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United Nations Special Committee on Palestine
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The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) was created on 15 May 1947[1][2] in response to a United Kingdom government request that the General Assembly "make recommendations under article 10 of the Charter, concerning the future government of Palestine". The British government had also recommended the establishment of a special committee to prepare a report for the General Assembly. The General Assembly adopted the recommendation to set up the UNSCOP to investigate the cause of the conflict in Palestine, and, if possible, devise a solution. UNSCOP was made up of representatives of 11 countries. UNSCOP visited Palestine and gathered testimony from Zionist organisations in Palestine[3] and in the US. The Arab Higher Committee boycotted the commission, explaining that the Palestinian Arabs' natural rights were self-evident and could not continue to be subject to investigation, but rather deserved to be recognized on the basis of the principles of the United Nations Charter.[4]
The report of the committee dated 3 September 1947[5] supported the termination of the British Mandate in Palestine. It contained a majority proposal for a plan of partition into two independent states with an economic union and a minority proposal for a plan for a federal union with Jerusalem as its capital. The majority plan was supported by 7 of the 11 members, with Iran, India and Yugoslavia voting against it, and Australia abstaining.[6]
Following the report's release, the Ad Hoc Committee on the Palestinian Question was appointed by the General Assembly.
On 29 November 1947, the General Assembly adopted Resolution 181, a slight modification of the recommendations proposed in the UNSCOP majority plan. [7]
History
[edit]Shortly after the British government announced that it would be referring the Palestine problem to the United Nations, the Secretary-General, Trygve Lie, ordered the establishment of a five-member team to study the Palestine issue. The team consisted of Ralph Bunche, Constantin Stavropoulos, John Noel Reedman, Henri Vigier and Alfonso Garcia Robles.[8] Their work was to serve as background material for the "United Nations Special Committee on Palestine", which was to study the Palestine problem in the summer of 1947.[9]
On 15 May 1947, the General Assembly established UNSCOP. The Special Committee was given wide powers to ascertain and record facts, to investigate all questions and issues relevant to the problem of Palestine, and to make recommendations. It was authorized to conduct investigations in Palestine and wherever it might deem useful.[10]
It was decided that the committee should be composed of "neutral" countries, excluding the five permanent members of the Security Council, including the Mandatory power.[11] The committee's final composition was: Australia, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, India, Iran, Netherlands, Peru, Sweden, Uruguay and Yugoslavia.[12]
Work of the committee
[edit]
From 18 June to 3 July, the committee visited Jerusalem, Haifa, the Dead Sea, Hebron, Beersheba, Gaza, Jaffa, the Galilee, Tel Aviv, Acre, Nablus, Bayt Dajan, Tulkarm, Rehovot, Arab and Jewish settlements in the Negev, and several Jewish agricultural settlements. When visiting Jewish areas, committee members were warmly welcomed, often with flowers and cheering crowds. When the committee visited Tel Aviv, a public holiday was declared.[13] The streets were decorated with flags and posters and crowds surrounded the delegates during their tour of the city. They met Tel Aviv mayor Israel Rokach, dining with him at a cafe and visiting city hall. During their visit to city hall, they were invited to step onto the balcony, at which point the crowd below sang Hatikvah. Jewish Agency officials also ensured they met with Jews who spoke the native languages of committee members such as Swedish, Dutch, Spanish, and Persian. Committee members were given presentations arguing the Jewish case translated into their native languages. They were shown Jewish industry and commerce, agricultural innovations to allow farming in Jewish agricultural settlements in arid regions, and various institutions including Hadassah Medical Center, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and the laboratories of the Daniel Sieff Institute. During the committee's visit, it was accompanied by Jewish Agency officials acting as liaisons: Abba Eban, David Horowitz, and Moshe Tov.
By contrast, committee members were ignored and faced hostility in Arab areas. During UNSCOP visits to Arab areas, they were often met with empty streets, as well as locals who refused to answer their questions and even fled restaurants when they arrived. In one instance, when committee members visited a school in Beersheba, the pupils were instructed not to look at the visitors. During a visit to an Arab village in Galilee, the entire population was evacuated except for children who remained behind and cursed at the visitors. UNSCOP members were deeply impressed by the cleanliness and modernity of Jewish areas, in comparison to the dirtiness and what they viewed as the backwardness of Arab areas. They were particularly horrified by the common sight of child labor and exploitation in Arab factories and workshops.[14]
UNSCOP officials clandestinely met with members of the high command of the Haganah, the main Jewish underground militia. The Haganah officials who attended the meeting, Yisrael Galili, Yigael Yadin, Yosef Avidar, and Ehud Avriel, insisted that the Haganah could repel any Arab attack, including by the surrounding Arab states.
UNSCOP also met twice with commanders from the right-wing Zionist guerrilla group Irgun after arranging contact with the Irgun through an Associated Press correspondent. In the first meeting, UNSCOP members met Irgun commander Menachem Begin along with Irgun high command members Haim Landau and Shmuel Katz, while in the second meeting they met with Begin and Irgun official Meir Cahan.[15]

(L-R): Shmuel Mikunis, Wolf Ehrlich, Meir Vilner.
It then held 12 public hearings from 4 to 17 July, during which 31 representatives from 12 Jewish organizations gave testimony and submitted written depositions, totaling thirty-two tons of material. Jewish Agency representatives such as David Ben-Gurion, Moshe Sharett, and Abba Eban testified, along with Chaim Weizmann, a former senior Zionist official who held no office at the particular time and testified as a private citizen. Zionist leaders argued for a Jewish state in Palestine and accepted the principle of partition. Anti-Zionist Jewish representatives from the Palestine Communist Party and Ichud parties were included.[16][17][18][19] British officials also testified before the committee.
During the hearings, the Haganah's intelligence branch SHAI conducted an extensive operation to eavesdrop on committee members so as to ensure that Zionist leaders would be better prepared for the hearings. Microphones were placed in their hotels and conference rooms, their telephone conversations were tapped, and the cleaning staff of the building where the hearings took place was replaced with female SHAI agents who monitored them while posing as cleaning ladies. The intelligence gathered was then distributed among Jewish leaders, who were instructed to destroy the documents after reading them. This did not go unnoticed: a member of the Swedish delegation complained that the cleaning staff of the building was "too pretty and educated. They are the eyes and ears of the Zionist leaders, who come to hearings with replies prepared in advance."[20]
Despite the official Arab boycott, several Arab officials and intellectuals privately met committee members to argue for a unitary Arab-majority state, among them AHC member and former Jerusalem mayor Husayn al-Khalidi.[17] The committee also received written arguments from Arab advocates.

The committee also met British officials. Some argued that the ideal solution would be to set up two autonomous Jewish and Arab states with Britain managing the finances of the two states due to the economic difficulties of partition and allowing Britain to retain a military presence in Palestine due to the growing threat from the Soviet Union. British military officials in particular emphasized the need for a continued British military presence in light of worsening relations between Britain and Egypt, arguing that bases in Palestine and continued control over Haifa harbor were essential for the defense of the Middle East. UNSCOP members were shown new British Army barracks being constructed in the Negev (which would never be completed), and were told that this would be the future basing area for British troops in the Suez Canal zone.[21]
The committee also noted the intense security and draconian laws in Palestine as a result of the ongoing Jewish insurgency conducted mainly by the Irgun and Lehi and to a lesser extent the Haganah. UNSCOP members noticed the constant presence of armed British security forces and armored cars in the streets, barbed wire around entire blocks of buildings, abundant pillboxes and roadblocks, and constant security checks in the streets. In addition, the Emergency Regulations imposed by the British, which allowed for detentions, confiscations, deportations, and trials before military rather than civil courts with no right to counsel, the admission of Henry Gurney, the Chief Secretary of Palestine, that the Palestine administration was spending nearly $30 million a year for police purposes, as well as the British insistence that their officials appear before UNSCOP hearings in private and a demand that they be informed in advance about who would be giving testimony, also left a negative impression.
Guatemalan delegate Jorge García Granados referred to the Palestine Mandate as a "police state." On June 16, the day of UNSCOP's first formal hearing, a British military court sentenced three Irgun fighters, Avshalom Haviv, Meir Nakar, and Yaakov Weiss, to death for their role in the Acre Prison break. UNSCOP appealed to the British government through the UN Secretary-General Trygve Lie to spare their lives. The British refused and were outraged at what they viewed as the committee's interference in the internal judicial affairs of the Mandate. Later, the Irgun captured two British sergeants and held them as hostages, threatening to kill them if the death sentences were carried out. Committee members discussed the sergeants when meeting with Begin, and refused an Irgun request to call Haviv, Nakar, and Weiss to testify before them over allegations of torture.[22]
UNSCOP also followed the events surrounding the SS Exodus, an illegal immigration ship carrying 4,554 Jewish Holocaust survivors which was intercepted by the Royal Navy. Some Committee members were present at the port of Haifa and witnessed British soldiers violently removing resisting passengers from the ship so they could be deported back to Europe. The committee completed its work in Palestine by hearing the eyewitness testimony of the Reverend John Stanley Grauel,[23] who was on the Exodus, convinced UNSCOP to reverse an earlier decision[which?]. The committee decided to hear the testimony of the Jewish refugees in British detention camps in Palestine and in European Displaced Persons camps trying to gain admittance to Palestine.[24]
Golda Meir, later Prime Minister of Israel, observed that Reverend Grauel's testimony and advocacy for the creation of the Jewish state fundamentally and positively changed the United Nations to support the creation of Israel.[25]
On July 21, the committee traveled to Lebanon, where they met with Lebanese Prime Minister Riad al-Solh and Foreign Minister Hamid Frangieh, who demanded an end to further Jewish immigration and the establishment of an Arab government in Palestine and claimed that the Zionists had territorial ambitions in Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. On July 23, the representatives of Arab League states testified before the committee in Sofar. Frangieh told the committee that Jews "illegally" in Palestine would be expelled while the situation of those "legally" in Palestine but without Palestinian citizenship would be resolved by a future Arab government. Efforts by UNSCOP members to get other Arab diplomats to soften their stance failed, with one committee member noting that "there is nothing more extreme than meeting all the representatives of the Arab world in one group... when each one tries to show that he is more extreme than the other." Privately, the committee met with pro-Zionist Maronite Christian leaders, who told them that Lebanese Christians supported partition. Half of the committee's members then flew to Amman to meet with King Abdullah of Transjordan, who claimed that the Arabs would have "difficulty" accepting partition but refused to completely rule it out, hinting that in such an event, the Arab parts of Palestine should go to Transjordan.[17]
UNSCOP then flew to Geneva, and on August 8, a subcommittee began a week-long tour of displaced persons camps in American and British occupation zones in Germany and Austria, and interviewed Jewish refugees and local military officials. They found that there was a strong desire to immigrate to Palestine among the Jewish DPs.[17]
In Geneva, while writing the report, the committee was subject to Jewish, Arab, and British pressure. Zionist representatives vigorously lobbied the committee. They repeatedly submitted memoranda and recruited a Palestinian Arab representative whose father had been murdered by the Husseini clan that dominated the Palestinian Arab community to argue in favor of a Jewish-Transjordanian partition of the country before the committee. The Arab League liaison submitted a memorandum demanding a solution satisfactory to the Palestinian Arabs, threatening catastrophe would result otherwise. The British submitted a memorandum arguing partition was a feasible option.[17]
Ad hoc committee deliberations
[edit]The unanimous decision of the UNSCOP was for the termination of the mandate.
The Ad Hoc Committee on the Palestinian Question was appointed by the General Assembly, and two plans were drawn up for the Governance of Palestine on the termination of the Mandate. Seven members of the UNSCOP endorsed a partition plan (the Majority report) favoured by the Zionist leadership on 2 October 1947.
Members
[edit]- Australia
- John Hood, representative
- S. L. Atyeo, alternate
- Canada
- Justice Ivan Rand, representative
- Leon Mayrand, alternate
- Czechoslovakia
- Karel Lisický, representative
- Richard Pech, alternate
- Guatemala
- Dr. Jorge García Granados, representative
- Lic.Emilio Zea Gonzalez, alternate and secretary
- India
- Sir Abdur Rahman, representative
- Venkata Viswanathan, alternate
- H. Dayal, second alternate
- Iran
- Nasrollah Entezam, representative
- Dr. Ali Ardalan, alternate
- Netherlands
- Dr. N. S. Blom, representative
- A. I. Spits, alternate
- Peru
- Dr. Alberto Ulloa, representative
- Dr. Arturo Garcia Salazar, alternate
- Sweden
- Justice Emil Sandström, representative
- Dr. Paul Mohn,
- Uruguay
- Professor Enrique Rodriguez Fabregat, representative
- Professor Óscar Secco Ellauri, alternate
- Edmundo Sisto, secretary
- Yugoslavia
- Vladimir Simić, representative
- Dr. Jože Brilej, alternate
References
[edit]- ^ A/RES/106 (S-1) Archived 2012-08-06 at the Wayback Machine of 15 May 1947 General Assembly Resolution 106 Constituting the UNSCOP
- ^ Report of the First Committee Archived 2014-12-24 at the Wayback Machine, 13 May 1947. Preparing meeting (doc.nr. A/307)
- ^ UN Doc A/364/Add.2 PV.33 Archived 2015-09-10 at the Wayback Machine of 16 July 1947 UNSCOP report, Verbatim record (Waad Hair, Federation of Jewish Labour, Jewish Agency for Palestine)
- ^ UN Doc A/364 Add. 1 d.d. 3 September 1947 Archived 3 June 2014 at the Wayback Machine See ANNEX 8 Letter dated 10 July 1947 from the Arab Higher Committee confirming its decision concerning collaboration with the Special Committee
- ^ UNITED NATIONS: General Assembly: A/364: 3 September 1947: OFFICIAL RECORDS OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY: SUPPLEMENT No. 11: UNITED NATIONS SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON PALESTINE: REPORT TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY VOLUME 1: Lake Success, New York 1947: Retrieved 9 May 2012 Archived 3 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ official records of the second session of the general asse3mbly supplement 11 page 24
- ^ UNITED NATIONS: General Assembly: A/RES/181(II): 29 November 1947: Retrieved 10 May 2012 Archived 24 May 2012 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Ben-Dror, Elad (2007). "How the United Nations Intended to Implement the Partition Plan: The Handbook Drawn up by the Secretariat for the Members of the United Nations Palestine Commission". Middle Eastern Studies. 43 (6): 998. Retrieved 7 December 2023.
- ^ Ben-Dror, Elad (2007). "How the United Nations Intended to Implement the Partition Plan: The Handbook Drawn up by the Secretariat for the Members of the United Nations Palestine Commission". Middle Eastern Studies. 43 (6): 998. doi:10.1080/00263200701568402. Retrieved 7 December 2023.
- ^ ST/DPI/SER.A/47: Background Paper No. 47 Archived 2011-01-03 at the Wayback Machine, 20 April 1949]
- ^ It was urged that the special interests of the Great Powers meant that they would not be impartial and that their inclusion in the committee might result in political discussions which would delay its work, that the committee must not only be impartial but must also give the impression of being impartial. It was also felt that the United Kingdom as the Mandatory was an interested party and should not therefore sit on the committee."ST/DPI/SER.A/47 of 20 April 1949". Archived from the original on 2011-01-03. Retrieved 2007-07-31.
- ^ A/RES/106 (S-1)15 May 1947: Creation of the Committee: Retrieved 18 April 2012 Archived 6 August 2012 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ A State is Born in Palestine, New York Times
- ^ Morris, Benny (October 2008). 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3.
- ^ Kumamoto, Robert D. (1999). International Terrorism & American Foreign Relations, 1945-1976. UPNE. ISBN 978-1-55553-389-2.
- ^ Report of UNSCOP - 1947
- ^ a b c d e Morris, Benny: 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War
- ^ R. Judah Magnes Urges U.N. Committee to Recommend Bi-national State in Palestine
- ^ Munists Ask Independent Jewish-arab State in Testimony Before U.N. Probers
- ^ Bergman, Ronen (2011-10-07). "The Intelligence operation which led to the UN Decision to establish Israel, exactly 69 years ago- A New York Times Magazine Story". Ronen Bergman. Retrieved 2019-07-01.
- ^ Hollingworth, Clare (2015-07-24). The Arabs and the West. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-41401-8.
- ^ Bell, Bowyer J. Terror out of Zion
- ^ "John the Priest" (PDF). Retrieved 2024-01-30.
- ^ The Birth of Israel The Drama as I Saw it, by Jorge Garcia Granados, Guatemalan Ambassador, Alfred Knopf, 1949
- ^ "There was great gratification for me in knowing that my eyewitness report was now a matter of record. Inherent in the nature of the relationship between Christians and Jews was the fact that because I was a Christian, in this situation my testimony would be given greater credence than that of a Jewish crew member." Elfenbein, Eleanor (June 1983). Grauel: An Autobiography as Told to Eleanor Elfenbein. Ivory House. ISBN 978-0-9608896-0-0. pg.90
Further reading
[edit]- Ben-Dror, Elad (2015). Ralph Bunche and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Mediation and the UN 1947–1949, Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-78988-3.
- Ben-Dror, Elad (2022). UNSCOP and the Arab-Israeli Conflict: The Road to Partition. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-032-05963-1.
External links
[edit]
Media related to United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) at Wikimedia Commons
- Records of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) (1947) at the United Nations Archives
- Report of UNSCOP - 1947 and the ANNEXES, APPENDIX, MAPS of the Report
- Original documents can be found here and here
- Canadian Friends of the International Christian Embassy in Jerusalem The United Nations and Israel: Ivan Rand and the UNSCOP papers at the Wayback Machine. Parts 1 and 2: article by John Ross, from Canadian Jewish News, April 2002. Part 3: excerpt from Faith and fulfilment: Christians and the return to the Promised Land by Michael J. Pragia, London, Vallentine, Mitchell, 1985
United Nations Special Committee on Palestine
View on GrokipediaBackground and Formation
The Palestine Mandate Crisis
The British Mandate for Palestine, established in 1920 following the League of Nations' confirmation in 1922, incorporated the 1917 Balfour Declaration's commitment to facilitate a Jewish national home while safeguarding the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities.[3] Arab opposition to increased Jewish immigration and land purchases manifested in recurrent violence, including the 1920 Nebi Musa riots in Jerusalem, which killed five Jews and injured over 200, and the 1929 riots, particularly the Hebron and Safed massacres that claimed 133 Jewish lives amid widespread Arab assaults on Jewish communities.[4] [5] The 1936–1939 Arab Revolt escalated these tensions into a sustained insurgency against British rule and Jewish settlement, involving strikes, bombings, and attacks that resulted in approximately 5,000 Arab, 400 Jewish, and 200 British deaths, prompting Britain to deploy over 20,000 troops to suppress the uprising.[6] The 1939 White Paper policy marked a pivotal shift, capping Jewish immigration at 75,000 over five years—despite the Mandate's provisions—and requiring Arab consent for any thereafter, while restricting Jewish land transfers in 95% of Palestine to appease Arab demands amid the revolt's aftermath.[7] This restriction clashed with the post-Holocaust crisis, where over 250,000 Jewish displaced persons, primarily survivors, languished in European camps by 1946, fueling Aliyah Bet operations that attempted to bring more than 100,000 Jews to Palestine illegally, often intercepted by British naval blockades and leading to internment in Cyprus or deportation.[8] [9] British enforcement, including the forcible return of passengers from ships like the Exodus 1947, intensified Jewish resistance and public opinion backlash in Britain and the United States.[10] Demographic changes underscored the Mandate's challenges: the Jewish population rose from 11.1% (83,790 individuals) in the 1922 census to approximately 32% (around 608,000) by late 1946, driven by legal immigration, natural increase, and illegal arrivals, while Arabs grew from 589,177 to over 1.2 million through high birth rates and migration.[11] [3] Jews legally purchased about 6–7% of Palestine's land by 1947, focusing on underutilized areas like marshes reclaimed for agriculture, yet Arabs rejected the 1937 Peel Commission's partition proposal—which allocated a small Jewish state comprising 20% of the territory—insisting on exclusive Arab sovereignty and viewing any Jewish self-rule as illegitimate.[12] [13] By 1947, Britain faced unsustainable burdens, expending £30–40 million annually on security amid escalating attacks by Jewish groups like Irgun and Lehi, including the 1946 King David Hotel bombing that killed 91, alongside Arab irregular violence.[14] On February 14, 1947, Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced referral of the Palestine question to the United Nations, citing the failure of bilateral negotiations, irreconcilable communal demands, and the military's inability to maintain order without indefinite occupation.[2] This decision reflected Britain's post-World War II exhaustion and prioritization of imperial retrenchment over enforcing the Mandate's conflicting promises.[15]Establishment of UNSCOP
On February 14, 1947, Britain announced its intention to terminate the Palestine Mandate and refer the issue to the United Nations, citing irreconcilable Arab-Jewish conflicts, financial strain, and escalating violence that rendered continued administration untenable.[16] This prompted a special session of the UN General Assembly from April 28 to May 15, 1947, during which the United States and Soviet Union advocated for an international inquiry into Palestine's future governance, overriding British reservations about external intervention.[16] The Assembly adopted Resolution 106 (S-1) on May 15, 1947, by a vote of 47 in favor, 5 against, and 7 abstentions—including Britain—thereby establishing the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) to conduct an impartial investigation.[17][18] The resolution tasked UNSCOP with ascertaining the factual situation in Palestine, including political, economic, and social conditions, and preparing recommendations for a just and viable settlement that safeguarded the rights of both communities, upheld principles of self-determination, and protected minority interests as well as the sacred places of Christianity, Islam, and Judaism.[18] To promote neutrality, membership was limited to 11 states elected from those not permanent Security Council members, not administering powers, and without direct involvement as interested parties—explicitly excluding major powers like the US and USSR, Britain as the mandatory, and states aligned with Arab or Jewish claims, such as Arab League members.[18] The selected nations were Australia, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, India, Iran, Netherlands, Peru, Sweden, Uruguay, and Yugoslavia, chosen for their perceived impartiality despite subsequent criticisms of potential biases in some delegations.[18] UNSCOP was required to report to the Secretary-General by September 1, 1947, providing approximately three months for fieldwork amid persistent unrest, including bombings and clashes in the aftermath of the July 1946 King David Hotel attack, which complicated logistics and security for the committee's operations.[1][16] The exclusion of Arab states from membership, despite their assertions of regional stakeholding, sparked immediate procedural objections and contributed to the Arab Higher Committee's decision to boycott the committee, viewing it as predisposed toward partition and Jewish statehood.[16] This boycott limited direct Arab input during initial phases, forcing reliance on alternative testimonies and underscoring tensions over the committee's composition from the outset.[16]Membership and Leadership
Selection and Composition
The United Nations General Assembly established the Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) via Resolution 106 (S-1), adopted on 15 May 1947, directing a subcommittee to nominate eleven Member States based on criteria including demonstrated interest in the Palestine question, capacity for impartial judgment, and absence of direct political or economic stakes therein.[18] The process prioritized geographic balance across continents—encompassing Latin America, Asia, Europe, and other regions—while explicitly barring permanent members of the Security Council and limiting Commonwealth dominions to Australia and Canada to avoid perceived alignments with British Mandate policies.[18] This framework sought to assemble a body insulated from great-power rivalries and colonial entanglements, though the subcommittee's nominations reflected compromises among Assembly delegates amid broader debates on Mandate termination. The nominated and approved member states were Australia, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, India, Iran, Netherlands, Peru, Sweden, Uruguay, and Yugoslavia.[1] These selections drew from middle- and smaller powers without mandatory territorial responsibilities in Palestine, with Latin American states (Guatemala, Peru, Uruguay) providing regional diversity, Asian members (India, Iran) representing non-Western viewpoints, and European nations (Czechoslovakia, Netherlands, Sweden, Yugoslavia) contributing varied ideological outlooks, including post-war communist influences in the former two. Each state appointed a compact delegation, typically comprising one principal representative, an alternate, and limited advisory or secretarial staff—totaling no more than a handful per country—to enable agile operations during the mandated three-month timeline. UNSCOP held its organizational meetings in New York starting 16 June 1947 before departing for Palestine on 25 June, arriving amid heightened tensions to conduct fieldwork over roughly six weeks, including site visits, interviews, and evidence collection until early August.[19] UNSCOP's composition deliberately excluded delegates from Arab League countries or Jewish agencies to uphold claims of detachment, relying instead on ad hoc submissions and oral testimonies from external stakeholders during Palestine hearings.[20] Notwithstanding these neutrality provisions, the member states' backgrounds introduced heterogeneous influences: India and Iran, as nations with substantial Muslim demographics and recent anti-colonial experiences, displayed inclinations sympathetic to Arab rejectionism, whereas Czechoslovakia—despite Soviet bloc ties—adopted a results-oriented stance shaped by pragmatic geopolitical calculations rather than rigid anti-Zionism.[21] Such variances, evident in internal deliberations, underscored the challenges of achieving unalloyed impartiality in a committee drawn from ideologically diverse mid-tier powers.[1]Key Figures
Emil Sandström, a Swedish judge and diplomat born in 1886, served as the elected chairman of UNSCOP following preliminary meetings in New York in May 1947.[22] Operating independently from Swedish government directives, Sandström prioritized on-site empirical investigation amid challenges such as the Arab Higher Committee's boycott, which limited direct Arab input but did not halt the committee's fieldwork.[23] His leadership focused on procedural fairness and factual inquiry, including private sessions with British officials to elicit testimony otherwise withheld.[24] Jorge García Granados, Guatemala's delegate and a career diplomat, played a pivotal role in bridging early divisions toward the majority partition proposal. Initially viewing the British Mandate as akin to a "police state," Granados advocated linking the plight of Jewish displaced persons to Palestine's resolution, insisting on UNSCOP subcommittees visiting camps in Europe to assess conditions firsthand.[25] These visits influenced his perspective, leading him to co-develop the partition framework with economic union provisions alongside delegates like Rand.[1] Ivan Rand, a Canadian Supreme Court Justice appointed in 1943, emerged as a steadfast majority supporter, contributing decisively to the formulation of the partition plan. Though initially undecided, Rand's engagement with evidence from Palestine hearings solidified his endorsement of separate Jewish and Arab states, emphasizing practical viability over unitary alternatives.[26][27] His legal acumen helped navigate internal debates, prioritizing demographic and security realities in the majority report.[28] Nasrollah Entezam, Iran's seasoned diplomat and former ambassador, represented the minority viewpoint, advocating a federal state structure to preserve Palestine's unity while accommodating ethnic divisions.[1] Entezam's proposals, aligned with India and Yugoslavia, emphasized binational governance with autonomous provinces, reflecting Iran's strategic interest in regional stability without endorsing partition.[29] The Yugoslav delegate, operating within the minority bloc, reinforced the federal state alternative, proposing mechanisms like potential secession clauses if federation failed, to address irreconcilable communal tensions without territorial division.[30][1] Supporting these efforts, UN Secretariat head Victor Hoo, Assistant Secretary-General for Trusteeship and Non-Self-Governing Territories, oversaw administrative impartiality, coordinating logistics and documentation to maintain procedural neutrality amid geopolitical pressures.[1][31]Mandate and Investigative Process
Terms of Reference
The United Nations General Assembly Resolution 106 (S-1), adopted on 15 May 1947, established the terms of reference for the Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP), directing it to investigate all questions and issues relevant to the Palestine problem.[17] The mandate required examination of the political, economic, and social conditions in Palestine, the operation of the British Mandate, the responsibilities of the mandatory power, the wishes of both Arab and Jewish communities, and the causes of ongoing Arab-Jewish tensions and violence.[1] Recommendations were to prioritize feasible settlements that aligned with United Nations Charter principles, including national self-determination of peoples and respect for fundamental human rights and freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion.[17] UNSCOP's scope focused on post-Mandate governance options, such as independence, partition into separate states, a federated binational state, or temporary trusteeship under United Nations auspices, while explicitly avoiding prejudice toward any specific outcome or alteration of the existing Mandate's terms.[1] The committee lacked authority to enforce recommendations or modify legal instruments like the Mandate or the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry's prior findings; its role was strictly advisory, emphasizing practical viability, protection of minority rights, economic integration where possible, and resolution of pressing issues like Jewish immigration limits based on Palestine's absorptive capacity and the humanitarian crisis of European displaced persons.[17] Particular attention was mandated to safeguarding holy places and ensuring due regard for the religious interests of Christianity, Islam, and Judaism.[17] In cases of internal disagreement, the terms required submission of both majority and minority reports to reflect divergent views.[1] The compressed timeline—report submission no later than 1 September 1947—reflected urgency amid Britain's announcement of Mandate termination by 1 May 1948 and intensifying communal violence, which had already resulted in hundreds of deaths in preceding months.[17]Fieldwork and Hearings in Palestine
The United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) commenced its fieldwork in Palestine upon the arrival of its members on June 14 and 15, 1947, with the first meeting held in Jerusalem on June 16.[1] The committee conducted on-site investigations until departing on July 20, 1947, touring key locations including Jerusalem, Haifa, Tel Aviv, Arab villages, the Dead Sea, Hebron, Beersheba, Gaza, and Jaffa to assess demographic, economic, and security conditions.[32] To address specialized aspects such as the refugee situation, UNSCOP formed subcommittees that later extended inquiries to displaced persons camps in Europe, including visits starting August 8, 1947, though a proposed trip to Cyprus detention camps for intercepted Jewish immigrants was rejected by a vote of six to three with two abstentions.[1] Public hearings were primarily hosted at the YMCA building in Jerusalem from late June through early August, comprising sixteen sessions, thirteen of which were open to witnesses and observers.[33] The format emphasized oral testimonies supplemented by written submissions and site inspections, but the Arab Higher Committee's boycott of the proceedings limited official Arab input, compelling reliance on individual Arab testimonies, documents, and indirect sources rather than coordinated representations.[34][1] UNSCOP divided into working groups to analyze specific domains such as land use, economic viability, and security dynamics, drawing on field observations and restricted British-provided data.[35] Fieldwork faced logistical hurdles, including heightened security risks amid ongoing violence; Arab leaders issued public threats against committee members, and the volatile environment—marked by terrorist incidents targeting British infrastructure—necessitated guarded movements and private deliberations.[36] British authorities offered briefings in Geneva post-Palestine but withheld comprehensive statistical data on demographics and administration, citing administrative burdens and their impending mandate termination, which hampered quantitative assessments.[1][35] Media speculation and premature leaks of preliminary views further complicated impartiality efforts.Evidence and Analysis
Jewish Perspectives and Testimonies
The Jewish Agency for Palestine, representing the Jewish community (Yishuv), presented comprehensive submissions to UNSCOP during hearings in Jerusalem from June 17 to July 1947, advocating for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine as fulfillment of the Balfour Declaration of 1917 and the League of Nations Mandate of 1922, which recognized the historical connection of the Jewish people to Eretz Israel and their right to reconstitute a national home there.[37] Leaders such as David Ben-Gurion and Moshe Sharett emphasized that only an independent Jewish state could provide security and self-determination, arguing that partition was feasible given the Yishuv's demonstrated capacity for state-like institutions, including self-defense via the Haganah and economic organization through bodies like the Histadrut.[38] [39] Testimonies highlighted the urgency created by the Holocaust, in which approximately 6 million Jews were murdered by Nazi Germany and its collaborators between 1941 and 1945, leaving hundreds of thousands of survivors in displaced persons camps across Europe desperate for refuge, with many attempting illegal immigration (Aliyah Bet) to Palestine despite British restrictions. Jewish representatives urged UNSCOP to prioritize immediate statehood to enable absorption of these refugees, noting that the Yishuv had already integrated over 100,000 immigrants in the preceding years despite economic blockades and Arab violence, such as the 1936-1939 revolt that killed over 500 Jews.[37] Economic experts from the Jewish Agency provided data on self-sufficiency, including Histadrut-managed industries and agriculture that contributed significantly to Palestine's exports, such as citrus fruits where Jewish orchards accounted for the majority of production by the 1940s, alongside rapid industrialization that generated 70% of the Mandate's manufacturing output despite Jews comprising about one-third of the population.[38] [40] Jewish submissions underscored contributions to land development under restrictive Mandate policies, with Jewish ownership reaching approximately 1.5 million dunams (about 6% of total land) by 1945, much of it transformed from malarial swamps and uncultivable areas into productive farmland through afforestation, irrigation, and scientific methods by organizations like the Jewish National Fund.[13] Representatives proposed cooperative frameworks in a partitioned state, including economic union with an Arab state and constitutional safeguards for Arab minorities, such as proportional representation and protection of religious sites, while citing the Arab Higher Committee's rejection of the 1937 Peel Commission partition proposal—which offered Arabs 80% of the land—as evidence of intransigence precluding binational alternatives.[37] [41] These arguments were supported by tours of Jewish settlements and data presentations demonstrating viability for absorbing up to 1 million immigrants within a decade through planned development.[42]Arab Perspectives and Testimonies
The Arab Higher Committee, representing Palestinian Arabs, decided on non-cooperation with UNSCOP on June 13, 1947, leading to an official boycott of hearings within Palestine.[1] This stance limited direct Palestinian Arab testimonies in the territory, though the committee received memoranda, written submissions, and presentations from Arab representatives outside Palestine, including meetings in Beirut on August 27 and 29, 1947.[1] Jamal al-Husseini, Vice-Chairman of the Arab Higher Committee, communicated this non-cooperation policy in a letter dated July 10, 1947, emphasizing the boycott as a means to counter Zionist aims.[1] Arab submissions highlighted their demographic majority, citing 1946 figures of approximately 1,203,000 Arabs comprising 67 percent of Palestine's total population of 1,846,000, against 608,000 Jews.[1] They argued this entitled Arabs to an independent unitary state with a permanent majority, proposing Jewish residents receive citizenship but be limited to one-third representation in a legislative assembly elected by universal suffrage.[1] Historical claims asserted uninterrupted Arab inhabitation since the 7th century, with the population having Arabized through intermarriage and settlement, rejecting any basis for partitioning the land.[1] Opposition to Jewish immigration framed it as colonial settlement violating Arab rights, demanding its immediate cessation and future prohibition to preserve the demographic balance.[1] The Balfour Declaration was denounced as an imposition prejudicing non-Jewish communities' rights, rendering the Mandate incorporating it inconsistent with Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant and thus illegal.[1] Land ownership data emphasized Arab possession of approximately 85 percent of the territory, including waqf endowments and much uncultivated land, with proposals for restrictions on transfers to prevent further Jewish acquisition.[1] Submissions warned that partition would provoke conflict, portraying Arab resistance to a Jewish state as defensive self-preservation amid pan-Arab solidarity coordinated through the Arab Higher Committee and League.[1] Religious arguments stressed Muslim custodianship of holy sites, ranking Jerusalem below Mecca and Medina but essential to Islamic patrimony, seeking international guarantees subordinate to Arab sovereignty.[1] Economic interdependence was invoked to argue against separation, though separate Arab and Jewish sectors had developed under the Mandate.[1]British and Other Inputs
British officials, including High Commissioner Sir Henry Gurney and Chief Secretary Mr. D.C. MacGillivray, provided factual briefings to UNSCOP during private meetings in June 1947, emphasizing the administrative challenges of the Mandate without endorsing specific political solutions.[1] These inputs highlighted the exhaustion of British resources, noting that the Peel Commission of 1937 had already deemed the Mandate "almost unworkable" due to irreconcilable Arab-Jewish aspirations, a view reaffirmed by the Mandatory Power's referral of the issue to the United Nations on April 2, 1947.[1] British submissions underscored the failure of prior policies, such as the 1939 White Paper, which capped Jewish immigration at 75,000 over five years and restricted land transfers to safeguard Arab economic interests, yet provoked widespread Jewish non-cooperation and lawlessness since 1945.[1] Intelligence shared by British authorities detailed ongoing militia activities, including operations by the Irgun Zvai Leumi and Stern Group in 1946-1947, which contributed to a deteriorating security environment and strained Mandate enforcement capabilities.[1] Officials expressed reluctance to support partition or other schemes, arguing in a policy statement that no viable boundary could be drawn without creating economic dependencies, and warning of a potential security vacuum following the planned withdrawal on May 15, 1948, absent broad acceptance by both communities.[43] Practical concerns included the indivisibility of key infrastructure, such as the Palestine Electric Corporation's concessions for power generation and irrigation established in 1921, which spanned proposed state boundaries and necessitated economic coordination to avoid collapse.[1] Neutral expert analyses presented to UNSCOP included demographic data from official censuses and estimates, revealing a 1946 population of 1,846,000, comprising 1,203,000 Arabs (including 1,076,783 Muslims and 145,063 Christians) and 608,000 Jews, with nomadic Bedouins estimated at 90,000.[1]| Year | Total Population | Arab Population | Jewish Population |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1946 | 1,846,000 | 1,203,000 | 608,000 |
| 1931 (Census, incl. Bedouins) | - | - | (Bedouins: 66,000) |
Recommendations
Majority Partition Plan
The majority recommendation, endorsed by eight members of UNSCOP (representing Canada, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, the Netherlands, Peru, Sweden, and Uruguay), proposed partitioning Mandatory Palestine into two independent states—a Jewish state and an Arab state—connected through a mandatory economic union, with Jerusalem and surrounding areas placed under international trusteeship. This plan aimed to terminate the British Mandate by August 1, 1948, following a two-year transitional period under UN supervision starting September 1, 1947, during which boundaries would be demarcated and provisional governments established.[1][1] The territorial division allocated approximately 56% of Palestine's land area (about 14,560 square kilometers) to the Jewish state, encompassing Eastern Galilee, the Jezreel Valley, the coastal plain from Acre to Isdud (including Haifa and Tel Aviv), and the Beersheba subdistrict in the Negev Desert; 43% (about 11,180 square kilometers) to the Arab state, covering Western Galilee, the hill regions of Samaria and Judea (excluding Jerusalem), and the coastal plain south of Isdud to the Egyptian border; and 1% (about 260 square kilometers) to the international zone for Jerusalem, including Bethlehem and adjacent villages like Ein Karem and Shu'fat. Boundaries were detailed in the report's accompanying maps, prioritizing contiguous territories while incorporating the Negev into the Jewish state to enhance its economic viability through potential agricultural and resource development, despite the Jewish population comprising roughly one-third of Palestine's total inhabitants.[1][1]| Entity | Jewish Population | Arab/Other Population | Total Population |
|---|---|---|---|
| Jewish State | 498,000 | 407,000 | 905,000 |
| Arab State | 10,000 | 725,000 | 735,000 |
| Jerusalem Zone | 100,000 | 105,000 | 205,000 |