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Transgender
Five horizontal stripes equally sized colored with two light blue, two pink, and a white stripe in the center
Classification
Abbreviations
Subcategories
Symbol
Other terms
Associated terms

A transgender (often shortened to trans) person has a gender identity different from that typically associated with the sex they were assigned at birth.[2] The opposite of transgender is cisgender, which describes persons whose gender identity matches their assigned sex.[3]

Many transgender people desire medical assistance to medically transition from one sex to another; those who do may identify as transsexual.[4][5] Transgender does not have a universally accepted definition, including among researchers;[6] it can function as an umbrella term. The definition given above includes binary trans men and trans women and may also include people who are non-binary or genderqueer.[7][8] Other related groups include third-gender people, cross-dressers, and drag queens and drag kings; some definitions include these groups as well.[7][9]

Being transgender is distinct from sexual orientation, and transgender people may identify as heterosexual (straight), homosexual (gay or lesbian), bisexual, asexual, or otherwise, or may decline to label their sexual orientation.[10] Accurate statistics on the number of transgender people vary widely,[11] in part due to different definitions of what constitutes being transgender.[6] Some countries collect census data on transgender people. Canada was the first country to introduce collection of census data on its transgender and non-binary population in 2021.[12][13][14][15] Generally, less than 1% of the worldwide population is transgender, with figures ranging from <0.1% to 0.6%.[16][17]

Many transgender people experience gender dysphoria, and some seek medical treatments such as hormone replacement therapy, gender-affirming surgery, or psychotherapy. Not all transgender people desire these treatments,[18] and some cannot undergo them for legal,[19] financial,[20] or medical[21] reasons.

The legal status of transgender people varies by jurisdiction. Many transgender people experience transphobia (violence or discrimination against transgender people) in the workplace,[22] in accessing public accommodations,[23] and in healthcare.[24] In many places, they are not legally protected from discrimination.[25][page needed] Several cultural events are held to celebrate the awareness of transgender people, including Transgender Day of Remembrance and International Transgender Day of Visibility,[26][27] and the transgender flag is a common transgender pride symbol.[28]

Terminology

[edit]
Display on gender identity, Bell Gallery, Elmer L. Andersen Library, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN

Before the mid-20th century, various terms were used within and beyond Western medical and psychological sciences to identify persons and identities labeled transsexual, and later transgender from mid-century onward.[29] Imported from the German and ultimately modeled after German Transsexualismus (coined in 1923),[30] the English term transsexual has enjoyed international acceptability, though transgender has been increasingly preferred over transsexual.[31] The word transgender acquired its modern umbrella term meaning in the 1990s.[32]

Health-practitioner manuals, professional journalistic style guides, and LGBT advocacy groups advise the adoption by others of the name and pronouns identified by the person in question, including present references to the transgender person's past.[33][34]

Transgender

[edit]

Although the term transgenderism was once considered acceptable, it has come to be viewed as pejorative, according to GLAAD.[35] Psychiatrist John F. Oliven of Columbia University used the term transgenderism in his 1965 reference work Sexual Hygiene and Pathology, writing that the term which had previously been used, transsexualism, "is misleading; actually, transgenderism is meant, because sexuality is not a major factor in primary transvestism".[4][36] The term transgender was then popularized with varying definitions by transgender, transsexual, and transvestite people, including Christine Jorgensen[37] and Virginia Prince,[4] who used transgenderal in the December 1969 issue of Transvestia,[38] a national magazine for cross-dressers she founded.[39] By the mid-1970s both trans-gender and trans people were in use as umbrella terms, while transgenderist and transgenderal were used to refer to people who wanted to live their lives as cross-gendered individuals without gender-affirming surgery.[40] Transgenderist was sometimes abbreviated as TG in educational and community resources; this abbreviation developed by the 1980s.[41] In 2020, the International Journal of Transgenderism changed its name to the International Journal of Transgender Health "to reflect a change toward more appropriate and acceptable use of language in our field."[42]

By 1984, the concept of a "transgender community" had developed, in which transgender was used as an umbrella term.[43] In 1985, Richard Ekins established the "Trans-Gender Archive" at the University of Ulster.[39] By 1992, the International Conference on Transgender Law and Employment Policy defined transgender as an expansive umbrella term including "transsexuals, transgenderists, cross dressers", and anyone transitioning.[44] Leslie Feinberg's pamphlet, "Transgender Liberation: A Movement Whose Time has Come", circulated in 1992, identified transgender as a term to unify all forms of gender nonconformity; in this way transgender has become synonymous with queer.[45] In 1994, gender theorist Susan Stryker defined transgender as encompassing "all identities or practices that cross over, cut across, move between, or otherwise queer socially constructed sex/gender boundaries", including, but not limited to, "transsexuality, heterosexual transvestism, gay drag, butch lesbianism, and such non-European identities as the Native American berdache or the Indian Hijra".[46]

Transgender can also refer specifically to a person whose gender identity is opposite (rather than different from) the sex the person had or was identified as having at birth.[47] In contrast, people whose sense of personal identity corresponds to the sex and gender assigned to them at birth – that is, those who are neither transgender nor non-binary or genderqueer – are called cisgender.[48]

Transsexual

[edit]

Inspired by Magnus Hirschfeld's 1923 term seelischer Transsexualismus,[49] the term transsexual was introduced to English in 1949 by David Oliver Cauldwell and popularized by Harry Benjamin in 1966, around the same time transgender was coined and began to be popularized.[4] Since the 1990s, transsexual has generally been used to refer to the subset of transgender people[4][50][51] who desire to transition permanently to the gender with which they identify and who seek medical assistance (for example, sex reassignment surgery) with this.

Distinctions between the terms transgender and transsexual are commonly based on distinctions between gender and sex.[52][53] Transsexuality may be said to deal more with physical aspects of one's sex, while transgender considerations deal more with one's psychological gender disposition or predisposition, as well as the related social expectations that may accompany a given gender role.[54] Many transgender people reject the term transsexual.[5][55][56] Christine Jorgensen publicly rejected transsexual in 1979 and instead identified herself in newsprint as trans-gender, saying, "gender doesn't have to do with bed partners, it has to do with identity."[57][58] Some have objected to the term transsexual on the basis that it describes a condition related to gender identity rather than sexuality.[59][better source needed] Some people who identify as transsexual people object to being included in the transgender umbrella.[60][61][62]

In his 2007 book Imagining Transgender: An Ethnography of a Category, anthropologist David Valentine asserts that transgender was coined and used by activists to include many people who do not necessarily identify with the term and states that people who do not identify with the term transgender should not be included in the transgender spectrum.[60] Leslie Feinberg likewise asserts that transgender is not a self-identifier (for some people) but a category imposed by observers to understand other people.[61] According to the Transgender Health Program (THP) at Fenway Health in Boston, there are no universally-accepted definitions, and confusion is common because terms that were popular at the turn of the 21st century may have since been deemed offensive. The THP recommends that clinicians ask clients what terminology they prefer, and avoid the term transsexual unless they are sure that a client is comfortable with it.[59][undue weight?discuss]

Harry Benjamin invented a classification system for transsexuals and transvestites, called the Sex Orientation Scale (SOS), in which he assigned transsexuals and transvestites to one of six categories based on their reasons for cross-dressing and the relative urgency of their need (if any) for sex reassignment surgery.[63] Contemporary views on gender identity and classification differ markedly from Harry Benjamin's original opinions.[64] Sexual orientation is no longer regarded as a criterion for diagnosis, or for distinction between transsexuality, transvestism and other forms of gender-variant behavior and expression. Benjamin's scale was designed for use with heterosexual trans women, and trans men's identities do not align with its categories.[65]

Other terms

[edit]
  • Transfeminine (commonly abbreviated to both transfem and transfemme) refers to a person, binary or non-binary, who was assigned male at birth and has a predominantly feminine gender identity or presentation.[66]
  • Transmasculine (commonly abbreviated to transmasc) refers to a person, binary or non-binary, who was assigned female at birth and has a predominantly masculine gender identity or presentation.[66]
  • Transgendered is a common term in older literature. Many within the transgender community deprecate it on the basis that transgender is an adjective, not a verb.[67] Organizations such as GLAAD and The Guardian also state that transgender should never be used as a noun in English (e.g., "Max is transgender" or "Max is a transgender man", not "Max is a transgender").[68][69] Transgender is also a noun for the broader topic of transgender identity and experience.[70]
  • Assigned Female At Birth (AFAB), Assigned Male At Birth (AMAB), Designated Female At Birth (DFAB), and Designated Male At Birth (DMAB) are terms used to represent a person's sex assigned at birth; they are considered to be more gender-inclusive than the related terms biological male or biological female.[71]
  • The term trans* (with an asterisk) emerged in the 1990s as an inclusive term used to encompass a wide range of non-cisgender identities. The asterisk represents a wildcard, indicating the inclusion of various identities, beyond just transgender and transsexual, such as gender-fluid or agender, within the transgender umbrella. The use of the asterisk in "trans*" has been debated; some argue that it adds unnecessary complexity, while others say that it enhances inclusivity by explicitly recognizing non-normative gender identities.[72][73]

Shift in use of terms

[edit]

Between the mid-1990s and the early 2000s, the primary terms used under the transgender umbrella were "female to male" (FtM) for men who transitioned from female to male, and "male to female" (MtF) for women who transitioned from male to female. These terms have been superseded by "trans man" and "trans woman", respectively. This shift in preference from terms highlighting biological sex ("transsexual", "FtM") to terms highlighting gender identity and expression ("transgender", "trans man") reflects a broader shift in the understanding of transgender people's sense of self and the increasing recognition of those who decline medical reassignment as part of the transgender community.[74]

In place of transgenderism, terms such as transness,[75] transgenderness, or transidentity,[76] have been suggested,[77] corresponding to their cisgender counterparts, such as cisness, cisgenderness and cisidentity.[78][79]

Sexual orientation

[edit]

Gender, gender identity, and being transgender are distinct concepts from sexual orientation.[80] Sexual orientation is an individual's enduring pattern of attraction, or lack thereof, to others (being straight, lesbian, gay, bisexual, asexual, etc.), whereas gender identity is a person's innate knowledge of their own gender (being a man, woman, non-binary, etc.). Transgender people can have any orientation, and generally use labels corresponding to their gender, rather than assigned sex at birth. For example, trans women who are exclusively attracted to other women commonly identify as lesbians, and trans men exclusively attracted to women would identify as straight.[81] Many trans people describe their sexual orientation as queer, in addition to or instead of, other terms.[82][83][74]

For much of the 20th century, transgender identity was conflated with homosexuality and transvestism.[84][85] In earlier academic literature, sexologists used the labels homosexual and heterosexual transsexual to categorize transgender individuals' sexual orientation based on their birth sex.[86] Critics consider these terms "heterosexist",[87] "archaic",[88] and demeaning.[89] Newer literature often uses terms such as attracted to men (androphilic), attracted to women (gynephilic), attracted to both (bisexual), or attracted to neither (asexual) to describe a person's sexual orientation without reference to their gender identity.[90] Therapists are coming to understand the necessity of using terms with respect to their clients' gender identities and preferences.[91]

The 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey reported that of the 27,715 transgender and non-binary respondents, 21% said queer best described their sexual orientation, 18% said pansexual, 16% said gay, lesbian, or same-gender-loving, 15% said straight, 14% said bisexual, and 10% said asexual.[83] A 2019 Canadian survey of 2,873 trans and non-binary people found that 51% described their sexual orientation as queer, 13% as asexual, 28% as bisexual, 13% as gay, 15% as lesbian, 31% as pansexual, 8% as straight or heterosexual, 4% as two-spirit, and 9% as unsure or questioning.[74] A 2009 study in Spain found that 90% of trans women patients reported being androphilic and 94% of trans men patients reported being gynephilic.[92]

[edit]

Non-binary identity

[edit]

Some non-binary (or genderqueer) people identify as transgender. These identities are not specifically male or female. They can be agender, androgynous, bigender, pangender, or genderfluid,[93] and exist outside of cisnormativity.[94][95] Bigender and androgynous are overlapping categories; bigender individuals may identify as moving between male and female roles (genderfluid) or as being both masculine and feminine simultaneously (androgynous), and androgynes may similarly identify as beyond gender or genderless (agender), between genders (intergender), moving across genders (genderfluid), or simultaneously exhibiting multiple genders (pangender).[96] Non-binary gender identities are independent of sexual orientation.[97][98]

Transvestism and cross-dressing

[edit]

A transvestite is a person who cross-dresses, or dresses in clothes typically associated with the gender opposite the one they were assigned at birth.[99][100] The term transvestite is used as a synonym for the term cross-dresser,[101][102] although cross-dresser is generally considered the preferred term.[102][103] The term cross-dresser is not exactly defined in the relevant literature. Michael A. Gilbert, professor at the Department of Philosophy, York University, Toronto, offers this definition: "[A cross-dresser] is a person who has an apparent gender identification with one sex, and who has and certainly has been birth-designated as belonging to [that] sex, but who wears the clothing of the opposite sex because it is that of the opposite sex."[104] This definition excludes people "who wear opposite sex clothing for other reasons", such as "those female impersonators who look upon dressing as solely connected to their livelihood, actors undertaking roles, individual males and females enjoying a masquerade, and so on. These individuals are cross dressing but are not cross dressers."[105] Cross-dressers may not identify with, want to be, or adopt the behaviors or practices of the opposite gender and generally do not want to change their bodies medically or surgically. The majority of cross-dressers identify as heterosexual.[106]

The term transvestite and the associated outdated term transvestism are conceptually different from the term transvestic fetishism, as transvestic fetishist refers to those who intermittently use clothing of the opposite gender for fetishistic purposes.[107][108] In medical terms, transvestic fetishism is differentiated from cross-dressing by use of the separate codes 302.3 in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)[108] and F65.1 in the ICD.[107][needs update]

Drag

[edit]
A drag queen performer. Drag performers are not inherently transgender.

Drag is clothing and makeup worn on special occasions for performing or entertaining, unlike those who are transgender or who cross-dress for other reasons.[109] Drag performance includes overall presentation and behavior in addition to clothing and makeup. Drag can be theatrical, comedic, or grotesque. Drag queens have been considered caricatures of women by second-wave feminism. Drag artists have a long tradition in LGBTQ culture.

Generally the term drag queen covers men doing female drag, drag king covers women doing male drag, and faux queen covers women doing female drag.[110][111] Nevertheless, there are drag artists of all genders and sexualities who perform for various reasons. Drag performers are not inherently considered transgender. However, for some trans people, drag communities have been "a safe and fun arena for exploring gender identity".[112] Some drag performers such as Carmen Carerra have later come out as transgender.[113] Drag historian Devin Antheus stated there were overlaps in the past, such as in the 1960s and 1970s: "for a lot of the girls, both queens who currently now identify as trans and those who don't, back in the day, there weren't such precise divisions when people were in internal spaces … they all rolled together."[114]

Some drag performers, transvestites, and people in the gay community have embraced the pornographically derived term tranny for drag queens or people who engage in transvestism or cross-dressing; this term is widely considered an offensive slur if applied to transgender people.

History

[edit]

A precise history of the global occurrence of transgender people is difficult to assess because the modern concept of being transgender, and of gender in general in relation to transgender identity, did not develop until the mid-1900s. Historical depictions, records and understandings are inherently filtered through modern principles, and were largely viewed through a medical and (often outsider) anthropological lens until the late 1900s.[115][116]

Some historians consider the Roman emperor Elagabalus to have been transgender. Elagabalus was reported to have dressed in a feminine manner, preferred to be called "Lady" instead of "Lord" and may have even sought a primitive form of gender-affirming surgery.[117][118][119][120][121][excessive citations]

Worldwide, a number of societies have had traditional third gender roles, some of which continue in some form into the present day.[122] The Hippocratic Corpus (interpreting the writing of Herodotus) describes the "disease of the Scythians" (regarding the Enaree), which it attributes to impotency due to riding on a horse without stirrups. This reference was well discussed by medical writings of the 1500s–1700s. Pierre Petit writing in 1596 viewed the "Scythian disease" as natural variation, but by the 1700s writers viewed it as a "melancholy", or "hysterical" psychiatric disease. By the early 1800s, being transgender separate from Hippocrates' idea of it was claimed to be widely known, but remained poorly documented. Both trans women and trans men were cited in European insane asylums of the early 1800s. One of the earliest recorded gender nonconforming people in America was Thomas(ine) Hall, a seventeenth century colonial servant.[123] The most complete account of the time came from the life of the Chevalier d'Éon (1728–1810), a French diplomat. As cross-dressing became more widespread in the late 1800s, discussion of transgender people increased greatly and writers attempted to explain the origins of being transgender. Much study came out of Germany, and was exported to other Western audiences. Cross-dressing was seen in a pragmatic light until the late 1800s; it had previously served a satirical or disguising purpose. But in the latter half of the 1800s, cross-dressing and being transgender became viewed as an increasing societal danger.[115]

William A. Hammond wrote an 1882 account of transgender Pueblo "shamans" [sic] (mujerados), comparing them to the Scythian disease. Other writers of the late 1700s and 1800s (including Hammond's associates in the American Neurological Association) had noted the widespread nature of transgender cultural practices among native peoples. Explanations varied, but authors generally did not ascribe native transgender practices to psychiatric causes, instead condemning the practices in a religious and moral sense. Native groups provided much study on the subject, and perhaps the majority of all study until after WWII.[115]

Critical studies first began to emerge in the late 1800s in Germany, with the works of Magnus Hirschfeld. Hirschfeld coined the term "Transvestit" in 1910, borrowed from 19th-century French word travesti with the same meaning,[124] as the scope of transgender study grew, and it was translated to English as "transvestite". His work would lead to the 1919 founding of the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft in Berlin. Though Hirscheld's legacy is disputed, he revolutionized the field of study. The Institut was destroyed when the Nazis seized power in 1933, and its research was infamously burned in the May 1933 Nazi book burnings.[125] Transgender issues went largely out of the public eye until after World War II. Even when they re-emerged, they reflected a forensic psychology approach, unlike the more sexological that had been employed in the lost German research.[115][126]

Healthcare

[edit]
1879 photograph of Edward de Lacy Evans, upon his admittance into Kew Lunatic Asylum. Evans identified as a man for the majority of his life, later becoming known in Melbourne as the "Wonderful Male Impersonator".[127]

Mental healthcare

[edit]

People who experience discord between their gender and the expectations of others or whose gender identity conflicts with their body may benefit by talking through their feelings in depth. While individuals may find counseling or psychotherapy helpful, it is no longer recommended as a prerequisite for further transition steps.[128] Research on gender identity with regard to psychology, and scientific understanding of the phenomenon and its related issues has existed for decades.[129] The term gender incongruence is listed in the ICD by the WHO. In the American Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), the term gender dysphoria is listed under code F64.0 for adolescents and adults, and F64.2 for children.[130] (Further information: Causes of gender incongruence.)

France removed gender identity disorder as a diagnosis by decree in 2010,[131][132] but according to French trans rights organizations, beyond the impact of the announcement itself, nothing changed.[133] In 2017, the Danish parliament abolished the F64 Gender identity disorders. The DSM-5 refers to the topic as gender dysphoria (GD) while reinforcing the idea that being transgender is not considered a mental illness.[134]

Transgender people may meet the criteria for a diagnosis of gender dysphoria "only if [being transgender] causes distress or disability."[135] This distress may manifest as depression or inability to work and form healthy relationships with others. This diagnosis is often misinterpreted as implying that all transgender people suffer from GD, which has confused transgender people and those who seek to either criticize or affirm them. Transgender people who are comfortable with their gender and whose gender is not directly causing inner frustration or impairing their functioning do not suffer from GD. Moreover, GD is not necessarily permanent and is often resolved through therapy or transitioning. Feeling oppressed by the negative attitudes and behaviours of such others as legal entities does not indicate GD. GD does not imply an opinion of immorality; the psychological establishment holds that people with any kind of mental or emotional problem should not receive stigma. The solution for GD is whatever will alleviate suffering and restore functionality; this solution often, but not always, consists of undergoing a gender transition.[129]

Clinical training lacks relevant information needed in order to adequately help transgender clients, which results in a large number of practitioners who are not prepared to sufficiently work with this population of individuals.[136] Many mental healthcare providers know little about transgender issues. Those who seek help from these professionals often educate the professional without receiving help.[129] This solution usually is good for transsexual people but is not the solution for other transgender people, particularly non-binary people who lack an exclusively male or female identity. Instead, therapists can support their clients in whatever steps they choose to take to transition or can support their decision not to transition while also addressing their clients' sense of congruence between gender identity and appearance.[137]

Research on the specific problems faced by the transgender community in mental health has focused on diagnosis and clinicians' experiences instead of transgender clients' experiences.[138] Therapy was not always sought by transgender people due to mental health needs. Prior to the seventh version of the Standards of Care (SOC), an individual had to be diagnosed with gender identity disorder in order to proceed with hormone treatments or sexual reassignment surgery. The new version decreased the focus on diagnosis and instead emphasized the importance of flexibility in order to meet the diverse health care needs of transsexual, transgender, and all gender-nonconforming people.[139]

The reasons for seeking mental health services vary according to the individual. A transgender person seeking treatment does not necessarily mean their gender identity is problematic. The emotional strain of dealing with stigma and experiencing transphobia pushes many transgender people to seek treatment to improve their quality of life. As one trans woman reflected, "Transgendered individuals are going to come to a therapist and most of their issues have nothing to do, specifically, with being transgendered. It has to do because they've had to hide, they've had to lie, and they've felt all of this guilt and shame, unfortunately usually for years!"[138] Many transgender people also seek mental health treatment for depression and anxiety caused by the stigma attached to being transgender, and some transgender people have stressed the importance of acknowledging their gender identity with a therapist in order to discuss other quality-of-life issues.[138] Rarely, some choose to detransition.[140]

Problems still remain surrounding misinformation about transgender issues that hurt transgender people's mental health experiences. One trans man who was enrolled as a student in a psychology graduate program highlighted the main concerns with modern clinical training: "Most people probably are familiar with the term transgender, but maybe that's it. I don't think I've had any formal training just going through [clinical] programs ... I don't think most [therapists] know. Most therapists – Master's degree, PhD level – they've had ... one diversity class on GLBT issues. One class out of the huge diversity training. One class. And it was probably mostly about gay lifestyle."[138] Many health insurance policies do not cover treatment associated with gender transition, and numerous people are under- or uninsured, which raises concerns about the insufficient training most therapists receive prior to working with transgender clients, potentially increasing financial strain on clients without providing the treatment they need.[138] Many clinicians who work with transgender clients only receive mediocre training on gender identity, but introductory training on interacting with transgender people has recently been made available to health care professionals to help remove barriers and increase the level of service for the transgender population.[141] In May 2009, France became the first country in the world to remove transgender identity from the list of mental diseases.[142][143]

A 2014 study carried out by the Williams Institute (a UCLA think tank) found that 41% of transgender people had attempted suicide, with the rate being higher among people who experienced discrimination in access to housing or healthcare, harassment, physical or sexual assault, or rejection by family.[144] A 2019 follow-up study found that transgender people who wanted and received gender-affirming medical care had significantly lower rates of suicidal thoughts and attempts.[145] Another study on the impact of parental support on trans youth found that among trans children with supportive parents, only 4% attempted suicide, a 93% decrease.[146]

Suicidal thoughts and attempts by gender affirmation milestones[145]
Intervention Category Suicidal Thoughts (Past 12 Months) Suicidal Attempts (Past 12 Months) Lifetime Suicidal Thoughts Lifetime Suicidal Attempts
Want hormones and have not had them 57.9 8.9 84.4 41.1
Want hormones and have had them 42.9 6.5 81.9 42.4
Want reassignment surgery, have not had 54.8 8.5 83.9 41.5
Want reassignment surgery, have had 38.2 5.1 79.0 39.5
Have not "de-transitioned" 44.2 6.7 81.6 41.8
Have "de-transitioned" 57.3 11.8 86.0 52.5

Autism is more common in people who are gender dysphoric. It is not known whether there is a biological basis. This may be due to the fact that people on the autism spectrum are less concerned with societal disapproval, and feel less fear or inhibition about coming out as trans than others.[147][better source needed]

Physical healthcare

[edit]

Medical and surgical procedures exist for transsexual and some transgender people, though most categories of transgender people as described above are not known for seeking the following treatments. Hormone replacement therapy for trans men induces beard growth and masculinizes skin, hair, voice, and fat distribution. Hormone replacement therapy for trans women feminizes fat distribution and breasts, as well as diminishes muscle mass and strength. Laser hair removal or electrolysis removes excess hair for trans women. Surgical procedures for trans women feminize the voice, skin, face, Adam's apple, breasts, waist, buttocks, and genitals. Surgical procedures for trans men masculinize the chest and genitals and remove the womb, ovaries, and fallopian tubes. The acronyms "Gender-affirming surgery (GAS)" and "sex reassignment surgery" (SRS) refer to genital surgery. The term "sex reassignment therapy" (SRT) is used as an umbrella term for physical procedures required for transition. Use of the term "sex change" has been criticized for its emphasis on surgery, and the term "transition" is preferred.[148][149] Availability of these procedures depends on degree of gender dysphoria, presence or absence of gender identity disorder,[150] and standards of care in the relevant jurisdiction.

Health risks among transgender people largely align with those of cisgender people with the same hormonal makeup, and the same routine cancer screenings are generally recommended as for cisgender people with the same organs.[151] It has been suggested that trans men who have not had a hysterectomy and who take testosterone may be at increased risk for endometrial cancer due to the presence of external estrogen, but this theoretical risk has not been proven in a clinical setting, and providers do not recommend any additional preventive measures or routine screening.[152]

Detransition

[edit]

Detransition refers to the cessation or reversal of a sex reassignment surgery or gender transition. Formal studies of detransition have been few in number,[153] of disputed quality,[154] and politically controversial.[155] Estimates of the rate at which detransitioning occurs vary from less than 1% to as high as 13%.[156] Those who undergo sex reassignment surgery have very low rates of detransition or regret.[140][157][158][159]

The 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey, with responses from 27,715 individuals who identified as "transgender, trans, genderqueer, [or] non-binary", found that 8% of respondents reported some kind of detransition. "Most of those who de-transitioned did so only temporarily: 62% of those who had de-transitioned reported that they were currently living full time in a gender different than the gender they were thought to be at birth."[83] Detransition was associated with assigned male sex at birth, nonbinary gender identity, and bisexual orientation, among other cohorts.[158] Only 5% of detransitioners (or 0.4% of total respondents) reported doing so because gender transition was "not for them"; 82% cited external reason(s), including pressure from others, the difficulties of transition, and discrimination. "The most common reason cited for de-transitioning was pressure from a parent (36%)."[160][161][83]

Legality

[edit]
Camille Cabral, a French transgender activist at a demonstration for transgender people in Paris, October 1, 2005

Legal procedures exist in some jurisdictions which allow individuals to change their legal gender or name to reflect their gender identity. Requirements for these procedures vary from an explicit formal diagnosis of transsexualism, to a diagnosis of gender identity disorder, to a letter from a physician that attests the individual's gender transition or having established a different gender role.[162] In 1994, the DSM IV entry was changed from "Transsexual" to "Gender Identity Disorder". In 2013, the DSM V removed "Gender Identity Disorder" and published "Gender Dysphoria" in its place.[163] In many places, transgender people are not legally protected from discrimination in the workplace or in public accommodations.[25][page needed] A report released in February 2011 found that 90% of transgender Americans faced discrimination at work and were unemployed at double the rate of the general population, and over half had been harassed or turned away when attempting to access public services.[23] Members of the transgender community also encounter high levels of discrimination in health care.[164]

Europe

[edit]
A Welsh Government advisory video on transgender hate crimes

As of 2017, 36 countries in Europe require a mental health diagnosis for legal gender recognition and 20 countries require sterilisation.[165] In April 2017, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that requiring sterilisation for legal gender recognition violates human rights.[166]

Canada

[edit]

Jurisdiction over legal classification of sex in Canada is assigned to the provinces and territories. This includes legal change of gender classification. On June 19, 2017, Bill C-16, having passed the legislative process in the House of Commons of Canada and the Senate of Canada, became law upon receiving Royal Assent, which put it into immediate force.[167][168] The law updated the Canadian Human Rights Act and the Criminal Code to include "gender identity and gender expression" as protected grounds from discrimination, hate publications and advocating transgender genocide. The bill also added "gender identity and expression" to the list of aggravating factors in sentencing, where the accused commits a criminal offence against an individual because of those personal characteristics. Similar transgender laws also exist in all the provinces and territories.[169]

United States

[edit]

In the United States, transgender people are protected from employment discrimination by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Exceptions apply to certain types of employers, for example, employers with fewer than 15 employees and religious organizations.[170] In 2020, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed that Title VII prohibits discrimination against transgender people in the case R.G. & G.R. Harris Funeral Homes Inc. v. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.[171]

In 2016, the United States Department of Education and Department of Justice issued guidance directing public schools to allow transgender students to use bathrooms that match their gender identities.[172] The same year, the United States Department of Defense removed the ban that prohibited transgender people from openly serving in the US military.[173] After back-and-forth reversals by presidents Donald Trump, Joe Biden,[174][175] and Trump again, and various stays and reversals in the federal courts, a ban is again in effect as of May 2025.[176][177]

The topic of trans rights in the United States has often been contentious and has become a deeply partisan wedge issue in recent years;[178] many pieces of legislation have been passed, and more proposed, that seek to limit the rights of transgender individuals, especially minors.[179]

India

[edit]
Jogappa is a transgender community in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. They are traditional folk singers and dancers.

In April 2014, the Supreme Court of India declared transgender to be a 'third gender' in Indian law.[180][181][182] The transgender community in India (made up of Hijras and others) has a long history in India and in Hindu mythology.[183][184] Justice KS Radhakrishnan noted in his decision that, "Seldom, our society realizes or cares to realize the trauma, agony and pain which the members of Transgender community undergo, nor appreciates the innate feelings of the members of the Transgender community, especially of those whose mind and body disown their biological sex".[185] Hijras have faced structural discrimination including not being able to obtain driving licenses, and being prohibited from accessing various social benefits. It is also common for them to be banished from communities.[186]

Sociocultural relationships

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LGBTQ community

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A rainbow flag held by a transgender person.

Despite the distinction between sexual orientation and gender, throughout history gay, lesbian and bisexual subcultures were often the only places where gender-variant people were socially accepted in the gender role they felt they belonged to[clarify]; especially during the time when legal or medical transitioning was almost impossible. This acceptance has had a complex history. Like the wider world, the gay community in Western societies did not generally distinguish between sex and gender identity until the 1970s, and the role of the transgender community in the history of LGBTQ rights is often overlooked.[187][failed verification]

Transgender individuals have been part of various LGBTQ movements throughout history, with significant contributions dating back to the early days of the gay liberation movement.[188]

The LGBTQ community is not a monolithic group, and there are different modes of thought on who is a part of this diverse community. The changes that came with the Gay Liberation Movement and Civil Rights movement saw many gay, lesbian, and bisexual people making headway within the public sphere, and gaining support from the wider public, throughout the latter half of the twentieth century. The trans community only experienced a similar surge in activism during the start of the twenty-first century.[188] Due to the many different groups that make up the broader LGBTQ movement, there are those within the larger community who do not believe that the trans community has a place within the LGBTQ space.[189]

Religion

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Feminism

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Feminist views on transgender women have changed over time, but have generally become more positive. Second-wave feminism saw numerous clashes opposed to transgender women, since they were not seen as "true" women, and as invading women-only spaces.[190][191] Though second-wave feminism argued for the sex and gender distinction, some feminists believed there was a conflict between transgender identity and the feminist cause; e.g., they believed that male-to-female transition abandoned or devalued female identity and that transgender people embraced traditional gender roles and stereotypes.[192] By the emergence of third-wave feminism (around 1990), opinions had shifted to being more inclusive of both trans and gay identities.[193][194] Fourth-wave feminism (starting around 2012) has been widely trans-inclusive, but trans-exclusive groups and ideas remain as a minority, though one that is especially prominent in the UK.[195][193][196] Feminists who do not accept that trans women are women have been labeled "trans-exclusionary radical feminists" (TERFs) or gender-critical feminists by opponents.[197][198]

Discrimination and support

[edit]

Transgender individuals experience significant rates of employment discrimination. According to a 2011 aggregation of several studies, approximately 90% of transgender Americans had encountered some form of harassment or mistreatment in their workplace. 47% had experienced some form of adverse employment outcome due to being transgender; of this figure, 44% were passed over for a job, 23% were denied a promotion, and 26% were terminated on the grounds that they were transgender.[199]

Studies in several cultures have found that cisgender women are more likely to be accepting of trans people than cisgender men.[200][201][202][203]

The start of the twenty-first century saw the rise in transgender activism and with it an increase in support.[188] Within the United States, groups such as the Trevor Project have been serving the wider LGBT community including people who identify with the term transgender. The group offers support in the form of educational resources including research, advocacy, and crisis services.[204][205] The American Civil Liberties Unions (ACLU) also often represents members of the trans community.[206][207]

Other groups within the United States specifically advocate for transgender rights. One of these groups directly related to transgender support is the National Center for Transgender Equality (NCTE), which is committed to advocating for policy changes that protect transgender people and promote equality. Through their research, education, and advocacy efforts, the NCTE works to address issues such as healthcare access, employment discrimination, and legal recognition for transgender individuals.[208][209] One prominent organization within Europe is Transgender Europe (TGEU), a network of organizations and individuals committed to promoting equality and human rights for transgender people within European borders. TGEU works to challenge discrimination, improve transgender healthcare access, advocate for legal recognition of gender identity, and support the well-being of transgender communities.[210][211]

Demographics

[edit]

Little is known about the prevalence of transgender people in the general population and reported prevalence estimates are greatly affected by variable definitions of transgender.[212] According to a recent systematic review, an estimated 9.2 out of every 100,000 people have received or requested gender affirmation surgery or transgender hormone therapy; 6.8 out of every 100,000 people have received a transgender-specific diagnoses; and 355 out of every 100,000 people self-identify as transgender.[212] These findings underscore the value of using consistent terminology related to studying the experience of transgender, as studies that explore surgical or hormonal gender affirmation therapy may or may not be connected with others that follow a diagnosis of "transsexualism", "gender identity disorder", or "gender dysphoria", none of which may relate with those that assess self-reported identity.[212] Common terminology across studies does not yet exist, so population numbers may be inconsistent, depending on how they are being counted.

A study in 2020 found that, since 1990, of those seeking sex hormone therapy for gender dysphoria there has been a steady increase in the percentage of trans men, such that they equal the number of trans women seeking this treatment.[213]

Asia

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Nong Tum, a Kathoey internationally recognized for her portrayal in the film Beautiful Boxer

In Thailand and Laos,[214] the term kathoey is used to refer to male-to-female transgender people[215] and effeminate gay men.[216] However, many transgender people in Thailand do not identify as kathoey.[217] Transgender people have also been documented in Iran,[218] Japan,[219] Nepal,[220] Indonesia,[221] Vietnam,[222] South Korea,[223] Jordan,[224] Singapore,[225] and the greater Chinese region, including Hong Kong,[226][227] Taiwan,[228] and the People's Republic of China.[229][230]

The cultures of the Indian subcontinent include a third gender, referred to as hijra in Hindi. In India, the Supreme Court on April 15, 2014, recognized a third gender that is neither male nor female, stating "Recognition of transgenders as a third gender is not a social or medical issue but a human rights issue."[231] In 1998, Shabnam Mausi became the first transgender person to be elected in India, in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh.[232]

Europe

[edit]

According to Amnesty International, 1.5 million transgender people lived in the European Union as of 2017, making up 0.3% of the population.[16] A 2011 survey conducted by the Equality and Human Rights Commission in the UK found that of 10,026 respondents, 1.4% would be classified into a gender minority group. The survey also showed that 1% had gone through any part of a gender reassignment process (including thoughts or actions).[233]

North America

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The 2021 Canadian census released by Statistics Canada found that 59,460 Canadians (0.19% of the population) identified as transgender.[13] According to the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces by Statistics Canada in 2018, 0.24% of the Canadian population identified as transgender men, women or non-binary individuals.[234]

In the United States, over 2.8 million persons identify as transgender, as of 2025.[235][236] It's the case for 1% of adults (about 2.1 million persons) and 3.3% of youth (about 724,000 persons aged 13 to 17).[235][236] Among adults, 32.7% (698,500) are transgender women, 34.2% (730,500) transgender men, and 33.1% (707,100) non-binary.[235][236]

The Social Security Administration has tracked the sex of US citizens since 1936.[237] A 1968 estimate, by Ira B. Pauly, estimated that about 2,500 transsexual people were living in the United States, with four times as many trans women as trans men.[238] One effort to quantify the modern population in 2011 gave a "rough estimate" that 0.3% of adults in the US are transgender.[239][240] In 2016, studies estimated the proportion of Americans who identify as transgender at 0.5 to 0.6%.[241][242][243][244]

In the United States and Canada, some Native American and First Nations cultures traditionally recognize the existence of more than two genders,[245] such as the Zuni male-bodied lhamana,[246] the Lakota male-bodied winkte,[247] and the Mohave male-bodied alyhaa and female-bodied hwamee.[248] These traditional people, along with those from other North American Indigenous cultures, are sometimes part of the contemporary, pan-Indian two-spirit community.[247] Historically, in most cultures who have alternate gender roles, if the spouse of a third gender person is not otherwise gender variant, they have not generally been regarded as other-gendered themselves, simply for being in a same-sex relationship.[248] In Mexico, the Zapotec culture includes a third gender in the form of the Muxe.[249] Mahu is a traditional third gender in Hawaiʻi and Tahiti. Mahu are valued as teachers, caretakers of culture, and healers, such as Kapaemahu. Diné (Navajo) have Nádleehi.[122]

Latin America

[edit]

In Latin American cultures, a travesti is an individual who has been assigned male at birth and who has a feminine, transfeminine, or "femme" gender identity. Travestis generally undergo hormonal treatment, use female gender expression including new names and pronouns from the masculine ones they were given when assigned a sex, and might use breast implants, but they are not offered or do not desire sex-reassignment surgery. Travesti might be regarded as a gender in itself (a "third gender"), a mix between man and woman ("intergender/androgynes"), or the presence of both masculine and feminine identities in a single person ("bigender"); they are framed as something entirely separate from transgender women.[250]

Other transgender identities are becoming more widely known, as a result of contact with other cultures of the Western world.[251] These newer identities, sometimes known under the umbrella use of the term "genderqueer",[251] along with the older travesti term, are known as non-binary and go along with binary transgender identities (those traditionally diagnosed under the obsolete label of "transsexualism") under the single umbrella of transgender, but are distinguished from cross-dressers and drag queens and kings, that are held as nonconforming gender expressions rather than transgender gender identities when a distinction is made.[252]

Oceania

[edit]

The 2021 Australian Census released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics estimated that 178,900 Australians (0.9% of the population) aged 16 years and over reported a gender that is different to their sex recorded at birth. They estimated that 67,100 people reported are trans men, 52,500 are trans women and 58,500 are non-binary people. People aged 16–24 years were more likely than any other age group to be trans and gender diverse (1.8%).[253]

On the 2023 New Zealand Census, 26,097 people self-identified as transgender, defined by Stats NZ as someone whose gender identity does not match their sex recorded at birth. This is 0.7 percent of all census-takers who were 15 years of age and older and usually residents of the country.[254]

Culture

[edit]

Coming out

[edit]

Coming out is the process of sharing one's identity with others, and can include sharing new pronouns and a new name.[255] Individuals who have come out are known as out.[256] The experience of coming out can change depending on whether the transgender individual is perceived as the gender with which they identify, which is known as passing.[255] In certain environments, some passing transgender individuals can choose to be stealth, which means to deliberately avoid coming out, often to avoid transphobia; these individuals are often out in other environments.[255] The decision for transgender people to come out to current or potential romantic or sexual partners can be especially difficult.[255]

The decision to come out is based on navigating others' gender expectations, reactions, and the threat of violence. Coming out is not a 'one-and-done' decision; rather, individuals make ongoing strategic decisions about their gender enactment and identity disclosure based on social contexts.[257]

The age at which transgender people come out can vary; some transgender individuals will know about and share their identities at a young age, while for others, the process is longer or more complicated.[258] Different transgender individuals choose to come out at different times during the transition process and to different people.[255] Some transgender individuals will choose to come out as bisexual, lesbian, or gay before recognizing their gender identity or choosing to come out as transgender.[258] Although there are some similarities, coming out as transgender is different than coming out as a sexual minority, such as lesbian, gay, or bisexual.[255] This is partly due to the relatively lower level of information that people have about transgender people compared to people who are sexual minorities.[255] Some come out in an online identity first, providing an opportunity to go through experiences virtually and safely before risking social implications in the real world.[259]

It may take time for people to understand and respond when a transgender person comes out.[255] Most transgender people feel healthier and happier when they come out and their gender identity is validated by others.[255]

Some transgender people choose not to come out at all.[255] For some, this decision can be because of stigma, lack of knowledge (by whom?) or fear of rejection by friends and family.[258] Upon coming out, transgender people can face discrimination, rejection, and violence.[255] These risks are heightened when transgender individuals are members of other marginalized communities.[255]

Visibility

[edit]
Actress Laverne Cox, who is trans, in July 2014
Trans March "Existrans" 2017

In 2014, the United States reached a "transgender tipping point", according to Time.[260][261] At this time, the media visibility of transgender people reached a level higher than seen before. Since then, the number of transgender portrayals across TV platforms has stayed elevated.[262]

Annual marches, protests or gatherings take place around the world for transgender issues, often taking place during the time of local Pride parades for LGBTQ people. These events are frequently organised by trans communities to build community, address human rights struggles, and create visibility.[263][264][265][266] International Transgender Day of Visibility is an annual holiday occurring on March 31[27][267] dedicated to celebrating transgender people and raising awareness of discrimination faced by transgender people worldwide. The holiday was founded by Michigan-based transgender activist[268] Rachel Crandall Crocker in 2009.[269]

Transgender Day of Remembrance (TDOR) is held every year on November 20 in honor of Rita Hester, who was killed on November 28, 1998. Her murder remains unsolved, but was described in 2022 as "a result of transphobia and anti-trans violence" by the Office of the Mayor of Boston, Michelle Wu.[26] TDOR memorializes victims of hate crimes and prejudice and raises awareness of hate crimes committed upon living transgender people.[270] Transgender Awareness Week is a one-week celebration leading up to TDOR, dedicated to educating about transgender and gender non-conforming people and the issues associated with their transition or identity.[271] Several trans marches occur in cities around the world, including Paris, San Francisco, and Toronto, in order to raise awareness of the transgender community.[272][273]

There are also significant portrayals of transgender people in the media. Transgender literature includes literature portraying transgender people, as well as memoirs or novels by transgender people, who often discuss elements of the transgender experience.[274] Several films and television shows feature transgender characters in the storyline, and several fictional works also have notable transgender characters.[275]

A pedestrian traffic light in Trafalgar Square, London with the ⚧ symbol, installed for the 2016 Pride in London

Pride symbols

[edit]

A common symbol for the transgender community is the Transgender Pride Flag, which was designed by the American transgender woman Monica Helms in 1999, and was first shown at a pride parade in Phoenix, Arizona, in 2000. The flag consists of five horizontal stripes: light blue, pink, white, pink, and light blue.[28] Other transgender symbols include the butterfly (symbolizing transformation or metamorphosis)[276] and a pink/light blue yin and yang symbol.[277] Several gender symbols have been used to represent transgender people, including ⚥ and .[278][279]

See also

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References

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Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Transgender refers to individuals whose [[Gender identity]] differs from their [[Biological sex]]. U.S. estimates indicate that approximately 0.8% of adults identify as transgender. The topic encompasses medical treatments, etiological theories, societal and cultural dimensions, and legal policies. Debates include standards of youth care, hypotheses of causation, participation in sex-segregated categories, and legal recognition of [[Gender identity]].

Definitions and Terminology

Core Definitions and Distinctions

Biological sex refers to the binary classification of organisms as male or female, defined by anisogamy: the production of small, motile gametes (sperm) by males and large, nutrient-rich gametes (ova) by females, which determines their reproductive roles. Primary sex characteristics, present from birth and including gamete production, gonads, and reproductive anatomy, form the basis of this classification. In humans and many other animals, this is typically determined by chromosomal pathways (XX for females, XY for males). Secondary sex characteristics, such as those developing during puberty (e.g., body hair distribution, breast development, voice pitch), are additional dimorphic traits influenced by sex hormones but do not redefine biological sex, with rare exceptions in disorders/differences of sex development (DSD). While the classification of biological sex remains binary based on anisogamy, other sex-linked biological traits—such as neuro-functional networks and hormonal profiles—exhibit a bimodal distribution rather than a strict binary, with most individuals clustering at the ends of the male-female spectrum. Biological sex at the systemic level represents a composite of multiple variables, which in rare cases of biological incongruence (e.g., DSD) can develop in divergent directions. In biomedical research, particularly under the NIH's Sex as a Biological Variable (SABV) framework, sex is treated as a key biological variable influencing physiological traits and research outcomes. Gender is often described in gender studies as encompassing socially constructed roles, behaviors, expressions, and identities typically associated with sex, varying across cultures and time but often aligning with sexual dimorphism. Gender identity is an individual's internal, subjective sense of their own gender, which may or may not correspond to their sex. Transgender refers to individuals whose gender identity differs from their sex, serving as an umbrella term that includes those who may pursue social, legal, or medical changes to align presentation with identity, though not all do so. By contrast, transsexual is a narrower term historically applied to those seeking or undergoing medical interventions like hormones or surgery to modify secondary sex characteristics, emphasizing physical transition over mere identification; in many contemporary contexts, it is considered outdated. Transgender experiences differ from intersex conditions, with transgender identity occurring independently of detectable disorders/differences of sex development (DSD) in over 98% of cases. Intersex conditions involve biological variations such as atypical chromosomal, gonadal, or anatomical development at birth—for instance, . These individuals typically identify with one of the binary sexes following medical evaluation. Cross-dressing or gender nonconformity in expression, such as through clothing or mannerisms, is generally distinguished from transgender identity in the absence of a persistent internal sense of belonging to the opposite sex.

Evolution of Key Terms

Terminology related to gender variance has evolved across medical and social contexts, reflecting changing understandings of sex, identity, and behavior. German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld coined the term transvestite in 1910 to describe individuals who dress in attire typically associated with the opposite biological sex. The term transsexual first appeared in 1949, introduced by American physician David O. Cauldwell to denote individuals seeking medical intervention to align their physical form with a perceived inner sex, and was popularized by Harry Benjamin in his 1966 book The Transsexual Phenomenon, which framed transsexualism as a medical condition. In 1955, psychologist John Money formalized and popularized the modern distinction between biological sex—defined by chromosomes, gonads, and anatomy—and gender in clinical sexology, building on earlier psychological concepts and applying the latter to psychosocial roles and behaviors; he coined gender role to emphasize environmental influences and defined gender identity as an internal sense of maleness or femaleness. The Oxford English Dictionary cites 1974 as the earliest print use of transgender as an umbrella term for gender nonconformity.

Biological Sex

Primary and Secondary Sexual Dimorphism

Humans exhibit binary sexual dimorphism, defined by reproductive roles involving production of small, mobile gametes (sperm) by males and large, nutrient-rich gametes (ova) by females, with no third gamete type. This dimorphism arises from genetic mechanisms at fertilization: XX chromosomes typically yield female development via ovarian formation, while XY prompts male development through the SRY gene, whose expression is epigenetically regulated, triggering testicular differentiation around week 6 of gestation. Resulting traits include average differences in size, muscle mass, bone density, and post-pubertal hormone profiles (testosterone dominant in males, estrogen/progesterone in females). Primary sex characteristics, present from birth or early development, encompass reproductive organs (gonads and genitalia) and the capacity for gamete production. Secondary sex characteristics emerge at puberty and include developments such as body hair distribution, breast growth, voice changes, and differences in muscle mass and fat deposition. Primary biological sex characteristics, as established by genomic and developmental processes, are not altered by current medical interventions. Chromosomal sex persists lifelong, gonadal tissue retains its type despite removal or hormones, and core dimorphisms like skeletal structure—whose macroscopic features, such as overall frame and pelvic geometry, are primarily determined by the hormonal environment during puberty and not reversed in adults by interventions like HRT, while gross skeletal geometry remains immutable post-puberty, aspects of bone health such as bone mineral density (BMD), cortical thickness, and trabecular microarchitecture exhibit ongoing plasticity under GAHT, undergoing remodeling that can shift parameters such as decreased BMD and elevated fracture risk in trans women toward cis-female profiles, influenced by sex hormones regulating ongoing bone turnover—and gamete production are not reversed—males cannot produce ova, females cannot produce sperm. Interventions such as hormones or surgeries primarily modify secondary sex characteristics; for instance, long-term gender-affirming hormone therapy (GAHT) alters secondary sex characteristics and induces systemic phenotypic adaptations, including shifts in proteome, metabolome, and gene expression patterns toward those of the target sex, as well as alignments in physiological profiles such as lipid metabolism, cardiovascular risk factors, and muscle protein synthesis, alongside changes in markers like hormone levels, hemoglobin/hematocrit, and certain blood chemistry parameters, to reference ranges typical of the target sex, achieved through suppression of the natal hypothalamic-pituitary-gonadal (HPG) axis via negative feedback from exogenous sex steroids, reconfiguring neuro-endocrine feedback loops such that hormonal signaling, receptor sensitivity, and feedback mechanisms align with the logic of the target sex and result in a systemic endocrine state responsive to the dominant circulating steroid. Sexual dimorphism also extends to pharmacogenomics; for example, the liver enzyme CYP3A4—which exhibits female-predominant expression, metabolizes approximately 50% of clinical drugs, and is regulated by circulating sex hormones—can have its activity influenced by GAHT, contributing to alterations in drug metabolism patterns that align with broader systemic adaptations. This influences clinical diagnosis and treatment protocols in medicine and pharmacology, but does not change primary sex characteristics, fundamental chromosomes (typically XX or XY, uniform across cells in most individuals, though rare cases of chromosomal mosaicism or chimerism involve coexistence of XX and XY cell lines; these developmental anomalies do not produce a third gamete type and remain exceptions within the binary framework), which determine core genetic sex via SRY gene pathways. Rare disorders of sex development (DSDs, ~0.018% of births) involve atypical traits but align with binary classification by gamete potential, without creating fertile intermediates.

Historical Context

Pre-modern gender variance accounts

Pre-20th century cultures include accounts of individuals or groups exhibiting cross-gender expression or role adoption. These behaviors were often linked to religious rituals, social functions, or individual eccentricity. Such contexts generally lacked medical or identity frameworks distinct from biological sex and embedded gender variance in cultural, devotional, or elite contexts. In ancient Phrygia and later Rome, the galli served as eunuch priests to the goddess Cybele from around the 3rd century BC. These men voluntarily underwent castration and adopted female clothing, makeup, and ritual performances including dances and self-flagellation. Primary sources such as Lucretius and Juvenal describe the priests' foreign origins and bodily alterations as sacred yet contravening Roman norms of masculine virtus. In South Asia, hijras—eunuchs or intersex individuals recognized as a third gender—appear in ancient Hindu epics such as the Ramayana (circa 5th century BC to 3rd century AD) and Mahabharata. These communities, often castrated, served in royal courts and performed blessings at births and weddings. Under Mughal rule (1526–1857), they held semi-official status as harem guardians or tax collectors. Pre-colonial texts confirm their integration into Hindu and Muslim socio-religious practices. Colonial British authorities criminalized hijras via the 1871 Criminal Tribes Act. European records note isolated cases of cross-living, such as the Chevalier d'Éon (1728–1810), a French diplomat and soldier who lived publicly as a woman from 1777 following a royal decree that officially recognized and deemed d'Éon legally a woman. English courts also recognized this status. Postmortem examination confirmed male anatomy. Similarly, Roman emperor Elagabalus (r. 218–222 AD) reportedly sought genital surgery and preferred male sexual partners, according to accounts by Cassius Dio and the Historia Augusta, written by political opponents amid religious and political scandals. These sources are of low evidential quality, employing typical Roman slanders such as accusations of effeminacy and passive homosexuality, which were culturally damning insults used to damage enemies. Historians interpret these accounts as potentially exaggerated for political defamation.

Medicalization and clinical history (20th century)

Magnus Hirschfeld founded the Institute for Sexual Science in Berlin in 1919, building on earlier sexological work. The institute provided the first organized research and treatment for transgender concerns, including hormone therapies and surgeries. By the late 1920s, it performed gender-affirming procedures without standardized protocols. In 1931, surgeon Ludwig Levy-Lenz conducted sex reassignment surgery on Dora Richter. Lili Elbe underwent surgeries starting in 1930, including procedures in Berlin and Dresden, but died in 1931 from complications including infection and rejection. Sporadic surgical efforts continued in Europe into the 1930s until the Nazi regime raided and destroyed the institute in 1933. After World War II, hormone therapy advanced alongside surgical refinements. Harry Benjamin began treating patients with cross-sex hormones in the U.S. in the late 1940s and promoted multidisciplinary care with psychological evaluation. In 1952, Christine Jorgensen received gender-affirming surgery and hormones at Copenhagen University Hospital. In 1956, Georges Burou introduced the penile inversion vaginoplasty technique in Casablanca. The 1960s saw institutional growth, including the opening of the Johns Hopkins Gender Identity Clinic in 1966, the first U.S. university-based facility requiring psychiatric screening. Techniques such as intestinal vaginoplasty appeared by 1974. Benjamin's Standards of Care were published in 1979. Surgical volumes rose through the century's end.

Diagnosis and Prevalence

Diagnostic Criteria and Classification

The term "transgender" refers to individuals whose personal sense of gender identity differs from their sex assigned at birth. Unlike formal diagnoses, this label does not require clinical distress, impairment, or medical intervention. Clinical diagnoses evolved across systems. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition (DSM-IV, 1994) defined gender identity disorder (GID) as persistent cross-gender identification, discomfort with assigned sex, and clinically significant distress or impairment lasting at least two years; it was classified under disorders usually first diagnosed in infancy, childhood, or adolescence. The DSM-5 (2013) introduced gender dysphoria to emphasize distress from incongruence between experienced or expressed gender and assigned gender, avoiding pathologization of identity. Placed in its own chapter apart from paraphilic and sexual dysfunction disorders, it requires incongruence manifestations—distinct from gender nonconformity alone—causing distress or impairment for at least six months. The DSM-5-TR clarifies that transgender identity without distress falls below diagnostic thresholds. The International Classification of Diseases, Eleventh Revision (ICD-11, effective 2022) terms the condition gender incongruence and places it under sexual health chapters, moving it from mental disorders to lessen stigma. It demands marked, persistent incongruence between experienced gender and assigned sex—typically over two years—often with a desire to transition or change sex characteristics, but without requiring distress or impairment. Gender-variant behaviors alone do not suffice, and codes differ for adolescence/adulthood (HA60) and childhood (HA61).

Reception and Critique

Critics contend that DSM-IV criteria for GID conflated gender identity with observable cross-gender behaviors and roles, potentially pathologizing nonconformity. The DSM-5 shift to distress-based diagnosis has been praised for de-emphasizing identity as disordered but critiqued for retaining medical framing of incongruence. For ICD-11, some argue that removing the distress requirement risks over-medicalization by allowing diagnosis based solely on self-reported incongruence over the specified duration. Referrals to specialist gender identity clinics for youth with gender dysphoria have increased substantially in multiple countries over the past decade. In the UK, annual referrals to the Gender Identity Development Service rose from about 210 in 2011–2012 to over 5,000 in 2021, a more than 20-fold increase. Referrals among adolescent girls surged 4,000% over an eight-year period ending around 2019. In English primary care records from 2011 to 2021, gender dysphoria diagnoses among children and adolescents climbed from 0.14 to 4.4 per 10,000—a 50-fold rise—though absolute numbers remained low at about one in 1,200 by 2021. Denmark saw similar growth, with referrals increasing from 97 in 2016 to 352 in 2022. In the US, population surveys show rising self-reported transgender identification among youth. The CDC's 2023 Youth Risk Behavior Survey found 3.3% of high school students identifying as transgender and 2.2% questioning their gender. Approximately 724,000 youth aged 13–17 identify as transgender, equating to 3.3% of that group. Earlier data from 2014–2015 reported lower rates of around 0.7% for young adults aged 18–24. Demographic shifts include a focus on adolescents over prepubescent children and a reversal in natal sex ratios. In one UK sample, over 62% of cases involved youth aged 10–17. Gender dysphoria in children historically affected more natal males, but recent adolescent clinic data show 70–71% of referrals from natal females. Female predominance reaches up to 70% in some European cohorts, contrasting prior male-heavy patterns and aligning with adolescent-onset cases.

Comorbidities with Mental Health Conditions

Individuals with gender dysphoria exhibit substantially elevated rates of comorbid mental health conditions compared to the general population, including depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, self-harm, autism spectrum disorder (ASD), and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). These conditions often co-occur with gender-related distress in clinic-referred populations, though directionality remains unclear. The minority stress model attributes higher mental health rates among transgender individuals to chronic stress from discrimination, violence, family rejection, and lack of social support, but causality and directionality are debated. Self-identified transgender individuals show higher prevalence of sexual minority orientations, with about 70% identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or queer versus 8% of non-trans adults. This may confound comorbidity rates, as LGB populations have depression and anxiety levels 2-3 times higher than heterosexual peers per meta-analyses. Pooled data from systematic reviews indicate an 11% ASD diagnosis rate among transgender individuals, versus 1-2% in the general population; transgender individuals are 3 to 6 times more likely to meet criteria than cisgender individuals. In specialized clinics like the UK's Tavistock Gender Identity Service, one in three young referrals had autism. Estimates for minors with gender dysphoria range from 20% to 50%. The Cass Review notes comorbid ASD in youth with gender dysphoria. PTSD prevalence among self-identified transgender individuals reaches 42%, compared to 6-7% in the general adult population. Meta-analyses show a 2.5 times higher risk. Adverse childhood experiences, including trauma, occur at elevated levels in gender clinic referrals. The following table summarizes prevalence ranges from heterogeneous sources, varying by population (e.g., clinic-referred gender dysphoria vs. self-identified transgender individuals), setting (e.g., specialized clinics vs. population surveys), and measurement methods.
ConditionCohort PrevalenceGeneral PopulationKey Sources
Depression28-64% (primarily clinic samples)~7%
Anxiety (moderate-severe)50% (youth cohorts, clinic and survey samples)~18% (lifetime)
Autism Spectrum Disorder11-50% (pooled and clinic estimates)1-2%
PTSD42% (self-identified transgender surveys)6-7%

Etiology and Explanatory Frameworks

The etiology of gender dysphoria (GD) is multifactorial and not fully elucidated, encompassing potential biological, psychological, developmental, social, and environmental influences. High-quality evidence remains limited for most proposed mechanisms.

Biological Hypotheses

Evolutionary biologists propose that gender diversity arises from variations in sexual differentiation processes, persisting at low frequencies with potential indirect fitness benefits via kin selection. In Samoan culture, fa'afafine—males adopting feminine roles—display elevated kin-directed altruism, aligning with the "super uncle" hypothesis. Yet gender variance lacks simple adaptive explanations and fails to account for transgender dysphoria in Western contexts. These views remain speculative. Twin and family studies estimate gender dysphoria heritability at 20-50%. A 2022 Swedish population-based twin study of over 500,000 individuals reported higher monozygotic concordance (28.4-39.1%) than dizygotic (0-2.6%), with non-shared environment driving most variance. Familial factors primarily reflect shared intrauterine influences, as opposite-sex dizygotic twins showed 37% recurrence versus 0.16% in non-twin siblings. Discordant monozygotic twins indicate genetics do not determine outcomes alone. No specific genes consistently emerge; genome-wide association studies and candidate gene analyses of hormone receptors or steroidogenesis pathways yield no replicable causal variants. Epigenetic mechanisms, such as DNA methylation, regulate the phenotypic expression of sex-linked traits in a tissue-specific manner. Preliminary epigenome-wide association studies have identified distinct global CpG methylation profiles in hormone-naïve transgender individuals compared to cisgender controls, with differentially methylated genes involved in brain development and neurodevelopment, suggesting a potential epigenetic contribution to gender incongruence; however, these findings are limited by small sample sizes and require further replication. Prenatal androgen exposure may shape gender identity through atypical brain sexual differentiation. In congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH), elevated androgens in females associate with tomboyish behavior and 5-10% gender dysphoria risk in severe cases. Diethylstilbestrol (DES)-exposed cohorts link to transgender identity. Yet hormone assays and animal models do not reliably predict human outcomes. These associations are correlational. The organizational-activational hypothesis offers a standard neuroendocrinological framework for brain sexual differentiation, whereby early organizational effects of prenatal hormones permanently structure neural circuits, potentially mismatched with gonadal sex and leading to gender identity divergence in some cases; these circuits may then be activated by later hormonal influences. Diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) studies have identified white matter microstructure differences in transgender individuals, often exhibiting intermediate patterns between cisgender natal sex and identified gender groups. These represent hypothesized mechanisms with correlational evidence, mixed findings, small effect sizes, and limitations including confounds from hormone therapy. Neurobiological studies find mixed brain structure differences in transgender individuals versus cisgender controls of their biological sex, including subcortical volumes, cortical surface area, and certain hypothalamic or white matter tracts that partially align with identified gender. A 2020 structural MRI analysis of over 800 participants revealed deviations from both biological sex and identified gender patterns, with machine learning unable to classify accurately. A 2021 mega-analysis confirmed volume metric differences but not cortical thickness. Effect sizes remain small compared to within-sex variability, and brain sexual dimorphism is mosaic and probabilistic. While structural MRI results are mixed, resting-state fMRI (rs-fMRI) studies have identified that transgender individuals often exhibit functional connectivity patterns—specifically within the Default Mode Network (DMN) and Salience Network—that align more closely with their identified gender than their natal sex, even in hormone-naïve subjects. This suggests that the internal sense of gender identity may have a measurable neuro-functional correlate in the brain's baseline processing, independent of gross anatomical volume. Limitations include small samples, cross-sectional designs, and potential confounds, though some investigations of hormone-naïve participants have observed these differences. Meta-analyses highlight trait mosaics with substantial sex overlap.

Psychological and Developmental Explanations

Psychological models propose that gender dysphoria may emerge from underlying mental health dynamics, such as dissociation or attachment disruptions. Paraphilic motivations may contribute, manifesting as a desire to alter one's sexed body or social role. Studies show elevated rates of personality disorders, including borderline personality disorder and other Cluster B disorders, among individuals with gender dysphoria. One multicenter European study found psychiatric comorbidity rates exceeding 50% in transsexual individuals, with personality disorders prominent. Assessments of transgender patients reveal higher diagnoses of Cluster B disorders. According to DSM-5 criteria, a diagnosis of gender dysphoria requires that the incongruence and distress are not better explained by another mental disorder or a medical condition. Psychological factors show associations with GD, including childhood trauma, abuse, or neglect, and autism spectrum traits, which co-occur at 3-6 times higher rates than in the general population. Developmental factors include adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), such as abuse or neglect, reported at rates up to twice the general population average among those with gender dysphoria. These may foster dissociative coping mechanisms. Clinical observations link early familial instability or sexual trauma to later gender incongruence. Longitudinal studies indicate developmental fluidity, with up to 80-90% of prepubertal gender-dysphoric children aligning with their natal sex by adulthood without medical intervention. However, recent longitudinal research on youth who underwent early social transition reports persistence rates exceeding 97% in maintaining a transgender or nonbinary identity after an average of five years (Olson et al., 2022). Persistence into adulthood occurs at rates of 2.2–50%. Ray Blanchard's typology distinguishes "homosexual transsexuals," who are early-onset gynephilic males exhibiting feminine behaviors from childhood, from "autogynephilic" types, who are late-onset androphilic or gynephilic males motivated by sexual arousal from envisioning themselves as women. Surveys report autogynephilic ideation among non-homosexual male-to-female transsexuals correlating with transition motivations. MRI studies describe distinct neural patterns aligned with this classification. Functional MRI studies on own-body perception tasks have found that transgender individuals exhibit brain activation patterns in self-referential networks, including the default mode network (e.g., posterior cingulate cortex and precuneus), that align with their gender identity rather than natal sex. Data from multiple cohorts describe autogynephilia as a paraphilia in a subset of cases. Clinical evidence includes phallometric testing to assess arousal patterns. Critics, such as Moser (2009), have applied Blanchard's autogynephilia scales to cisgender women and found that a significant majority (93% in one study of 29 women) report experiences that would classify them as autogynephilic under the same criteria, suggesting these traits may reflect normative aspects of female sexuality rather than a unique paraphilia driving gender dysphoria in males. The World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) objected to the inclusion of autogynephilia as a specifier for Transvestic Disorder in the DSM-5 through their consensus process, arguing against pathologizing such arousal due to insufficient evidence. Blanchard's theory lacks broad scientific consensus, remaining a point of significant debate in the field.

Social/Environmental Hypotheses

Social contagion theory describes clusters of behaviors attributable to direct social influence, homophily, or shared environments. Proponents of applying this framework to transgender identification, particularly among adolescents, posit spread through peer networks and online communities, akin to patterns observed in eating disorders or self-harm. The "rapid-onset gender dysphoria" (ROGD) hypothesis refers to sudden identity declarations amid online exposure and peer clusters, without prior childhood indicators. Clinical literature recognizes adolescent-onset gender dysphoria as a distinct trajectory from childhood-onset cases, based on differences in recalled prepubertal incongruence and emergence timing. While social hypotheses like ROGD emphasize sudden onset without prepubertal history, the mere absence of early indicators does not conclusively prove social causation, as other developmental factors may contribute. Lisa Littman's 2018 study, based on parent reports from 256 cases of adolescents and young adults, reported increased social media engagement and friend groups where multiple members identified as transgender (62.5% of cases). A 2023 analysis by the Society for Evidence-Based Gender Medicine (SEGM) of 1,655 parent surveys found 70% lacked prepubertal dysphoria, 45% showed friend-group synchronization, and social media influenced 88% of instances. Critics of the ROGD hypothesis argue that methodological limitations, such as reliance on parent reports and non-probability sampling—including recruitment from websites skeptical of transgender youth transitions like 4thWaveNow and Transgender Trend, which may introduce sampling bias toward concerned parents—undermine its validity, and that ROGD is not a recognized clinical diagnosis in the DSM-5 or ICD-11; they attribute rises in identifications to greater visibility, reduced stigma, and evolving diagnostic practices rather than contagion. Some longitudinal studies provide context for persistence, such as Olson et al. (2022), which tracked 317 socially transitioned youth primarily with prepubertal onset and found that after an average of 5 years, only 7.3% retransitioned. Post-2010 trends show natal female adolescents disproportionately seeking gender-related interventions, correlating with online visibility; recent referrals comprise 60-90% adolescent females, contrasting historical patterns. Gender dysphoria diagnoses have risen sharply, such as UK referrals increasing 4,000% from 2009 to 2018. The Cass Review observed ROGD-like presentations, peer influences, and online factors but highlighted uncertainties, including its reliance on retrospective data and the field-wide absence of prospective controlled trials (limitations it acknowledges), while calling for more research rather than definitive conclusions; critics have noted these methodological limitations.

Treatment Approaches

Non-Medical Interventions and Resolution Without Medical Intervention

Social transition involves changes to live as one's identified gender, such as adopting a new name and pronouns, altering clothing and hairstyles, and informing family, peers, or institutions of the identified gender. It can occur at any age and is often part of gender-affirmative approaches for youth experiencing gender dysphoria, typically following assessment for persistent dysphoria. Watchful waiting refers to a clinical approach for children and adolescents experiencing gender dysphoria that emphasizes comprehensive psychological assessment, monitoring of symptoms over time, and interventions addressing underlying mental health issues or developmental factors, without immediate social transition or medical interventions. This method involves exploration of comorbidities such as anxiety, depression, autism spectrum traits, or trauma, which often co-occur with gender dysphoria in youth.

Pharmacological Interventions (Puberty Blockers and Hormones)

Puberty blockers, primarily gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH) agonists such as leuprolide, are administered to transgender-identifying youth typically at Tanner stage 2 of puberty, around ages 10-12, to suppress endogenous sex hormone production and halt the development of secondary sex characteristics, following diagnosis of persistent gender dysphoria. These medications pause pubertal development to allow further psychological evaluation. Known risks include decreased bone mineral density and potential impacts on fertility and growth. Cross-sex hormones, such as testosterone for those assigned female at birth or estrogen combined with anti-androgens for those assigned male at birth, are typically initiated after puberty blockers (around age 16) or directly in adolescents meeting criteria for persistent gender dysphoria, to develop secondary sex characteristics aligned with identified gender. Testosterone promotes masculinization, including increased muscle mass, voice deepening, and cessation of menses within 6-12 months, while estrogen induces breast development, fat redistribution, and reduced erectile function over 2-5 years. Known risks include cardiovascular effects and infertility.

Surgical Interventions

Surgical interventions for gender dysphoria primarily target modification of genitalia, chest, and facial features to approximate the morphology of the identified sex. These procedures are generally recommended for adults after at least one year of hormone therapy and documented adherence to social role transition criteria, as outlined in standards from organizations like the World Professional Association for Transgender Health, and following diagnosis of persistent gender dysphoria. Common transfeminine surgeries include penile inversion vaginoplasty, which repurposes penile skin to form a neovagina, neoclitoris, and labia; orchiectomy for testicular removal; and facial feminization procedures such as brow bossing reduction or rhinoplasty. Transmasculine options encompass subcutaneous mastectomy with chest wall reconstruction for "top surgery," hysterectomy with oophorectomy, and phalloplasty or metoidioplasty for neophallus construction, often involving grafts from the arm or thigh. In U.S. national data from 2016 to 2020 drawn from a private insurance claims database, chest and breast procedures accounted for 56.6% of 48,019 gender-affirming surgeries, genital reconstructions 16.4%, and facial procedures 9.6%. Known risks include complications such as infections, revisions, and infertility post-gonadectomy. For evidence on treatment outcomes, including effectiveness, regret, detransition, and long-term health risks, see the "Evidence on Treatment Outcomes" section.

Evidence on Treatment Outcomes

Evidence quality

The evidence base for medical interventions in gender dysphoria relies primarily on observational studies, cohort analyses, and few randomized trials. Systematic reviews consistently highlight methodological weaknesses, including lack of randomization, small sample sizes, high attrition, inadequate comorbidity controls, short follow-ups, and publication bias toward short-term positives. Major reviews affirm low evidence quality. The Cass Review (2024), analyzing over 100 studies, rated most as weak and found no reliable long-term improvements in dysphoria, mental health, or body satisfaction from puberty blockers or cross-sex hormones. The UK's NICE review (2020-2021) of 23 puberty blocker studies reported "very low certainty" for psychosocial or dysphoria benefits. A 2024 Archives of Disease in Childhood review of 50 studies noted inconsistent short-term psychological effects and limited long-term data. Sweden's 2022 youth hormonal treatment review identified insufficient high-quality evidence for benefits. Finnish and Cochrane reviews highlighted elevated post-transition suicide risks unaffected by interventions and absent randomized hormone trials. A 2025 US HHS report on pediatric gender dysphoria treatments emphasized limitations in systematic reviews and low-quality evidence for intervention benefits. In systems like GRADE, "low-quality" or "very low certainty" evidence reflects limited confidence in effect estimates due to factors such as risk of bias and lack of randomization, but does not imply absence of data; it is common in fields where randomized controlled trials (RCTs) face ethical challenges, such as potential harm from withholding established interventions, leading to greater reliance on observational and longitudinal studies. Some studies report short-term improvements, potentially influenced by bias. Disagreements persist on observational data interpretation, with ongoing calls for higher-quality randomized evidence that remains unavailable.

Youth outcomes

For adolescents, systematic reviews such as the Cass Review and NICE assessments reported mixed short-term psychological effects from puberty blockers or hormones but no consistent long-term improvements in dysphoria or mental health. Some observational studies have reported positive short-term associations; for instance, Turban et al. (2020) found that access to pubertal suppression during adolescence was associated with lower lifetime suicidal ideation among transgender adults (adjusted odds ratio approximately 0.3–0.5 after controls), and Green et al. (2022) reported that gender-affirming medications were associated with lower odds of depression and suicidality over 12 months in a prospective cohort of transgender and nonbinary youth (adjusted odds ratios 0.4–0.6). These findings derive from non-randomized designs and are subject to limitations including potential confounders, selection bias, and short follow-up periods, consistent with broader critiques of evidence quality in the field.

Adult outcomes

Adult outcomes from long-term studies indicate persistent mental health challenges. A 2011 Swedish cohort study of 324 post-surgery individuals (1973-2003) reported no reductions in mortality or psychiatric hospitalizations compared to controls, with suicide rates four times higher, attributed to unresolved comorbidities. A 2024 U.S. retrospective cohort study of 1,501 adults post-gender-affirming surgery, using data from the TriNetX database (2003-2023), found 4.71- to 12.12-fold higher risks of suicide attempts within five years compared to propensity-matched controls, as compared to a control group of mainly cisgender adults that did not receive gender-affirming surgery. Some intra-group comparative studies using survey data or cohort analyses have reported associations between gender-affirming interventions and reduced mental health issues within transgender populations. Almazan et al. (2021), analyzing self-reported data from the 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey, found lower odds of psychological distress and suicidality among transgender adults who had undergone gender-affirming surgery compared to those who desired but did not receive it. Turban et al. (2020) reported lower lifetime suicidal ideation among transgender adults who recalled access to pubertal suppression during adolescence compared to those who did not, based on retrospective self-reports. Bränström and Pachankis (2020), in a Swedish cohort study, associated longer durations of gender-affirming hormone therapy with reduced mental health treatment needs, though a correction clarified no significant reductions from surgical interventions. These findings rely on cross-sectional survey data, retrospective reports, or observational cohort designs and are subject to limitations such as recall bias, potential confounding, and inability to establish causation. Surgical interventions provide short-term dysphoria relief but show no overall mental health improvements in available cohort data.

Regret and detransition

Reported regret rates after gender-affirming interventions are under 1% in pooled analyses of thousands of patients. However, these figures come from studies with short follow-ups (under five years), high loss-to-follow-up rates (20-30%), and reliance on clinic self-reports, which may underestimate true prevalence. Longer-term tracking remains limited, especially given the potential for delayed onset due to irreversible effects like infertility. A 2021 meta-analysis of 7,928 patients found 1% regret but emphasized methodological limitations. U.S. data from 2024 indicated rates under 0.5%, though the Cass Review noted unknown rates among youth amid social influences. rates range from 0.5% to 8%. Detransition may involve clinical desistance (a post-transition change in gender identity) or medical cessation (stopping or pausing interventions without a change in gender identity). A 2023 U.S. survey of 28,000 adults reported 8% detransition, mostly due to external factors; in the Turban et al. (2021) analysis of the U.S. Transgender Survey, 82.5% of those who had detransitioned reported at least one external driving factor (such as family pressure or discrimination), distinguishing this from cases of internal identity reversal. Detransition can be temporary, with some studies finding approximately 42% of detransitioners later re-transitioning after addressing external barriers like discrimination or financial instability. while a 2021 survey of over 200 individuals cited trauma or autism as factors in 70% of cases, often with early onset. Measurement challenges include underreporting, varying definitions, and inadequate longitudinal data. Since 2022, detransitioners have filed an increasing number of medical malpractice lawsuits against providers of gender-affirming interventions, with over 20 documented cases in the U.S. alleging inadequate mental health evaluations prior to treatments such as puberty blockers, hormones, and surgeries. In a landmark 2026 verdict, a New York jury awarded $2 million to Fox Varian for a double mastectomy performed at age 16, finding that the psychologist and plastic surgeon deviated from accepted standards. Most such cases remain pending, but a 2025 peer-reviewed analysis of litigation trends underscores heightened physician exposure to claims related to gender detransition due to insufficient assessments. These developments reflect instances of regret manifesting through legal channels.

Adverse events

Systematic reviews have documented physical harms from pharmacological and surgical interventions, as detailed in the Treatment Approaches section, including reduced bone density, potential fertility impairment, sexual function changes, and cardiovascular risks such as increased thromboembolism from estrogen. Standard clinical risk-management protocols include recommending transdermal estrogen over oral formulations to reduce the risk of venous thromboembolism and providing fertility preservation counseling prior to initiating hormone therapy; however, risks persist despite these measures.

Societal and Cultural Dimensions

Activism and political history

In the late 20th century, transgender concerns shifted from medical models to identity politics, influenced by queer theory. Judith Butler's Gender Trouble (1990) argued that gender is a repetitive performance shaped by social norms, not an innate essence. Activists used this framework to challenge binary sex categories as social constructs, prioritizing social recognition over clinical treatment. Transgender activism integrated into broader lesbian, gay, and bisexual movements in the late 20th century. This evolution began with shared protests against gender nonconformity policing and culminated in the "T" addition to the LGBTQ acronym by the late 1990s and early 2000s. The inclusion reflected overlapping discrimination, evident in events like the 1969 Stonewall riots, where transgender figures such as Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera resisted police raids alongside gay bar patrons—though their roles in sparking the uprising are debated by historians. Collaborative efforts advanced protections, including anti-discrimination laws covering both sexual orientation and gender identity, such as U.S. Employment Non-Discrimination Act proposals from the 1990s and Rhode Island's 2001 employment bias prohibition. Media visibility grew in the 2010s, highlighted by Caitlyn Jenner's 2015 transition and policy debates, including the Obama administration's 2016 school accommodations directive and military inclusion for transgender personnel.

Coalition Tensions

Coalitions gained from shared visibility and resources, with groups like Stonewall expanding to support transgender rights by the 2010s. However, tensions arose over priorities. In 2019, the UK's LGB Alliance formed to focus on sex-based sexual orientation rights, separate from gender identity advocacy, facing legal challenges from inclusive organizations like Stonewall. Similar divisions surfaced in Pride events and prompted withdrawals, such as UK employers from Stonewall's diversity scheme in 2021.

Representations in Media and Culture

Early cinematic depictions of transgender themes, such as the 1953 film Glen or Glenda, portrayed cross-dressing and gender nonconformity as pathological or tragic, aligning with mid-20th-century psychiatric perspectives. Television representations emerged sporadically in the late 20th century. An analysis of over 90 transgender characters from 2002 to 2012 found 40% depicted as victims of violence or discrimination and 21% as villains or killers. Transgender visibility increased markedly in media since the mid-2010s. Laverne Cox's portrayal of Sophia Burset in Orange Is the New Black (2013–2019) achieved milestones, including her 2014 Primetime Emmy nomination as the first openly transgender nominee. In literature, Virginia Woolf's Orlando (1928) is retrospectively viewed as exploring gender fluidity via a protagonist who changes sexes over centuries. In comics, DC Comics introduced Alysia Yeoh in 2013 as Batgirl's transgender roommate in Batgirl issue #19, marking an early mainstream superhero inclusion.

Debates on Representation

Some argue that media underrepresents detransitioners and treatment regrets, potentially biasing public views. GLAAD's positive visibility campaigns correlate with improved attitudes toward transgender people. Overall, transgender representation has shifted from marginalization to greater prominence.

Religious Perspectives

In Christianity, the Catholic Church teaches that human beings are created male and female in God's image and holds that gender-affirming procedures constitute a grave violation of human dignity, as stated in the Vatican's 2024 document Dignitas Infinita, which identifies such surgeries as mutilation among other grave violations of human dignity; under Pope Francis, the Church has emphasized pastoral accompaniment, respect, and dialogue with transgender individuals while maintaining its doctrinal opposition to transitions. Evangelical Protestants generally interpret Genesis 1:27 and Deuteronomy 22:5 as establishing sexes ordained by God as immutable, opposing transgender identification and bodily modification in favor of alignment with biological sex, though some mainline Protestant denominations such as the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA), Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) (PCUSA), and Episcopalians affirm transgender inclusion and ordination. Orthodox Judaism holds that sex is fixed at birth by divine decree, with halakha (Jewish law) denying legal validity to transgender surgeries or identity changes as contrary to the Torah's binary framework, in contrast to more affirming stances in Reform, Conservative, and Reconstructionist branches. In Islam, mainstream Sunni and Shia scholars prohibit gender transitions as an impermissible alteration of Allah's creation, with fatwas from bodies like the Fiqh Council of North America declaring all mechanisms for sex change forbidden except in cases of verifiable intersex conditions (disorders of sex development). Influential rulings, such as those from IslamQA, describe such procedures as expressions of discontent with divine will. A notable exception in Shia Iran stems from Ayatollah Khomeini's fatwa in the 1980s permitting gender reassignment surgeries for individuals experiencing gender dysphoria, beyond intersex cases, resulting in state-subsidized procedures and Iran becoming a hub for such interventions; transgender people encounter persistent societal discrimination, potential criminalization of transgender status outside approved medical pathways, and criticisms from scholars for framing transgender identity primarily as a medical condition amenable to surgical "cure." Hinduism traditionally recognizes a "third gender" category, such as hijras—often castrated males or intersex individuals integrated into ritual roles—but distinguishes this from modern binary transgender transitions, which lack scriptural endorsement for medical or social reconfiguration of sex; the Vedas reference non-binary natures without affirming elective changes to reproductive biology. Buddhism maintains a generally neutral stance on transgender identity and transitions, without strong doctrinal prohibitions, emphasizing impermanence and non-attachment to fixed identities over rigid gender roles; traditions like Zen focus on ethical non-harm and compassion, accommodating gender diversity without impassioned opposition.

Philosophical Perspectives

Philosophers such as Judith Butler argue that gender is performative, constituted through repeated social acts rather than fixed by biological sex, which supports the validity of transgender identities decoupled from biological determinism. Philosophical critiques argue for the primacy of biological sex over subjective gender identity. These views contend that social constructivism of gender undermines itself by necessitating physical interventions to align the body with internal feelings, suggesting gender's entanglement with biological realities. Philosophers in the natural law tradition describe transgender identification as an "embodied misunderstanding," where psychological discord does not alter metaphysical essence. These perspectives prioritize causal realism, viewing sex as rooted in developmental biology, over autonomy-driven redefinitions of identity. Gender-critical philosophers like Holly Lawford-Smith reject identity-based overrides of sex categories. They argue that conflating sex and gender erodes protections based on sex and disregards materialist foundations of human dimorphism. Christian philosophical perspectives include J.P. Moreland's hylomorphism, which posits the soul as the animating principle unifying a specific body, rendering a sex mismatch conceptually impossible. William Hasker's emergent dualism holds that the self emerges from the body's biological complexity, inherently tied to its sex.

Controversies and Debates

Social construct theories (e.g., spectrum models) are critiqued for underemphasizing biological realities like reproductive dimorphism; this informs opposition to expansive policies.

Speech Disputes and Harassment

Free speech debates have centered on social media platforms, where gender-critical views face harassment and inconsistent moderation. Scottish MP Joanna Cherry endured sustained abuse on Twitter (before Elon Musk's acquisition) for her dissenting positions on transgender issues and sex-based rights, claiming the platform's uneven enforcement of rules failed to protect challengers of dominant gender identity narratives. Broader conflicts involve institutional sanctions against critics of gender ideology, underscoring tensions between inclusion initiatives and open discussion of biological sex differences.

Fairness in Sports and Physical Competitions

The debate over transgender participation in women's sports centers on the physiological advantages conferred by male puberty, as outlined in the sections on human sexual dimorphism and its immutability, which hormone therapy does not fully reverse, potentially undermining fairness and safety in sex-segregated competitions. A 2021 systematic review by Hilton and Lundberg analyzed 24 studies and concluded that transgender women retain significant performance edges after at least 12 months of testosterone suppression: approximately 9% in endurance running, 17-25% in jumping and throwing, and 20-30% in strength measures, with skeletal advantages like greater height and limb length persisting indefinitely. These findings align with first-principles biomechanics, as estrogen therapy reduces muscle volume by only 5-10% over years, insufficient to match cisgender female baselines. In contrast, early interventions involving puberty suppression prior to substantial male pubertal changes, followed by cross-sex hormones—as discussed in Treatment Approaches—aim to prevent the development of these male physiological advantages, potentially resulting in more female-typical dimorphism such as shorter stature and less robust bone structure. However, empirical data on athletic outcomes for individuals following this trajectory remain limited due to few documented cases among elite athletes. Empirical data from controlled studies reinforce retained advantages. A 2021 study of U.S. Air Force personnel found that after two years of hormone therapy, transgender women maintained 12% greater push-up performance, 13% faster 1.5-mile run times (though slower than pre-therapy), and higher grip strength compared to cisgender women. Another analysis indicated that even after three years, transgender women exhibit 10-15% higher hemoglobin levels, aiding oxygen transport in endurance events. Claims of full equalization after two years overlook absolute metrics where transgender women outperform cisgender women by margins exceeding typical sex differences (10-12%). In contact sports, these disparities elevate injury risks; World Rugby's 2020 review of biomechanical data projected a 20-30% higher tackle injury force from transgender women. High-profile cases illustrate competitive impacts. In 2022, swimmer Lia Thomas, who competed on the University of Pennsylvania men's team (ranking 462nd nationally in the 500-yard freestyle), transitioned and won the NCAA women's Division I title in the same event, finishing 0.15 seconds ahead of the Olympic silver medalist while displacing multiple cisgender women from podiums. Thomas's pre-transition times would not have qualified her for the men's final, highlighting retained advantages in stroke efficiency and power. Similar outcomes occurred in other sports, such as weightlifting and cycling, where transgender women dominated female fields post-transition. Proponents of inclusion cite limited underperformance by some transgender athletes, but aggregate evidence from physiology and outcomes supports sex-based categories to preserve competitive equity.

Conflicts with Sex-Based Rights and Spaces

Debates over conflicts with sex-based rights and spaces, such as prisons, domestic violence shelters, public bathrooms, and changing rooms, center on balancing self-identified gender access against biological sex criteria for privacy, safety, and fairness. Policy models range from self-identification allowing access based on declaration to restrictions prioritizing biological sex, informed by human sexual dimorphism and male-typical patterns in criminality, including higher rates of violent and sex offenses. Detailed policy approaches and implementations are discussed in the Legal and Policy Landscape section.

Criminality Data

Debates center on whether transgender women's criminality aligns with male or female patterns, informing policies on sex-based spaces. Limited studies, such as the Dhejne et al. (2011) Swedish cohort study involving a male-to-female sample of 191 individuals, indicate retention of male-typical violent crime conviction rates post-transition, as male-to-female persons showed risks similar to male controls but elevated compared to female controls (e.g., any crime adjusted hazard ratio 6.6; 95% CI 4.1–10.8 vs. female controls). However, small sample sizes and low event rates limit statistical power, yielding wide confidence intervals (e.g., overall violent crime adjusted hazard ratio 1.5; 95% CI 0.8–3.0) and necessitating evaluation of effect sizes beyond p-values when interpreting results. These studies compared post-transition offending rates among transgender women to cisgender controls matched on factors like age and birth sex, rather than longitudinally tracking individual offending rates before and after transition for the same persons. Subgroup analyses, including those from prison populations where transgender cohorts are typically very small (often dozens of individuals), further elevate the risk of Type I errors. Incarcerated populations are not representative of the general transgender population due to selection biases, such as capturing only those convicted of crimes serious enough for incarceration and potentially missing minor offenses handled via non-custodial sentences; consequently, offense rates among prisoners cannot be extrapolated to non-incarcerated populations. Transgender women also exhibit elevated involvement in non-violent offenses, such as sex work and theft, often linked to survival strategies amid economic marginalization and poverty; estimates suggest lifetime incarceration rates of approximately 21% for transgender women, compared to less than 3% in the general U.S. population, with many such offenses being non-violent. These non-violent patterns contrast with the retention of male-typical violent offending observed in cohort studies. Males commit approximately 90% of violent crimes against women globally, a disparity persisting in transgender women data despite these small samples and statistical limitations.

Youth Transitions and Safeguarding Concerns

Referrals to gender identity clinics for children and adolescents have risen sharply, as noted in the Demographic Trends and Increases Among Youth subsection. Medical interventions for youth with gender dysphoria often start with puberty blockers, followed by cross-sex hormones, though guidelines vary; evidence and outcomes appear in the Treatment Approaches and Evidence on Treatment Outcomes sections. Safeguarding issues focus on minors' ability to provide informed consent, especially given high desistance rates in pre-2010 studies, where most gender-incongruent children aligned with their natal sex by adulthood without intervention. Recent findings show lower persistence in certain adolescent groups. The rapid-onset gender dysphoria (ROGD) hypothesis posits that social factors, such as peer influences and online communities, contribute to abrupt identifications, especially among natal females. Comorbidities—including autism, ADHD, depression, anxiety, and trauma, common in transgender youth and discussed in the Comorbidities with Mental Health Conditions subsection—highlight the importance of thorough evaluation to differentiate root causes from gender dysphoria, avoiding premature affirmation. Early social or medical transitions can entrench identities and lower desistance, increasing risks of irreversible harm if comorbidities go unaddressed. Addressing these issues and surging referrals, several European nations have tightened medical policies for youth gender dysphoria, favoring extensive psychological assessment and non-medical options. The UK's 2024 Cass Review found weak evidence for routine puberty blockers, prompting their indefinite ban for those under 18 outside trials. Sweden, Finland, Norway, and Denmark similarly restrict hormones to rare instances, stressing therapy due to uncertainties in benefits and risks.

Gender Recognition Laws

Gender recognition laws outline procedures for changing sex or gender designations on official documents, such as birth certificates, passports, and driver's licenses. Requirements differ widely, with some jurisdictions mandating medical or surgical criteria and others relying on personal declaration. Historically, many required evidence such as surgery, hormone therapy, or a diagnosis of gender dysphoria. In 2023, Japan mandated sterilization and diagnosis for legal changes. Self-identification models, without medical prerequisites, include Argentina's 2012 law allowing changes via declaration, as well as similar frameworks in Malta in 2015 and Denmark in 2014. As of 2024, about 12 European nations had adopted self-determination approaches. In 2004, the UK enacted the Gender Recognition Act, which retains medical evidence requirements. Nordic countries maintain thresholds involving medical criteria. In 2025, the US federal government redefined sex as biological, with some states prohibiting gender-based changes; at least 47 UN member states lack recognition pathways.

Regulations on Medical Interventions

Regulations for medical interventions, including puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and surgeries, vary by age, diagnosis, and evidence standards. The World Professional Association for Transgender Health's Standards of Care version 8 (2022) recommends multidisciplinary assessments and informed consent. National reviews, such as the UK's [[Cass Review]] (2024), have prompted restrictions due to evidence gaps. For minors, several countries have restricted access. In 2024, following recommendations from the UK's [[Cass Review]], an independent NHS-commissioned review of gender identity services for youth, the UK banned puberty blockers for those under 18 outside research settings. Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Norway, France, and Italy limit such interventions to exceptional cases or clinical trials. Where permitted, cross-sex hormones are typically delayed until later adolescence, with surgeries prohibited before adulthood. As of 2025, 27 US states have banned these interventions for minors under 18. For adults, hormone therapy generally requires a DSM-5 diagnosis, evaluation periods, and clinician approval, with surgeries needing a minimum age of 18. Some US states have proposed excluding public funding for these interventions, while informed consent models in certain areas reduce prerequisites.

Prisons and Facilities Policy

Policies on transgender access to sex-segregated facilities, such as prisons, domestic violence shelters, and public bathrooms, vary by jurisdiction. Some permit access based on self-identified gender, while others prioritize biological sex or case-by-case risk assessments. In prisons, self-identification allows transfer to facilities matching declared gender, whereas alternatives emphasize biological sex and risk evaluation. Canada's Correctional Service permits self-identification for access to corresponding facilities. UK policies use individualized assessments. US approaches differ by state and federal level, often retaining sex-segregated placements. Domestic violence shelters range from self-identification entry to biological sex-based segregation. Public bathrooms and changing rooms exhibit similar variations across jurisdictions.

Sports Regulations

Sports regulations on transgender participation emphasize fairness and safety, often restricting transgender women who experienced male puberty from female categories due to physiological advantages. In 2020, World Rugby banned transgender women from elite women's rugby. In 2022, World Aquatics excluded post-male-puberty transgender women from elite female events, adding an open category. World Athletics prohibited them in 2023. The IOC's 2021 framework defers to sport-specific rules. As of mid-2025, 27 U.S. states have banned transgender females from female school and collegiate sports. In February 2025, the NCAA announced a policy change restricting competition in women's sports categories to student-athletes assigned female at birth.

References

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