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Clockwise from top: fish and chips in Hunstanton, Norfolk, UK; döner kebab in Germany; pizza delivery in Nièvre, France.

A take-out (US, Canada, Philippines) or takeaway (UK, Ireland, Commonwealth)[1] is a prepared meal or other food items purchased at a restaurant or fast food outlet with the intent to eat elsewhere. A concept found in many ancient cultures, take-out food is common worldwide, with a number of different cuisines and dishes on offer.

History

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Thermopolium in Herculaneum

The concept of prepared meals to be eaten elsewhere dates back to antiquity. Market and roadside stalls selling food were common in Ancient Greece and Rome.[2] Many people relied on them for their daily food. In Pompeii, archaeologists have found a number of thermopolia, service counters opening onto the street which provided food to be taken away. There is a distinct lack of formal dining and kitchen area in Pompeian homes, which may suggest that eating, or at least cooking, at home was unusual. Over 200 thermopolia have been found in the ruins of Pompeii.[3]

In the cities of medieval Europe, a number of street vendors sold take-out food. In medieval London, street vendors sold hot meat pies, geese, sheep's feet and French wine, while in Paris roasted meats, squab, tarts and flans, cheeses and eggs were available. A large strata of society would have purchased food from these vendors, but they were especially popular amongst the urban poor, who would have lacked kitchen facilities in which to prepare their own food.[4] However, these vendors often had a bad reputation, often being in trouble with city authorities reprimanding them for selling infected meat or reheated food. The cooks of Norwich often defended themselves in court against selling such things as "pokky pies" and "stynkyng mackerelles".[5] In 10th and 11th century China, citizens of cities such as Kaifeng and Hangzhou were able to buy pastries such as yuebing and congyoubing to take away. By the early 13th century, the two most successful such shops in Kaifeng had "upwards of fifty ovens".[6] A traveling Florentine reported in the late 14th century that in Cairo, people carried picnic cloths made of rawhide to spread on the streets and eat their meals of lamb kebabs, rice and fritters that they had purchased from street vendors.[7] In Renaissance Turkey, many crossroads saw vendors selling "fragrant bites of hot meat", including chicken and lamb that had been spit roasted.[8]

Aztec marketplaces had vendors that sold beverages such as atole ("a gruel made from maize dough"), almost 50 types of tamales (with ingredients that ranged from the meat of turkey, rabbit, gopher, frog, and fish, fruit, eggs, and maize flowers),[9] as well as insects and stews.[10] After Spanish colonization of Peru and importation of European food stocks including wheat, sugarcane and livestock, most commoners continued primarily to eat their traditional diets, but did add grilled beef hearts sold by street vendors.[11] Some of Lima's 19th century street vendors such as "Erasmo, the 'negro' sango vendor" and Na Aguedita are still remembered today.[12]

Street food vendors in early 20th century New York City

During the American colonial period, street vendors sold "pepper pot soup" (tripe) "oysters, roasted corn ears, fruit and sweets", with oysters being a low-priced commodity until the 1910s when overfishing caused prices to rise.[13] In 1707, after previous restrictions that had limited their operating hours, street food vendors had been banned in New York City.[14] Many women of African descent made their living selling street foods in America in the 18th and 19th centuries; with products ranging from fruit, cakes and nuts in Savannah, Georgia, to coffee, biscuits, pralines and other sweets in New Orleans.[15] In the 19th century, street food vendors in Transylvania sold gingerbread-nuts, cream mixed with corn, and bacon and other meat fried on tops of ceramic vessels with hot coals inside.[16]

The Industrial Revolution saw an increase in the availability of take-out food. By the early 20th century, fish and chips was considered an "established institution" in Britain. The hamburger was introduced to America around this time. The diets of industrial workers were often poor, and these meals provided an "important component" to their nutrition.[17] In India, local businesses and cooperatives, had begun to supply workers in the city of Mumbai (Bombay) with tiffin boxes by the end of the 19th century.[18]

The COVID-19 pandemic led to many restaurants closing their indoor dining spaces and only offering take-out.[19][20]

Business operation

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Customers queueing for takeaway at a fish and chip shop in England

Take-out food can be purchased from restaurants that also provide sit-down table service or from establishments specialising in food to be taken away.[21] Providing a take-out service saves operators the cost of cutlery, crockery and pay for servers and hosts; it also allows many customers to be served quickly, without restricting sales by remaining to eat their food.[22]

Street food

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A market stall in Thailand selling take-out food

Although once popular in Europe and America,[4] street food declined in popularity in the 20th century. In part, this can be attributed to a combination of the proliferation of specialized takeaway restaurants and legislation relating to health and safety.[4] Vendors selling street food are still common in parts of Asia, Africa and the Middle East,[23] with the annual turnover of street food vendors in Bangladesh and Thailand being described as particularly important to the local economy.[24]

Drive-through

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In the United States, many restaurants and take-out establishments offer drive-through or drive-thru[25] outlets that allow customers to order, pay for, and receive food without leaving their cars. The idea was pioneered in 1931 in a California fast food restaurant, Pig Stand Number 21. By 1988, 51% of McDonald's turnover was being generated by drive-throughs, with 31% of all US take-out turnover being generated by them by 1990.[26]

Food delivery

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Deliveroo driver in Manchester, UK

Some take-out businesses offer prepared food for delivery, which usually involves contacting a local restaurant by telephone or online. In countries including Australia, Canada, India, Brazil, Japan, much of the European Union and the United States, food can be ordered online from a menu, then picked up by the customer or delivered by the restaurant or a third party delivery service.[27] The industry has kept pace with technological developments since the 1980s, beginning with the rise of the personal computer and continuing with the rise of mobile devices and online delivery applications. Specialized computer software for food delivery helps determine the most efficient routes for carriers, track order and delivery times, manage calls and orders with PoS software, and other functions. Since 2008 satellite navigation tracking technology has been used for real-time monitoring of delivery vehicles by customers over the Internet.[28]

A branded scooter used for Pizza Hut pizza delivery in Hong Kong.

A restaurant can either maintain its own delivery personnel or use third parties who contract with restaurants to not only deliver food orders but also assist in marketing and providing order-taking technology. The field has seen rapid growth since the late 2000s with the spread of the smart phones and apps enabling customers to order from their mobile devices.[29] In 2024 it was reported, that food delivery companies in the United States and Europe had amassed more than $20bn in combined operating losses. The shares of Deliveroo, Just Eat Takeaway, Delivery Hero, and DoorDash were therefore trading below the value that was delivered during the COVID-19 pandemic.[30]

Some businesses offer a guarantee to deliver within a predetermined period of time, with late deliveries not charged for.[31] For example, Domino's Pizza had a commercial campaign in the 1980s and early 1990s for its pizza delivery service which promised "30 minutes or it's free". This was discontinued in the United States in 1993 due to the number of lawsuits arising from accidents caused by hurried delivery drivers.[32]

Packaging

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Take-out food is packaged in paper, paperboard, corrugated fiberboard, plastic, or foam food containers. One common container is the oyster pail, a folded, waxed or plastic coated, paperboard container. The oyster pail was quickly adopted, especially in the West, for "Chinese takeout".[33]

In Britain, old newspapers were traditionally used for wrapping fish and chips until this was banned for health reasons in the 1980s.[34] Many people are nostalgic for this traditional wrapping; some modern fish and chip shops wrap their food in faux-newspaper, food-safe paper printed to look like a newspaper.[35]

Corrugated fiberboard and foam containers are to some extent self-insulating, and can be used for other foods. Thermal bags and other insulated shipping containers keep food hot (or cold) more effectively for longer.

Aluminium containers are also popular for take-out packaging due to their low cost. Expanded polystyrene is often used for hot drinks containers and food trays because it is lightweight and heat-insulating.[36]

All types of container can be produced with supplier information and design to create a brand identity.[37]

Disposable serviceware waste

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Disposable chopsticks in a university cafeteria trash bin in Japan

Packaging of fast food and take-out food is necessary for the customer but involves a significant amount of material that ends up in landfills, recycling, composting, or litter.[38] Foam containers for fast-food were the target of environmentalists in the U.S. and were largely replaced with paper wrappers among large restaurant chains.[39]

In 2002, Taiwan began taking action to reduce the use of disposable tableware at institutions and businesses, and to reduce the use of plastic bags. Yearly, the nation of 17.7 million people was producing 59,000 tons of disposable tableware waste and 105,000 tons of waste plastic bags, and increasing measures have been taken in the years since then to reduce the amount of waste.[40] In 2013, Taiwan's Environmental Protection Administration (EPA) banned outright the use of disposable tableware in the nation's 968 schools, government agencies, and hospitals. The ban was expected to eliminate 2,600 metric tons of waste yearly.[41]

In Germany, Austria, and Switzerland, laws banning the use of disposable food and drink containers at large-scale events have been enacted. Such a ban has been in place in Munich, Germany since 1991, applying to all city facilities and events. This includes events of all sizes, including very large ones (Christmas market, Auer-Dult Faire, Oktoberfest and Munich City Marathon). For small events of a few hundred people, the city has arranged for a corporation to offer rental of crockery and dishwasher equipment. In part through this regulation, Munich reduced the waste generated by Oktoberfest, which attracts millions of people,[42] from 11,000 metric tons in 1990 to 550 tons in 1999.[43]

China, by virtue of the size of its population and the surging popularity of food delivery apps, such as Meituan and Ele.me, faces significant challenges disposing of or recycling takeout food packaging waste.[44] According to a 2018 study published in Resources, Conservation and Recycling, for the first half of 2017, Chinese consumers ordered 4.6 billion takeout meals, generating "significant environmental concerns". The study's authors estimated that packaging waste from food delivery grew from 20,000 metric tons in 2015 to 1.5 million metric tons in 2017.[45] In 2018, Meituan reported making over 6.4 billion food deliveries, up from 4 billion a year earlier.[46]

Because takeout and delivery meals in China include single-use chopsticks, which are made from wood or bamboo, the growth in food delivery also has an impact on China's forests.[47] China produces about 80 billion pairs of single-use chopsticks yearly, the equivalent of 20 million 20-year-old trees.[48] About 45 percent are made from trees – mainly cottonwood, birch, and spruce, the remainder being made from bamboo. Japan uses about 24 billion pairs of these disposables per year, and globally about 80 billion pairs are thrown away by an estimated 1.4 billion people. In 2013 in Japan, one pair of disposable chopsticks cost US$0.02. One pair of reusable chopsticks cost $1.17, and each pair could be used 130 times. A cost of $1.17 per pair divided by 130 uses comes to $0.009 (0.9¢) per use, less than half the cost of disposable. Campaigns in several countries to reduce this waste are beginning to have some effect.[49][50][needs update]

See also

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Take-out, also termed take-away or to-go, encompasses prepared food and beverages sold by restaurants, fast-food outlets, and vendors for consumption away from the premises, distinguishing it from dine-in service through packaging suited for transport and off-site eating. This model relies on disposable containers like boxes, bags, and foam trays to maintain food integrity during transit, enabling customers to procure meals without on-site facilities. Originating in ancient forms such as Roman thermopolia—street-side eateries offering ready-to-eat provisions—modern take-out proliferated in the 20th century, accelerated by innovations in waxed paper, cardboard boxes in the 1920s, and drive-throughs post-World War II, transforming it into a cornerstone of urban convenience. Today, the industry drives substantial economic activity, with the global restaurant takeout market valued at approximately USD 16.20 billion in 2025 and forecasted to grow at a compound annual rate of 8.2%, fueled by digital apps, delivery integrations, and shifting consumer preferences for flexibility amid busy lifestyles and events like the COVID-19 pandemic. While enabling diverse cuisines from pizza to ethnic specialties, take-out's reliance on single-use packaging has prompted scrutiny over plastic and foam waste accumulation, though empirical assessments highlight its role in reducing full restaurant overheads and enhancing accessibility.

History

Ancient and Pre-Modern Origins

In ancient Rome, thermopolia—counter-like establishments resembling modern fast-food outlets—emerged around the 1st century BCE and proliferated through the 1st century CE, particularly in urban centers like Pompeii, where archaeological evidence reveals embedded jars (dolia) holding hot stews, grains, and wines for quick sale to customers lacking private kitchens in crowded insulae apartments. These venues catered to laborers, travelers, and the urban poor, offering ready-to-eat or portable meals such as pulse porridges and bread, driven by the practical necessities of high population density and limited domestic cooking facilities in a city of over one million residents by the 1st century CE. Similar patterns of portable food vending arose in other ancient civilizations, linked causally to growing urbanism and labor mobility. In ancient China during the Zhou Dynasty (c. 1046–256 BCE), street stalls in burgeoning cities sold skewers of meat, steamed buns, and pancakes to workers and merchants who prioritized convenience over home preparation amid early market economies. In Greece, vendors in the Athenian Agora from the 5th century BCE onward provided wrapped breads, cheeses, and grilled meats for on-the-go consumption, while in ancient India, Sangam literature (c. 300 BCE–300 CE) documents mobile sellers offering rice cakes and lentil-based snacks in trade hubs, reflecting adaptations to trade routes and seasonal migrations where fixed cooking was impractical. Pre-modern examples extended this tradition into medieval and early modern eras, emphasizing packed provisions for transit. In medieval European markets from the 12th to 15th centuries, urban vendors sold portable pies, pasties filled with meat or vegetables, and gingerbread to townsfolk and pilgrims, as evidenced by guild regulations and archaeological finds of baking residues, accommodating those in multi-story homes without ovens. Ottoman caravanserais along Silk Road routes, inheriting Seljuk models from the 13th century onward, supplied travelers with bundled dry goods, breads, and preserved meats free or at low cost for up to three days, facilitating long-distance trade by addressing the exigencies of overland journeys spanning hundreds of miles without reliable foraging.

Modern Developments in the 19th and 20th Centuries

Urbanization in the 19th century, particularly in industrializing cities like New York and San Francisco, spurred the growth of street vendors and informal take-out options to feed expanding working-class populations unable to return home for meals. Public markets and vendors sold portable foods such as oysters and sandwiches at train stations and busy streets, meeting the demands of laborers and travelers amid rapid population influxes. Chinese immigrants arriving during the California Gold Rush of 1849 established early eateries and take-out services, adapting Cantonese dishes like chop suey for American tastes and providing affordable meals to miners and railroad workers, which laid foundations for diverse urban food offerings. Technological advances, including mechanical refrigeration patented in the 1830s and widespread electric systems by the 1930s, enabled safer transport and storage of perishable foods, transitioning take-out from strictly hot or ambient items to broader menus while reducing spoilage risks for off-premises sales. This shift supported formalized operations in growing urban centers, where refrigeration allowed restaurants to prepare and hold items like meats and dairy for carry-out without immediate consumption. In the United States during the 1920s, restaurants began offering boxed lunches, sandwiches, hot dogs, and burgers specifically for take-out, catering to picnickers and mobile diners amid rising automobile ownership. By the 1940s, pizza emerged as a popular take-out item, packaged in corrugated bases for transport, aligning with post-Depression convenience demands and suburban mobility. The first drive-through service opened in 1948 with In-N-Out Burger in Baldwin Park, California, featuring a two-way speaker system that facilitated orders without exiting vehicles, marking a key adaptation to car-centric culture. Pizza delivery traces to 1889 in Naples, Italy, when Queen Margherita of Savoy requested pies from a local pizzeria during illness, a practice that influenced early 20th-century U.S. models. Chinese restaurants in American cities adopted delivery around the 1910s, using bicycles for hot meals to urban customers, expanding take-out accessibility through immigrant entrepreneurship and cultural adaptation without reliance on dine-in exclusivity.

Post-WWII Expansion and Contemporary Trends

Following World War II, take-out expanded rapidly through the proliferation of fast-food chains specializing in burgers and pizza, driven by suburbanization, increased automobile ownership, and dual-income households seeking convenience. McDonald's accelerated franchising in 1955, enabling widespread accessibility to portable burgers, while Pizza Hut opened its first location in 1958 and Domino's in 1960, emphasizing quick preparation and delivery of pizza as a take-out staple. This era also saw the introduction of TV dinners by Swanson in 1954, which sold over 10 million units in the first year and normalized frozen, ready-to-heat meals for home consumption, reducing reliance on restaurant take-out but influencing broader patterns of off-premise eating. These developments marked a shift toward industrialized food production, with chains standardizing menus for efficiency and scalability. The 2000s brought a digital transformation to take-out via online ordering platforms, beginning with Seamless in 1999 and Grubhub in 2004, which aggregated restaurant menus for web-based orders. Subsequent apps like DoorDash (2013) and Uber Eats (2014) integrated GPS tracking and expansive networks, fueling a global market that exceeded $150 billion by 2021, more than tripling since 2017. This boom reflected consumer preferences for speed and variety, with platforms enabling chains to reach beyond physical locations. The COVID-19 pandemic from 2020 accelerated take-out adoption, as dine-in restrictions prompted U.S. food delivery sales to more than double, with some segments like meal kits seeing nearly doubled subscription growth. Restaurant productivity surged 15% through curbside pickup and ghost kitchens, offsetting labor reductions. Globally, traditional systems persisted alongside apps; India's dabbawalas, delivering 200,000 home-cooked lunches daily since the 1890s with near-perfect reliability, complemented modern services like Swiggy, highlighting adaptive resilience in diverse markets.

Types of Take-out Services

Street Food and Informal Vendors

Street food and informal vendors encompass mobile carts, fixed stalls, and pushcarts offering freshly prepared, affordable meals with minimal overhead, serving as a primary source of accessible nutrition in urban areas of developing countries. These operations thrive on high-volume, cash transactions and low barriers to entry, enabling rapid turnover and employment for surplus labor, particularly among women and migrants. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), street vending absorbs excess workforce and exerts positive effects on poverty alleviation, job creation, and social mobility in Asia and beyond. In low- and middle-income nations, vendors contribute critically to urban food security for low-income residents, often comprising a backbone of informal economies where formal retail is inaccessible. Historical precedents trace to ancient civilizations, including small fried fish sold by vendors in Greece around the 5th century BCE and thermopolia in Rome dispensing hot soups and staples to passersby. In China, street stalls emerged during the Zhou Dynasty (circa 1046–256 BCE), providing quick meals amid urbanization. These early models persisted into medieval Islamic cities and evolved into modern iterations like Asian night markets, where vendors operate fixed or semi-mobile setups offering items such as grilled skewers or noodle soups prepared on-site. Business models emphasize simplicity: vendors require basic equipment like portable grills or carts, sourcing ingredients daily for freshness while relying on foot traffic in high-density areas. In Mexico, taco stands exemplify this, with operators assembling corn tortillas filled with meats and toppings on demand, achieving profitability through volumes exceeding hundreds of units daily at low unit prices. Similarly, Indian chaat vendors near transport hubs prepare tangy snacks like samosa chaat or pani puri using seasonal produce, minimizing waste and capital via cash-only sales and family labor. On a global scale, informal street vending generates substantial revenue; Taiwan's vendors alone produced NT$508.1 billion (approximately US$16 billion) in 2008, equating to 4.1% of national GDP, with food stalls accounting for NT$406.4 billion. The broader street food sector reached USD 249.55 billion in 2024, underscoring its economic weight despite operating largely outside formal regulation. In cities like Calcutta (now Kolkata), India, around 130,000 stalls in 1995 yielded US$60 million annually, highlighting sustained viability in dense populations.

Drive-Through and Curbside Pickup

Drive-through services enable customers to order and receive take-out food directly from their vehicles via dedicated lanes and windows, optimizing for rapid throughput and minimizing pedestrian traffic. The concept traces its roots to banking innovations in the 1930s, where drive-up tellers, such as the one installed by the Grand National Bank of St. Louis in 1930 for deposits, allowed transactions without exiting vehicles. This vehicle-centric model was adapted to food service in the 1940s, building on earlier drive-in restaurants from the 1920s that used carhops for delivery to parked cars, as pioneered by chains like Pig Stand in Texas starting in 1921. By 1948, In-N-Out Burger introduced the first true drive-thru lane with an intercom system in Baldwin Park, California, facilitating continuous vehicle flow without parking. Major fast-food operators refined these systems for efficiency in subsequent decades; McDonald's opened its inaugural drive-thru on January 24, 1975, in Sierra Vista, Arizona, motivated by demand from nearby Fort Huachuca military personnel who sought quick meals in uniform. To address bottlenecks, many locations implemented dual-lane configurations, featuring parallel ordering boards that merge at payment and pickup windows, thereby increasing capacity during peak hours—though exact adoption timelines varied, with widespread use evident by the 1980s. Engineering focuses on streamlined layouts, including timed signals, pre-staged orders, and voice-ordering tech, yielding empirical service speeds where total drive-thru times average 4 to 6 minutes across U.S. chains, with leaders like Taco Bell achieving 4:16 minutes from order to exit in 2024 audits of over 2,000 locations. These metrics support appeal to privacy-seeking drivers, families avoiding indoor crowds, and shift workers prioritizing minimal disruption. Curbside pickup complements drive-thrus by allowing advance orders via mobile apps or phone, followed by notification-based retrieval from a curbside attendant, emphasizing no-contact efficiency. Adoption surged post-2020 amid public health measures, with U.S. restaurant sales data showing off-premise channels—including curbside—comprising up to 30% growth in some sectors by mid-2020 compared to 2019 baselines. A 2020 Gallup survey found 44% of adults using curbside options, driven by reduced entry risks and integration with platforms enabling real-time tracking. This model enhances throughput in space-constrained urban sites, often outperforming in-store pickup by aligning staff deployment to vehicle arrivals, thus sustaining quick turnaround for convenience-oriented patrons without dedicated lanes.

Delivery and Off-Premise Models

Delivery systems transport prepared take-out food from restaurants to off-premise locations, scaling access beyond customer pickup. Early iterations relied on human-powered transport, such as bicycles used by Mumbai's dabbawalas since the 1890s to ferry home-cooked lunches via a relay network involving trains and foot carriers. Similarly, the first recorded pizza deliveries occurred in 1889 in Italy, often via couriers on foot or bike, predating motorized options. In the 20th century, delivery expanded with urbanization, but digitized platforms accelerated growth post-2010s. Uber Eats, launched in August 2014, exemplifies third-party services that connect restaurants with independent couriers, achieving rapid expansion to over 6,000 cities by leveraging ride-hailing infrastructure. These platforms typically charge restaurants commissions of 15-30% per order, plus service fees, prompting hybrid models where establishments deploy in-house drivers for high-margin or loyal customers while outsourcing peak-volume surges to apps for broader reach. Off-premise models like ghost kitchens—facilities optimized exclusively for delivery orders without dine-in areas—emerged as cost-efficient variants, eliminating front-of-house expenses such as seating and staff. By focusing on high-volume, app-based fulfillment, these virtual operations captured significant urban market share in the 2020s, with projections estimating they will comprise up to 50% of takeaway and drive-thru segments by 2030. Global adaptations highlight diverse efficiencies; Mumbai's dabbawalas sustain low-tech delivery of approximately 200,000 lunches daily across the city's rail network, achieving Six Sigma reliability with fewer than 3.4 errors per million transactions through color-coded sorting and decentralized relays. This contrasts with high-tech app ecosystems but underscores causal advantages of localized logistics in dense, infrastructure-constrained environments.

Business and Economic Aspects

Operational Models and Strategies

Restaurants operate take-out services through hybrid models that integrate dine-in and off-premise fulfillment or pure off-premise setups like ghost kitchens, which eliminate dining areas to focus solely on delivery and pickup. Hybrid models leverage existing infrastructure for both revenue streams, allowing shared kitchen resources but requiring careful order prioritization to avoid dine-in delays. In contrast, ghost kitchens achieve profit margins of 20-25%, significantly higher than the 3-5% typical of traditional restaurants, by minimizing overhead costs such as rent for seating and front-of-house staff. However, post-2020 data indicates challenges in sustaining pure ghost kitchen profitability without hybrid adaptations, as quality control and order volume fluctuations eroded gains for some operators. To maximize efficiency, operators in both models emphasize inventory management and menu simplification tailored for portability. Ghost kitchens maintain smaller inventories by limiting menus to fewer ingredients, reducing waste and storage needs while enabling just-in-time preparation. Strategies include selecting items that retain quality during transit, such as compact, insulated dishes, and using data analytics for demand forecasting to align stock with peak off-premise orders. Hybrid restaurants adapt by segmenting menus—offering portable subsets for take-out—to streamline production without disrupting dine-in service. Delivery strategies balance third-party platforms against self-managed systems to optimize reach and margins. Third-party services like DoorDash and Uber Eats charge commissions of 15-30% per order, often totaling over 40% when including advertising and payment fees, which compress profitability despite expanded customer access post-2020. In response, many restaurants have shifted toward self-delivery or first-party apps, retaining full order value and achieving higher margins by controlling logistics, though this demands upfront investment in drivers and software. Adoption of hybrid delivery—combining platforms for volume with direct channels for loyalty—has grown, as evidenced by operators ditching exclusive third-party reliance to recapture 20-30% in lost commissions. Pricing dynamics in take-out favor premiums for convenience, yielding higher margins through reduced variable costs like table service labor. Empirical data shows take-out items priced $1.85 above dine-in equivalents on average, compensating for delivery fees while capitalizing on lower per-order staffing needs. Operators structure menus to upsell high-margin add-ons, such as beverages or sides, which travel well and boost revenue without proportional cost increases, ensuring overall profitability in off-premise channels.

Economic Benefits for Businesses and Consumers

Take-out models enable restaurants to minimize capital expenditures on dining areas and front-of-house staffing, often reducing overhead costs associated with physical space by focusing resources on production efficiency rather than ambiance and service infrastructure. This structural advantage facilitated business resilience during the 2020 COVID-19 lockdowns, when dine-in prohibitions forced a rapid shift; delivery and take-out orders increased by 77.5% compared to 2019, allowing many operators to sustain revenue streams and avert closures. The pivot contributed to a 70% share of industry growth in food delivery from 2019 to 2020, highlighting take-out's role in countering existential threats through adaptable, low-fixed-cost operations. Consumers benefit from enhanced affordability and temporal efficiency, as take-out circumvents the average one-hour-plus daily commitment to home food preparation, which empirical studies link to reduced reliance on away-from-home eating when time is abundant. This accessibility supports dual-income and high-workload households, with the global restaurant takeout market valued at $2.68 trillion in 2024, reflecting widespread adoption driven by convenience over traditional cooking burdens. Market expansion underscores causal efficiencies: streamlined ordering reduces decision fatigue and prep labor, yielding net time savings estimated at 15-20 minutes per meal when weighing procurement against full-cycle home production. Broader economic contributions include job generation and entrepreneurial entry points, particularly for immigrant communities; the U.S. restaurant sector, bolstered by take-out channels, projected 15.9 million jobs in 2025, with immigrants comprising about one in five workers and disproportionately founding food businesses due to low entry barriers like compact take-out setups. Take-out fosters supply chain optimizations through menu specialization and just-in-time inventory, curbing waste via predictable demand forecasting and bulk sourcing, which lowers procurement costs without the variability of dine-in fluctuations. These dynamics promote market efficiency, prioritizing scalable output over equity narratives that overlook empirical viability for small-scale operators.

Packaging and Materials

Common Materials and Functional Design

Common materials for take-out packaging prioritize properties that maintain food integrity during transit, including thermal insulation, leak resistance, and mechanical strength. Polyethylene terephthalate (PET) plastic is widely used for its clarity, lightweight nature, shatterproof durability, and barrier properties against gases and moisture, enabling visibility of contents while protecting against spoilage. Polystyrene (PS) foam, particularly expanded polystyrene (EPS), provides superior thermal insulation for hot foods, minimizing heat loss through its low thermal conductivity and lightweight structure that supports stacking without deformation. Paperboard, often coated with polyethylene or wax for grease and leak resistance, offers structural rigidity suitable for boxes and clamshells, retaining heat via its moderate insulation and enabling steam venting to prevent sogginess. Functional designs incorporate features grounded in material science to ensure practicality in delivery scenarios. Compartmented containers, molded from PS foam or PET, separate wet and dry components to avoid flavor cross-contamination and maintain texture, with empirical evaluations confirming reduced mixing under vibration simulating transport. Stackable geometries, such as interlocking lids and tapered bases in paperboard boxes, enhance vertical stability and space efficiency in bags or vehicles, tested for load-bearing up to multiple units without collapse. Secure sealing mechanisms, including snap-fit lids on plastic clamshells, provide leak-proofing by forming airtight barriers, preserving moisture and temperature as verified through drop and pressure tests in packaging standards. The evolution of these materials reflects advancements in hygiene and efficiency. In the 1920s, wax paper served as a basic barrier for wrapping, but its limited durability and permeability led to post-1950s adoption of single-use synthetics like PS foam and PET, which offered superior contamination resistance and disposability amid rising fast-food demand after World War II. This shift prioritized causal factors like bacterial growth prevention through impermeable surfaces over earlier porous options, enabling scalable take-out operations.

Innovations and Technological Advances

Active packaging technologies, such as oxygen absorbers integrated into take-out containers, remove residual oxygen to inhibit oxidation and microbial growth, thereby extending the shelf life of perishable items like fresh produce or meats commonly ordered for take-out. These absorbers, often in sachet form placed within sealed packaging, have demonstrated the ability to preserve food color, texture, and aroma by reducing dissolved oxygen levels. For instance, in applications relevant to take-out snacks and nuts, oxygen-scavenging systems can prolong usability from weeks to several months, minimizing quality degradation during transport and storage. Antimicrobial agents incorporated into packaging films further enhance performance by directly suppressing spoilage organisms on food surfaces. Materials embedded with bacteriocins or natural antimicrobials release compounds that inhibit bacterial proliferation, particularly useful for high-moisture take-out items prone to contamination during delivery. Studies on such systems show they can maintain product integrity by curbing pathogen growth, with applications in ready-to-eat meals reducing surface microbial loads effectively. These innovations prioritize functional barriers over disposability, driven by the need to ensure food arrives in consumable condition amid variable delivery times. Compostable materials like bagasse-derived pulp and polylactic acid (PLA) bioplastics have seen increased integration in take-out packaging since the 2010s, offering engineering advantages such as heat resistance and structural integrity for hot foods. Bagasse, sourced from sugarcane residue, provides microwave-safe containers that withstand temperatures up to 200°C without leaking, outperforming some traditional foams in durability for greasy items. PLA, fermented from plant starches, enables transparent, rigid clamshells that seal tightly to prevent spills, with fast-food chains piloting these for items requiring visual appeal and portion control. Adoption reflects demands for reliable performance in high-volume operations rather than environmental claims. Technological integrations, including smart labels with embedded temperature indicators and emerging edible films, address quality assurance in take-out logistics. Time-temperature indicators (TTIs) on labels change color or barcode patterns in response to exposure thresholds, alerting handlers to deviations that could compromise safety, such as prolonged heat during transit. Edible films, formulated from biopolymers like starch or proteins, serve as direct food coatings or wrappers that dissolve upon consumption, incorporating antimicrobials to extend usability while eliminating separate packaging layers for certain deliveries. These developments stem from engineering efforts to meet consumer expectations for freshness, with prototypes tested for compatibility in delivery models since the mid-2010s.

Environmental Considerations

Waste Generation and Ecological Footprint

Take-out packaging, dominated by single-use plastics, paperboard, and polystyrene, contributes to global solid waste generation through discarded containers, bags, and utensils designed for convenience and hygiene in food transport. Annual global production of plastic packaging surpasses 300 million metric tons, with food service applications—including take-out—accounting for a notable share, though precise isolation of take-out volumes remains limited by data aggregation in broader categories like "food packaging." Plastics constitute approximately 40% of all plastic waste originating from packaging sources worldwide. Recycling rates for takeaway packaging waste hover around 20% globally, constrained by material contamination, sorting challenges, and infrastructure gaps, leaving the majority destined for landfills or incineration. In the United States, containers and packaging overall represent 28.1% of municipal solid waste (MSW) generation, totaling 82.2 million tons in 2018, but plastic containers and packaging specifically comprise about 5.3% of MSW, with take-out items forming a subset amplified by urban consumption patterns. Per capita packaging waste generation in the US averages roughly 250 kg annually—or about 1.5 pounds per day—elevated in dense cities due to frequent single orders and immediate disposal post-consumption. This waste profile underscores causal drivers like hygiene mandates favoring disposable over reusable formats, alongside logistical demands in high-volume delivery models, which prioritize leak-proofing and stackability over longevity. Empirical data indicate take-out packaging's landfill contribution stays below 5% of total MSW volumes when disaggregated from general food-related discards, reflecting its minor role relative to organics like uneaten food (22% of MSW). Globally, of the roughly 2 billion tons of annual MSW, packaging fractions—including take-out—feed into landfill systems where over 50% of generated waste persists without recovery in many regions.

Sustainability Efforts and Empirical Challenges

Efforts to mitigate the environmental impact of take-out packaging have included widespread adoption of biodegradable alternatives, such as polylactic acid (PLA) derived from cornstarch, which decomposes under industrial composting conditions. Lifecycle assessments (LCAs) of these materials, however, reveal mixed efficacy; while PLA reduces reliance on fossil fuels in production, its environmental footprint can exceed that of conventional plastics when factoring in agricultural inputs like water and fertilizers for corn cultivation, and transportation to centralized composting facilities. Moreover, in anaerobic landfill environments—where over 90% of U.S. municipal solid waste ends up—PLA fails to biodegrade significantly, persisting for years due to lack of oxygen, heat, and microbes, thus undermining claims of full sustainability without proper end-of-life infrastructure. Municipal bans on expanded polystyrene (EPS) foam for take-out containers, implemented in over 100 U.S. cities since the 2010s (e.g., New York City in 2015), aimed to curb non-degradable waste but have shown limited empirical success in reducing overall packaging waste volumes. Substitutions often shift to paperboard or other plastics, which can increase greenhouse gas emissions during production by 20-50% per LCA comparisons, without proportionally decreasing landfill inputs due to similar single-use patterns. Analyses indicate that such policies primarily reduce visible litter in targeted areas but fail to address systemic waste streams, as businesses pass higher material costs (up to 30% premiums for alternatives) onto consumers, potentially discouraging volume reductions. Recycling initiatives for take-out packaging face structural barriers, including inadequate infrastructure for contaminated or multi-material items, resulting in national U.S. plastic packaging recovery rates below 10% as of 2021 data. Consumer behavior exacerbates this, with sorting inefficiencies—such as food residue contamination—leading to rejection rates exceeding 25% at facilities, while only 43% of households consistently participate even where access exists. Peer-reviewed studies highlight that without mandatory sorting education and expanded mechanical recycling capacity, which has improved modestly to 68.9% for select plastics in Europe by 2023, take-out waste recovery remains negligible in practice.

Balanced Cost-Benefit Analysis

Regulations prohibiting single-use packaging for take-out have imposed higher costs on food service businesses, frequently resulting in elevated prices for consumers as alternatives like paper or compostable materials prove more expensive to produce and handle. These price escalations, compounded by supply chain adjustments, reduce affordability of take-out meals, with low-income households facing disproportionate strain as they allocate a greater share of expenditures to convenience foods without commensurate reductions in overall packaging waste volumes. Life cycle assessments of disposable versus reusable take-out containers highlight that environmental benefits from reusables hinge on achieving sufficient reuse cycles, often 20 or more, to offset elevated upfront manufacturing impacts and account for energy-intensive cleaning processes. When actual reuse falls short due to container loss, improper cleaning, or user non-compliance—common in high-volume take-out scenarios—disposable plastics can exhibit comparable or lower total emissions, including transport and disposal, emphasizing causal trade-offs between material efficiency and operational realities over idealized assumptions. Prioritizing individual and business discretion in packaging selection thus aligns better with empirical outcomes than universal mandates, which overlook variability in usage patterns and hygiene demands. Market-led approaches, such as incentive-based reusable programs offering discounts for returns, have evidenced superior adoption rates and waste diversion compared to coercive bans, as seen in pilot initiatives where multi-vendor participation boosted customer engagement without enforcement overhead. These voluntary systems leverage economic motivations to surpass regulatory compliance levels, reducing lifecycle burdens through scalable innovations like deposit schemes while preserving consumer convenience and minimizing unintended economic distortions.

Health, Nutrition, and Safety

Nutritional Characteristics and Dietary Implications

Take-out meals typically exhibit high energy density, with compositional analyses indicating average calorie contents ranging from 836 kcal for adult portions to over 1,200 kcal in non-chain restaurant offerings, often comprising 50-60% of a standard 2,000 kcal daily requirement. These meals frequently contain elevated levels of total fat, saturated fatty acids, sugars, and sodium, alongside reduced micronutrients such as vitamins and minerals compared to home-prepared equivalents. Variability exists across options, as take-out encompasses processed fast-food items high in trans fats and refined carbohydrates alongside potentially balanced selections like grilled proteins, vegetable-based dishes, or salads, which can align closer to dietary guidelines when portioned appropriately. Empirical data from lab-tested independent outlets confirm nutritional profiles differ markedly by cuisine and preparation, with some meals exceeding daily limits for fats and salts while others, such as steamed or broiled variants, offer lower calorie densities. Frequent consumption—defined as twice weekly or more—correlates with poorer overall diet quality, increased abdominal obesity prevalence, and BMI elevations of approximately 0.6-0.8 kg/m² per additional weekly meal, based on longitudinal and cross-sectional studies controlling for confounders like socioeconomic status. However, these associations weaken with deliberate choices favoring nutrient-dense items over high-fat, high-sugar alternatives, and portion control, underscoring that take-out's convenience facilitates access to diverse cuisines without inherently precluding caloric moderation or nutritional adequacy. Unlike uniformly controlled home cooking, take-out's empirical risks stem from default high-energy formulations rather than the format itself, enabling mitigation through informed selection rather than avoidance.

Food Safety Protocols and Risks

Food transit in take-out and delivery introduces specific microbial risks, primarily from temperature fluctuations that allow pathogens such as Salmonella, E. coli, and Listeria to multiply rapidly in the "danger zone" of 41–135°F (5–57°C), where bacteria can double every 20 minutes under ideal conditions. Hot foods must remain above 135°F and cold foods below 41°F to inhibit growth, but delays in delivery—often exacerbated by traffic or high demand—can expose perishable items like meats, dairy, and rice-based dishes to this range for extended periods, increasing contamination hazards unique to non-immediate consumption. Protocols mitigate these through insulated thermal packaging, such as heated bags or coolers, and standards for fulfillment within 30 minutes or less to limit exposure time, alongside driver training in hygiene and vehicle sanitation to prevent cross-contamination from external sources. Historical outbreaks underscore these vulnerabilities; the 1993 Jack in the Box E. coli O157:H7 incident, linked to undercooked ground beef patties in fast-food take-out, sickened 732 people across four states and caused four deaths, primarily children, prompting widespread adoption of Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Points (HACCP) principles in restaurant operations, including precise cooking temperatures (e.g., 155°F for ground beef) and supplier pathogen testing. This event accelerated regulatory shifts, such as USDA-mandated HACCP for meat processing in 1996, influencing take-out chains to implement similar preventive monitoring for critical points like cooling and reheating. More recent data indicate rising foodborne illnesses in delivery contexts, with U.S. reports noting increased incidents tied to improper holding during transport, though comprehensive tracking remains challenged by underreporting. Globally, the World Health Organization estimates unsafe food causes 600 million illnesses and 420,000 deaths annually from over 200 diseases, with transit-related risks in take-out amplified by portion isolation that, while reducing dine-in-style secondary contamination (e.g., from shared utensils), heightens reliance on initial preparation integrity. Post-2020 adaptations, including contactless delivery—where orders are placed curbside or at doors without handoffs—have enhanced hygiene by minimizing human touch points and surface transmission risks, as evidenced by reduced handling protocols in major platforms during the COVID-19 surge. Empirical evidence from CDC surveillance shows restaurant-associated outbreaks (encompassing take-out) comprise about 45% of U.S. cases from 2000–2020, declining 49% overall due to such measures, though delivery-specific data highlight ongoing needs for real-time temperature logging to address empirical gaps in compliance.

Debates on Public Health Outcomes

Frequent consumption of take-out food has been associated with elevated risks of obesity and poorer diet quality in multiple cross-sectional studies. For instance, among Australian young adults, eating takeaway food twice weekly or more correlated with moderate abdominal obesity and lower adherence to dietary guidelines. Similarly, a study of Chinese university students found obese participants reported higher take-out intake, alongside preferences for high-fat, high-sugar foods and lower physical activity levels. In the United States, where approximately 40% of adults (over 100 million individuals) were obese as of 2023, out-of-home eating patterns contribute to this epidemic, but evidence indicates correlation rather than direct causation, with confounders such as sedentary lifestyles and overall caloric surplus playing significant roles. Critics argue that take-out's convenience promotes overconsumption of calorie-dense items, yet empirical data reveal no inherent nutritional inferiority when healthier selections—such as grilled proteins, vegetable-heavy dishes, or steamed options—are chosen, which can align with balanced macronutrient profiles comparable to home-cooked meals. Systematic reviews of out-of-home eating underscore methodological limitations, including self-reported data and failure to isolate take-out from broader restaurant patronage, suggesting that frequency alone does not dictate outcomes absent contextual factors like portion control and activity levels. Thus, public health concerns often conflate take-out with fast food, overlooking variability in offerings from diverse cuisines. Policy debates center on restricting take-out access via programs like the U.S. Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), which prohibits purchases of hot prepared foods, including many take-out items, to curb presumed unhealthy choices. Proponents of tighter nutrition-based limits cite higher diet-related disease rates among SNAP users, but evaluations show such restrictions fail to yield measurable health improvements and may exacerbate stigma or underutilization. Evidence favors preserving beneficiary choice, as bans overlook empirical benefits of incentives for fruits and vegetables, which enhance participation without compromising program efficiency. Opponents of restrictions highlight take-out's role in bolstering food security for low-income households in underserved areas, where 33.5% faced insecurity in 2023 per USDA metrics, often due to limited grocery access. Affordable take-out mitigates acute malnutrition risks by providing immediate, economical meals, particularly in food deserts, without evidence that exclusions improve long-term outcomes over expanded access strategies. This perspective aligns with causal analyses prioritizing resource constraints over paternalistic interventions, as enforced limits can deter benefit use and perpetuate cycles of insecurity.

Cultural and Global Variations

Regional Practices and Cuisines

In Japan, bento boxes exemplify take-out adapted to rice-centric diets and portable needs, with origins tracing to the Kamakura period (1185–1333) when farmers and merchants carried dried rice preparations like hoshi-ii for fieldwork. By the modern era, bento evolved into compartmentalized single-portion meals including rice, proteins, and vegetables, facilitating consumption during commutes or at work sites in a culture emphasizing efficiency and seasonality. In Vietnam, pho noodle soup reflects street-level portability suited to urban mobility, where vendors separate broth from rice noodles and meats in take-out containers to preserve texture and flavor during transport. These Asian practices tie take-out to staples like rice and broth, influenced by agrarian lifestyles and dense populations favoring quick, non-perishable formats. Across the Middle East, shawarma demonstrates wrap-based take-out leveraging vertical-spit roasting for thin, spiced meat slices portable in flatbreads, originating as street fare from Ottoman traditions. In the Americas, United States take-out centers on pizza and burgers, with quick service pizza accounting for over $42 billion in consumer spending in 2024, driven by car-centric suburbs and demand for customizable, reheated meals. Latin American counterparts adapt empanadas as fried or baked dough pockets enclosing regional fillings like beef with potatoes in Colombia or cheese in Venezuela, enabling handheld consumption aligned with informal markets and diverse indigenous ingredients. European variations, such as in the United Kingdom, blend indigenous and immigrant elements: fish and chips arose from 16th-century Portuguese and Sephardic Jewish frying techniques applied to local cod and potatoes, yielding wrapped newspaper parcels for working-class portability. Döner kebabs, introduced by Turkish and Cypriot immigrants from the 1940s onward, transformed into late-night take-out staples with rotisserie meats in pita, reflecting integration through affordable, spiced adaptations to British pub culture. In developing nations, street food reliance underscores universality, comprising 15–50% of urban households' food budgets owing to low costs and accessibility for low-income workers lacking home cooking facilities. These regional forms illustrate take-out's convergence on climate-suited preservation—drying in humid Asia, wrapping in arid Middle East—and lifestyle demands like mobility in motorized Americas versus pedestrian Europe. The rise of dual-income households has heightened reliance on take-out due to time constraints, with higher-income families purchasing more convenience foods to manage demanding schedules. In the United States, 57% of consumers prefer take-out or delivery over dining in restaurants, reflecting its role in accommodating modern work-life demands. This integration supports family meal routines by reducing preparation time, countering narratives of erosion with evidence that shared meals persist alongside convenience options, as frequent family dinners correlate with better relational outcomes regardless of sourcing method. Post-pandemic, take-out consumption has sustained elevated levels, with the global online food delivery market reaching $156.75 billion in 2024 and continuing growth into 2025 driven by hybrid work patterns and office lunch demands, which increased 32% year-over-year. Restaurant productivity surged 15% during the crisis partly due to optimized take-out operations, a trend persisting as consumers balance convenience with socialization preferences. However, home cooking has rebounded to levels surpassing early pandemic highs by September 2025, indicating a normalization where take-out complements rather than supplants domestic meal preparation amid stabilizing behaviors. Emerging 2025 trends include AI-driven ordering, with 52% of diners open to algorithm-based recommendations for personalization and efficiency in streamlining deliveries. Health-adapted menus are proliferating, featuring low-carb and keto-compatible options in delivery formats to align with functional nutrition demands, such as high-protein meals suiting GLP-1 medication users. These developments enhance accessibility without undermining empirical benefits of family-oriented eating, as take-out facilitates quicker assembly for collective consumption in time-scarce environments.

References

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