies and acquisitions. Concurrently, he was named president of the Long Island State Park Commission, where he began surveying lands and planning initial infrastructure for regional parks, securing funding through a voter-approved bond act that allocated $15 million for development. These positions granted Moses authority over park planning without direct electoral accountability, enabling early efforts to acquire over 2,000 acres for public use on Long Island. Moses's influence expanded in 1927 when named him New York , a role he held until 1928. In this office, traditionally a clerical post, Moses aggressively pursued reforms by consolidating approximately 187 state agencies into 18 departments, enhancing executive efficiency amid resistance from entrenched bureaucracies. His tenure demonstrated a pattern of leveraging appointed positions to enact structural changes, often bypassing legislative hurdles through direct negotiation with the governor.

Rise to Prominence

Key Appointments and Offices

Robert Moses' ascent in New York public administration accelerated with his appointment as president of the Long Island State Park Commission and chairman of the New York State Council of Parks in 1924 by Governor Al Smith, positions he retained until 1963. These roles granted him authority over state park development, enabling early infrastructure projects amid limited oversight. In 1927, Moses served as New York Secretary of State from January 17, 1927, to January 1, 1929, under Governor , a cabinet-level position involving administrative and electoral duties that further embedded him in state governance. His influence expanded significantly in 1934 when Mayor appointed him as New York City Parks Commissioner, a post he held until 1960, overseeing urban park expansion and construction of over 400 playgrounds and numerous recreational facilities. Concurrently, La Guardia named him chairman of the Triborough Bridge Authority (later Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority), where he directed the completion of the Triborough Bridge in 1936 and subsequent toll-funded expansions, consolidating control over key transportation infrastructure. By the mid-1930s, Moses amassed additional titles, including head of the Marine Parkway Authority in 1936, which facilitated the Marine Parkway Bridge and enhancements to . These overlapping appointments, often held simultaneously—up to a dozen at peak—afforded him semi-autonomous authority through public authorities insulated from direct political interference.

Formation of Public Authorities

Robert Moses leveraged public authorities as independent entities to execute projects insulated from electoral politics and fiscal oversight. These quasi-governmental bodies, chartered by state legislation, could issue revenue bonds backed by anticipated tolls or fees rather than taxpayer funds, enabling rapid capitalization without annual appropriations. This structure granted authorities operational autonomy, with self-perpetuating boards often controlled by Moses through gubernatorial appointments and bond covenants stipulating continuity of expert leadership. In 1933, amid New York City's financial distress during the , Mayor enlisted Moses to draft enabling legislation for the Triborough Bridge Authority (TBA), which the promptly enacted. The TBA was tasked with unifying the boroughs via bridges and tunnels, financing construction through $35 million in initial bonds repaid via user fees, a model Moses expanded across subsequent ventures. Appointed chairman in April 1934 by Governor , Moses transformed the moribund entity—previously stalled by corruption—into a powerhouse, completing the Triborough Bridge by 1936 and generating surpluses that funded further works without state subsidies. Moses replicated this framework with entities like the Jones Beach State Parkway Authority and the Parkway Authority in the late and early , predating the TBA but evolving into bond-financed operations by the mid-. By vesting control in authorities exempt from rules and procurement bids, he amassed leverage over labor, land acquisition via , and project prioritization, amassing oversight of 13 such bodies by the 1950s that collectively issued billions in bonds. This proliferation stemmed from Moses's advocacy for self-sustaining , arguing that political interference delayed essential development, though critics later contended it fostered unaccountable fiefdoms.

Major Infrastructure Projects

Parks, Playgrounds, and Recreational Developments

Prior to his appointment as New York City Parks Commissioner, Robert Moses served as president of the State Park Commission starting in 1924, where he spearheaded the development of regional recreational facilities accessible by automobile. His flagship project was , constructed through extensive dredging of sand from the ocean floor to create six miles of beachfront, along with bathhouses, a boardwalk, and a 225-foot ; it opened to the public on August 4, 1929, drawing 350,000 visitors in its first month. This park exemplified Moses' approach to recreational planning, integrating landscaped grounds, parking fields for thousands of cars, and parkways like the to facilitate mass access from urban areas. Appointed as the sole commissioner of the New York City Department of Parks in 1934 by Mayor , Moses oversaw a dramatic expansion of urban green spaces and amenities, leveraging federal relief labor from programs like the amid the . At the time of his appointment, the had 119 playgrounds and approximately 14,000 acres of parkland; by his in 1960, these figures had grown to 777 playgrounds, 34,673 acres of parkland, 15 outdoor swimming pools, 17 miles of beaches, and 84 miles of parkways. In 1936 alone, his department completed Orchard Beach in , in , 11 new outdoor pools with average capacities of 5,000 swimmers each, three zoos, 10 courses, 53 recreational buildings, and hundreds of additional playgrounds equipped with modern features like wading pools and courts. Moses' recreational initiatives extended to beach improvements and large-scale parks, including expansions at , Rockaway Beach, and in 1938, which added boardwalks, concessions, and vast parking areas to accommodate vehicular day-trippers. He transformed 1,200 acres of marshland into Flushing Meadows-Corona Park in 1939 for the New York World's Fair, creating lagoons, courts, and the site that later became enduring recreational venues. These developments prioritized active for families, with facilities like illuminated playgrounds for evening use and integrated parkways such as the (completed in sections by 1940) to connect parks to residential neighborhoods, fundamentally reshaping public access to nature in a densely populated metropolis.

Bridges, Tunnels, and Roadways

Robert Moses served as chairman of the Triborough Bridge Authority from 1934, overseeing the completion and operation of the Triborough Bridge, which links , , and . The bridge opened to traffic on July 11, 1936, after construction costs totaling $60.3 million, financed partly through authority bonds and toll revenues. This structure, comprising multiple spans including a over the , spanned approximately 2.4 miles and facilitated inter-borough vehicular movement while generating funds for further projects. Under Moses's leadership, the authority expanded to become the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority in , enabling construction of additional crossings. The Bronx-Whitestone Bridge, connecting and over the , opened on April 29, 1939, at a cost of $17.8 million; designed as a , it measured 2,300 feet between towers and supported traffic to the . The Throgs Neck Bridge, another span linking and , opened on January 11, 1961, with construction costs of $92 million; Moses conceived it in to relieve congestion on the Bronx-Whitestone Bridge. Moses advocated for the to connect and [Staten Island](/page/Staten Island), spanning strait; construction began in 1959 under his direction through the TBTA, and the bridge opened on November 21, 1964, as the world's longest at 4,260 feet main span. Initially proposed as a bridge in the late , the Brooklyn-Battery crossing evolved into a tunnel due to opposition; the , linking and under , opened in 1950 after wartime-delayed construction directed by Moses. Moses's roadway projects emphasized limited-access parkways for recreational travel to parks and beaches. The on began construction in 1925 under his early oversight as parks commissioner, with initial sections opening in 1927; it extended over 70 miles eastward from . The , its counterpart, developed through the 1930s as part of Moses's regional network. In , the , encircling and for 35 miles, saw construction from 1934 to 1940, featuring landscaped medians, pedestrian paths, and connections to other routes. Overall, Moses directed the building of approximately 416 miles of parkways, integrating them with bridges and tunnels to enhance regional mobility.

Housing Initiatives and Urban Renewal

In the aftermath of World War II, Robert Moses assumed a central role in New York City's public housing expansion as construction coordinator for the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) beginning in 1946, a position that enabled him to direct the replacement of dilapidated tenements with modern high-rise developments. These efforts targeted blighted neighborhoods characterized by overcrowding, lack of indoor plumbing, and fire hazards, drawing on federal funding from programs like the Wagner-Steagall Act of 1937 and subsequent legislation. By 1947, under Moses' oversight, NYCHA initiated plans for fifteen new public housing projects designed to house approximately 60,000 individuals, emphasizing superblock layouts that isolated residential towers from vehicular traffic to enhance pedestrian safety and open-space access. Moses' housing strategy prioritized vertical construction influenced by European modernist models, such as those of , resulting in the erection of slab-like apartment blocks with centralized amenities including laundries, community centers, and green spaces. Over his tenure, these initiatives yielded an estimated 150,000 units of low-income across the city, providing working-class families with access to electricity, running water, and elevators—features absent in many pre-1930s structures. Specific developments, like those in Red Hook and , incorporated construction to withstand urban densities while adhering to strict site-planning standards that mandated minimum open-space ratios. Parallel to , Moses championed through , serving as chairman of the Committee on Slum Clearance from 1955 onward, which leveraged Title I of the federal to acquire and raze substandard properties for redevelopment. This program encompassed 13 major Title I projects by 1959, securing $92 million in federal subsidies and $46 million in city contributions to demolish blocks in areas deemed irredeemably deteriorated, such as Manhattan Valley's Manhattantown (later Park West Village). The Lincoln Square renewal, launched in 1955, exemplified this approach by clearing 56 acres—including over 7,000 residents from tenements labeled New York's "worst slum"—to construct the complex alongside middle-income housing, integrating cultural institutions with residential rehabilitation. These renewal efforts extended to Brooklyn's Fort Greene and the , where clearance facilitated mixed-use redevelopments combining with commercial viability, though often prioritizing infrastructure integration over one-for-one relocation. Moses argued that such interventions were essential to halt , citing empirical evidence from early projects showing reduced rates and improved child health metrics in relocated populations. Overall, his programs transformed swaths of the city from informal settlements into zoned, serviced districts, though they relied on to assemble large parcels, a mechanism upheld by state laws granting authorities broad condemnation powers for public use.

Methods of Governance and Influence

Bureaucratic Control and Autonomy


amassed bureaucratic control by holding over a dozen concurrent appointments across and state agencies, including parks commissioner and heads of multiple public authorities, which allowed him to coordinate projects without fragmented oversight. By 1933, he consolidated the city's five separate parks departments into a unified structure under his direct authority as commissioner, streamlining decision-making and eliminating competing bureaucracies. This multiplicity of roles, peaking at 11 titles post-World War II, insulated him from removal by any single political entity, as displacing him required coordinated action across layers of .
Central to his autonomy were the public authorities he established or dominated, such as the Triborough Bridge Authority (created 1933) and single-member entities like the Henry Hudson Parkway Authority and Marine Parkway Authority, which vested executive powers solely in Moses. These bodies operated as semi-independent public benefit corporations, empowered to issue revenue bonds backed by future tolls and fees rather than taxpayer appropriations, enabling financial self-sufficiency— for instance, the Triborough generated $2.9 million in toll revenue in 1938, supporting $81 million in capitalized bonds with $4.5 million annual income. Bond covenants embedded Moses's administrative powers into irrevocable contracts with investors; altering them without bondholder consent risked default, effectively shielding operations from legislative or mayoral interference, as seen in the 1937 Triborough Act amendments allowing perpetual 39-year refinancing. Moses further entrenched control by appointing loyalists to authority boards, such as those of the City Housing Authority in 1948, and leveraging discretionary funds from authority revenues to influence politicians and secure favorable appointments. This structure granted de facto immunity from routine political oversight, as authorities bypassed city budget processes and the Board of Estimate for funding and powers, though major projects still required periodic approvals that Moses navigated through alliances with state-level actors not directly to city voters. By the postwar era, Triborough revenues exceeded $70 million annually by 1967, financing over $750 million in works, underscoring the scale of this insulated apparatus. While this autonomy facilitated rapid execution—evident in projects like the Triborough Bridge (opened July 11, 1936) yielding a $1 million surplus by 1938—it also highlighted tensions with democratic , as unelected mechanisms prioritized bondholder protections over public veto.

Political Maneuvering and Public Persuasion

Robert Moses amassed significant influence without ever winning an elected position by exploiting structural opportunities in New York's governance, particularly through the creation and control of public authorities that operated with financial and administrative independence from elected officials. These entities, such as the Triborough Bridge Authority established in 1933, allowed him to issue bonds backed by future toll revenues, circumventing budgetary constraints imposed by and state legislatures. By drafting with intricate provisions that entrenched his appointments and insulated authorities from political interference, Moses persuaded governors like and to enact bills without full scrutiny of their long-term implications. Moses adeptly navigated relationships with politicians by aligning his initiatives with their agendas while leveraging state-level authority over city matters to override local opposition. For instance, during Fiorello La Guardia's mayoralty starting in , Moses retained control over parks and authorities despite tensions, using his expertise in bond financing and project execution to become indispensable. His unsuccessful campaign for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination, where he garnered substantial votes despite lacking party machinery support, demonstrated his ability to mobilize public sentiment independently and pressured incumbents to accommodate his ambitions. This maneuver highlighted his strategy of building parallel power bases, as he simultaneously expanded authority roles under subsequent governors like Herbert Lehman. In public persuasion, Moses cultivated widespread support by associating his tenure with tangible, popular improvements like parks and parkways, which he promoted through extensive media campaigns and dramatic unveilings. He maintained a dedicated press operation that generated favorable coverage, framing as essential and preempting critics by emphasizing benefits like recreation and economic growth. Projects such as , opened in 1929, drew millions annually and solidified his image as a deliverer of public goods, granting him leeway for more contentious endeavors. This goodwill, built on visible successes rather than electoral accountability, enabled him to sustain operations across decades, even as opposition grew in the .

Criticisms and Controversies

Displacement of Communities

Robert Moses's infrastructure and initiatives in frequently necessitated the use of , resulting in the displacement of tens of thousands of residents from low-income neighborhoods designated as slums. Under Title I of the federal , which authorized and redevelopment, Moses chaired the New York City Slum Clearance Committee, overseeing projects that relocated over 18,000 families by 1959 while constructing nearly 8,000 new apartments in their place. These efforts aimed to eliminate substandard housing and replace it with modern developments, but relocation processes often involved short notice and limited support, exacerbating hardships for affected families. The Cross-Bronx Expressway, conceived by Moses and constructed from 1948 to 1972, exemplifies the scale of disruption, displacing over 40,000 residents as it carved through densely populated neighborhoods like East Tremont. In one segment alone, the route demolished 1,530 apartments housing approximately 5,000 people. Residents, including a mix of white ethnic, Black, and Puerto Rican families, faced fragmented communities and economic fallout, with many receiving inadequate compensation or relocation assistance despite Moses's claims of coordinated housing placements. Similarly, the Lincoln Square Urban Renewal Project, approved in 1958 under Moses's direction to make way for , evicted more than 7,000 lower-income families—predominantly from Black and Puerto Rican communities in San Juan Hill—and 800 businesses from a 48-acre site. Few of the resulting 4,400 housing units were allocated to displacees, directing them instead to elsewhere, which strained city resources and contributed to patterns of segregation. Across Moses's broader portfolio of highways, parks, and housing from to the , at least 250,000 individuals were displaced, reflecting a prioritization of large-scale over community preservation.

Claims of Racial Discrimination

Claims of racial discrimination leveled against Robert Moses largely originate from Robert Caro's 1974 biography , which alleges that Moses intentionally designed infrastructure to exclude non-whites, particularly through low-clearance bridges on parkways leading to . Caro asserted that these bridges, built in the 1920s and 1930s, were engineered too low for public buses commonly used by low-income and Puerto Rican New Yorkers, thereby preserving the beaches for white, middle-class automobile users; however, no contemporaneous documents, records, or testimonies from Moses's subordinates substantiate this intent, and Caro himself cited no beyond inferring it from the era's broader racial prejudices. Subsequent analyses by historians have challenged the bridge claim's veracity, noting that the overpasses averaged 12 to 14 feet in height—consistent with standard designs for scenic parkways of the period intended to deter commercial vehicles, including trucks, rather than buses specifically—and that buses did operate to Jones Beach parking lots via alternative routes or underpasses, with ridership records showing access for diverse groups by the 1940s. For instance, urban historian Thomas Campanella measured bridge heights and found no systematic deviation from pre-Moses parkways, attributing the narrative's persistence to Caro's influential but anecdotal framing amid later civil rights-era reinterpretations. Moreover, Moses's park system included facilities like pools and beaches that saw increasing non-white usage post-World War II, with integration occurring without formal barriers once legal segregation waned. Other accusations involve disproportionate impacts on minority communities during urban renewal projects, such as the Cross-Bronx Expressway (constructed 1948–1972), which displaced over 60,000 residents, many from and Latino neighborhoods in the , leading critics to label it as racially motivated clearance. Yet empirical reviews indicate these effects stemmed from siting highways through dense, low-income areas proximate to for efficiency—patterns replicated nationwide under federal interstate programs—rather than explicit racial targeting, as Moses's Title I initiatives (post-1949) also constructed integrated units and employed workers at scales exceeding contemporaries. Caro and later scholars like have highlighted Moses's class-based elitism in favoring car-centric designs that marginalized bus-dependent poor residents, who were disproportionately minority by the due to urban demographic shifts, but direct causal links to racial animus remain unverified absent Moses's own statements or policy memos evincing such bias. The amplification of these claims in modern discourse, including invocations by figures like U.S. Transportation Secretary in 2021, reflects a broader academic and media tendency to retroactively frame mid-20th-century infrastructure through a systemic lens, often prioritizing interpretive narratives over archival specifics; reputable fact-checks, such as those from the Manhattan Institute and even partial retractions in outlets like , underscore the evidentiary gaps, cautioning against unsubstantiated attributions that conflate incidental disparities with deliberate discrimination. Moses's documented actions, including appointing Black officials to park commissions and building recreational facilities utilized across racial lines, further complicate portrayals of overt bigotry, suggesting influences more aligned with progressive-era class hierarchies than targeted racial exclusion.

Design Choices and Long-Term Effects

Moses's emphasized automobile-centric , with parkways crafted as landscaped corridors for private to provide efficient, scenic access to recreational areas, deliberately excluding trucks and commercial traffic to maintain their boulevard-like character. The low overpass clearances on these routes, such as those on the built in the 1920s and 1930s, served aesthetic purposes by harmonizing structures with the natural terrain and limiting heavy , rather than intentionally barring buses; historical records confirm bus services operated to sites like Jones Beach via alternative routings or accommodations. Claims of deliberate racial exclusion through these features, popularized by Caro's 1974 biography, lack primary documentation and overlook contemporaneous demographic realities where affected working-class users were predominantly non-minority. In housing and urban renewal initiatives, Moses adopted superblock configurations inspired by modernist principles, featuring high-rise towers amid open plazas to supplant dilapidated tenements with ventilated, light-filled residences for middle-income families, as seen in projects like Stuyvesant Town completed in 1947. These designs disrupted traditional street networks, prioritizing vehicular circulation and isolation from to combat perceived conditions, but often resulted in socially disconnected enclaves with limited pedestrian access to surrounding amenities. Long-term consequences include entrenched vehicular reliance across the outer boroughs, where Moses's 416 miles of roadways by 1968 diverted resources from subway expansions like the unbuilt IND Second System, yielding chronic congestion and elevated emissions that persist today. Expressways such as the Cross-Bronx, opened in segments from 1948 to 1963, physically bisected communities, correlating with socioeconomic decline in isolated zones like East Tremont through reduced local cohesion and . Superblock housing developments, while initially hailed for scale—encompassing over 200,000 units—fostered maintenance challenges and in later decades, contributing to higher vacancy and crime rates in some public projects by the 1970s. Nonetheless, the core network of bridges, tunnels, and arterials has sustained New York City's regional , handling millions of daily trips and underpinning post-war growth.

Decline and Final Years

Erosion of Power

By the early 1960s, Robert Moses encountered mounting public and political opposition to his large-scale and projects, which increasingly highlighted community displacements and the disruption of established neighborhoods. Activists, including urban theorist , mobilized against plans like the Lower Manhattan Expressway, a proposed 10-lane that would have demolished parts of and , arguing it prioritized vehicular traffic over livable city fabric. This resistance marked a shift toward advocacy, contrasting Moses' earlier unchallenged authority during Depression-era and postwar reconstruction. Tensions peaked with New York Governor , who sought greater oversight of state agencies amid fiscal pressures and environmental concerns. In late , disputes over State Park development and a proposed Long Island Sound bridge escalated; Moses threatened resignation from his state roles, including chairman of the State Council of Parks and the State Park Commission, expecting retraction as in past bluffing tactics. On December 1, , accepted the resignations, divesting Moses of control over approximately 2 million acres of state parkland and related commissions, a pivotal blow that curbed his influence outside bounds. Moses clung to power via the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority (TBTA), which he had chaired since 1934 and which amassed surpluses from tolls on seven bridges and two tunnels, funding further projects without legislative approval. However, Mayor John V. Lindsay's administration, facing subway crises and demands for transit investment, pushed for reform. In 1968, the New York State Legislature consolidated the TBTA into the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) on February 19, 1968, ousting Moses at age 79 from his last major post and redirecting TBTA revenues—exceeding $100 million annually—toward mass transit rather than highways. This merger reflected broader 1960s trends: civil rights-era scrutiny of top-down planning, rising environmentalism, and political leaders' intolerance for unelected autonomy, ending Moses' four-decade dominance.

Publication of The Power Broker and Aftermath

Robert A. Caro's ": Robert Moses and the Fall of New York" was published in September 1974 by , presenting a detailed examination of Moses' accumulation of unelected authority and his role in reshaping New York through highways, bridges, parks, and housing projects. The 1,246-page volume drew on extensive interviews, archival research, and analysis of bureaucratic maneuvers, portraying Moses as a masterful but ruthless operator who wielded power to override opposition and prioritize large-scale infrastructure over equitable urban planning. The book received widespread acclaim for its investigative depth and narrative power, earning the in 1975, as well as other honors including the . It sold hundreds of thousands of copies and became a cornerstone text in , influencing generations of planners, historians, and policymakers by highlighting the risks of concentrated executive authority in . In response, Moses, aged 85 and retired from official positions since 1968, issued a 3,500-word in August 1974, labeling Caro's work "venomous and intemperate" and rejecting its characterizations as biased fabrications intended to vilify his achievements. He defended his projects as essential for combating and slums, asserting that claims of undue displacement or discrimination lacked evidence and ignored the net benefits of modernization, such as improved sanitation, recreation, and mobility for the majority. The publication accelerated a shift in public and scholarly perception of Moses from visionary builder to of unchecked power, with critics citing the book as pivotal in tarnishing his once-dominant reputation despite his earlier denials of overreach. While some reviewers questioned Caro's relative inattention to the Depression-era that necessitated rapid, top-down interventions, the work's influence endured, prompting ongoing debates about balancing with in . By the late 1970s, references to Moses increasingly emphasized the human costs of his methods, contributing to stricter oversight of urban authorities in New York and beyond.

Death and Immediate Reflections

Robert Moses died on July 29, 1981, at the age of 92 from at Good Samaritan Hospital in . He had been admitted to the hospital earlier that week after suffering from respiratory issues, though his death was ultimately attributed to . Moses, who maintained an active lifestyle into old age including daily swims in the ocean, spent his final years in relative seclusion on Long Island, away from the public eye following his ouster from power in the late 1960s. Contemporary obituaries largely emphasized Moses's transformative achievements in urban infrastructure, portraying him as New York's preeminent "master builder." The New York Times front-page obituary described him as the individual who "played a larger role in shaping the physical environment of New York State than any other figure in the 20th century," crediting him with constructing 416 miles of parkways, 13 bridges, and numerous parks and housing projects that facilitated the region's post-World War II growth. Similarly, The Washington Post highlighted his role in changing the face of New York through public works, noting the scale of his projects like the Verrazano-Narrows Bridge and the United Nations headquarters site. These accounts focused on his efficiency and vision in executing large-scale developments, often quoting Moses's own maxim: "Those who can, build. Those who can't, criticize." Immediate reflections also acknowledged the controversies that had shadowed Moses's later career, though tributes tempered criticism with recognition of his enduring impact. An opinion piece in shortly after his death defended his personal character, portraying him as a realist who endured denigration patiently and was hastily "elevated to the company of the saints" posthumously, countering narratives shaped by earlier exposés like Robert Caro's . Public figures and urban planners reflected on his unparalleled influence, with some noting that despite displacements and design flaws, his infrastructure enabled New York's economic vitality; others, however, reiterated concerns over his authoritarian methods and community disruptions, viewing his passing as the end of an era of unchecked bureaucratic power. Moses was interred in a family plot, marking a quiet conclusion to a life defined by monumental public endeavors.

Long-Term Impact and Reappraisal

Verifiable Achievements and Economic Contributions


Robert Moses directed the development of extensive that bolstered New York's connectivity and public amenities, leveraging federal funding and revenue-generating authorities to execute projects amid economic constraints. His efforts included constructing 13 major bridges, numerous parkways, and recreational facilities, which employed up to 80,000 workers at peak and directed 25 percent of federal construction dollars to the city during the Depression era. These initiatives facilitated , , and suburban expansion by improving transportation efficiency and access to natural areas.
Key transportation achievements encompassed the Triborough Bridge, opened in 1936 to link , , and , generating toll revenues that financed additional without relying on general taxation. Other bridges under his supervision included the (1936), Marine Parkway Bridge (1937), Bronx-Whitestone Bridge (1939), Cross Bay Veterans Memorial Bridge (1939), (1961), and Verrazano-Narrows Bridge (1964), which spanned the city's waterways and supported increased vehicular traffic critical for post-war economic activity. The , completed by 1941, encircled and , enhancing regional mobility and logistics. In parks and recreation, Moses developed in the 1920s, along with connecting parkways, drawing millions of visitors annually and stimulating coastal tourism economies. He also oversaw the construction of 10 large public swimming pools through the , providing accessible amenities that promoted and leisure in urban settings. As president of the 1964-1965 New York World's Fair, Moses repurposed Flushing Meadows into a permanent park site post-event, contributing to cultural and economic revitalization in . These projects, financed partly through bond issues backed by tolls from the Triborough Authority, enabled sustained investment in , yielding long-term benefits in job creation and urban functionality.

Balanced Critiques and Modern Reassessments

Modern reassessments of Robert Moses' legacy have increasingly emphasized the indispensable role his infrastructure played in New York City's post-Depression economic vitality and suburban expansion, countering earlier narratives dominated by social disruption critiques. Scholars such as Hilary Ballon and Kenneth T. Jackson argue that Moses' projects, including the 12-lane completed in 1964, facilitated critical connectivity between and [Staten Island](/page/Staten Island), supporting trucking-dependent growth and averting stagnation in outer boroughs amid national shifts toward automobile-centric economies. These assessments highlight how his highway network, still operational over 50 years later, underpins regional mobility and commerce, with enduring assets like the Triborough Bridge (opened 1936) integrating parks and transit while handling massive traffic volumes. Balanced analyses acknowledge displacements, such as the relocation of over 7,000 families and 800 businesses for the project housing , but contextualize them as inevitable in dense urban environments where private similarly uprooted communities without public compensation. Claims of deliberate racial exclusion, including allegations of low bridge clearances on parkways to deter bus-borne minorities, have been contested by historians like Jackson, who cite lack of direct evidence and note broad political support for Moses' initiatives across demographics during implementation. His efforts, constructed rapidly in the mid-20th century, continue to provide shelter in gentrifying areas, outperforming demolished counterparts in cities like or , though maintenance issues stemmed from federal funding shortfalls rather than inherent design flaws. Reevaluations also critique influential works like Robert Caro's 1974 , which, while detailing Moses' accumulation of unelected power, is faulted for underemphasizing public demand for vehicular and the era's fiscal constraints that necessitated his authority-bypass tactics. Contemporary urban scholars observe that while ' community-focused ideals shape discourse, planners implicitly depend on Moses' foundational builds—expanding playgrounds from 119 to 725 between 1933 and 1957, and enhancing beach access at sites like Jones and Rockaway—for viable operations today. Without such scale, assessments posit, New York would lack the parks, conserved lands like , and world-city securing its economic edge, underscoring a pragmatic realism in his top-down approach amid bureaucratic inertia.

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