Tsez language
Tsez language
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Tsez language

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Tsez
Dido, Cez
цезйас мец cezyas mec
Pronunciation[t͡sɛzˈjas mɛt͡s]
[tsejos mets]
Native toNorth Caucasus
RegionSouthern Dagestan
EthnicityTsez
Native speakers
18,000 (2020 census)[1]
Northeast Caucasian
Language codes
ISO 639-3ddo
Glottologdido1241
ELPTsez
GlottopediaTsez[2]
  Tsez
Tsez is classified as Definitely Endangered by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger (2010)
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Tsez, also known as Dido (Tsez: цезйас мец (cezyas mec) or цез мец (cez mec)), is a Northeast Caucasian language with about 15,000 speakers (15,354 in 2002) spoken by the Tsez, a North Caucasian people in the mountainous Tsunta District of southwestern Dagestan in Russia. The name is said to derive from the Tsez word for 'eagle', but this is most likely a folk etymology. The name Dido is derived from the Georgian word დიდი (didi), meaning 'big'.

Dialects

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Tsez can be divided into the following dialects, with their Tsez names given in parentheses:

  • Asakh (Asaq)
    • Tsebari (Ceboru)
  • Mokok (Newo)
  • Kidero (Kidiro)
    • Shaytl (Ešiƛʼ)
  • Shapikh (Šopix)
  • Sagada (Soƛʼo)

The examples in this article are based on the Tsebari subdialect of Asakh. The Sagada dialect is notable for its divergence from the others, and is considered to be a separate language by some.[3][4]

Hinukh and Khwarshi were also once regarded as dialects of the Tsez language but are now commonly viewed as distinct languages of the same family.

Phonology

[edit]

Each phoneme is listed with its IPA, Latin, and Cyrillic transcriptions.

Consonants

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Bilabial Dental Lateral Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Pharyngeal Glottal
Stops Voiceless [p] p п

([])

[t] t т

([])

[k] k к

([] [])

Voiced [b] b б

([])

[d] d д

([])

[ɡ] g г

([] [])

Ejective [] pʼ пӀ

([pˤʼ])

[] tʼ тӀ

([tʷʼ])

[] kʼ кӀ

([kʷʼ] [kˤʼ])

[] qʼ къ

([qʷʼ] [qˤʼ])

Affricates Voiceless [t͡s] c ц

([t͡sʷ])

[t͡ɬ] ƛ лӀ

([t͡ɬʷ])

[t͡ʃ] č ч

([t͡ʃʷ])

[q͡χ] q хъ

([q͡χʷ] [q͡χˤ])

Ejective [t͡sʼ] cʼ цӀ

([t͡sʷʼ])

[t͡ɬʼ] ƛʼ кь

([t͡ɬʷʼ])

[t͡ʃʼ] čʼ чӀ

([t͡ʃʷʼ])

Fricatives Voiceless [s] s с

([])

[ɬ] ł лъ

([ɬʷ])

[ʃ] š ш

([ʃʷ])

[χ] x х

([χʷ] [χˤ])

[ħ] ħ хӀ

([ħʷ])

[h] h гь

([] [])

Voiced [z] z з

([])

[ʒ] ž ж

([ʒʷ])

[ʁ] ɣ гъ

([ʁʷ] [ʁˤ])

[ʕ] ʕ гӀ
Nasals [m] m м

([])

[n] n н
Liquids [r] r р [l] l л
Semivowels [w] w в [j] y й
  • Tsez shows an inventory of 33 consonants.
  • The glottal stop ([ʔ]) is not phonemic but occurs automatically before non-pharyngealized vowels in word-initial position.
  • Consonant clusters are often broken up by inserting the epenthetic vowel [e]. After [j], the inserted vowel is [i].
  • Word-initial consonants can be pharyngealized[clarification needed] and are marked as such in the proposed orthography by a small [ˤ] following the consonant; in the Cyrillic spelling a palochka ("Ӏ") is used after the vowel that follows the consonant.
    • A syllable-final pharyngealization of the consonant is transcribed in Cyrillic with (where C stands for a consonant) and with VCˤ in the Latin transcription (the V stands for a vowel). Some dictionaries write this as VӀC though, which makes the sequence CVӀC ambiguous (see below).
    • A syllable-initial pharyngealization of the consonant is transcribed in Cyrillic with CVӀ (the palochka follows the vowel, since the pharyngealization actually affects it more than the preceding consonant) and with CˤV in the Latin transcription.
    • The pharyngealization itself is reported to be epiglottal.
  • Labialized consonants are written as in the Cyrillic and as in the Latin transcription, respectively. Any consonant besides /n, l, j, ʕ/ and the bilabials can be labialized.

Vowels

[edit]
Front Central Back
High [i] i и [u] u у
Mid [] e е/э [] o о
Low [a] a а

([] ā а̄)

  • The Tsebari dialect has only one long vowel ā.
  • A vowel is dropped before another vowel, so there are never two consecutive vowels. However, a final -u labializes the preceding consonant, if followed by a vowel.
  • Word-initial e is spelled э in Cyrillic.
  • In the proposed Cyrillic orthography, ya, yo, yu can also be written as я, ё, ю.
  • In the Asakh dialect, lengthened vowels are automatically neutralized to ā. Other dialects (e.g. Mokok) also have a low front vowel ([æ]), usually transcribed as ä in Latin and аь in Cyrillic, some also have a long mid back rounded vowel ([o]), transcribed as ō.

Phonotactics

[edit]

The syllable structure is generally CV(C). There are no vowel clusters. It is an agglutinative language with a complex morphology. Suffixes are either C, V, CV, VC or C+CV (where the first consonant belongs to the preceding syllable), depending on the structure of the stem. An example is the superessive suffix -ƛʼ(o), which attached to the word besuro (fish) forms besuro-ƛʼ (on the fish) and together with is (bull) forms is-ƛʼo in order to maintain the syllable restriction.

Orthography

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Tsez lacks a literary tradition and is poorly represented in written form. Avar and Russian are used as literary languages locally, even in schools. However, attempts have been made to develop a stable orthography for the Tsez language as well as its relatives, mainly for the purpose of recording traditional folklore; thus, a Cyrillic script based on that of Avar is often used. Fluency in Avar is usually higher among men than women, and the younger people tend to be more fluent in Russian than in Tsez, which is probably due to the lack of education in and about the language. Tsez is not taught in school and instead Avar is taught for the first five years and Russian afterwards.

In 1993, linguist Mikhail Alekseev devised the following orthography for Tsez.[5] In 2023, the letter ГӀ гӀ was added.[6]

А а Ā ā Б б В в Г г Гъ гъ Гь гь Д д Е е Ё ё Ж ж
З з И и Й й К к Къ къ Кь кь КӀ кӀ Л л Лъ лъ ЛӀ лӀ М м
Н н О о П п ПӀ пӀ Р р С с Т т ТӀ тӀ У у Ф ф Х х
Хъ хъ ХӀ хӀ Ц ц ЦӀ цӀ Ч ч ЧӀ чӀ Ш ш Э э Ю ю Я я '

Morphology

[edit]

Tsez grammar was first analyzed by the Georgian linguist Davit Imnaishvili in 1963. Currently,[when?] a collection of Tsez folklore texts (written in the Mokok dialect) is in production.[by whom?]

Nouns

[edit]

Nouns are inflected for number and case, and have noun classes assigned to them.

Number

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Nouns can either be singular or plural. The plural is formed by adding -bi to the stem in the absolutive case: besuro (fish [sg.]) → besuro-bi (fish [pl.]). For all other cases, the suffix is -za; thus, "of the fish [pl.]" becomes besuro-za-s.

Case

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There are eight syntactical and a much larger number of locative cases, which distinguish three categories: location, orientation, and direction. Thus, counting the both locative and non-locative cases, there are 64 cases.[citation needed]

Tsez is an ergative–absolutive language, which means that it makes no distinction between the subject of an intransitive sentence and the object of a transitive one. Both are in the unmarked absolutive case; the agent of the transitive sentence is in the ergative case.

According to Ramazan Rajabov, the oblique stem of 42% of the nouns is different from the absolutive stem. Some nouns change their internal structure (such as a vowel), but others add one of about 20 so-called "thematic suffixes" to their end, to which the other case suffixes are attached. For example, the word for "language" or "tongue" is mec, but its oblique stem is mecre-, hence its plural is mecrebi, the ergative mecrā and so on. Rajabov says that the choice of the correct thematic suffix is sometimes difficult even for native speakers. It is likely that their origin lies in an application of two different plural forms, similar to the way the English word "children" actually has two archaic plural endings: -(e)r and -en. In Tsez it is sometimes even possible to use both the archaic and the regular and more productive -bi plural for a word.[7]

Syntactic case suffixes
[edit]
  Singular Plural
Absolutive -∅ -bi
Ergative -z-ā
Genitive 1 -(e)s -za-s
Genitive 2 -(e)z -za-z
Dative -(e)r -za-r
Instrumental -(e)d -za-d
Equative 1 -ce -za-ce
Equative 2 -qʼāy -za-qʼāy

Of the two genitive cases, the first is used as attribute to an absolutive head noun and the second to an oblique one. That means, that the Genitive 1 is used for phrases like žekʼu-s is (the man's bull), and the Genitive 2 is used for žekʼu-z is-er (for the man's bull).

The Equative 1 is used to make comparisons, like besuro-ce (like a fish) and can also be attached to other cases.

Rajabov suggests 3 more syntactical cases, namely possessive 1 (-łay), possessive 2 (-xu) and abessive (-tay). However, their status is debatable, as they seem to show both inflectional as well as derivational tendencies.[7]

Locative case suffixes
[edit]
  Essive Lative Ablative Allative1 meaning
In—
-āz
-ā-r
-āz-a-r
-āy
-āz-ay
-āɣor
-āz-a
= in (a hollow object)
Cont—
-ł-āz
-ł-er
-ł-āz-a-r
-ł-āy
-ł-āz-ay
-ł-xor
-ł-āz-a
= in (a mass), among
Super— -ƛʼ(o)
-ƛʼ-āz
-ƛʼo-r
-ƛʼ-āz-a-r
-ƛʼ-āy
-ƛʼ-āz-ay
-ƛʼ-āɣor, -ƛʼ-ār
-ƛʼ-āz-a
= on (horizontal)
Sub—
-ƛ-āz
-ƛ-er
-ƛ-āz-a-r
-ƛ-āy
-ƛ-āz-ay
-ƛ-xor
-ƛ-āz-a
= under
Ad— -x(o)
-x-āz
-xo-r
-x-āz-a-r
-x-āy
-x-āz-ay
-x-āɣor, -x-ā-r
-x-āz-a
= at
Apud— -de
-d-āz
-de-r
-d-āz-a-r
-d-āy
-d-āz-ay
-d-āɣor, -d-ā-r
-d-āz-a
= near
Post— -q(o)
-q-āz
-qo-r
-q-āz-a-r
-q-āy
-q-āz-ay
-q-āɣor, -q-ā-r
-q-āz-a
= on (vertical)
meaning = at (position) = to (destination) = from (origin) = towards (direction)  
  1. The allative case is also called 'versative'. In the distal paradigm, it is used in the sense of "behind" or "beyond" and is then called 'posterior'.

Of the forms, the upper one shows the non-distal (i.e. close), the lower one the distal (i.e. far) form of the suffix. In the non-distal there are sometimes two equal forms [clarification needed] for the allative case. The epenthetic vowel o in parentheses is used after noun stems ending in a consonant; thus, "next to the bull" is is-xo, while "next to the fish" is besuro-x.

Noun classes

[edit]

Tsez distinguishes four noun classes in the singular and two in the plural. They are prefixes that are attached to verbs, adjectives, adverbs, several postpositions like -oƛƛʼo ("between") or -iłe ("like") and the emphatic particle -uy to show agreement with the noun. Agreement is only possible on vowel-initial words or words that begin with a pharyngealized vowel, but there are also a few words beginning with a vowel that do not take these prefixes.

Class Singular Plural Attribution
I ∅- b- for male people only
II y- r- for female people and inanimate objects (e.g. "book")
III b- for animals and inanimate objects (e.g. "sun")
IV r- for inanimate objects only (e.g. "water")

As inanimate objects cover the classes II, III and IV, it's not transparent into which class an inanimate object belongs. However, there are certain tendencies based on the semantic field of the nouns. Nouns that are able to move (like sun, moon, star, lightning, car, train) usually belong to class III, while products that traditionally have to do with the work of women (like clothes or berries and also milk) often belong to class II. Clothes made from leather are—as the word for leather itself—usually assigned to class III, due to their relation to animals.

Class IV originally included abstract words, collective and mass nouns, such as water, salt, sky or wind. Materials also often seem to trigger noun classes: "chair" and "wood" are both class IV nouns. Also shape seems to have an influence (flat things are associated with class II, round things with class III and long things with class IV). In the same manner, proper names are assigned the classes of the nouns they denote. Thus, Patʼi 'Fatima' is assigned class II, as it is a female name, and Asaq (a Tsez village) belongs to class III, because "village" (ʕaƛʼ) is also in this group. Likewise, new loan words are assigned the noun class of a semantically similar existing Tsez word.

Experiments have shown that Tsez speakers do not assign any noun classes to new words for objects or places with which they are unfamiliar.[8]

Certain derivational endings also require a specific noun class, see the section about derivation below.

Verbs and adverbs always agree with the absolutive argument of the phrase, regardless of the clause's transitivity.
If more than one absolutive argument is linked by the conjunction -n(o) ("and") and one of them is of the first noun class, then class I plural triggers the agreement for the clause; otherwise, it is class II/III/IV plural. Compare:

kid-no

girl[II]:ABS-and

uži-n

boy[I]:ABS-and

b-ay-si

IPL-come-PSTWIT

kid-no uži-n b-ay-si

girl[II]:ABS-and boy[I]:ABS-and IPL-come-PSTWIT

"A girl and a boy arrived."

and

kid-no

girl[II]:ABS-and

meši-n

calf[III]:ABS-and

r-ay-si

IIPL-come-PSTWIT

kid-no meši-n r-ay-si

girl[II]:ABS-and calf[III]:ABS-and IIPL-come-PSTWIT

"A girl and a calf arrived."

Pronouns

[edit]

Personal pronouns

[edit]

Personal pronouns exist in Tsez only for the first and second person; for the third person the demonstratives že (singular) and žedi (plural) are used. As the singular personal pronouns have the same form in absolutive and ergative, a sentence like Di mi okʼsi is ambiguous, because it can both mean "I hit you" and "You hit me", due to the rather free word order. However, they have a different form for the oblique cases and an irregular form in the genitive 1 case, the same as the plural pronouns. The singular pronouns also have the same forms for all four noun classes, while the plurals make this distinction, as shown in the chart below.

    class I class II-IV
1st person singular abs. & erg. di
oblique dā-
genitive 1 dey
2nd person singular abs. & erg mi
oblique debe-1
dow-2
genitive 1 debi
1st person plural absolutive eli ela
oblique elu- ela-
special gen. 13 eli
special gen. 23 eliz
2nd person plural absolutive meži meža
oblique mežu- meža-
special gen. 13 meži
special gen. 23 mežiz
  1. This form is used before a syllable-final consonant, such as the suffix -r.
  2. This form is used before a syllable-initial consonant, such as the suffix -de.
  3. The special forms of the two genitives is used when the possessor is a close group, typically a family, thus eli eniy is used for "our mother" instead of elus eniy. The plural demonstrative žedi ("they") also shows this feature, being žedi in the close group genitive 1 and žediz in the close group genitive 2. For ordinary possessors these forms would be žedus and žeduz, respectively.
  • There is also a reflexive personal pronoun, meaning "self" or "oneself", which is žo and ne- in its oblique form, respectively.

Demonstrative pronouns

[edit]

Demonstrative pronouns are suffixes that are attached to the corresponding noun. They inflect for noun classes, number and case and make a two-way distinction into proximal (close, English: "this/these") and distal (far, English: "that/those"), the latter of which are also used as third person pronouns.

The oblique forms are used attributively and also as a base to which other (oblique) case suffixes can be attached.

  Singular Plural
  Class I Class II-IV Class I Class II-IV
Proximal Absolutive -da -du -ziri
Oblique -si -ła-, -ł1 -zi -za
Distal Absolutive že žedi
Oblique nesi neło, neł1 žedu žeda
  1. The forms are used optionally after vowels at the end of words.

Interrogative pronouns

[edit]

Interrogative pronouns make a distinction between human ("who?") and non-human ("what?") only in the oblique forms, but not in the absolutive. The non-human interrogative pronouns require the class IV affix when triggering agreement.

Interrogative pronouns that are replacing an adjunct (as, for instance, "when?" or "why?") usually occur at the beginning of the sentence, while those replacing arguments ("who?", "what?", etc.) often stay in the position of the replaced word. However, they can be fronted as well for the purpose of discourse-specific linking. Thus, a fronted šebi might be translated as "Which...?" instead of "What...?".

  Human Non-human
Absolutive šebi
Oblique łā łina
Ergative łu łinā

Other interrogative pronouns include:

  • dice ("how much?")
  • didiyu ("which?")
  • didur ("how?")
  • łina-s ("why?"), this seems to be the genitive 1 form of the non-human oblique interrogative pronoun
  • ("where?"), stem na-
  • neti ("when?")
  • šidā ("why?")
  • šomo ("how many?")

Verbs

[edit]

Tsez has a rich verbal morphology with many categories. Despite the great variety in conjugation, the only truly irregular verb is "to be" with some forms being yoł (present), ānu (present negative), zow- (past), etc. There are 4 morphological groups, according to the final phoneme of the stem: The first group ends in a consonant, the second in i, the third in -u and the fourth group contains the verbs with the variable ending -d (before a vowel) / -y (elsewhere).

Tense-aspect-mood

[edit]

There are five tense forms in the indicative mood, shown in the following table with examples for verbs with vocalic and consonantal stem endings. The past forms make an evidentiality distinction.

Form Suffix With -iš- ("to eat") With -esu- ("to find")
past unwitnessed -n(o) -iš-no "ate" -esu-n "found"
past witnessed -s(i) -iš-si "ate" -esu-s "found"
present -x(o) -iš-xo "eat" -esu-x "find"
future definite -an -iš-an "will eat" -esʷ-an "will find"
future indefinite shift of the vowel in
the stem before the last
consonant to ā
-āš "will eat" -āsu "will find"
  • In interrogative sentences (English "wh-questions"), the past witnessed suffix is instead of -s(i). In yes–no questions, the finite verb receives the additional ending , except for the past witnessed form, which receives the ending -iyā (after consonants) or -yā (after vowels).
  • Of the two different future tenses, the definite one bears the connotation of being wanted by the speaker ("I want and I will...") and is only used with the first person, while the indefinite one (simply "will") tends to be used with second and third.
  • Other moods are formed as follows:
    • The imperative has no suffix for intransitive verbs (e.g. -ikʼi! "go!") and the suffix -o for transitive verbs (e.g. tʼetʼr-o! "read!"); the verb is usually put in the first position in the phrase then.
    • The optative adds a to the imperative form, e.g. tʼetʼr-o-ƛ! ("let him read!").
  • There is also a great variety of analytical forms for verbs often exhibiting aspectual meaning:
    • emphatic future = infinitive + "to be" (present tense); e.g. -ikʼ-a yoł ("shall go")
    • continuous aspect = imperfect gerund + "to be" (in its appropriate tense-aspect form); e.g. -ikʼi-x zow-si ("was going")
    • perfective aspect = perfect gerund + "to be"; e.g. -ikʼi-n zow-si ("had gone")
    • perfect = resultative participle + "to be"; e.g. -ikʼ-āsi zow-si ("had gone")
    • intentive = present participle + "to be"; e.g. -ikʼi-xo-si zow-si ("intended to go")
    • resultative = imperfective/perfective gerund + resultative participle of -iči- ("be located") + "to be"; e.g. -ikʼi-n -ič-ā-si zow-si ("was gone") or -ikʼi-x -ič-ā-si zow-si ("was in the state of being on his way hence")

Negation

[edit]

The basic negation suffix in the indicative is -čʼV with V being a vowel that can be different, depending on the tense/aspect/mood of the verb; it is inserted after the verb stem. With the example verb -ikʼi- ("to go"), the following forms are possible:

Form Negation Suffix With -ikʼi- ("to go")
past unwitnessed negative -čʼey- -ikʼi-čʼey "didn't go"
past witnessed negative -čʼu- -ikʼi-čʼu-s or -ikʼi-čʼu "didn't go"
present negative -ānu- (present negative of "to be") -ikʼi-x-ānu "doesn't go"
future definite negative -čʼi- -ikʼ-ā-čʼi-n "won't go"
future indefinite negative -čʼi- -ākʼi-čʼi "won't go" (vowel shift!)
  • The prohibitive (i.e. the negative imperative) is expressed by adding the suffix -no to the future indefinite form of the verb, e.g. -āš-no! ("don't eat!").
  • The negative optative form simply adds a to that: āš-no-ƛ ("let him not eat!").

Non-finite forms

[edit]

Participles behave like adjectives and only vary according to the class agreement, which gets attached to them as prefixes. There are several different kinds of participles in the Tsez language:

Form Suffix With -iš- ("to eat")
past participle -ru (stem vowel → ā)1 -āš-ru "having eaten"
past negative participle -čʼi-ru (stem vowel → ā)1 -āš-čʼi-ru "not having eaten"
resultative participle -ā-si -iš-ā-si "in the state of having eaten"
resultative negative participle -ani -iš-ani "in the state of not having eaten"
present participle -xo-si -iš-xo-si "eating"
present negative participle -x-ānu-si -iš-x-ānu-si "not eating"
  1. The stem vowel here is the vowel before the last consonant. Note that stems, different from roots, include causatives; thus -ikʼi- ("to go") becomes -ākʼi-, but its causative form -ikʼir- ("to let go") becomes -ikʼār-! Sometimes also unarticulated epenthetic vowels can be lengthened to ā, as in: tʼetʼr- ("to learn"), which becomes tʼetʼār-.

Converbs, like gerunds and verbal adverbs, are very numerous in Tsez. The following list gives only an incomplete account. The table illustrates the relationship between the temporal converb (C) and the main verb (V):

Relationship between C and V Suffix With -ikʼi- ("to go")
C and V are simultaneous manner of action -x -ikʼi-x
punctual -ƛʼ -ikʼi-ƛʼ
simple simultaneous -ƛʼorey / -zey -ikʼi-ƛʼorey / -ikʼi-zey "while he goes/went"
C precedes V manner of action -n -ikʼi-n
simple anterior -nosi -ikʼi-nosi "after he goes/went"
immediate anterior -run (stem vowel → ā)1 -ākʼi-run "immediately after he goes/went"
C follows V simple posterior -zaƛʼor -ikʼi-zaƛʼor "before he goes/went"
terminative -a-ce -ikʼ-a-ce "until he goes/went"
  • Other non-temporal converbs are:
    • perfective (completive) and imperfective (durative) converbs are identical to the past unwitnessed and present forms respectively: -n(o) and -x(o)
    • locative converb: -z-ā, stem vowel changes to ā
    • causal converb: -xoy, -za-ƛʼ or -za-q; e.g. -iš-xoy ("because of eating")
    • conditional converb: -nāy or -łi; e.g. iš-nāy ("if he eats")
    • concessive converb: -łin
  • infinitive: -a; e.g. -iš-a ("to eat")
  • verbal noun: -(a)ni; e.g. -iš-ani ("the eating") and -rečʼ-ni ("the cutting")

Potential and causative

[edit]

The potential mood receives the suffix -(e)ł, while the causative mood suffix is -(e)r. Again, the epenthetic vowel is dropped when the stem ends in a vowel or if another suffix starting with a vowel is attached. Together with the definite future suffixes -an, for instance, the epenthetic vowel has to be dropped: iš-er ("let him eat"), but iš-r-an ("will let him eat").

Particles

[edit]

Tsez has a rich set of particles, most of them occurring as clitics. The particle -tow shows general emphasis while -kin shows general emphasis and focusing. A contrastively topicalized constituent is marked by the particle -gon. Being clitics, they can be attached to any part of speech. There is also a quotation particle that is used in direct reported speech and appears as the suffix -ƛin that always appears at the end of the quoted phrase or sentence. Example: Di žekʼu yołƛin eƛix kʼetʼā ("'I am a man', says the cat"). There are also other free particles like hudu ("yes, so") or āy ("no").

Word formation

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Derivation

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Noun-forming suffixes
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The following list is a selection of suffixes used to form nouns from other parts of speech as well as other nouns.

  • -bi / -zi (added to place names): residents
    e.g. Newo-bi / Newo-zi ("resident of Mokok", from Newo "Mokok")
  • -łi (added to singular absolutive nouns denoting persons or to adjectives in the class IV form): abstract nouns and occupations
    e.g. laɣ-łi ("slavery", from laɣ "slave"), učitel-łi ("teaching", from the Russian loan učitel "teacher"), r-igu-łi ("grace, kindness", from -igu "good")
  • -kʼu (added to verbs in the iterative stem forms): instruments or personal descriptions
    e.g. ˤuƛʼno-kʼu ("coward", from ˤuƛʼ-, "to be afraid"), ˤiya-kʼu ("cryer", from ˤiyad-, "to cry")
  • -ni (added to verb stems and onomatopoeic nouns): abstract nouns
    e.g. rečʼ-ni ("sharpness", from rečʼ- "to cut"), ˤoy-ni ("mooing", from ˤoy "moo")
  • -qu (added to nouns in their oblique stem) or the lesser used Awar suffix -qan: container or occupation
    e.g. magala-qu ("baker"), bocʼ-a-qu ("wolf-trap"), qido-qan ("mason")
  • -qʼoy / -qoy / -ħoy (added to singular oblique noun stems): enveloping objects
    e.g. reƛʼi-qoy ("glove", from reƛʼa "hand")
  • -yo (added to the lative singular of a noun): possessor
    e.g. kotʼu-r-yo ("bearded man", from kotʼu "beard")
Adjective-forming suffixes
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The following suffixes can be used to derive adjectives from other words:

  • -mu (added to singular absolutive noun, adjectives or verbs): simple adjective
    e.g. boryo-mu ("sickly", from boryo "sore, wound"), atʼi-mu ("unripe", from atʼiy "wet"), šakarya-mu ("jealous", from šakaryad- "to be jealous")
  • -šay (added to oblique noun stems): inseparable possessing
    e.g. čakaryo-šay čay ("sweet tea", literally "sugar-containing tea")
  • -tay (added to oblique noun stems): absence, lacking
    e.g. ciyo-tay ("unsalted")
  • -xu (added to oblique noun stems): separable possessing
    e.g. ciyo-xu raƛʼ ("soil with salt crystals")
Verb-forming suffixes
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Some verb-forming suffixes, like the causative and potential derivatives, have already been mentioned in the section about the verbal morphology. Other examples include:

  • -kʼ- (added to qualitative adjectives, adverbs and some intransitive verbs ending in -x): transitive verbs
    e.g. atʼi-kʼ- ("to dampen, to soak", from atʼiy "wet"), bito-kʼ- ("to move sth.", from bittay "over there"), łicʼo-kʼ- ("to unite", from łicʼox- "to mix")
  • -ł- (added to qualitative adjectives and adverbs): intransitive verbs
    e.g. atʼi-ł- ("to become wet", from atʼiy "wet"), ade-x- ("to move forward", from adāy "in front")

Compounding and reduplication

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In Tsez it is also possible to create new words from combining existing ones; usually nouns and verbs are derived, but there also exist compound adjectives and adverbs. Only the last component of the compound inflects, as it is the head of the phrase. However, it does not necessarily govern the noun class assignment for compound nouns—if one of the two components belongs to class I, then the whole compound is of this class, otherwise it is automatically assigned to noun class II. Sometimes, the last component is truncated (see fifth example). Suffixation may also occur (see first example). The following list is not exhaustive:

  • debi-dey-łi "quarrel, dividing up" (lit. "your-my" + nominalizer -łi)
  • eni-obiy or eni-obu "parents" (lit. "mother-father")
  • ħotʼo-čʼel "stirrup" (lit. "foot-place")
  • -ikʼi-nex- "to go back and forth" (lit. "go-come")
  • ƛʼiri-ku "shawl" (lit. ƛʼiri "above" - kur "throw")
  • niga-cʼuda "bruised" (lit. "red-green")
  • rigu-žuka "anything" (lit. "good-bad")
  • taqqo-naqqo "back and forth" (lit. "on that side - on this side")
  • tʼitʼi-ečʼ- "hash" (lit. "tear-cut up")

Another common way to derive new words is reduplication, which can derive nouns, as well as adjectives and verbs. In reduplicating nouns, the initial syllable can often undergo a change, as in xisi-basi "changes" or bix-mix (herbs). It is used to intensify adjectives (e.g. r-očʼi-r-očʼiy "very cold") and verbs (e.g. -okʼ-okʼ- "to stab repeatedly") but is also used for onomatopoeia (e.g. ħi-ħi "neigh").

Another highly productive way of forming verbs is the combination of a word (often a loan from Arabic or Avar) and the Tsez verbs -oq- ("to stay, to become") or -od- ("to do"), although some combinations can also be formed with other verbs. Note that only the second word is inflected, while the first one remains uninflected. Some examples are:

  • bercin -oq- "to be decorated" (from Avar берцинав (bercinaw) "beautiful")
  • paradat -od- "to sell" (from Russian продать (prodat’) "to sell")
  • razwod b-od- "to divorce" (from Russian развод (razvod) "divorce")
  • riƛu riƛʼ- "to plough" (lit. "ploughing-field plough")
  • rokʼ-ƛʼo-r r-ay- "to remember" (lit. "heart-SUPER-LAT III-arrive")
  • rokʼu r-exu- "to feel pity" (lit. "heart die")
  • sapu y-od- "to destroy"
  • tʼamizi -od- "to cause" (from Avar тIамизе (tʼamize) "to force")
  • woržizi -oq- "to fly" (from Avar -оржизе (-oržize) "to fly")
  • xabar b-od- "to talk" (from Arabic خبر (xabar) "news, message" via Avar хабар (xabar) "story")

Syntax

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Noun phrase

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Noun phrases (NP) per definition have a nominal head, which can be a noun, a pronoun or a substantivized expression such as a participle with the nominalizer -łi, verbal nouns (masdars) or substantivized restrictive adjectives (as in English: "the older one")—the latter one bears the suffix -ni directly after the adjective stem. They all inflect for case.

As Tsez is a head-last language, all modifiers precede the head noun and agree with it in class. The neutral order of modifiers is usually:

  1. relative clause
  2. unemphatic possessive pronoun
  3. emphatic possessive pronoun
  4. restrictive adjective
  5. demonstrative
  6. numeral / quantifier
  7. non-restrictive adjective

Note that the order of element number 4, 5 and 6 may vary:

sideni

another

ʕaƛ-ā

village-IN:ESS

b-iči-xosi

IPL-be-PRSPRT

nesi-s

he-GEN1

b-aqʼˤu

IPL-many

žuka-tʼa-ni

bad-DISTR-RESTR

ʕagarłi

relative

sideni ʕaƛ-ā b-iči-xosi nesi-s b-aqʼˤu žuka-tʼa-ni ʕagarłi

another village-IN:ESS IPL-be-PRSPRT he-GEN1 IPL-many bad-DISTR-RESTR relative

"his many unpleasant relatives who live in the next village"

Modifiers can also include oblique noun phrases, which then take one of the two genitive suffixes depending on the case of the head noun: -si for absolutive, -zo for oblique head nouns. Compare:

ħon-ƛʼo-si ʕadala ("the fool on the hill", absolutive)

and

ħon-ƛʼo-zo ʕadala-r ("to the fool on the hill", dative/lative)

Verb phrase

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Verb phrases (VP) are phrases whose head is a verb or a copula. Verbs can have different transitivities that directly affect the case distribution for their nominal arguments.

Copulas

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Copulas are used in the Tsez language to combine the subject with a noun phrase or with predicative adjectives and can in these cases be translated with the English copula "to be". The subject as well as the predicative noun stands in the absolutive case and is thus unmarked. If an environmental condition is described in form of an adjective, the adjective requires class IV agreement. Compare the following examples:

ʕAli-s

Ali-GEN1

obiy

father

aħo

shepherd

yoł

be:PRS

ʕAli-s obiy aħo yoł

Ali-GEN1 father shepherd be:PRS

"Ali's father is a shepherd."

and

ciq-qo

forest-POSS:ESS

r-očʼiy

IV-cold

zow-si

be-PSTWIT

ciq-qo r-očʼiy zow-si

forest-POSS:ESS IV-cold be-PSTWIT

"It was cold in the forest."

Intransitive verbs

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The only argument of intransitive verbs stands in the unmarked absolutive case. The verb agrees with the noun in class.

An example phrase would be: is b-exu-s ("the bull died").

Monotransitive verbs

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Monotransitive verbs are verbs that take two arguments. As Tsez is an absolutive–ergative language, the subject, or—to be more precise—the agent, requires the ergative case, while the direct object (or patient) requires the absolutive case. The direct object of a transitive verb is thus marked in the same way as the subject of an intransitive verb. Again, the verb agrees in class with the absolutive (i.e. the direct object).

žekʼ-ā

man-ERG

gulu

horse:ABS

b-okʼ-si

III-hit-PSTWIT

žekʼ-ā gulu b-okʼ-si

man-ERG horse:ABS III-hit-PSTWIT

"The man hit the horse."

Both arguments, the agent as well as the patient, can be omitted if they are clear from the context.

Ditransitive verbs

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Ditransitive verbs are verbs that require 3 arguments: a subject (or agent), a direct object (or patient, sometimes also called theme) and an indirect object (or recipient). In English "to give" and "to lend" are typical ditransitive verbs. In Tsez the agent takes the ergative and the patient takes the absolutive case. The recipient's case depends on the semantic nature of the transfer of possession or information: if it's a permanent transfer (e.g. "to give (as a present)"), the recipient takes the dative/lative case (ending in -(e)r), if it's a non-permanent transfer (e.g. "to lend") or if it's incomplete, the recipient takes any of the locative cases. Two examples illustrate the difference:

Permanent transfer:

ʕAl-ā

Ali-ERG

kidbe-r

girl-DAT

surat

picture:ABS

teƛ-si

give-PSTWIT

ʕAl-ā kidbe-r surat teƛ-si

Ali-ERG girl-DAT picture:ABS give-PSTWIT

"Ali gave the girl a picture (for good, e.g. as a gift)."

Temporary transfer:

ʕAl-ā

Ali-ERG

kidbe-qo-r

girl-POSS-DAT

surat

picture:ABS

teƛ-si

give-PSTWIT

ʕAl-ā kidbe-qo-r surat teƛ-si

Ali-ERG girl-POSS-DAT picture:ABS give-PSTWIT

"Ali lent the girl a picture."

Affective clauses

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Affective clauses have either verbs of perception or psychological verbs as predicate. Those verbs are for example: "be bored/bother", "become known", "find", "forget", "hate", "hear", "know", "love/like", "miss", "see", etc. The experiencer (which would be the subject in the corresponding English sentence) is usually in the dative case, while the stimulus (the object in the English sentence) takes the absolutive case.

ʕAli-r

Ali-DAT

Patʼi

Fatima:ABS

y-eti-x

II-love-PRS

ʕAli-r Patʼi y-eti-x

Ali-DAT Fatima:ABS II-love-PRS

"Ali loves Fatima."

Potential clauses

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Potential clauses are the equivalent to English clauses involving the words "can" or "be able to". In Tsez this is expressed by the verbal suffix ; the subject of the clause then takes the possessive case (-q(o)) instead of the ergative, while the object of the verb is in the absolutive.

kʼetʼu-q

cat-POSS:ESS

ɣˤay

milk:ABS

ħaƛu-ł-xo

drink-POT-PRS

kʼetʼu-q ɣˤay ħaƛu-ł-xo

cat-POSS:ESS milk:ABS drink-POT-PRS

"The cat can drink milk."

Causativization

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Causative constructions ("to make/let someone do something") are formed by the causative suffix -r. It increases the valency of any verb by 1. If a ditransitive verb is formed from a transitive one, the causee (i.e. the argument that is subject and object at the same time) appears in the possessive case (-q(o)); see the example below (the e before the causative suffix is an epenthetic vowel):

aħ-ā

shepherd-ERG

čanaqan-qo

hunter-POSS:ESS

zey

bear:ABS

žekʼ-er-si

hit-CAUS-PSTWIT

aħ-ā čanaqan-qo zey žekʼ-er-si

shepherd-ERG hunter-POSS:ESS bear:ABS hit-CAUS-PSTWIT

"The shepherd made the hunter hit the bear."

Word order

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Tsez is a head-final language, which means that – apart from postpositions – modifiers like relative clauses, adjectives, genitives and numerals always precede the main clauses. The neutral order in clauses with more than one modifier is:

Agent/Experiencer—Recipient—Patient—Locative—Instrument

The order can be changed to emphasize single noun phrases.

Although in general, the underlying word order is SOV (subject–object–verb), the predicate tends to be in the middle of the sentence rather than at the end of it. This word order seems to become increasingly common in daily speech. For narrative use, a VSO word order is sometimes used as well.

Interrogative sentences

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The interrogative suffix (-yā after vowels) is used to mark yes/no-questions. It is added to the word focused by the question:

kʼetʼu

cat:ABS

ɣˤutk-ā

house-IN:ESS

yoł-ā?

be:PRS-INT

kʼetʼu ɣˤutk-ā yoł-ā?

cat:ABS house-IN:ESS be:PRS-INT

"Is the cat in the house?"

kʼetʼu-

cat:ABS-INT

ɣˤutk-ā

house-IN:ESS

yoł?

be:PRS

kʼetʼu- ɣˤutk-ā yoł?

cat:ABS-INT house-IN:ESS be:PRS

"Is it the cat that is in the house?"

kʼetʼu

cat:ABS

ɣˤutk-ā-

house-IN:ESS-INT

yoł?

be:PRS

kʼetʼu ɣˤutk-ā- yoł?

cat:ABS house-IN:ESS-INT be:PRS

"Is it the house that the cat is in?"

Negation

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The negative particle ānu follows the negated constituent; if the entire sentence is to be negated, verb suffixes are used (see above in the section about the verb morphology).

For the imperative, prohibitive and optative form, see the same section on verb morphology above.

Coordination

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Coordination of clauses (as in English with the conjunction "and") is rare in the Tsez language. Noun phrases are coordinated by adding the suffix -n (after vowels) or -no (after consonants) to all items of the enumeration, thus "the hen and the rooster" is onuču-n mamalay-no. In conditional sentences the conjunction "then" may be expressed by the word yołi:

tatanu

warm

ɣudi

day:ABS

r-oq-si

IV-become-PSTWIT

yołi

COND

eli

1PL:ABS

ker-āɣor

river-IN:ALL

esanad-a

bathe-INF

b-ikʼ-a

IPL-go-INF

zow-si

be-PSTWIT

tatanu ɣudi r-oq-si yołi eli ker-āɣor esanad-a b-ikʼ-a zow-si

warm day:ABS IV-become-PSTWIT COND 1PL:ABS river-IN:ALL bathe-INF IPL-go-INF be-PSTWIT

"If the day had become warm, (then) we would have gone to bathe in the river."

Subordination

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Relative clauses

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Any argument or adjunct of a sentence can be made the head of a relative clause, even indirect objects and adverbials. The predicate of such a clause is always a participle and the relative construction precedes the head noun. Constituents can also be taken from embedded clauses. However, it is not possible to raise the possessor in a possessive phrase to the head position of a relative construction.

The following examples show how different arguments (examples 2, 3 and 4) and an adverbial adjunct (example 5) are relativized from the underlying sentence in example 1:

Example 1 (standard):

už-ā

boy-ERG

kidb-er

girl-DAT

gagali

flower:ABS

teƛ-si/teƛ-xo

give-PSTWIT/give-PRS

už-ā kidb-er gagali teƛ-si/teƛ-xo

boy-ERG girl-DAT flower:ABS give-PSTWIT/give-PRS

"The boy gave/gives a flower to the girl."

Example 2 (relativized agent):

kidb-er

girl-DAT

gagali

flower:ABS

tāƛ-ru/teƛ-xosi

give-PSTPRT/give-PRSPRT

uži

boy:ABS

kidb-er gagali tāƛ-ru/teƛ-xosi uži

girl-DAT flower:ABS give-PSTPRT/give-PRSPRT boy:ABS

"the boy who gave/gives a flower to the girl"

Example 3 (relativized patient):

už-ā

boy-ERG

kidb-er

girl-DAT

tāƛ-ru/teƛ-xosi

give-PSTPRT/give-PRSPRT

gagali

flower:ABS

už-ā kidb-er tāƛ-ru/teƛ-xosi gagali

boy-ERG girl-DAT give-PSTPRT/give-PRSPRT flower:ABS

"the flower that the boy gave/gives to the girl"

Example 4 (relativized recipient):

už-ā

boy-ERG

gagali

flower:ABS

tāƛ-ru/teƛ-xosi

give-PSTPRT/give-PRSPRT

kid

girl:ABS

už-ā gagali tāƛ-ru/teƛ-xosi kid

boy-ERG flower:ABS give-PSTPRT/give-PRSPRT girl:ABS

"the girl to whom the boy gave/gives the flowers"

Example 5 (relativized adjunct):

už-ā

boy-ERG

kidb-er

girl-DAT

gagali

flower:ABS

tāƛ-ru/teƛ-xosi

give-PSTPRT/give-PRSPRT

ɣudi

day:ABS

už-ā kidb-er gagali tāƛ-ru/teƛ-xosi ɣudi

boy-ERG girl-DAT flower:ABS give-PSTPRT/give-PRSPRT day:ABS

"the day on which the boy gave/gives the flowers to the girl"

Adverbial clauses

[edit]

There are several different kinds of adverbial clauses.

Temporal adverbial clauses describe a chronological sequence of two actions, as in English "Before it started to rain, we were home." or "We talked, while we were going.". In Tsez this relation is marked by verbal suffixes that turn one verb into a converb. See the table for converb suffixes in the "Non-finite forms" part of the verb morphology section.

Local adverbial clauses use locative converbs, which are also formed by adding a suffix to the verb. This suffix is -z-ā- and the vowel before the last consonant of the verb itself is lengthened to ā. This converb forms the head of the local phrase and can thus receive a locative suffix that is normally used on nouns.

Causal adverbial clauses, which in English are usually expressed using "because", "as", "when", "since" or "that", receive the converb suffix -xoy, -za-ƛʼ or -za-q.

There are more kinds of adverbial clauses, see the part "Non-finite forms" in the verb morphology section for more example suffixes.

Infinitival clauses

[edit]

Modal verbs, phrasal verbs, verbs of motion and psychological verbs can all be accompanied by an infinitive verb. Verbal nouns or "masdars" (formed by the suffix -(a)ni) can be used instead of infinitive verbs; they express purpose more strongly. Those verbal nouns also occur with psychological verbs like "be afraid of" and then usually take the possessive case (ending -q).

Completement clauses

[edit]

When a clause is used in place of a noun, as in "The father knew [that the boy wanted bread].", the optional nominalizing suffix -łi can be attached to the predicate of the embedded clause. The clause belongs to noun class IV, then:

obi-r

father-DAT

[uži-r

[boy-DAT

magalu

bread:ABS

b-āti-ru-łi]

III-want-PSTPRT-NMLZ]

r-iy-si

IV-know-PSTWIT

obi-r [uži-r magalu b-āti-ru-łi] r-iy-si

father-DAT [boy-DAT bread:ABS III-want-PSTPRT-NMLZ] IV-know-PSTWIT

"The father knew [that the boy wanted bread]."

Reported speech

[edit]

If a speech act verb like "say", "ask", "shout" introduces reported speech, the reported utterance is followed by the clitical quotation particle ƛin, which is suffixed to verbs and stands alone in all other cases. It is remarkable that the point of view and the tense of the original utterance is maintained, hence the only difference between direct and indirect speech is the particle ƛin. See this example:

ʕAl-ā

Ali-ERG

dā-q

1SG-POSS:ESS

quno

twenty

ocʼcʼino

ten

qʼˤano

two

ƛeb

year:ABS

yoł-ƛin

be:PRS-QUOT

eƛi-s

say-PSTWIT

ʕAl-ā dā-q quno ocʼcʼino qʼˤano ƛeb yoł-ƛin eƛi-s

Ali-ERG 1SG-POSS:ESS twenty ten two year:ABS be:PRS-QUOT say-PSTWIT

"Ali said that he was 32 years old."

Lexicon

[edit]

The vocabulary shows many traces of influences of Avar, Georgian, Arabic, and Russian, mainly through loanwords and, in the case of Russian, even in grammar and style. There are also loanwords of Turkic origin. These factors may eventually lead to the decline of use of the Tsez language, as it is more and more replaced by Avar and Russian, partly due to loss of traditional culture among the people and the adoption of Western clothing, technology and architecture.[9]

Numerals

[edit]

Numerals come in two different forms: in the absolutive case and as an oblique stem (always ending in -a) to which other case endings are attached when the numerals are used nonattributively. The oblique form is also used when it refers to a non-absolutive noun, as in sida ˤaƛār ("to one/a village"). When counting objects, the counted objects always stay in the singular form.

  Absolutive Oblique
1 sis sida
2 qʼˤano qʼˤuna
3 łˤono łˤora
4 uyno uyra
5 łeno łera
6 iłno iłłira
7 ʕoƛno ʕoƛƛora
8 biƛno biƛƛira
9 očʼčʼino očʼčʼira
10 ocʼcʼino ocʼcʼira
11 ocʼcʼino sis / siyocʼi ocʼcʼira sida
12 ocʼcʼino qʼˤano / qʼˤayocʼi ocʼcʼira qʼˤuna
13 ocʼcʼino łˤono / łˤoyocʼi ocʼcʼira łˤora
14 ocʼcʼino uyno / uwocʼi ocʼcʼira uyra
15 ocʼcʼino łeno / łewocʼi ocʼcʼira łera
16 ocʼcʼino iłno / iłocʼi ocʼcʼira iłłira
17 ocʼcʼino ʕoƛno / ʕoƛocʼi ocʼcʼira ʕoƛƛora
18 ocʼcʼino biƛno / biƛocʼi ocʼcʼira biƛƛira
19 ocʼcʼino očʼčʼino / ečʼocʼi ocʼcʼira očʼčʼira
20 quno qura
100 bišon bišonra
1,000 ʕazar ʕazarra
  • There are two ways of forming the numbers 11 through 19, but only the first way also exists in oblique form. The second form with the suffix -ocʼi cannot be declined.
  • Above 20, numbers are formed on the basis of multiples of 20: qʼˤanoqu (40), łˤonoqu (60) and uynoqu (80). For the oblique forms, the suffix -ra is added for all items.
  • The numeral for 100 has an alternative form bišom used before the suffix -no in compound numerals.
  • The numeral for 1000, ʕazar, seems to be a loan from Persian هزار (hezār, thousand), probably via Avar.
  • Higher hundreds and thousands are expressed simply by juxtaposition, the multiplier preceding the larger number.
  • Compound numerals are formed by attaching the suffix -no (and) to the higher number and placing the lower one right after it. For example, 47 would be qʼˤanoquno ʕoƛno in Tsez. A number like 72 would be expressed as "sixty-twelve" (łˤonoquno qʼˤayocʼi or łˤonoquno ocʼcʼino qʼˤano).

Cardinal numbers (as in English "one, two, three") precede the nouns, which then do not stand in their plural forms but in the singular instead; e.g.: uyno is ("four oxen").
Ordinal numbers (as in English "first, second, third") are constructed by combining the cardinal numbers with the word āƛiru. Hence, qʼˤano āƛiru ɣudi means "the second day".
Adverbial numbers (as in English "once, twice, thrice") are constructed by replacing the suffix -no by -x, thus "twice" becomes the adverb qʼˤa-x in Tsez. Expressions like "(for) the second time" are formed using the adverbial number suffix -x and ordinal forming marker āƛiru, thus resulting in the form qʼˤax āƛiru.

Sample of the Tsez language

[edit]

This is a Tsez tale written in the Asakh dialect using a Latin-based orthography.

Kʼetʼus Hunar[10]
Zewnoƛax zewčʼeyƛax bˤeƛon bocʼin zirun qayno. Sidaquł šigoħno sadaqorno boyno ħukmu: yaqułtow begira bocʼi ħonƛʼār miƛʼeł xizāz xizyo rišʷa yoł. Bˤeƛā begirno qay łˤāł xizāz, bocʼin zirun regirno ħonƛʼār miƛʼeł xizāz. Ɣudod, žedi raynosi beƛʼez reqenyoxor, ziru boqno uhi-ehƛada buq boƛāxzāzarno boqno. Zirus uhi-ehi teqxoy, ɣʷaybi kʼoƛin elār, bocʼi buq bātuzāzarno boqno bikʼin reqenyoƛer, besurno ƛʼarayaw miƛʼi. Miƛʼin bisno bocʼin zirun xizor rutin qʼayƛʼār. Rizirno cʼidoƛʼor ƛoħon begirno łāƛʼor qay. Kikxogon zewno bočʼikʼxo kʼetʼu.

Qayir zewāčʼey rikʷayxo; nešuruxay nełor rikʷayxo zewčʼey. Kʼetʼu, ełor baynosi qay, boqno kʼekʼbikʼa. Kʼekʼbikʼni teqnosi, qay łikin rixerčʼeytow boxin xizor. Bˤeƛā esirno: "Šidā boxā rayirčʼey łin?" Elo didiyƛa žekʼu yoł-ƛin eƛin qayā. Aħugon rikʼin łāxor zirun qayno. Žedi raynosi kikxor žedā esirno kʼetuq: "Mi šebi?" Di žekʼu yoł-ƛin eƛin kʼetʼā. Šebi že debez ħiroƛʼ esirxo zirā. Tupi ƛin eƛix kʼetʼā. Dicce rˤuƛʼno zirun qayno, amma biyxoy kʼetʼu yāłru, xizyo łˤonon zenzi rikʼin raħira reƛ. Bˤeƛo buqełno bičin ažoz kʼodrexāzay, rołikʼno aħyabin kecno, kʼetʼu tataniłxo zewno cʼidox.

Bˤeƛā kʼekʼrikʼerxo zewno aħyabi. Že rikʷayxoy, kʼetʼuz rokʼƛʼor rayno, že elo aw ƛin, hudu betʼtʼun kʼoƛin elor. Dicce bˤuƛʼzāq bˤeƛqo regin ixiytʼatow qˤaƛubin, boxin ciqxār. Bocʼezno qayizno, ziruzno rokʼƛʼor rayno baysi bāsu ixiytow ħaywan šebin, nełoq že riqičʼey kʼiriłno roxin. Cʼikʼiy reƛ miƛes ƛexun kʼetʼur. ʕoƛiran ɣˤudeł kʼetʼu bišno, racʼno baɣʷace dawla bocʼesno zirusno.

Translation:

The Cat's Feat
Once upon a time there were a pig, a wolf, a fox and a hare. One day they gathered together and decided that today they would send the wolf into the mountains for a sheep and they would eat. The pig sent the hare for water and sent the wolf and the fox into the mountain for a ram. At night, when they came to the flock of sheep, the fox began to moan from the eastern side. Since they heard the fox's moaning, the dogs ran in that direction and the wolf went towards the flock from the west and found a fat ram. Having taken the ram, the wolf and the fox returned to the camp. They put the pan on the fire and sent the hare for water. At the spring the cat was freezing.

The hare couldn't see; at night the hare couldn't see. When the hare arrived there, the cat began to move. When he heard the movement, the hare ran back without taking any water. The pig asked: "Why did you run away without bringing water?" The hare said that there was some man there. Again the fox and the hare went to the water. When they came to the spring, they asked the cat: "What are you?" — "I am a man", said the cat. "What is that on your shoulder?", asks the fox. "A rifle", says the cat. The fox and the hare were very frightened, but since they knew it was a cat, afterwards the three of them went together to cook meat. The pig hid behind a bunch of trees and, pushing out its ears, slept, and the cat was warming itself by the fire.

The pig was moving its ears. Since the cat saw it, it thought it was a mouse and in a rush jumped there. The pig was very frightened and, emitting loud shouts, ran away to the forest. The wolf, the hare and the fox thought that a great animal or something was coming and, one running faster than the other, they ran away. All the ram's meat was left to the cat. For seven days the cat ate, ate until it was full the spoils of the wolf and the fox.

Notes

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Bibliography

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from Grokipedia
Tsez, also known as Dido (Tsez: cez mec), is a Northeast Caucasian language belonging to the Tsezic subgroup of the Nakh-Daghestanian family, spoken primarily by the Tsez people in the Tsunta District of Dagestan in the Russian Federation, as well as in adjacent areas of Georgia.[1] As of the 2021 Russian census, there are approximately 15,000 speakers. The language is classified as definitely endangered, with use among younger generations declining due to the dominance of Russian and Avar in education, media, and administration.[1][2] Tsez is renowned among linguists for its intricate grammatical structure, including an ergative-absolutive alignment where transitive subjects are marked differently from intransitive subjects and transitive objects.[1] Nouns are inflected for four genders (distinguishing male humans, female humans and certain inanimates, animals and other inanimates, and remaining inanimates) and number, with a complex case system comprising eight core (non-spatial) cases and numerous spatial cases that encode location, direction, and orientation relative to landmarks.[1] Verbs exhibit agreement in gender with absolutive arguments, a feature that extends to long-distance dependencies in biabsolutive constructions involving converbs.[1] The phonology includes a rich consonant inventory with ejective and pharyngealized sounds typical of Northeast Caucasian languages.[1] Officially, Tsez remains an unwritten language without a standardized orthography, though practical adaptations of the Cyrillic alphabet—often borrowed from Avar—have been employed in limited literacy efforts, local publications, and religious texts.[1] Dialects such as Sagada, Kidero, and Mokok show variation in phonology and lexicon but remain mutually intelligible to a degree.[1] Documentation efforts, including dictionaries and grammatical descriptions, have advanced through works by linguists like Madzhid Khalilov and Maria Polinsky, highlighting Tsez's typological significance in studies of case systems, gender agreement, and clause combining.[1]

Classification and sociolinguistics

Genealogical classification

Tsez is classified as a member of the Tsezic (also known as Didoic) subgroup within the Nakh-Daghestanian language family, part of the broader Northeast Caucasian languages spoken primarily in the North Caucasus region of Russia.[3] The Tsezic subgroup is one of six main branches of the Daghestanian division of Nakh-Daghestanian, distinguished by shared typological features such as ergative-absolutive alignment and complex gender systems inherited from Proto-Nakh-Daghestanian.[3] The Tsezic languages form a closely related cluster, including Tsez, Hinukh (formerly treated as a dialect of Tsez but now recognized as a distinct language), Hinuq, and Khwarshi, alongside the more divergent Bezhta and Hunzib.[3] These languages descend from a common Proto-Tsezic ancestor, with relationships defined by shared phonological, morphological, and lexical innovations, though precise divergence times remain unestablished due to limited historical linguistic data.[4] Traditional genealogical trees for Tsezic posit a binary split into West Tsezic (Hinuq; Khwarshi and the closely related Inkhokvari) and East Tsezic (Tsez and Hinukh; Bezhta and Hunzib), based on criteria like lexical retention rates and morphological parallels.[3] However, recent analyses emphasize the challenges of distinguishing inherited innovations from areal borrowing in this contact-heavy region. For instance, a 2017 lexicostatistical and grammatical study rejects a tight Tsez-Hinukh clade, attributing their similarities to Proto-Tsezic retentions or parallel developments rather than recent common ancestry, and instead identifies exclusive grammatical markers—such as specific verb agreement patterns—supporting a Tsez-Khwarshi intermediate node.[4] The following simplified tree illustrates the primary branching within Tsezic, incorporating both traditional and revised perspectives:
  • Proto-Tsezic
    • Tsez-Khwarshi (proposed intermediate node based on shared grammatical innovations)[4]
      • Tsez
      • Khwarshi (including Inkhokvari)
    • Hinuq
    • Hinukh (position debated; possibly sister to Tsez but linked via retentions)[4]
    • Bezhta-Hunzib
      • Bezhta
      • Hunzib[3]

Speakers and language status

Tsez is spoken primarily by the Tsez people, an ethnic group native to the mountainous regions of southern Dagestan in the Russian Federation, with smaller communities in adjacent areas of Georgia. The language has approximately 15,000 native speakers (as of the 2021 Russian census), concentrated in villages such as Sukhgelme, Asakh, and other Tsez settlements in the Tsuntinsky District.[5][6] According to the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger (third edition, 2010), Tsez is classified as Definitely Endangered, indicating that it is spoken by older generations but not being passed on consistently to children in the home. This status reflects ongoing decline driven by the dominance of Russian as the primary language of education, administration, and media in Dagestan, which limits intergenerational transmission. In 2018, Tsez folklore was inscribed on UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, supporting preservation efforts.[7][8] Sociolinguistically, Tsez speakers are typically bilingual or multilingual, proficient in Russian for broader communication and often in Avar, a regional literary language that exerts significant lexical influence on Tsez, particularly in domains of culture and daily life. Russian, meanwhile, impacts modern terminology and technology-related vocabulary, accelerating language shift. Use of Tsez remains largely oral and confined to domestic and community settings, with minimal presence in formal education or mass media, further contributing to its vulnerability.[9][10] Efforts to document and preserve Tsez include the development of descriptive grammars, dictionaries, and orthographies adapted from Avar and Cyrillic scripts, as well as collections of folklore texts, notably in the Mokok dialect, aimed at both linguistic analysis and cultural revitalization for the Tsez community. These initiatives, led by linguists such as Madzhid Khalilov and Maria Polinsky, have produced resources like a Tsez-Russian dictionary (1999) and annotated corpora of oral traditions.[1][11] Tsez holds a central role in Tsez ethnic identity, serving as a marker of cultural heritage tied to traditional practices like livestock herding and highland folklore. However, internal and external migration—particularly of younger Tsez to lowland urban areas and industrial centers in Dagestan and beyond—has disrupted speaker communities, reducing opportunities for language use and transmission among the youth.[5][12]

Dialects

Main dialects

The Tsez language, spoken primarily in the Tsuntinsky District of Dagestan, Russia, is divided into six main dialects: Asakh (including the Tsebari subdialect), Elbok, Mokok, Kidero (with the Shaytl variety), Shapikh, and Sagada.[1] These dialects are tied to specific villages and river basins within the mountainous terrain of southwestern Dagestan, reflecting the language's geographic fragmentation along tributaries of the Andi Koysu River system.[13] The Elbok dialect is spoken in the village of Elbok in Tsuntinsky District.[13] It shares core phonological and lexical features with central dialects such as Asakh and Kidero.[1] The Asakh dialect is spoken in the village of Asakh, located along the left tributaries of the Kitlyarta River in central Tsuntinsky District.[13] It features a subdialect in the nearby village of Tsebari, where phonological distinctions include the preservation of long vowels such as ā, which contrasts with shortening tendencies in other varieties.[1] Lexically, Asakh shares core vocabulary with Kidero but shows variations in terms like "worm" (biko).[14] The Mokok dialect is centered in the village of Mokok (also known as Newo) in the middle basin of the Kitlyarta River, in the northern part of the speaking area.[13] Phonologically, it lacks the labialized consonants found in other dialects, such as and χʷ, leading to simpler consonant inventories.[1] An example lexical difference is the adjective for "heavy" (oqʼˤ-i-w).[14] Kidero, the most widespread dialect, is spoken in the village of Kidero and surrounding areas in the Kidero basin, extending to the middle Kitlyarta basin.[13] Its Shaytl variety (also Ešitl') is found in the upper Shaitli River villages of Shaitl and Khamaitli.[13] Phonologically, Kidero is undergoing the loss of distinctive vowel length, with short and long vowels merging in many contexts.[1] Lexical items like "to lie" (=aˤʼu) distinguish it from more divergent forms elsewhere.[14] The Shapikh dialect is located in the village of Shapikh in the upper Kitlyarta basin, toward the eastern periphery of the Tsez area.[13] It retains standard phonological features like labialization but exhibits minor lexical shifts influenced by proximity to other Tsezic languages.[1] The Sagada dialect, spoken in the villages of Sagada, Metluda, and Tlyatsuda along the lower Metluta River basin (including Kirov-Aul), represents the southernmost variety.[13] It shows significant phonological and lexical divergence, such as distinct verb forms for "to lie" (pur-ʼor cʼoχʷ), which impair comprehension with northern dialects.[1][14] Historically, Sagada was sometimes classified as a separate language due to these differences, a view reflected in early 20th-century linguistic descriptions, though modern analyses treat it as a dialect within Tsez.[1][14]

Mutual intelligibility and variation

The dialects of Tsez exhibit a high degree of mutual intelligibility among the core varieties, such as Asakh, Kidero, Mokok, Shapikh, and Elbok, allowing speakers from these regions to communicate effectively without significant barriers.[1] However, the peripheral Sagada dialect diverges more substantially, impairing intelligibility with the central dialects due to phonological and lexical differences.[1] Dialectal variation in Tsez is evident in morphology, including differences in verb stem formation (e.g., alternation between -d- and -j- suffixes in certain tenses across dialects like Kidero and Shaytl) and potential allomorphic variations in case marking, though core case paradigms remain largely consistent.[1] Lexical variation arises primarily from contact with Avar, the regional lingua franca, which has introduced loanwords into domains like adjectives, verbs (often via light verb constructions), and everyday vocabulary, leading to partial convergence in peripheral dialects exposed to greater Avar influence.[1] Tsez lacks a standardized dialect, with no variety holding prestige over others, though Asakh-based forms have been used in limited written materials, such as a primer and folklore texts adapted from Avar Cyrillic orthography.[1] These efforts remain minimal, and the language is classified as endangered, spoken as a first language by all adults but not consistently by younger generations, underscoring the need for broader documentation and revitalization initiatives.[15] Recent research on related Tsezic languages highlights dialectal convergence driven by language contact; for instance, studies on Hinuq show morphological borrowing from Avar (e.g., derivational suffixes) and Tsez (e.g., distributive marker -tʼa), with younger speakers exhibiting increased syntactic shifts like SVO order under Russian influence, patterns that parallel ongoing variation and convergence in Tsez dialects.[16]

Phonology

Consonants

Tsez possesses a rich consonant inventory of 33 phonemes, characteristic of Northeast Caucasian languages, encompassing stops, affricates, fricatives, nasals, laterals, rhotics, and glides across multiple places of articulation.[1] This system features a four-way contrast in stops and affricates—voiceless aspirated, voiced, ejective, and sometimes pharyngealized—along with secondary articulations such as pharyngealization and labialization that distinguish certain segments.[1] The following describes the phonology of the Tsebari dialect, the basis for most descriptions, with dialectal notes where relevant. The stops include voiceless /p/, /t/, /k/; voiced /b/, /d/, /g/; and ejectives /p'/, /t'/, /k'/, with additional uvular stops /q/ and /q'/. Affricates feature alveolar series like /ts/, /ts'/ and palato-alveolar /tʃ/, /tʃ'/, alongside lateral affricates such as /tɬ/, /tɬ'/ similar to those in neighboring Avar. Fricatives comprise /s/, /ʃ/, /χ/, /ħ/, /h/, and lateral /ɬ/, with voiced counterparts /z/, /ʒ/, /ʁ/, /ʕ/. Nasals are /m/ and /n/, liquids include the trill /r/ and lateral /l/, and glides are /w/ and /j/.[1] Pharyngealization appears as a secondary feature on consonants like emphatic /ɬˤ/ or uvulars /qˤ/, /ʁˤ/, often co-occurring with word-initial vowel pharyngealization, while labialization marks velars and uvulars as /kʷ/, /qʷ/ in prevocalic positions (absent in the Mokok dialect).[1] A non-phonemic glottal stop [ʔ] inserts allophonically before word-initial non-pharyngealized vowels, as in [ʔaw] 'mouse', but does not contrast meaning.[1] The following table presents the main non-labialized consonants in IPA, with approximate orthographic equivalents in the Cyrillic-based Tsez script (adapted from Avar conventions):
BilabialAlveolarPostalveolarVelarUvularPharyngealGlottal
Stops (voiceless)p (п)t (т)k (к)q (қ)
Stops (voiced)b (б)d (д)g (г)
Ejectivesp' (п')t' (т')k' (к')q' (қ')
Affricates (voiceless)ts (ц)tʃ (ч)
Affricates (ejective)ts' (ц')tʃ' (ч')
Affricates (lateral ejective)tɬ (ӏ)tɬ' (ӏ')
Fricatives (voiceless)s (с)ʃ (ш)χ (хь)ħ (ӏ)h (h)
Fricatives (voiced)z (з)ʒ (ж)ʁ (ғь)ʕ (ʿ)
Nasalsm (м)n (н)
Lateralsl (л)
Fricative lateralɬ (ӏ)
Trillr (р)
Glidesw (в)j (й)
Note: Pharyngealized variants (e.g., /qˤ/, /ɬˤ/) and labialized forms (e.g., /kʷ/) are not tabulated separately but function as phonemically distinct in specific environments. Orthography varies by dialect and publication, with ejectives often marked by apostrophes.[1]

Vowels

Tsez has a basic inventory of five short vowels: /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, /u/. These vowels occur in all positions within words and form the core of the language's vocalic system. In the Tsebari dialect, a primary variety of Tsez, phonemic length is attested for /aː/, as seen in native morphemes such as the future indefinite suffix -a:š derived from -iš- 'eat'.[1] Dialectal variation affects long vowels; for instance, in the Asakh dialect, they neutralize to /aː/, while other dialects may realize /äː/ from /e/ or /i/ and /oː/ from /o/ or /u/.[1] A key feature of Tsez vowels is pharyngealization, which creates a contrast between plain and pharyngealized vowels, such as /a/ versus /aˤ/. Pharyngealization typically co-occurs with pharyngealized consonants (e.g., /q’ˁim/ 'head', where the vowel is pharyngealized) or appears word-initially on (C)V sequences, as in /ˁo/ 'ax' or /ɬˁono/ 'saddle'. This feature is prosodic in nature, often spreading across the word from an initiating consonant or initial position, and it phonetically lowers formants like F3, particularly in low vowels like /a/.[1][17] Vowel harmony in Tsez is restricted to the spreading of pharyngealization, which propagates as a prosodic property over the phonetic word, typically marked on the first vowel following uvulars or pharyngeals. This limited harmony does not involve height, backness, or rounding assimilation among the plain vowels. Minimal pairs illustrate the plain-pharyngealized contrast, such as /aw/ [ʔaw] 'mouse' (plain) versus forms with initial pharyngealization like /ˁo/ 'ax' (pharyngealized), though exact pairs for /a/ and /aˤ/ highlight semantic distinctions in lexical items affected by the prosody.[1][14]

Phonotactics and prosody

The syllable structure of Tsez follows a CV(C) template, where the onset is obligatory and codas are permitted but limited to nasals, liquids, and fricatives.[1] This restriction ensures that complex consonant clusters are avoided within syllables, though brief references to coda possibilities align with the inventory of allowable consonants such as /n/, /l/, and /z/.[1] The minimal word size is CV, as seen in forms like isbull’, and no initial consonant clusters occur; word-initial vowels may feature a non-phonemic prothetic glottal or pharyngeal stop, as in [ʔ]awmouse’.[1] Tsez exhibits a quantity-sensitive stress system that is dynamic rather than fixed, operating within a two-syllable window from the right edge of the word.[18] Stress typically targets the final syllable if it is closed (CVC), as in t'akán ‘glass’, or the penultimate otherwise, as in béɬo ‘pig’.[19] Morphological structure influences placement, with certain suffixes attracting or shifting stress based on their weight, though native lexical items often show penultimate prominence in disyllabic forms.[18] Intonation in Tsez serves to distinguish sentence types, particularly in questions, where wh-words receive prosodic highlighting irrespective of their position in the clause, often through increased pitch or duration. Yes-no questions may involve rising intonation on the focused element, combined with morphological markers, to signal interrogativity.[1] Pharyngealization in Tsez has prosodic effects, spreading from pharyngealized consonants to the following vowel within a syllable or across adjacent syllables in compounds and phrases, creating coarticulatory chains that alter vowel quality.[1] This spreading contributes to the language's overall rhythmic profile, interacting with stress to emphasize pharyngealized segments in prosodic domains.[1]

Morphology

Nouns

Tsez nouns inflect for number and case and are assigned to one of four classes in the singular, which control agreement on verbs, adjectives, and numerals through prefixes; in the plural, the system simplifies to a distinction between class I and classes II–IV (where class II includes female humans). Class membership is largely semantically motivated: class I includes male humans, class II female humans and certain inanimates, class III most animals and certain other animates or inanimates, and class IV the remaining inanimates. Agreement prefixes are Ø- for class I singular, y- for class II singular, b- for class III singular, and r- for class IV singular; in the plural, b- marks class I and r- marks classes II–IV.[1] Number is binary, with singular forms generally unmarked and plural marked by suffixes such as -bi (absolutive) or -za- (oblique stem), though patterns vary by class and stem type; some nouns show suppletive or irregular plurals, while others exhibit stem alternations before plural marking. For instance, the nonhuman noun besuro 'fish' forms the plural absolutive as besuro-bi and oblique as besuro-za-. Stem alternations are common, particularly in distinguishing absolutive from oblique forms used before most case suffixes: examples include giri 'pole' (oblique giri-mo-), buq 'sun' (oblique beq-), and mec 'tongue' (oblique mec-re-, yielding plural mecre-bi).[1] The case system is renowned for its complexity, traditionally enumerated as 64 distinct forms comprising 8 core syntactic and spatial cases plus 56 locative and postpositional combinations, though Comrie and Polinsky (1998) reanalyze many spatial forms as composites of a smaller set of 7–8 inflectional cases with invariant postpositions expressing direction and distance, rather than fully inflectional cases. Core cases include the absolutive (unmarked, for the S and O arguments in intransitive and transitive clauses), ergative (-a: or -s for A arguments), genitive I (-s, for possession) and genitive II (-z), lative (-r, allative/dative), instrumental (-d), and equative I/II (similative/comparative). Spatial cases build on locative stems (e.g., -V for contact, -ar for inessive location) combined with postpositions for direction (e.g., -ł' for adessive 'near'), yielding forms like inessive -ar (inside) or adessive -Vł' (at the side of). Postpositional cases often involve gender agreement on the postposition.[20][1] Declensions vary by class due to stem types and suffix allomorphy, with absolutive forms typically simple and oblique cases requiring the oblique stem. Below are representative partial declensions for one noun per singular class, showing absolutive, ergative, genitive I, and inessive (spatial); plural forms are given for absolutive and ergative where illustrative. Transcription follows standard conventions for Tsez. Class I: uži 'boy' (human male, regular stem)
CaseSingularPlural
Absolutiveužiuži-bu
Ergativeuži-a:uži-bu-z-a:
Genitive Iuži-suži-bu-z-s
Inessiveuži-r-aruži-bu-z-ar
Class II: sad 'woman' (human female, with vowel harmony)
CaseSingularPlural
Absolutivesadsad-u
Ergativesad-osad-u-z-o
Genitive Isad-essad-u-z-es
Inessivesad-ay-arsad-u-z-ay-ar
Class III: is 'bull' (animal, short stem)
CaseSingularPlural
Absolutiveisis-a-bi
Ergativeis-a:is-a-za:
Genitive Iis-esis-a-z-es
Inessiveis-a:-aris-a-z-ar
Class IV: ɬi 'snow/water' (inanimate, with extension)
CaseSingularPlural
Absolutiveɬiɬi-da-bi
Ergativeɬi-yaɬi-da-za:
Genitive Iɬ-a:-sɬi-da-z-s
Inessiveɬ-a:r-arɬi-da-z-ar
These paradigms illustrate class-specific allomorphy (e.g., -es after vowels in classes II/III genitive) and the role of oblique stems (e.g., -a:- in class III/IV); full paradigms incorporate additional spatial and postpositional suffixes, often with gender-marked postpositions like b-ɬ' (class III adessive).[1]

Pronouns

Tsez personal pronouns are limited to the first and second persons in singular and plural forms, with no dedicated third-person personal pronouns; instead, demonstratives fulfill that role and agree with the noun class system.[1] The first- and second-person singular pronouns are distinctive in lacking a formal distinction between absolutive and ergative cases, using identical forms for both: di for first person singular ('I') and mi for second person singular ('you').[1] Oblique cases for the singular employ suppletive stems—da:- for first person and *debe-/dow- for second person—with case suffixes added thereafter; for example, the genitive forms are da:-s ('my') and debe-s ('your'), though irregular suppletive genitives exist for close possession: dej ('my') and debi ('your').[1] In the plural, the absolutive/ergative forms are eli ('we') and meži ('you all'), which also serve as genitive forms when indicating close group possession.[1] Oblique plural forms distinguish between class I (elu-) and classes II–IV (ela-), mirroring noun class agreement patterns but with simplification in the plural; case suffixes attach to these stems, as in the lative elu-r ('to us, class I') or ela-r ('to us, classes II–IV'). For second person plural, oblique stems are mežu- (class I) and meža- (classes II–IV).[1] The following table summarizes the basic paradigm for personal pronouns, focusing on key cases (absolutive/ergative, genitive, and a representative oblique like lative); full declension follows noun-like patterns with added irregularities in suppletive stems.
Case1sg2sg1pl (class I / II–IV)2pl (class I / II–IV)
Absolutive/Ergativedimielimeži
Genitive (close)dej / da:-sdebi / debe-selimeži
Lative (example oblique)da:-rdebe-r / dow-deelu-r / ela-rmežu-r / meža-r
Demonstrative pronouns in Tsez encode proximity (proximal vs. distal) and agree in gender/number with the referent's noun class, serving as third-person pronouns; they distinguish class I from II–IV in oblique singular forms and sometimes in absolutive singular.[1] Proximal forms typically use a stem with class markers, such as absolutive singular a-da (class I, 'this [male]') and a-du (classes II–IV, 'this [female/etc.]'), while oblique singular uses -si (class I) and -ɬa (II–IV); plural absolutive is -ziri, with oblique -zi (I) and -za (II–IV).[1] Distal forms include absolutive singular že (general, with class context), oblique singular nesi (class I, 'that [male]') and neɬo/neɬ (II–IV), and plural absolutive žedi, with oblique žedu (I) and žeda (II–IV).[1] These pronouns decline like nouns, attaching case suffixes to the stems, though with some dialectal variation in vowel harmony. For instance, nesi žek’u-s zow-no translates to 'that man was' (distal class I oblique + man-genitive + be-past).[1] The following table outlines representative forms for demonstrative pronouns in absolutive and a key oblique (genitive), highlighting proximal/distal and class distinctions:
Type/ProximityAbsolutive Singular (I / II–IV)Oblique Singular (I / II–IV)Absolutive PluralOblique Plural (I / II–IV)
Proximala-da / a-du-si / -ɬa-ziri-zi / -za
Distalže (contextual)nesi / neɬožedižedu / žeda
Interrogative pronouns in Tsez lack a humanness distinction in the absolutive, using šebi for both 'who' and 'what'; however, oblique forms differentiate: ɬa:- stem for human 'who' (with class agreement potential in spatial contexts) and ɬina- for nonhuman 'what'.[1] The human ergative is irregular as ɬu.[1] Spatial interrogatives for 'where' employ forms like locative-inflected interrogatives derived from k'we or similar stems, agreeing in class for precision (e.g., class-marked locatives for 'where is he/she/it?'), though these often function adverbially rather than as full pronouns.[1] Declension of interrogatives parallels nouns, with šebi taking case suffixes directly and oblique stems adding them; an example is šebi kid-b-a: t’et’er-χo? ('What is the girl reading?', absolutive interrogative + class-marked noun + verb).[1] Irregularities include stem suppletion and occasional class collapse in non-singular forms.

Verbs

Tsez verbs inflect for tense, aspect, mood, and evidentiality, with a system that distinguishes five main finite indicative forms: present (-χ(o)), past witnessed (-s(i)), past unwitnessed (-n(o)), future definite (-an), and future indefinite (marked by vowel lengthening on the stem).[1] Aspect is encoded both through these tense suffixes and via distinct verbal stems; for instance, perfective aspect often incorporates the stem element -s-, as in the past witnessed form -iš-si "ate (witnessed)" from the verb -iš- "eat."[1] Moods include the imperative, formed with a zero suffix for intransitives (e.g., -ikʼi! "go!") or -o for transitives (e.g., -tʼetʼr-o! "read!"), and the optative, marked by -ƛ (e.g., -tʼetʼr-o-ƛ "let him/her read").[1] Verbs also agree in noun class with the absolutive argument, a feature detailed in the morphology of nouns.[1] Evidentiality is a core category in Tsez verbal inflection, particularly in past tenses, where a distinction is made between direct (eyewitness) evidence, marked by the witnessed past -s(i) (e.g., -ikʼi-si "went (I saw it)"), and indirect (hearsay or inferential) evidence, marked by the unwitnessed past -n(o) (e.g., -ikʼi-no "went (I heard about it)").[1] This binary evidential system extends to periphrastic constructions, such as the perfect, which combines a resultative participle with the copula to convey indirect evidence of completion.[1] Negation in Tsez is primarily expressed through the suffix -č’V attached to the verb stem across most tenses, as in the present negative -ik’i-č’e "is not going" or past unwitnessed -ik’i-č’e-no "did not go (unwitnessed). "[1] A special negative copula, ånu, is used in periphrastic negative constructions, particularly for present tense and stative predicates, replacing the affirmative copula yoł (e.g., present negative with participle: -ik’i-n ånu "is not going").[1] Prohibitive mood employs -no with stem vowel lengthening, as in -a:š-no "don't eat!"[1] Verbal derivations in Tsez include the potential mood, formed with the suffix -ɬ (e.g., -iš-eɬ- "can eat" from -iš- "eat"), and the causative, marked by -r (e.g., -ikʼi-r- "make go" from -ikʼi- "go").[1] Non-finite forms are productive for subordination and periphrasis; the infinitive uses -a (e.g., -iš-a "to eat"), while participles include the past (-ru, e.g., -a:š-ru "having eaten"), resultative (-a:-si, e.g., -esʷ-a:-si "having found"), and present (-χo-si, e.g., -esu-χo-si "finding").[1] The masdar, a verbal noun in gender IV, is derived with -(a)ni (e.g., -iš-ani "eating").[1] Recent analysis of verbs of perception and cognition (psych-verbs) in Tsez reveals two distinct argument structure types in the affective construction (dative experiencer, absolutive stimulus): Type 1 verbs like "know" and "forget" behave as quirky dative-subject verbs, while Type 2 verbs like "like" and "see" function as dyadic unaccusatives with the experiencer as a low applied object.[21] These differences are evident in causativization patterns—Type 1 yields transitives, Type 2 ditransitives—and diagnostics such as binding and masdar relative clauses, providing insights into syntactic hierarchies in ergative languages.[21]

Adjectives, adverbs, and particles

In Tsez, adjectives agree with the head noun in gender and number but lack case inflection when used attributively or predicatively.[1] Vowel-initial adjectives take gender prefixes identical to those on verbs, such as Ø- for class I, y- for class II, b- for class III, and r- for class IV in the singular, while plural forms use b- for class I and r- for classes II–IV.[1] A plural suffix -t’a appears on adjectives modifying plural nouns, as in k’en-t’a "big-PL" agreeing with a plural human noun.[1] Tsez adjectives do not inflect for degrees of comparison; instead, comparatives are formed using postpositions like the perlative -ƛ’ to indicate "more than," as in constructions equivalent to "bigger than the house."[22] Derivational suffixes on adjectives include -šaj for inalienable possession (e.g., čakarjo-šaj "sweet" deriving "having sweetness inherent") and -χu for separable possession (e.g., noga-χu "leg-POSS.SEP" meaning "having legs").[1] Adverbs in Tsez are primarily derived rather than underived, with many formed from adjectives via truncation or case suffixes on related nominals, though some directly from adjectives using manner-forming processes like the superessive -ƛ’ (e.g., χeχɬi-ƛ’ "quick-SUP" yielding "quickly").[1] Underived adverbs are limited, including spatial terms like ƛ’iri "above" and temporal hino "now."[1] Vowel-initial adverbs may carry gender prefixes for agreement, such as -ˁaƛo "quickly" with class prefixes like r-ˁaƛo agreeing in class III.[1] Limited word formation includes adverbial derivation from verbs using the suffix -z, as in qac’-z from the verb qac’ "to run" meaning "running (as an adverb of manner)."[23] Other adverbs arise from converbs, such as qˁaƛin "aloud" from a verbal form, or reduplication like taqqo-naqqo "back and forth."[1] Particles in Tsez include interrogative forms like the suffix -(j)a marking yes-no questions, as in k’et’u ʁˁutk-a joɬ-a? "Is the cat in the house?"[24] Focus particles encompass clitics such as -kin for identificational focus (e.g., highlighting a specific constituent) and t’it’u for emphatic focus on new information.[1] Evidential particles feature quotatives like =-ƛin or =-ƛaχ indicating reported speech or hearsay, attached as clitics to verbs or clauses (e.g., b-oc’ir-ƛin "he came-QUOT" for "it is said he came").[25] Negation often involves verbal particles like =yo, but these interface with verb morphology without altering adverbial or adjectival agreement.[1] Coordination uses clitics such as =-tow for emphatic linkage or =-gon for contrastive topics, as in linking phrases with additive meaning.[1]

Syntax

Basic word order and alignment

Tsez exhibits a basic subject-object-verb (SOV) word order, characteristic of its head-final structure, where postpositions follow nouns, relative clauses and adjectives precede the nouns they modify, and dependent clauses precede main clauses.[1] The neutral declarative order arranges arguments as agent-recipient-patient-locative-instrument, though locative and instrumental positions can vary.[1] Word order is flexible to serve pragmatic functions, such as topic-comment structure, with the predicate frequently appearing in clause-medial position in spoken varieties, potentially influenced by contact with Russian.[1] The language displays ergative-absolutive alignment at the morphological level, where the subject of an intransitive verb (S) and the object of a transitive verb (O) both take absolutive case (unmarked), while the agent of a transitive verb (A) takes ergative case, marked by the suffix -a: (e.g., žek'-a: gulu žek'-si 'the man hit the horse', where žek'-a: is the ergative agent and gulu is the absolutive object controlling verb agreement).[1] Verb agreement targets the absolutive argument via gender/class prefixes, regardless of whether it functions as S or O (e.g., class III b- in is b-eχu-si 'the bull died').[1] Some two-place predicates, such as those of cognition or perception, pattern differently, with the experiencer in the lative case and the stimulus in the absolutive (e.g., experiencer-oriented verbs like 'love' or 'see').[1] Case marking details are elaborated in the morphology of nouns.[1] Copular clauses in the present tense typically omit the copula, resulting in zero copula constructions with predicative adjectives or nouns directly following the subject (e.g., k'ut' b-iyo 'the girl is tall', where b- agrees with the class III subject).[1] When present, the copula joɬ 'is' appears in equative or ascriptive clauses but is often dropped in spontaneous speech (e.g., ˁali-s obij aħo [joɬ] 'Ali's father [is] a shepherd').[1] In the past tense, the suppletive copula stem zow- is used with class agreement prefixes and tense-aspect suffixes (e.g., witnessed past zow-si with prefix b- for class III: is b-zow-si 'the bull was [there]').[1] Negative present copular clauses employ a:nu 'is not', also frequently omitted.[1] Interrogative clauses include yes-no questions, formed by adding the suffix -(j)a: to the focused constituent or verb, often with rising intonation (e.g., k'et'u ʁutk-a: joɬ-a: 'Is the cat in the house?').[1] Content questions feature wh-words such as ši 'who' or sada 'what', which are preferentially fronted when functioning as adjuncts but may remain in situ for core arguments; multiple wh-questions are rare and exhibit fixed ordering (e.g., ɬu šebi r-oj-χo 'Who is doing what?').[1]

Noun phrases

Tsez noun phrases are strictly head-final, with the head noun appearing at the end of the phrase and all modifiers—such as adjectives, possessors, and relative clauses—preceding it. All attributive modifiers agree with the head noun in noun class (gender), number, and case, ensuring morphological concord throughout the phrase; this agreement is typically realized through class prefixes on initial-vowel modifiers and special case forms on the modifiers themselves. For instance, the phrase for "the big house" in the ergative case is structured as b-egara-ā kʼen-ā (III-big-ERG house-ERG), where the adjective egara 'big' takes the class III prefix b- matching the head kʼen 'house' and the ergative suffix .[26] Possession within noun phrases is expressed via a genitive construction, in which the possessor noun appears in the genitive case (typically marked by -s for genitive 1, used with absolutive heads, or -z for genitive 2, used with oblique heads) and directly precedes the head noun in the absolutive case, with no additional linker required. This construction allows only one overt genitive per phrase, leading to external possession strategies for complex cases. An example is baba-s kʼen 'father's house' (father-GEN house-ABS), where baba 'father' is in the genitive and agrees appropriately if modified.[1][9] Tsez lacks definite or indefinite articles, relying instead on context and demonstratives for specificity. Demonstratives function as determiners, preceding the head noun and agreeing with it in class, number, and case; these demonstratives incorporate class prefixes on their stems to reflect the head's gender (distinguishing class I from II–IV in obliques, and all four in proximal absolutive singulars). For example, the proximal demonstrative for a class I noun like ičʼ 'child' is a-žu ičʼ (I-this child-ABS), where a- is the class I prefix on the demonstrative stem žu 'this (near)'.[1][9] Coordination of nouns within phrases uses the conjunctive suffix -no for the first conjunct and -n for the second in dyads, while longer lists are often asyndetic (without overt marking). In the dyadic case, agreement targets the coordinated phrase as a whole, typically defaulting to plural or the highest-ranked class. Thus, kid-no uži-n means 'girl and boy'.[1]

Verb phrases and valency

Verb phrases in Tsez are head-final, with the verb or copula serving as the head and typically agreeing in gender and number with the absolutive argument within the phrase.[1] The structure aligns with the language's ergative-absolutive case system, where arguments are marked based on their grammatical role. Copular verbs, such as the existential or equative copulas, exhibit class agreement with the absolutive predicate nominal or locative phrase.[1] Intransitive verb phrases feature a single core argument (S) in the absolutive case, with the verb agreeing in gender and number with this argument; for example, is b-eχu-si glosses as 'the bull(III) III-die-PST.WIT', where is 'bull' is absolutive and triggers class III agreement on the verb.[1] Monotransitive constructions involve an ergative agent (A) and an absolutive patient (O), with the verb agreeing with the O; an illustration is žek’-a: gulu žek’-si, meaning 'the man(I) man-ERG horse(IV) hit-PST.WIT', where žek’-a: 'man' is ergative and gulu 'horse' is absolutive with class IV agreement.[1] Ditransitive verb phrases extend this pattern, marking the agent in the ergative, the theme or patient in the absolutive, and the beneficiary or recipient in the dative-lative case, with verb agreement targeting the absolutive; for instance, ˁal-a: kid-b-er surat teƛ-si translates to 'Ali(I) Ali-ERG girl(III)-GEN-DAT picture(IV) give-PST.WIT', where kid-b-er 'to the girl' is dative and surat 'picture' is absolutive.[1] Affective constructions, common for verbs of perception, emotion, or cognition, treat the experiencer as a dative-lative oblique argument and the stimulus as the absolutive, with the verb agreeing with the latter; a representative example is aħo-r meši b-esu-s, glossing 'shepherd-LAT calf(III) III-find-PST.NWIT', though reanalyzed in affective contexts as the shepherd experiencing the finding of the calf.[1] Valency-changing operations include causativization, which introduces an ergative causer to increase valency from intransitive to transitive (or transitive to ditransitive), typically via the suffix -r- attached to the verb stem, as in obij-a: kid j-oχi-r-si 'the father(I) father-ERG girl(II) II-run-CAUS-PST.WIT' meaning 'the father made the girl run'.[1] The potential mood, marking ability or reduced control, employs the suffix -ɬ-, as seen in k’et’u-q ʁˁaj ħaƛu-ɬ-χo 'the cat(I) cat-ERG milk(IV) drink-POT-PRS' for 'the cat can drink milk'.[1] Negation within the verb phrase is achieved through negative verb forms for sentential scope, using suffixes like -č’V- (where V harmonizes with the stem), but constituent negation employs the particle ānu, which follows the negated constituent; for example, žek’-a: gulu ānu žek’-si negates the transitive action to mean 'the man did not hit the horse'.[9]

Clause combining

In Tsez, coordination of clauses is rare and typically asyndetic for independent clauses, lacking overt conjunctions, while same-subject coordination employs the clitic =de to link clauses sharing the same subject.[1] This structure allows for chaining of events performed by the same agent, often involving non-finite verb forms such as converbs, as detailed in the morphology of verbs. Noun phrase coordination, by contrast, uses the suffix -n(o), as in kid-no uži-n 'girl and boy'.[1] Relative clauses in Tsez are prenominal and formed with participles that precede the head noun, exhibiting noun class agreement with the head via the participle's agreement prefixes. The relativized element is either gapped or resumed by a pronoun, enabling relativization of subjects, objects, and adjuncts but not possessors. For example, the past participle -ru forms a relative clause like kid-b-er gagali ta:ƛ-ru uži 'the boy who gave the girl a flower', where the participle agrees in class with the head uži 'boy'.[27][1] Adverbial clauses express a range of semantic relations through specialized non-finite forms. Conditional clauses are marked by the suffix -x(o) on the verb, as in tatanu ʁudi r-oq-χo joƛi 'if the day is warm, let's go', where -χo indicates the protasis. Purpose clauses utilize an infinitival form incorporating -z-, often combined with other elements, as in obij Ø-aj-zaƛ’ uži ʁʁaʁʁu Ø-izi-s 'the boy was glad because the father had come', linking the adverbial clause to the main event motivation.[1] Complement clauses vary by matrix verb semantics. For verbs of wanting or desire, complements are infinitival, marked by -a, as in ik’-a r-eti-n 's/he wanted to go', embedding the non-finite verb directly under the matrix predicate. In contrast, complements to verbs of speech or cognition are finite and marked by the quotative enclitic =ƛin, as in di ʕajibijaw joƛ-ƛin 's/he says that I am wrong', allowing the embedded clause to retain finite morphology and enable indexical shift.[1][28] Reported speech constructions employ the quotative particle =ƛin to introduce the quoted material, often resulting in evidential or indexical shifts within the embedded clause, such as deictic adjustments relative to the reporter's perspective. For instance, neƛ-a: r-oƛ-χo-ƛin 's/he said s/he was sick' illustrates how =ƛin embeds the finite clause, permitting flexible word order in direct quotes while maintaining predicate-final position in complements. This mechanism supports both direct and indirect reporting, with obligatory indexical shift for long-distance reflexives in finite complements.[28]

Writing system and lexicon

Orthography and script

The Tsez language, also known as Dido, lacks an official standardized orthography and is considered unwritten in formal terms, though practical writing systems have been developed based on adaptations of the Avar Cyrillic script in the late 20th century.[1] These adaptations draw from Avar conventions to represent Tsez's complex phonology, including 42 consonants and a five-vowel system with length distinctions, but they exhibit inconsistencies across publications due to the absence of a unified standard.[1] In this Cyrillic-based system, ejective consonants are typically marked with the palochka (Ӏ), a vertical stroke similar to an apostrophe, as in кӀ for /kʕ/ and цӀ for /c'/.[1] Pharyngealized vowels and consonants pose challenges, often represented variably; for instance, pharyngealized /aˤ/ may be written as аь, while /ħ/ and /ʕ/ use хъ and гӀ, respectively, though notations differ between sources like dictionaries and grammars.[1] Long vowels are inconsistently indicated, sometimes with a macron (e.g., а̄ for /a:/) or other diacritics, reflecting dialectal variations in vowel length without a fixed convention.[1] Labialization is shown by inserting в after the consonant, as in кв for /kw/. Representative examples from lexical works include the word for "mouse," written as ав in Cyrillic (corresponding to /ʔaw/ in phonetic transcription).[1] The literary tradition remains limited, primarily confined to folklore collections, local periodicals, and religious texts such as partial Bible translations, including portions of the Gospel of Luke published in 2000.[1][29] In these contexts, Russian and Avar dominate printed materials, with Tsez texts often appearing in adaptations like those in the Tsez-Russian dictionary by Khalilov (1999), which employs the Avar-derived Cyrillic for entries.[1] For linguistic research and international scholarship, a Latin-based romanization is preferred, typically aligned with IPA conventions (e.g., k' for ejectives, aˤ for pharyngeals), as seen in descriptive grammars to facilitate phonetic accuracy without reliance on Cyrillic variability.[1]

Core vocabulary and loanwords

The core vocabulary of Tsez encompasses fundamental lexical items such as body parts and kinship terms, which typically incorporate the language's noun class system for agreement. Body parts like q’ˁim 'head' (class III) and reƛ’a 'hand' (class II) illustrate how inalienable possession is marked through class prefixes on verbs or adjectives, distinguishing human-related terms from nonhuman ones. Kinship terms predominantly belong to class I (human), as seen in enij 'mother' and obij 'father', where plural forms like eni-obi j 'parents' trigger class I agreement on agreeing elements.[1] Numerals in Tsez form a basic set for 1–10 using native roots, with higher numbers constructed through compounding in a vigesimal system. The cardinal numerals are: 1 sis (nominative) or sida (oblique), 2 q’ˁano/q’ˁuna, 3 ɬˁono/ɬˁora, 4 uyno/uyra, 5 ɬeno/ɬera, 6 iłno/iłra, 7 ʕoƛno/ʕoƛra, 8 biƛno/biƛra, 9 oč’č’ino/oč’č’ira, and 10 oc’c’ino/oc’c’ira. Compounds include teens like 11 (oc’c’ino sis) and multiples such as 20 (quno) or 40 (q’ˁano-qu). Some numerals exhibit class agreement, particularly in gender I (human) contexts, using oblique forms like -e (e.g., sida-e for one human).[1] Loanwords in Tsez primarily derive from neighboring languages, reflecting historical and modern contacts, and are integrated by assigning them to semantically similar native noun classes with appropriate prefixes. Avar has contributed morphological elements and verbs borrowed as infinitives with Tsez light verbs, such as bak’arzi-oq-od- 'gather' (from Avar bak’arzi- 'gather' plus Tsez -oq-od- 'become-do'). Russian provides modern terms like doχtur 'doctor' and verb constructions like parad-at-od- 'sell' (from Russian prodat’ 'sell'), while Georgian and Arabic yield historical loans such as k’owzi 'spoon' (Georgian) and terms via Avar mediation; Turkic origins appear in scattered vocabulary. These borrowings often adapt to Tsez phonology and class system, preserving semantic fit.[1] Due to its definitely endangered status, with fewer than 15,000 speakers and declining intergenerational transmission, Tsez faces risks of lexical erosion, particularly in traditional domains. Preservation efforts include comprehensive dictionaries, such as the Tsez-Russian dictionary compiled by Madzhid Khalilov (1999) and his later work on the Mokok dialect (2015), and descriptive grammars that document core lexicon, aiding revitalization in the Tsunta District.[1][14]

Illustrative examples

Sample sentences

The following examples are drawn from the Asakh dialect of Tsez and illustrate key grammatical features such as noun class agreement (via verbal prefixes: Ø- for class I, d-/j- for II, b- for III, r- for IV), case marking (absolutive for intransitive subjects and transitive objects, ergative for transitive subjects), and basic clause structures.[1] Intransitive clause (simple motion):
Tsez: Żek’-i b-iyo-r.
Gloss: man.ABS III-run-PST.WIT
'The man ran.' (Here, the verb agrees in class III with the absolutive subject żek’-i; the witnessed past tense -r indicates direct observation.)[1]
Intransitive clause (state):
Tsez: Is b-eχu-s.
Gloss: bull.ABS III-die-PST.WIT
'The bull died.' (Class III agreement on the verb with the absolutive subject is; witnessed past marks completed action.)[1]
Transitive clause (action on object):
Tsez: Żek’-ā gulu b-žek’-si.
Gloss: man-ERG horse.ABS III-hit-PST.WIT
'The man hit the horse.' (Ergative case -ā on the subject żek’-ā; absolutive on the object gulu; verb agrees in class III with the absolutive argument.)[1]
Transitive clause with negation:
Tsez: Mi-s Ø-umuk’uli elu-ā b-ok’ek’-asi anu.
Gloss: 2SG.GEN.I camel.ABS I-we.OBL-ERG I.PL-steal-RES.PST be.NEG
'We didn't steal your camel.' (Ergative on the oblique subject elu-ā; class I agreement Ø- with the absolutive object umuk’uli; negation via the auxiliary anu following the resultative past participle.)[30]
Question (yes/no, locative):
Tsez: K’et’u ʁutku-ā joɬ-a?
Gloss: cat.ABS house-IN.ESS be.PRS-Q
'Is the cat in the house?' (Absolutive on subject k’et’u; inessive case -ā for location ʁutku-ā; present tense with question particle -a; no class agreement shown as copula joɬ is unprefixed in this form.)[1]
Intransitive clause (existence):
Tsez: Nesi-s ło-no uži zow-n.
Gloss: 3SG.OBL-GEN three son.ABS be.NPRS-PST.UNW
'He had three sons.' (Absolutive on the predicate nominal uzi; non-present tense zow with unwitnessed past -n; genitive -s links possessor.)[31]

Text sample

A representative excerpt from a traditional Tsez folktale in the Mokok dialect, titled "The Hen and the Rooster," is drawn from recent documentation efforts compiling oral narratives for linguistic and cultural preservation. This tale, first published in a collection aimed at both Tsez speakers and broader audiences, illustrates everyday moral lessons through animal protagonists, a common motif in Northeast Caucasian oral traditions. The text, approximately 120 words in English translation, highlights the Mokok dialect's phonetic features, such as distinct long vowels (e.g., /ɨː/ back and /eː/ front), which differ slightly from the Asakh dialect.[32][1] The following is a condensed interlinear glossing of key segments from the tale, following Leipzig Glossing Rules, with the original in Latin transcription for accessibility (Cyrillic original available in source). The narrative employs complex syntax through converbs (e.g., -zor for gerundial forms) to chain events, and evidentials like the past non-evidentiary (-s) to mark reported or legendary events typical of folklore transmission.
  1. kur-a-zor-a yox-a b-iyo-s
    hen-and rooster-and III-live-PST.WIT
    'The hen and the rooster lived (together, it is said).'[32]
  2. yox-a b-ɨdi-s cːakːu IV-wet b-iyo-zor
    rooster-ERG III-go-PST.WIT firewood IV-wet III-bring-IPFV.CVB
    'The rooster (always) brought wet firewood (home).'[32]
  3. kur-a neła-r b-ɨdi-z yoq-a-ƛin
    hen-ERG there-LAT III-go-PST.WIT say-INF-QUOT
    'The hen went there and said (to herself, quoted in narrative style).'[32]
  4. tːama kur-a kːwala-r b-eli-s qːwala
    then hen-ERG frog-LAT III-see-PST.WIT frog
    'Then the hen saw the frog (at the river).'[32]
  5. kur-a kːwala b-ikʼ-ano yox-a b-iyo-s
    hen-ERG frog III-hit-PST.WIT rooster-ERG III-come-PST.WIT
    'The hen hit the frog; the rooster came (back).'[32]
Free translation of the excerpt: Once a hen and a rooster lived together. The rooster always brought home wet firewood, frustrating the hen. Curious, she followed him to the river and discovered he was meeting a frog. Enraged, the hen attacked the frog, injuring it, and brought dry firewood home. When the rooster learned of this, he fought the hen, broke her leg, and left her. After some time, the rooster returned, begged forgiveness, and promised to avoid the frog. The hen forgave him, and they lived peacefully thereafter. This ending underscores themes of reconciliation and the consequences of meddling in others' affairs, reflecting Tsez cultural emphasis on harmony in communal life.[32] Notes on the text: The past non-evidentiary evidential (-s) is used throughout to signal that the events are part of transmitted folklore rather than eyewitness accounts, a stylistic choice in oral narratives to invoke tradition and distance the teller from the action. Complex syntax is evident in converb chains (e.g., b-iyo-zor 'bringing'), which allow compact depiction of sequential events without finite clauses, aiding the rhythmic flow of spoken storytelling. Culturally, the tale draws from rural Tsez life in the Caucasus mountains, where firewood gathering symbolizes daily labor and gender roles, with animals anthropomorphized to teach morals subtly. Stylistic features include quotative particles (-ƛin) for reported speech, enhancing vividness in performance, and occasional reduplication of verbs (not shown in this excerpt but common in Mokok oral variants for emphasis, e.g., repeated actions to build tension). Recent efforts, such as the 2010 compilation, have glossed these texts to support language revitalization amid declining speaker numbers. No significant loanwords appear here, preserving core Tsez lexicon.[32][1]

References

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