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Baklâ
Pronunciation[bɐkˈlaʔ]
MeaningGender non-conforming male, effeminate gay man, third gender
DefinitionQueer AMAB
ClassificationUmbrella term
Other terms
SynonymsBayot, agi, bayogin
Demographics
CultureFilipino
Regions with significant populations
Philippines
Part of a series on
Transgender topics
     
Gender identities
Health care practices
Rights and legal status
Society and culture
Events and awareness
Culture
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See also

In the Philippines, a baklâ (Tagalog and Central Bikol, pronounced [bɐkˈlaʔ]), bading (Tagalog and Central Bikol), bayot (Cebuano), or agî (Hiligaynon) is a person who was assigned male at birth and has adopted a gender expression that is feminine.[1] They are often considered as a third gender.[2] Many bakla are exclusively attracted to men[3] and some identify as women.[4] The polar opposite of the term in Philippine culture is tomboy (natively the lakin-on or binalaki), which refers to women with a masculine gender expression (usually, but not always, lesbian).[5] The term is commonly incorrectly applied to trans women.[6]

Bakla are socially and economically integrated into Filipino society, having been accepted by society prior to Western colonization, many of which were held in high regard and performed the role of spiritual leaders known as babaylan, katalonan, and other shamans in the indigenous Philippine folk religions. In modern times, a minority group of Filipinos disapprove or reject the baklas, usually on religious grounds allegedly from Christian or Muslim beliefs. The stereotype of a baklâ is a parlorista—a flamboyant, camp cross-dresser who works in a beauty salon; in reality, the bakla thrives in numerous sectors of society, from the lower to the upper levels.[7][8][9]

Etymology

[edit]

In modern Filipino, the term "baklâ" is usually used to mean either "effeminate man" or "homosexual".[10] Martin F. Manalansan, a Filipino anthropologist, has identified two possible origins of the term. One is that it may have been a portmanteau of the words babae ("woman"), and lalaki, meaning ("man"). The other is that it is derived from the word for the pre-colonial shamaness in most Filipino ethnic groups, the babaylan.[11][12]

However, the word itself has been used for centuries, albeit in different contexts. In Old Tagalog, bacla meant "uncertainty" or "indecisiveness".[11] Effeminate homosexual men were instead called binabaé ("like a woman") or bayogin (also spelled bayugin or bayoguin, "infertile"), during the Spanish colonial period.[13]

The Tagalog poet Francisco Balagtas used the word bacla in reference to "a temporary lack of resolve", as seen in his popular works Florante at Laura and Orosman at Zafira.[14] This archaic usage is also seen in the 17th-century Tagalog religious epic Casaysayan nang Pasiong Mahal ni Jesucristong Panginoon Natin na Sucat Ipag-alab nang Puso nang Sinomang Babasa ("Story of the Passion of Jesus Christ Our Lord that Surely Shall Ignite the Heart of Whosoever Readeth"), which is chanted during Holy Week. The passage narrating the Agony in the Garden has a verse that reads "Si Cristo'y nabacla" ("Christ was confused").[15]

By the advent of World War II, the term baklâ had evolved to mean "fearful" or "weakened" in Tagalog, and became a derogatory term for effeminate men.[14] A common euphemism for baklâ during this period was pusong babae (literally "female-hearted"). It was not until the 1990s when more positive discourse on queer and gay identities became more mainstream that baklâ lost its original derogatory connotation.[11][16]

Other native terms for bakla also exist in other languages of the Philippines, some of them now considered archaic. They are also called bayot, binabáye, bayen-on (or babayen-on), or dalopapa in Cebuano; agî in Hiligaynon/Ilonggo; dampog or bayot in Waray;[17][18] bantut or binabae in Tausug; bantut or dnda-dnda in Sinama;[19][20] and labia in Subanen.[21]

In addition, there are numerous modern neologisms for bakla, especially within swardspeak, with varying levels of acceptance. These include terms like badáf, badíng, beki, judíng, shokì, shoklâ, sward, and vaklúsh, among many others.[22][23]

Definition

[edit]

Baklâ is a gender identity characterized by the adoption of a feminine gender expression by men. This includes feminine mannerisms and speech, use of make-up, cross-dressing, and long hairstyles; all are referred to with the umbrella term kabaklaán (effeminacy). However, baklâ is not tied to sexuality and is not a sexual orientation, thus it is not a direct equivalent of the English term "gay". Baklâ are usually homosexual men, but on rare occasions, they can also be heterosexual or bisexual men.[14][24][25][26]

Because the term baklâ specifically denotes effeminacy, it is traditionally not applied to masculine gay men. However, due to increasing globalization and influence from the Western categories of sexual orientation, baklâ has become incorrectly equated with the gay identity and used generally for homosexual men, regardless of the individual's masculinity or femininity in presentation.[14][16]

Baklâ are often considered the natural "third gender" in Filipino culture.[14][2] This is illustrated in the children's rhyme that begins by listing four distinct genders: "girl, boy, baklâ, tomboy."[16][26] Like in English, the term tomboy (archaic lakin-on or binalaki) refers to masculine (usually lesbian) women, and is understood as the polar opposite of the baklâ.[5]

Baklâ is also commonly used as a term for trans women,[27] though this is incorrect and discouraged. This is largely due to the absence of modern local terms for transgender people, as well as the general public ignorance of the differences between homosexuality and transsexuality. Some organizations have pushed for the adoption of new terminology that distinguishes transgender people from the baklâ, to prevent the common derogatory misconception that trans women and trans men are simply baklâ and tomboy that have undergone sex reassignment surgery. One such proposal in 2008 by the Society of Transsexual Women of the Philippines (STRAP) is transpinay (for trans women) and transpinoy (for trans men), both derived from the Filipino endonym "pinoy". But it has yet to gain widespread acceptance.[28][29][6][30][31][32][33]

The difficulty of correlating definitions with western terminology is because of the fundamental difference in the cultural views on homosexuality.[9] According to Filipino academic J. Neil Garcia, the baklâ would fall under the inversion pattern of homosexuality identified by American psychobiologist James D. Weinrich. This is the cultural view where homosexuality is seen as an inversion of the gender and sex binary. In Philippine context, this would be the binary of the loób (the inner self or spirit, lit. "inside") and labás (the physical form, lit. "outside"). Thus it is similar to the South Asian hijra and the Native American two-spirit. This is contrasted to the other two patterns of homosexuality worldwide, namely age-biased patterns (like pederasty in Ancient Greece) and role-playing patterns (like in certain Middle Eastern and Latin American cultures).[14][34]

History

[edit]
Main articles: LGBT culture in the Philippines and Philippine shamans
Itneg potters; the one on the right is a bayok in female attire (c. 1922)[35]

Homosexual relations in both sexes were common and bore no stigma in pre-colonial Philippines. There are numerous accounts of feminized men in early Spanish records.[36] They were described as being dressed as women, worked in traditionally female roles, and were treated as women by the community. They were considered as comparable to cisgender women aside from their incapability to give birth to children.[37][38] They were even recorded as being married to men.[14][21][38] Some also married women, though this did not preclude homosexual relationships.[36] Generally, these effeminate men were known as bayog (also bayok or bayogin; spelled bayoc or bayoquin in Spanish) in Luzon, and asog in the Visayas islands, both with meanings denoting "infertility" or "impotence".[39]

Among the heavily-tattooed Visayans, asog were also exempted from compulsory male tattooing customs (batok). It was normally considered shameful and unattractive for adult men to have no tattoos, which were indicators of achievements and bravery. But it was socially acceptable for asog to be mapuraw or puraw ("unmarked [skin]", compare with Samoan pulaʻu), if they choose to be so.[40]

Due to their association to the feminine, they were regarded as having greater powers of intercession with the anito (ancestral and nature spirits) and thus commonly became shamans (babaylan, a traditionally female role in Philippine cultures).[36] This is not unique to the Philippines and was also common in pre-colonial societies in the rest of Island Southeast Asia; like the bissu of the Bugis people, the warok of the Javanese people, and the manang bali of the Iban people.[41]

Shamans were highly respected members of the community as ritual specialists: healing the sick, keeping oral histories, performing sorcery, and serving as spirit mediums for communicating with ancestral and nature spirits. They were second only to the nobility in the social hierarchy, and could function as a community's interim leader (similar to a regent or interrex) in the absence of the datu.[40][42][43]

In Historia de las islas e indios de Bisayas (1668), the Spanish historian and missionary Francisco Ignacio Alcina records that the asog became shamans by virtue of being themselves. Unlike female shamans, they neither needed to be chosen nor did they undergo initiation rites. However, not all asog trained to become shamans.[14][21] Castano (1895) states that the people of Bicol would hold a thanksgiving ritual called atang that was "presided" by an "effeminate" priest called an asog. His female counterpart, called a baliana, assisted him and led women in singing the soraki in honor of Gugurang, the supreme deity of Bikol mythology.[44] Regardless, the majority of shamans in most Philippine precolonial cultures were female.[39]

During the three centuries of Spanish colonization (1565–1898), the Catholic Church introduced harsh measures to suppress both female and asog shamans. In realms and polities absorbed by the Spanish Empire, shamans were maligned and falsely accused as witches and "priests of the devil", and were persecuted violently by the Spanish clergy. The previously high status of the babaylan was thus lost. The role of women and the relative gender egalitarianism of Philippine animistic cultures, in general, became more subdued under the patriarchal culture of the Spanish.[45][46]

The most strongly affected by this religious shift to Abrahamic religions were the feminized male asog shamans. During the 17th to 18th centuries, Spanish administrators in the Philippines burned people convicted of homosexual relations at the stake and confiscated their possessions, in accordance to a decree by the president of the Real Audiencia, Pedro Hurtado Desquibel. Several instances of such punishments were recorded by the Spanish priest Juan Francisco de San Antonio in his Chronicas de la Apostolica Provincia de San Gregorio (1738–1744).[14][47]

Asog shamans were leaders of several revolts against Spanish rule from the 17th century to the 18th century. Notable ones include the Tamblot uprising of Bohol in 1621–1622 and the Tapar rebellion in Panay in 1663.[48][49] Later rebellions in the 19th and 20th centuries were also led by male shamans. However, these later shamans (collectively known as the dios-dios, "god pretenders") followed syncretic Folk Catholicism, rather than pre-colonial anito shamanism. Though they still dressed as women in rituals, they were married to women and were unlikely to be homosexual.[36][50]

Feminized men were also persecuted harshly in the (then recently) Islamized ethnic groups in Mindanao. In Historia de las Islas de Mindanao, Iolo, y sus adyacentes (1667), the Spanish priest Francisco Combés records that their "unnatural crime" was punished by the Muslim peoples in Mindanao with death by burning or drowning, and that their houses and property were also burned as they believed that it was contagious.[14]

This was followed by American colonization (1898–1946), which though secular, introduced the idea that homosexuality and effeminacy was a "sickness".[16][51] Despite this, the colonization of the Philippines did not fully erase the traditional equivocal views of Filipinos with regards to queer and liminal sexual and gender identities. Though there are still problem areas, Filipino culture as a whole remains relatively accepting of non-heteronormative identities like the baklâ.[16]

Culture

[edit]
Vice Ganda, a popular Filipino comedian, actor, and television personality, self-identifies as a baklâ.[52]

Beauty pageants

[edit]

Baklâ communities are renowned for staging beauty pageants,[7] with Miss Gay Philippines being national in scope. Participants model swimsuits, national costume, and dresses, and showcase their talents, as in female beauty pageants worldwide.

Swardspeak

[edit]
Main article: Swardspeak

Baklâs have an argot, or secret language, called swardspeak. It is used by both masculine and feminine baklâs and incorporates elements from Filipino, Philippine English and Spanish, spoken with a hyper-feminised inflection.[7] It was widespread and popular until the 1990s, but is now considered unfashionable in most parts of Manila.[7] Modern versions of swardspeak are generally called "beki language", "gay lingo", or "gayspeak". They commonly make their way into mainstream Filipino culture. One early example is the song "Bongga Ka, 'Day" (1979), the biggest hit song of the Filipino Manila Sound band Hotdog. The title of the song means "You're fabulous, Girl" and uses the swardspeak slang bongga ( "fabulous").[53][54][55]

Babaeng bakla

[edit]
See also: Fag hag

Heterosexual women who develop deep friendships or almost exclusively associate with the native bakla LGBT subculture are known as babaeng bakla (literally "a woman who is a bakla"). They stereotypically acquire the mannerisms, campy sense of humor, lingo, and fashion sense of the bakla. They are also usually more extroverted and socially dominant. It is commonly perceived as a positive self-identification, and various prominent local celebrities (like Maricel Soriano and Rufa Mae Quinto) openly identify as babaeng bakla.[56][57]

[edit]
Main article: LGBT rights in the Philippines
2018 rally to support the passage of the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity and Expression (SOGIE) equality bill

Since independence, noncommercial, homosexual relations between two adults in private have never been criminalized in the Philippines, although sexual conduct or affection that occurs in public may be subject to the "grave scandal" prohibition in Article 200 of the Revised Penal Code (though this is applied to everyone, not only LGBTQ people).[58]

In December 2004, it was reported that Marawi City had issued an ordinance banning bakla from going out in public wearing female attire, makeup, earrings "or other ornaments to express their inclinations for femininity". The ordinance passed by the Marawi City Council also bans skintight blue jeans, tube tops and other skimpy attire. Additionally, women (only) must not "induce impure thoughts or lustful desires." The Mayor said these moves were part of a "cleaning and cleansing" drive. The ordinance is possible because Marawi was part of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (now the Bangsamoro), which allows separate civil laws (based on the Sharia) from the rest of the country, as long as they do not violate the Philippine Constitution.[59]

Same-sex marriage is not recognised in the Philippines, preventing many homosexual men from getting married. Legislation attempting to legalise same-sex marriage in the Philippines has been presented to Congress, but none has passed thus far.[60]

Religion

[edit]
See also: Religion in the Philippines

The Philippines is predominantly Christian, with over 80% of Filipinos belonging to the Roman Catholic Church.[61] Church doctrine officially tolerates persons with such orientations but condemns homosexual activity as "intrinsically disordered."[62] This condemnation of homosexuality presents a problem for baklâ because of potential discrimination in a Catholic-dominated society. As a result, baklâ youth in particular are at a higher risk for suicide, depression and substance abuse than their heterosexual peers, with risk increasing as parental acceptance decreases.[63]

While a significant minority, baklâ adherents of Protestantism face varying degrees of acceptance based on the denomination to which they belong. The Philippine Independent Church, which is in full communion with the worldwide Anglican Communion, officially does not endorse homosexuality.[64] Various Evangelical churches and the Iglesia ni Cristo are more fundamentalist in doctrine, and thus strongly condemn homosexual acts and suppress such identities within their congregations.

Non-Christian Filipinos who profess Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism and other faiths also present a wide range of doctrinal views. Islam, the second largest religion in the Philippines, comprises roughly 5.57% of the population.[65] Islam shares views with other Abrahamic Faiths in that homosexual acts are held to be sinful.[20][66] According to the Delhi High Court, Hinduism does not officially condemn homosexuality.[67] As for Buddhism, the Dalai Lama (who is the most influential figure of the Gelug tradition of Tibetan Buddhism) has maintained that homosexuality is "sexual misconduct" for Buddhist followers but does not condemn it for non-believers.[68]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Bakla

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Bakla is a Tagalog term denoting a traditional Filipino category of biological males who exhibit feminine behaviors, mannerisms, and often attire, typically engaging in same-sex relations in the receptive role. This identity emphasizes as a core trait, distinguishing it from masculine homosexual men, who may be termed silahis. Historically, bakla traces roots to pre-colonial asog or bayogin, male-bodied spiritual figures who cross-dressed and held revered shamanistic roles in indigenous societies before Spanish imposed Christian norms that stigmatized such expressions as deviant. Under colonial influence, the term evolved into bakla, shifting from spiritual authority to social marginalization, though retaining visibility in everyday life and . In contemporary Philippine culture, bakla individuals occupy prominent roles in , beauty pageants, and social commentary, contributing to a degree of societal tolerance despite underlying and familial pressures. This visibility coexists with challenges, including higher vulnerability to due to behavioral patterns and limited legal protections against . Unlike Western categorizations that separate from , bakla integrates both, often rejecting strict binary classifications in favor of a fluid, culturally embedded nonconformity.

Etymology

Linguistic Origins

The term bakla derives from Tagalog, with its earliest documented uses appearing in historical religious texts such as the , a 1704 Tagalog adaptation of the Passion of Christ that underwent reprints in 1760, 1846, and 1867. In these contexts, variants like bacla or nabacla referred not to or but to states of , , or moral wavering, such as a person's reluctance in the face of or . Linguistically, bacla in connoted uncertainty, indecisiveness, weakness, or cowardice, often carrying implications of emotional frailty or rather than any inherent link to or . This original sense aligned with broader Southeast Asian Austronesian linguistic patterns where terms for hesitation or fear could metaphorically extend to personal character flaws, though no direct Proto-Malayo-Polynesian root for bakla has been definitively reconstructed in comparative . By the early , as evidenced in Bienvenido N. Santos's 1932 "Recollections," the term began shifting toward descriptions of effeminate behavior, predating its widespread association with male in the post-World War II era. Folk etymologies proposing bakla as a portmanteau of babae ("") and lalaki ("man") lack attestation in historical dictionaries or texts and appear to be modern rationalizations without empirical support from Tagalog , such as early Spanish-Tagalog vocabularies like those compiled in the . Instead, the term's semantic evolution reflects social stigmatization of perceived weakness, with its application to gender-variant individuals emerging as a secondary development influenced by colonial-era moral frameworks and 20th-century .

Evolution and Regional Variations

The term bakla, originating in Tagalog, initially denoted concepts of fearfulness, , or , with connotations of in pre-colonial and early colonial linguistic usage. This semantic foundation carried a stigma of unreliability or , predating its association with ; for instance, pre-World War II Tagalog employed it to describe cowards rather than exclusively homosexual individuals. A popular but attributes bakla to a portmanteau of the Tagalog words babae () and lalaki (man), symbolizing a blending of genders, though linguistic evidence points to older roots in rather than deliberate hybridity. Over centuries, bakla's meaning evolved amid colonial influences and cultural shifts, transitioning from a broader pejorative for moral or physical weakness—linked to pre-colonial asog (a revered third-gender shamanic role)—to a specific descriptor for biological males exhibiting feminine traits, mannerisms, and often homosexual behavior by the Spanish colonial period (1565–1898). Post-independence in 1946, the term solidified in urban Filipino discourse as encompassing gender nonconformity intertwined with same-sex attraction, distinct from Western "gay" identities that separate sexuality from gender performance; this fusion reflects indigenous conceptual frameworks rather than imported categories. By the late , semantic expansion in media and communities occasionally broadened bakla to include non-effeminate homosexual men or broader expressions, though core usage retains emphasis on visible . The persistence of negative undertones from its "deceptive" origins contributes to ongoing stigmatization, even as reclamation efforts in contemporary LGBTQ+ activism seek to neutralize it. Regionally, bakla remains predominantly Tagalog and , with equivalents in other denoting analogous gender-variant males: bayot in Cebuano (Visayan languages of the central Philippines) and agî or bayok in Hiligaynon (). These variants share semantic overlaps in and same-sex roles but diverge in cultural nuance; for example, bayot in Cebuano contexts often implies performative in labor or social roles, while bakla in carries stronger urban, entertainment-linked connotations. In northern indigenous groups like the Itneg, historical records from 1922 describe similar figures without the Tagalog term, using descriptive phrases for men in women's garb during crafts, indicating pre-linguistic categorization predating bakla's dominance. Dialectal borrowing has led to hybrid usages, such as bading (a of bakla) spreading beyond Tagalog via media, but regional terms resist full assimilation, preserving linguistic diversity amid national Filipino identity formation.

Definition and Characteristics

Core Identity Traits

Bakla identity fundamentally integrates with same-sex attraction, positioning it as a culturally specific embodiment of gender nonconformity rather than a discrete . Core traits include a self-conception of innate —often described as feeling like a trapped in a man's body—manifested through deliberate gender performance such as soft-spoken intonation, swaying , and exaggerated hand gestures. This serves as the primary marker of bakla status, with individuals typically assuming the receptive role in relations with masculine, heterosexual-identifying men (known as "pakshet" or "" partners), reinforcing a relational dynamic where bakla embody the feminine counterpart. Unlike global LGBTQ+ categories that may separate gender identity from sexuality, bakla fuses these elements into a singular social role, often tied to occupational niches like hairdressing or entertainment where feminine aesthetics are valorized. Cross-dressing, while not universal, is a prominent trait among many bakla, symbolizing the rejection of rigid masculinity and alignment with female social norms, though it carries stigmas of weakness or inauthenticity as an "unreal man." Empirical accounts from rural and urban contexts highlight conditional acceptance predicated on these visible performances, with deviations toward masculinity potentially leading to exclusion from bakla communities in favor of labels like "tomboy" for more androgynous or masculine homosexuals. Socially, bakla traits emphasize communal visibility and relational (kapwa), where overt displays of facilitate integration into or peer networks, albeit often in subservient positions. This performance is not merely aesthetic but causal in , as societal recognition of effeminate behaviors retroactively affirms one's bakla essence from childhood, distinguishing it from elective or fluid Western identities. Scholarly analyses, drawing from ethnographic interviews, underscore that these traits persist across class and region, though urban introduces hybrid forms blending bakla with imported "" aesthetics.

Distinctions from Global LGBTQ+ Categories

The bakla category in Philippine culture integrates gender nonconformity and same-sex attraction into a unified identity, distinct from the compartmentalized Western LGBTQ+ framework that separates from . Bakla specifically denotes individuals born male who possess an innate "heart of a ," manifesting in effeminate behaviors, , and typically romantic or sexual interest in masculine men, with the primary emphasis on essence rather than mere object choice. This contrasts with the Western "" identity, which centers on homosexual orientation across gender expressions and includes non-effeminate men, whereas bakla excludes such masculine homosexuals, viewing them as separate from the gender-transitive core of kabaklaan. Unlike identities in global contexts, which often prioritize dysphoria-driven transitions—medical, hormonal, or legal—to align body with self-perceived , bakla rarely involves such interventions and persists as a liminal social role without altering legal male status. Philippine understandings frame bakla through inversion, where same-sex relations between bakla are culturally as "cannibalism," reinforcing attraction to normative males, in opposition to Western models that decouple performance from sexual partnering. These distinctions highlight bakla's rootedness in localized, postcolonial dynamics, such as class-based communities in parlors or , where hypervisible sustains communal roles without aligning to universalist LGBTQ+ advocacy for binary deconstruction or rights based on orientation alone. While Western categories promote individualized , bakla operates within heteronormative hierarchies, often marginalizing non-effeminate or female expressions in media representations. Anthropological analyses underscore that equating bakla to "" or "trans" overlooks this emic specificity, potentially erasing cultural nuances under globalized paradigms.

Historical Development

Pre-Colonial Roots

In pre-colonial Philippine societies, particularly among Tagalog and Visayan groups, males who cross-dressed and adopted feminine mannerisms—termed asog in Tagalog contexts and bayoguin or bayot in Visayan ones—functioned as shamans or auxiliary spiritual practitioners known collectively under the babaylan tradition. These individuals assisted in animist s such as the maganito, which involved invoking ancestral spirits and deities through , , and communal ceremonies, often in subordination to female babaylan who dominated the role. Ethnographic reconstructions from early Spanish accounts indicate that such gender-variant males were integrated into spiritual life, their feminine presentation viewed as enhancing potency rather than deviance, reflecting indigenous beliefs in fluid for mediating the . Key characteristics included donning women's attire like the lambon skirt, maintaining long braided as a feminine signifier, and performing stereotypically tasks such as or dancing with graceful, effeminate movements during ceremonies. Chroniclers noted perceptions of these men as physically or sexually atypical, often describing them as impotent or anatomically ambiguous, though such observations likely stemmed from cultural unfamiliarity rather than objective assessment. Socially, they enjoyed for their roles between humans and spirits, with records from areas like showing small numbers of male practitioners (e.g., 3 males versus 145 s documented between 1679 and 1685) persisting in rituals despite emerging colonial pressures. Primary evidence derives from 16th- and 17th-century Spanish ethnohistorical texts, including the Manila Manuscript (circa 1590), Pedro Chirino's Relacion de las Islas Filipinas (1604), and Francisco Ignacio Alcina's Historia de las Islas e Indios (1668), which describe practices predating full in 1565. These accounts, while filtered through European lenses that equated with and moral failing, consistently affirm the pre-colonial acceptance of gender-crossing for spiritual efficacy in animist systems, where feminine attributes symbolized access to sacred power. Anthropological analyses interpret this as a culturally specific third-gender category, distinct from binary male-female norms, with no evidence of widespread stigmatization prior to Christian impositions. The asog tradition thus forms a foundational antecedent to later concepts like bakla, though tied more to vocation than secular identity.

Colonial Influences and Persistence

Spanish colonization, commencing with Miguel López de Legazpi's expedition in 1565, introduced Catholicism and rigid gender binaries that clashed with indigenous practices involving gender-variant individuals such as asog or bayoguin, who often served as babaylan shamans adopting attire and roles. These figures, previously revered for spiritual authority, were demonized by colonizers as idolatrous and sodomitical, leading to systematic suppression through campaigns, executions, and forced abandonment of traditional roles, as documented in early accounts like Antonio de Morga's 1609 . The term bakla, evolving from pre-colonial descriptors like bayoguin, acquired derogatory connotations of or under Spanish influence, reflecting the imposition of and Catholic moral codes that stigmatized and non-procreative acts as sinful. Despite over three centuries of Spanish rule until 1898, and effeminate behaviors persisted in private and folk contexts, evading full eradication as colonial enforcement focused more on public spiritual authority than everyday . Accounts from chroniclers, such as Juan de Placencia and Francisco Alcina, preserved descriptions of feminized men in female roles, indicating underground continuity rather than complete assimilation. This resilience stemmed from the embedded nature of such identities in community structures, where bakla continued to occupy niche economic and social positions, albeit diminished from their pre-colonial esteem. The American colonial period (1898–1946) further pathologized bakla through Western education and psychiatric frameworks, reframing effeminacy as a sexual orientation akin to homosexuality rather than a fluid cultural role, exacerbating stigma via media and legal norms. Yet, bakla identity endured, as evidenced by ethnographic records like the 1922 documentation of an Itneg potter working in woman's garb, demonstrating adaptation and visibility in rural traditions amid modernization efforts. This persistence highlights the limits of colonial imposition, where imported binaries hybridized with indigenous patterns, sustaining bakla as a distinct, non-Western category of gender nonconformity integrated into Filipino society.

Modern Evolution Post-Independence

Following Philippine independence in 1946, the bakla identity persisted amid lingering American cultural influences, which emphasized discretion in homosexual expression during the post-war era. In the , bakla individuals were generally tolerated within society provided they maintained low visibility, occupying roles in beauty parlors, , and domestic services while navigating conservative Catholic norms and anti-communist sentiments. The marked a shift toward the of bakla identity, distinguishing it from purely gender-variant roles and aligning it more closely with homosexual orientation under Western influences, though retaining local conflation of and same-sex attraction. This period saw bakla characters emerge in cinema as early as 1954, often portrayed as or tragic figures, reinforcing stereotypes while providing cultural visibility. During Ferdinand Marcos's regime from 1972 to 1986, overt expressions faced suppression alongside broader political dissent, yet bakla continued underground participation in urban intimacies and entertainment. Post-1986 , democratization facilitated greater bakla presence in media and public life, with entertainers like rising to prominence in the 2000s through television and film, embodying flamboyant success and challenging familial shame narratives amplified in the . By the , digital platforms enabled translocal bakla networks, as seen in YouTube vloggers like , who showcased economic integration and , though the term retained derogatory connotations of weakness. Despite integration, bakla resisted full assimilation into Western LGBTQ+ frameworks, prioritizing indigenous terminology amid ongoing stigma and advocacy for recognition beyond effeminate stereotypes.

Cultural Manifestations

Language and Communication Styles

Bakla individuals predominantly use , an argot or cant also termed beki language, gay lingo, or Bekinese, which functions as a specialized for intra-community discourse. Derived mainly from —a blend of Tagalog and English—this lexicon incorporates borrowings from Spanish, Japanese, celebrity names, and brand trademarks, repurposed with novel meanings to encode conversations. Originating in the mid-20th century among effeminate , swardspeak evolved as a tool for concealment amid societal homophobia, allowing speakers to discuss personal matters without comprehension by outsiders. Linguistic features of swardspeak include morphological innovations such as affixation (e.g., adding suffixes to root words for emphasis or categorization), phonetic substitutions (replacing consonants with similar-sounding ones for ), and semantic shifts via or punning. For example, everyday terms are inverted or hybridized, like deriving "chaka" from singer to denote ugliness, or using brand allusions for irony. These processes create layered meanings discernible primarily to initiates, fostering group solidarity while embedding humor and exaggeration. Studies applying reveal patterns of , where contexts amplify for playful deflection or critique of norms. In communication, bakla speakers deploy with heightened expressivity, often pairing it with elongated vowels, rising intonations, and repetitive phrasing to convey drama or affection, distinguishing it from standard Filipino speech patterns. This style extends to , where variants like Bekimon—merging "beki" or "baklush" ( for bakla) with texting quirks—adapt orthographic distortions (e.g., alternating case or symbols) for online and flair. Though initially insular, has permeated mainstream Filipino pop culture by the 2010s, appearing in and youth , diluting its exclusivity while retaining bakla associations. Regional dialects, such as Hiligaynon-Visayan gay , parallel these traits with local additions and borrowings, reflecting adaptive persistence across Philippine ethnolinguistic groups.

Entertainment and Media Representation

Bakla figures have been a staple in Philippine entertainment since the mid-20th century, predominantly portrayed in cinema and television as flamboyant, effeminate characters serving comic relief or sidekick roles. In early films from the 1950s to 1970s, actors like Dolphy popularized the "classical kabaklaan" trope through cross-dressing and exaggerated femininity in comedies such as Jack & Jill (1954) and Facifica Falayfay (1969), where bakla identities were conflated with effeminacy and same-sex desire for humorous effect. These representations often reinforced stereotypes of bakla as parloristas—beauty salon workers—or hypersexual caricatures, prioritizing commercial appeal over nuanced humanity. During the and , amid Martial Law-era melodrama, bakla portrayals shifted toward tragic narratives, as seen in Ang Tatay Kong Nanay (), emphasizing familial rejection and social unacceptance while humanizing characters through emotional depth, though still tied to conversion tropes resisting forced masculinization. By the and , independent cinema introduced more varied depictions, including masculine bakla and intra-bakla relationships, diverging from macho-straight pairings dominant in earlier works. In contemporary media, bakla stars like have achieved mainstream prominence, starring in blockbuster films such as (2013), where they portrayed quadruplets including a bakla character, and hosting the noontime It's Showtime on , blending camp humor with celebrity affluence. However, critics note persistent reductive elements, such as arcs in Vice Ganda vehicles like This Guy’s in Love with U, Mare! (2012) and (2014), which doom queer leads to non-romantic resolutions to preserve heteronormative . Recent shifts include (BL) series offering romantic fulfillment, yet stereotypes of and economic dependency linger for profitability, as queerness must avoid subverting norms. Drag performances and sketches in TV further embed bakla as harmless, viciously humorous figures, reflecting societal tolerance bounded by .

Social Roles and Traditions

![Itneg potter in woman's garb during traditional work, 1922](./assets/Potters_at_work.The_one_on_the_right_is_a_man_in_woman's_garbItnegpeopleItneg_people%252C_1922 In pre-colonial Philippine societies, individuals exhibiting traits associated with the modern bakla identity, such as asog or bayoguin, often fulfilled roles as babaylan—spiritual leaders who mediated between the human and spirit worlds through rituals, , and practices. These figures, typically biological males adopting feminine attire and mannerisms, were revered for their perceived spiritual potency derived from transcending binary norms, enabling them to channel both energies in ceremonies essential to community welfare, , and warfare. Babaylan held influence comparable to datus (chiefs), participating in governance and social decision-making during key events like harvests and conflicts. Among indigenous groups like the Itneg, bakla-like individuals engaged in traditionally female-dominated crafts such as , integrating cross-gender expression into economic and cultural production as observed in early 20th-century ethnographies. Post-colonial persistence of these roles is evident in syncretic practices, where bakla participate in folk rituals and festivals, performing dances and invocations that echo babaylan traditions, though often diminished by Catholic influences and social marginalization. In contemporary rural and indigenous communities, some bakla continue advisory and caregiving functions within extended families and barangays, leveraging perceived empathy and intuition for conflict resolution and child-rearing.

Social Dynamics

Integration and Visibility

Bakla individuals exhibit a degree of social integration in the through traditional roles such as household helpers, beauticians, and performers, where their feminine mannerisms are often accommodated within structures and community practices. This integration stems from pre-colonial precedents of gender-variant roles, persisting despite Spanish colonial introductions of Catholic norms that stigmatized non-procreative behaviors, yet allowing bakla in non-threatening domestic or service capacities. is frequently conditional, hinging on performative and economic contributions, with rural and poor bakla reporting reliance on such performances for familial tolerance amid limited opportunities. Visibility of bakla has markedly increased in mainstream media and entertainment since the mid-20th century, with cinematic portrayals dating back to often emphasizing effeminate stereotypes for comedic effect. Prominent figures like comedian and host , who rose to fame in the through television programs such as It's Showtime, exemplify this prominence, amassing millions of viewers and participating in political events, such as supporting candidate at a 2022 rally in . A 2017 survey reported 73% public acceptance of the LGBT community, correlating with bakla openness in urban settings and annual Pride marches in since 1994. However, this visibility predominantly features bakla in subordinate or humorous roles, potentially reinforcing rather than challenging societal hierarchies, as critiqued in analyses of film representations. Despite high , full societal integration remains uneven, with bakla often navigating dual perceptions as culturally embedded yet marginalized outsiders, particularly outside spheres. Urban bakla benefit from commercial spaces like gay bars and beauty parlors, fostering community networks, while broader acceptance surveys indicate tolerance without equating to legal equality or elimination of familial pressures to conform. Empirical from humanitarian contexts highlight bakla identification alongside global terms, underscoring adaptive visibility in crisis responses.

Discrimination and Stigmatization

Bakla individuals in the encounter stigmatization rooted in cultural expectations of and familial roles, often manifesting as verbal , social , and reinforcement of portraying them as effeminate or inadequate providers. This stigma persists despite bakla visibility in , as conservative societal norms, influenced by Catholic doctrines emphasizing traditional complementarity, view deviations from binary male roles as disruptive to and continuity. A 2020 study of poor bakla youth in rural documented experiences of , such as being labeled "deviant" or "cursed," which intersects with class-based marginalization, leading to internalized and as mechanisms. Family rejection represents a of stigmatization, with parents and relatives frequently disowning or pressuring bakla kin to conform, citing religious beliefs or economic burdens. Rejection often escalates to emotional , contributing to higher rates of depression and among affected ; one analysis linked parental disacceptance directly to deterioration, exacerbated by where bakla individuals are seen as unable to fulfill breadwinner expectations. In urban poor contexts, this intersects with economic vulnerability, as family expulsion heightens risks of work or unstable living. While some families achieve acceptance over time, initial responses commonly involve attempts at "curing" through prayer or isolation, reflecting broader ideological clashes between indigenous tolerance and colonial-era . Educational settings amplify , where bakla students face , physical assaults, and teacher inaction, with effeminate mannerisms targeted as "unmanly" provocations. A 2017 investigation across multiple Philippine secondary schools revealed that LGBT students, including those exhibiting bakla traits, endured ridicule, exclusion from activities, and violence, such as beatings or property destruction, often without administrative intervention; in some cases, educators invoked religious justifications to dismiss complaints. This environment contributes to higher dropout rates, with stigmatized students internalizing failure narratives that hinder academic persistence. Employment discrimination further entrenches stigmatization, as bakla applicants encounter bias in hiring and due to perceived unfitness for "masculine" roles in formal sectors. A 2018 UNDP survey reported that 30% of LGBTI respondents in the experienced or denial of opportunities based on or , with bakla individuals particularly vulnerable in conservative industries like or . Post-disaster aid programs have excluded them from relief work, citing stereotypes of unreliability, compounding economic marginalization. Absence of national protections, despite local ordinances in provinces like , leaves such practices unchecked, though some bakla leverage visibility in informal economies like beauty or performance for resilience. Violence against bakla, while underreported, includes familial physical abuse and street-level assaults, driven by machismo culture that penalizes perceived weakness. Among older LGBTI individuals, 10% reported physical violence from family or partners in the six months prior to a 2023 survey, with bakla facing heightened risks due to visible gender nonconformity. Rural poor bakla endure targeted beatings or community , often unaddressed by authorities prioritizing "family matters" over individual rights. These patterns underscore causal links between unlegislated stigma and perpetuated harm, contrasting with surveys claiming 73% societal acceptance that may reflect tolerance of performative roles rather than . The Philippines lacks a comprehensive national law prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity, leaving individuals identifying as bakla—effeminate gay men—without uniform protections against bias in employment, education, housing, or public services. Local anti-discrimination ordinances provide limited safeguards in certain areas; for instance, Quezon City's ordinance, enacted in 2014, bans discrimination based on sexual orientation in access to establishments and government services, with penalties including fines up to PHP 5,000 or imprisonment. Similar measures exist in cities like Cebu and Davao, but enforcement varies, and they do not extend protections such as employment security or family recognition to bakla individuals nationwide. Certain professional sectors offer narrow exemptions from broader gaps. The of Public Social Workers, passed in 2007, explicitly prohibits against public social workers on grounds of , mandating equal treatment in hiring and promotion. Additionally, the Armed Forces of the has permitted openly gay and bakla personnel to serve since 2009, without formal discharge policies targeting , though restrictions tied to legal sex persist in uniforms and facilities. Significant legal voids expose bakla men to unchecked vulnerabilities, particularly in private employment where the Labor Code omits as a protected category, enabling , denial of promotions, or termination without redress—issues compounded by cultural stigma against . The stalled , , and Expression (SOGIE) Equality Bill, first introduced in 2000 and refiled as recently as October 7, 2025, by House representatives, aims to criminalize such with fines up to 250,000 and , but it remains unpassed after over 25 years due to repeated congressional delays. In , bakla students face and exclusion without national mandates for inclusive policies, as evidenced by documented cases of and of participation in gender-segregated activities. Health access gaps persist, with no legal recognition for same-sex partnerships or gender-affirming decisions, heightening risks during emergencies or family disputes. These deficiencies contribute to higher incidences of violence and strains among bakla individuals, often addressed only through general complaints rather than targeted statutes.

Advocacy Efforts and Opposition

Advocacy for bakla individuals in the primarily occurs within broader LGBTQ+ rights movements, focusing on legislative protections against discrimination. Organizations such as LAGABLAB, Bahaghari, and GALANG have campaigned for the passage of the SOGIE Equality Bill, first introduced in 2000, which seeks to prohibit discrimination based on and or expression in areas like , , and public services. Despite refiling in multiple congressional sessions, the bill remains unpassed as of 2024, with activists highlighting incidents of violence and exclusion faced by effeminate men and similar groups. Metro Manila Pride and university-based groups like UP Babaylan organize annual pride marches and educational events to raise visibility and combat stigma, emphasizing intersectional issues affecting bakla in urban and rural settings. These efforts include policy advocacy, community support services, and countering disinformation campaigns that misrepresent the SOGIE bill as promoting unrelated practices like bestiality. Opposition to these advocacy efforts stems largely from the , which holds significant influence in the predominantly Catholic nation of over 110 million people. Church leaders have warned that SOGIE protections could lead to and have opposed including LGBTQ+ topics in school curricula, citing threats to traditional family structures and moral teachings. Conservative politicians echo these concerns, contributing to the bill's repeated stalling in despite public tolerance for bakla visibility in media and society. Familial and societal objections often invoke religious doctrine, viewing bakla gender nonconformity as conflicting with biblical gender roles, though empirical data shows persistent without .

Religious Perspectives

Catholic Doctrine and Interpretations

The Catholic Church's doctrine on , as articulated in the (CCC 2357–2359), holds that homosexual acts are "intrinsically disordered" and constitute "acts of grave depravity," based on Sacred Scripture's presentation of such acts as contrary to and the complementarity of in creation. This teaching applies to cultural expressions like bakla in the , where the term often encompasses homosexual inclinations alongside effeminate mannerisms or ; the Church maintains that any sexual activity outside the marital union of one man and one woman violates divine order, regardless of cultural framing. Effeminacy in men and are further viewed as incompatible with the Church's anthropology of , drawing from scriptural prohibitions (e.g., Deuteronomy 22:5) and traditional moral theology that emphasizes distinct gender roles rooted in biological sex. While condemning acts, the Church insists that individuals with homosexual tendencies—potentially including bakla—possess inherent as persons made in God's and must be treated with "respect, compassion, and sensitivity," avoiding unjust . Persons experiencing such inclinations are called to through self-mastery, friendship, and prayer, with the possibility of grace enabling fulfillment despite the objective disorder of the inclination itself. In the context, where over 80% of the population is Catholic, the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) has reiterated these doctrines, opposing legal recognitions of same-sex unions or ideology that could normalize bakla-related behaviors as identity-affirming, as seen in their resistance to bills like the SOGIE Equality Bill. The CBCP emphasizes pastoral accompaniment without approving sinful lifestyles, aligning with Vatican guidance that rejects "ideological colonization" promoting as equivalent to . Interpretations among Philippine clergy vary in pastoral emphasis but remain doctrinally consistent; for instance, Archbishop Socrates Villegas has urged Catholics to reject entirely, framing it as contrary to family and procreation, while advocating outreach to those struggling with through Church ministries focused on conversion and . Some progressive voices within the Philippine Church, influenced by broader global tensions, have explored "inclusion" via documents like (2023), which permits non-liturgical blessings for individuals in irregular situations but explicitly excludes approval of same-sex unions or lifestyles. Critics note that such pastoral leniency risks diluting doctrine amid cultural pressures, yet official CBCP statements in 2024 affirmed the unchangeable teaching on the immorality of homosexual acts while calling for mercy toward persons. This reflects a balance: doctrinal firmness against acts and expressions contradicting , coupled with evangelization aimed at holistic human .

Indigenous Beliefs and Syncretism

In pre-colonial Philippine societies, indigenous beliefs recognized gender-variant individuals known as asog in the Visayas or bayoguin among Tagalogs, who were biological males that adopted feminine attire and mannerisms, often serving as shamans or babaylan. These figures were attributed spiritual potency due to their liminal gender status, which was thought to facilitate communication with anito (ancestral spirits) and diwata (deities), enabling roles in healing, prophecy, and ritual ceremonies. Historical accounts from early Spanish observers, such as Antonio de Morga in 1609 and Pedro Chirino in 1604, describe these male shamans as occupying an intermediary position between male and female, respected for their efficacy in spiritual mediation rather than marginalized. The reverence for such gender-crossing stemmed from animistic worldviews where was associated with access, though babaylan also incorporated elements like spear-wielding in rituals, blending gendered attributes for holistic spiritual authority. Among groups like the Tansug in southern , beliefs included a category for males embodying female traits from birth, integrated into societal functions beyond sexuality. This contrasts with rigid binary norms imposed later, as pre-colonial was tied to cosmological efficacy rather than modern . Scholarly analyses caution that Spanish ethnocentric records may emphasize to pathologize native practices, potentially understating the pragmatic acceptance of these roles in (village) governance and economy. Syncretism emerged prominently during Spanish colonization starting in 1565, when Catholic doctrine equated gender-crossing with and , prompting systematic suppression of babaylan through executions and forced conversions. Yet, hybrid practices persisted, as some asog or bayog integrated into colonial structures by converting and aiding evangelization, while others led uprisings blending indigenous spirit invocation with appeals to Christian saints, such as in the 1663 revolt. Post-colonial bakla identity reflects this fusion, grafting pre-colonial gender transitivity—rooted in kalooban (inner disposition)—onto Spanish moral binaries and American-introduced , evolving into a culturally specific that retains echoes of shamanic amid global influences. Academic discourse, including J. Neil C. Garcia's work, frames bakla as a "moderate nativist" hybrid, neither purely indigenous nor Western import, but a localized where colonial degradation shifted revered roles toward pejorative connotations like "" while preserving . This syncretic persistence underscores causal continuity from animistic spiritual necessities to contemporary , undiluted by over-romanticized narratives of universal pre-colonial tolerance.

Controversies and Critiques

Conservative and Familial Objections

Conservative objections to the bakla phenomenon in the emphasize its perceived undermining of traditional masculine roles and societal stability. Adherents to argue that bakla disrupts the gendered division of labor central to Filipino systems, where men are expected to serve as primary providers and family heads, roles seen as biologically and culturally ordained for and . This view posits that public visibility of bakla behaviors, such as or mannerisms, erodes norms inherited from Spanish colonial and indigenous patriarchal structures, potentially weakening family units by discouraging heterosexual pairings and progeny. Familial resistance often manifests as concern over lineage perpetuation and reputational costs. Parents and elders frequently express dismay that a bakla son cannot fulfill obligations to marry and sire children, thereby failing to extend the family name—a core duty in collectivist Filipino households where intergenerational continuity is prioritized for economic and emotional security. Such objections lead to interventions like discouraging feminine expressions or arranging heterosexual matches, rooted in fears of social ostracism in tight-knit communities where deviance invites and diminished marriage prospects for siblings. In surveys of Filipino youth, lower parental correlates with suppressed outness, as families weigh the utility of a bakla's remittances against the stigma of non-conformity. Rural and lower-income families amplify these critiques, viewing bakla traits as exacerbating poverty through reduced labor productivity in male-dominated fields like farming or construction, while urban remittances from bakla entertainers offer pragmatic tolerance but not endorsement. Critics within conservative circles contend this tolerance masks deeper familial coercion, where bakla are relegated to supportive roles without autonomy, perpetuating a cycle of internalized hierarchy over genuine integration. Empirical accounts from bakla youth highlight parental narratives framing their identity as a "burden" or "curse," prompting efforts to "cure" it via prayer or therapy, though success rates remain undocumented and contested.

Health, Psychological, and Societal Impacts

Bakla individuals, often engaging in same-sex behaviors akin to men who have sex with men (MSM), face elevated risks of infection, with approximately 70% of cases in the occurring among MSM as of 2023. The country reported an average of 55 new daily diagnoses in early 2024, contributing to the fastest-growing epidemic in the Western Pacific, exacerbated by stigma delaying testing and treatment—over 75% of MSM have never tested for . Advanced at diagnosis affected 29% of new cases in 2023, linked to internalized shame and reducing care engagement. Psychologically, bakla and broader LGBTQ+ youth experience disproportionate mental health burdens, with 75% of surveyed Filipino LGBTQ+ young people (ages 13-24) reporting lifetime and 46% lifetime attempts in 2024 data. Recent symptoms of depression and anxiety affected 62% each, with 59% engaging in in the past year; these rates correlate with minority stress from family rejection, (experienced by 74%), and viewing one's identity as a burden (63%). Among young Filipino men, same-sex attraction doubles the odds of compared to heterosexual peers (OR=2.09), reflecting cultural and familial pressures rather than inherent . Societally, bakla often fulfill the "tagasalo" role—acting as family stabilizers by providing financial support and performing domestic tasks, particularly in low-income households where their earnings from occupations like hairdressing or entertainment offset economic hardship. This pragmatic acceptance is conditional on economic utility, as poor rural bakla combine breadwinning (a traditionally masculine function) with household duties to gain familial tolerance amid poverty. However, discrimination limits broader economic inclusion, with barriers in education and employment perpetuating vulnerability and reinforcing reliance on niche roles.

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  90. https://www.apcom.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Research_Report_PHL-The-State-of-LGBTQI-Peoples-Economic-Inclusion.pdf
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