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Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate)
View on Wikipedia| Ukrainian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate (disputed) | |
|---|---|
Emblem | |
| Classification | Christian |
| Orientation | Eastern Orthodox |
| Primate | Metropolitan Onufriy |
| Bishops | 114[1] (53 governing) |
| Clerics | 12,551 (2022)[1] |
| Nuns | 2,727[citation needed] |
| Parishes | 8,097 (May 2024)[2] |
| Monastics | 4,620 (2022)[3] |
| Monasteries | 161 (2022)[3] |
| Language | Church Slavonic, Ukrainian, Russian |
| Liturgy | Byzantine Rite |
| Territory | Ukraine |
| Origin |
|
| Recognition | |
| Members | 6% of the Ukrainian Orthodox population[c] |
| Official website | |
| Part of a series on the |
| Eastern Orthodox Church |
|---|
| Overview |
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC),[d] commonly referred to by the exonym Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP),[e] is an Eastern Orthodox church in Ukraine.
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church was officially formed in 1990 as the successor to the Ukrainian Exarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) as the Ukrainian branch of the ROC.[10][7]
On 27 May 2022, following a church-wide council in Kyiv, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church announced its full independence and autonomy from the Moscow Patriarchate. The council made this decision in protest of the February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, and particularly in response to Russian Orthodox Church head Patriarch Kirill's support for the invasion.[4] The UOC (did not and) has never declared full autocephaly from the Russian Orthodox Church.[11] As of 2025, its leadership is also still published in the ROC's calendar.[12]
Since the Unification Council on 15 December 2018 which formed the separate Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople has disputed the claims by the Moscow Patriarchate of its ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the territory of Ukraine.[13][14][15][16]
The Russian Orthodox Church does not currently recognize a change in their relationship to the UOC.[17][6][18] However, in June 2023 ROC hierarch Metropolitan Leonid (Gorbachev) of Klin, scorned the UOC's decision to separate from the Moscow Patriarchate, saying, "When the opportunity presented itself to get out from under the wing of Moscow, they did it," and declared that the ROC would absorb the UOC's dioceses in Russian occupied areas of Ukraine.[19]
On 20 August 2024, the Ukrainian parliament banned the Russian Orthodox Church by adopting the Law of Ukraine "On the Protection of the Constitutional Order in the Field of Activities of Religious Organizations". The law gave Ukrainian religious organizations affiliated with the ROC nine months to break off its relations with the Patriarchate of Moscow in accordance with the Canon law of the Eastern Orthodox Church.
Name
[edit]The Ukrainian Orthodox Church insists on its name being just the Ukrainian Orthodox Church,[20] stating that it is the sole canonical body of Orthodox Christians in the country,[20] a Ukrainian "local church" (Ukrainian: Помісна Церква). The church rejects being labeled "Russian" or "Moscow."[21]
It is also the name that it is registered with the State Committee of Religious Affairs in Ukraine.[22]
It is often referred to as the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) or UOC (MP)[23] in order to distinguish between the two rival churches contesting the name of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church.
Following the creation of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, on 20 December 2018, the Ukrainian parliament voted to force the UOC-MP to rename itself in its mandatory state registration, its new name must have "the full name of the church to which it is subordinated".[24][25][26] This was protested by UOC-MP adherents.[27] On 11 December 2019 the Supreme Court of Ukraine allowed the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) to retain its name.[28] The UOC had argued that their governing center is in Ukraine's capital, Kyiv, not in Russia's capital, Moscow, and therefore it should not be renamed.[28]
On 27 December 2022 the Constitutional Court of Ukraine ordered the UOC to change its name and indicate its affiliation with Russia.[2][29] It took into account the verdict of the European Court of Human Rights in the case "Ilin and others against Ukraine" that stated Ukrainian law could force "religious organization, wishing to be registered, to take a name which makes it impossible to mislead the faithful and society as a whole and which makes it possible to distinguish it from existing organizations."[29]
In May 2024 of the 8,097 UOC parishes 22 of them directly indicated their affiliation in their name.[2]
Relationship with the Russian Orthodox Church
[edit]Prior to the February 2022 full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine the church stated that it was one of the "self-governing" churches under the jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate, i.e. the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). (In the terminology of the current Statute of the ROC, a "self-governing Church" is distinguished from an "autonomous Church").[30][31][32]
The UOC claims since May 2022 that 'any provisions that at least somehow hinted at or indicated the connection with Moscow were excluded'; since then it is a matter of dispute as to whether the Church is under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Russian Orthodox Church.[17] Despite claims that the church did not publish its new statute,[5] the new statute is publicly available on government,[33] news,[34] and official church[35] websites.
The ROC defines the UOC-MP as a "self-governing church with rights of wide autonomy".[30] It has also ignored all UOC-MP's declarations of it not being connected with it anymore and continues to include UOC-MP clerics in various commissions or working groups.[17][6]
According to the Russian Orthodox Church, the Primate of the UOC-MP is the most senior[36] permanent member of the ROC's Holy Synod and thus has a say in its decision-making in respect of the rest of the ROC throughout the world.
Despite the de facto annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014, the eparchies of the UOC in Crimea initially continued to be administered by the UOC.[37] In June 2022 the Moscow Patriarchate claimed to transfer Crimea from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church to the Moscow Patriarchate.[38] The UOC continues to list the Crimean eparchies as its own, and has not recognized any change to its territorial boundaries based on decisions taken by the ROC.[39] On 27 March 2023, Archbishop Viktor (Kotsaba) said that the territories of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church include the Crimea and Donbas areas of Ukraine.[40]
On 21 June 2023, Metropolitan Leonid (Gorbachev) of Klin, a hierarch of the Russian Orthodox Church, decried the Ukrainian Orthodox Church's decision to separate from the Moscow Patriarchate and declared that the Russian Orthodox Church would absorb UOC dioceses in areas of Ukraine occupied by Russia.[19]
In a Patriarchal calendar for 2024 released by the Russian Orthodox Church in December 2023 all the then bishops of the (designated itself as not connected to Russia) UOC were listed as bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church.[18] In response, Archbishop Jonah (Cherepanov) of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church said that the UOC does not recognize any of the ROC's attempts to make decisions affecting Ukrainian dioceses.[41] Later, the UOC's official website stated the following: "In order not to become an object of manipulation, everybody wishing to obtain official information about the UOC and its episcopate should refer solely to official sources of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. This pertains also to information included in church calendars."[42]
The UOC publicly distended itself from the World Russian People's Council headed and led by ROC head Patriarch Kirill of Moscow of late March 2024.[43] During this Congress a document was approved that stated that the Russian invasion of Ukraine was a "Holy War."[43] The document also stated that following the war "the entire territory of modern Ukraine should enter the zone of Russia's exclusive influence".[43] This was to be done so "The possibility of the existence of a Russophobic political regime hostile to Russia and its people on this territory, as well as a political regime controlled from an external center hostile to Russia, should be completely excluded."[43] The document also made reference to the "triunity of the Russian people" and it claimed that Belarusians and Ukrainians "should be recognised only as sub-ethnic groups of the Russians".[43] The UOC stated on 28 March 2024 that they "dissociates itself from the ideology of the Russian world."[43]
History
[edit]Under the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople
[edit]Metropolises in Moscow, Lithuania and Galicia
[edit]The Ukrainian Orthodox Church considers itself the sole descendant in modern Ukraine of the Metropolis of Kiev and all Rus' that was established in the 10th century following the baptism of Kievan Rus'. Due to the Mongol invasion of Rus' in the 13th century, the metropolitan seat was moved to Vladimir and later to Moscow. In the Kingdom of Galicia and Volhynia to the south-west, a separate metropolis was erected - the Metropolis of Halych. Similarly, in the north-west, another metropolis was erected at the behest of Algirdas, the Grand Duke of Lithuania - the Metropolis of Lithuania.
Revival
[edit]In 1596, the Metropolitan of Kyiv, Galich and all Rus' Michael Rohoza accepted the Union of Brest transforming dioceses of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople into the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church under the Holy See's jurisdiction. In 1620, the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople Cyril Lucaris reestablished Orthodox dioceses for the Orthodox population of what was then the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth — under the Metropolitan of Kyiv, Galicia, and all Russia Job Boretsky as the Patriarchal Exarch.
Merger into the Moscow Patriarchate
[edit]Following the transfer of the Cossack Hetmanate under the sovereignty of the Tsardom of Russia in 1654, the Kyivan metropolis in 1686[44][45] was transferred by the Patriarch Dionysius IV under the jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate, following the election of Gedeon Svyatopolk-Chetvertynsky as the Metropolitan of Kyiv, Galicia, and all Russia with the help of the Hetman of Zaporizhian Host Ivan Samoylovych. In late 2018, the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople indicated that information about that it transferred jurisdiction over Ukraine to the Moscow Patriarchate was inaccurate as Constantinople temporarily provided Moscow with stewardship over the Ukrainian church.[46] The Russian Orthodox Church immediately rejected that statement and called for further discussion and revision of historical archives.[47]
Soon, Gedeon gradually lost control of the dioceses which had been under the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Kyiv. In January 1688, Gedeon's title was changed by Moscow to the ″Metropolitan of Kyiv, Galich, and Little Russia″. Gedeon's successors were effectively mere diocesan bishops under the Moscow Patriarchate and later Russia's Most Holy Synod.
Before the Battle of Poltava, when Ivan Mazepa sided with Carl XII, the new Metropolitan Ioasaf along with bishops of Chernigov and Pereyaslav was summoned by Peter the Great to Hlukhiv where they were ordered to declare an anathema onto Mazepa. After the battle of Poltava, in 1709 Metropolitan Ioasaf was exiled to Tver and in 1710 a church censorship was introduced to the Kyiv metropolia. In 1718 Metropolitan Ioasaf was arrested and dispatched to Saint Petersburg for interrogation where he died.
From 1718 to 1722, the Metropolitan See in Kyiv was vacant and ruled by the Kyiv Spiritual Consistory (under the authority of the Most Holy Synod); in 1722 it was occupied by Archbishop Varlaam.
Synodal period
[edit]In 1730, Archbishop Varlaam with all members of the Kyiv Spiritual Consistory were put on trial by the Privy Chancellery. After being convicted, Varlaam as a simple monk was exiled to the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery in Vologda region where he served a sentence of imprisonment of 10 years. After the death of the Russian Empress Anna in 1740, Varlaam was allowed to return and recovered all his Archiereus titles. He however refused to accept back those titles and, after asked to be left in peace, moved to the Tikhvin Assumption Monastery. In 1750 Varlaam accepted the Great Schema under the name of Vasili and soon died in 1751.
In 1743, the title of Metropolitan was re-instated for Archbishop Raphael Zaborovsky.
On 2 April 1767, the Empress of Russia Catherine the Great issued an edict stripping the title of the Kyivan Metropolitan of the style "and all Little Russia".[48]
Fall of monarchy in Russia and Exarchate
[edit]
Metropolitan Vladimir Bogoyavlensky chaired the All-Ukrainian Church Council that took a break between its sessions on 18 January 1918 and was to be resumed in May 1918. On 23–24 January 1918, the Red Guards of Reingold Berzin occupied Kyiv (see Ukrainian–Soviet War). In the evening of 25 January 1918, Metropolitan Vladimir was found dead between walls of the Old Pechersk Fortress beyond the Gates of All Saints, having been killed by unknown people.
In May 1918, the Metropolitan of Kyiv and Galich Antony Khrapovitsky was appointed to the Kyiv eparchy, a former candidate to become the Patriarch of Moscow at the Russian Local Council of 1917 and losing it to the Patriarch Tikhon. In July 1918 Metropolitan Antony became the head of the All-Ukrainian Church Council. Eventually he sided with the Russian White movement supporting the forces of Anton Denikin's of South Russian entity, while keeping the title of Metropolitan of Kyiv and Halych. After the defeat of the Whites and the exile of Antony, in 1919-21 the metropolitan seat was temporarily held by the bishop of Cherkasy Nazariy (also the native of Kazan). After the arrest of Nazariy by the Soviet authorities in 1921, the seat was provisionally held by the bishop of Grodno and newly elected Exarch of Ukraine Mikhail, a member of the Russian Black Hundreds nationalistic movement. After his arrest in 1923, the Kyiv eparchy was provisionally headed by various bishops of neighboring eparchies until 1927. After his return in 1927 Mikhail became the Metropolitan of Kyiv and Exarch of Ukraine until his death in 1929.
In 1945, after the integration of Zakarpattia Oblast into the USSR, eastern parts of the Eparchy of Mukačevo and Prešov were transferred from the supreme jurisdiction of the Serbian Orthodox Church to the jurisdiction of the Exarchate of Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine, and a new Eparchy of Mukachevo and Uzhgorod was formed.
Dissolution of the Soviet Union and self rule
[edit]
On 28 October 1990,[49] the Moscow Patriarchate granted the Ukrainian Exarchate a status of a self–governing church under the jurisdiction of the ROC (but not the full autonomy as is understood in the ROC legal terminology). However, the Ukrainian branch remained crucial to the Moscow Patriarchate, because of historical and traditional roots in Kyiv and Ukraine, and because nearly a third of the Moscow Patriarchate's 36,000 congregations were in Ukraine.[50]
Metropolitan Vladimir (Sabodan), who succeeded Filaret (Denysenko), was enthroned in 1992 as the Primate of the UOC under the title Metropolitan of Kyiv and all Ukraine, with the official residency in the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra, which also houses all of the Church's administration.
The UOC-MP, prior to 2019, was believed to be the largest religious body in Ukraine with the greatest number of parish churches and communities counting up to half of the total in Ukraine and totaling over 10,000. The UOC also claimed to have up to 75 percent of the Ukrainian population.[51] Independent surveys showed significant variance. According to Stratfor, in 2008, more than 50 percent of Ukrainian population belonged to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church under the Moscow Patriarch.[52] Razumkov Centre survey results, however, tended to show greater adherence to the rival Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyivan Patriarchate.[53]
Many Orthodox Ukrainians do not clearly identify with a particular Orthodox jurisdiction and, sometimes, are even unaware of the affiliation of the parish they attend as well as of the controversy itself, which indicates the difficulty of using survey numbers as an indicator of a relative strength of the church. Additionally, the geographical factor plays a major role in the number of adherents, as the Ukrainian population tends to be more churchgoing in the western part of the country rather than in the UOC-MP's heartland in southern and eastern Ukraine. Politically, many in Ukraine see the UOC-MP as merely a puppet of the ROC and consequently a geopolitical tool of Russia, which have stridently opposed the consolidation and recognition of the independent OCU.[54]
Russo-Ukrainian War and changing allegiances of parishes
[edit]Since 2014, the church has come under attack for perceived anti-Ukrainian and pro-Russian actions by its clergymen.[55]
In spring 2014, Ukraine lost control over Crimea, which was unilaterally annexed by Russia in March 2014.[56][57][f] The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) Metropolitan of Feodosia and Kerch Platon Udovenko, and other Ukrainian Orthodox Church priests, blessed Russian weapons and met with representatives of (the then formed Russian administrative unit) Republic of Crimea.[59] Notwithstanding this Russian annexation of Crimea, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) kept control of its eparchies in Crimea until June 2022.[37][38]
Continuing during the spring of 2014 in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, pro-Russian protests escalated into an armed separatist insurgency. Early in April 2014, masked gunmen took control of several of the region's government buildings and towns.[56][60] This action led to the creation of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic and Luhansk People's Republic.[56][61] This further resulted in an armed conflict between Russian Separatist forces in Donbas and the Ukrainian Army.[62] Instances were recorded of Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) clergymen supporting the Donetsk People's Republic and Luhansk People's Republic.[10][59] On 14 September 2015, the church urged the pro-Russian separatists to lay down their arms and take advantage of the amnesty promised to them in the Minsk II agreement.[63]
From 2014 until 2018 around 60 Moscow Patriarchate parishes switched to the Kyivan Patriarchate in transfers the leadership. The Moscow patriarchate says these changes were illegal.[64] According to the Razumkov Center, among the 27.8 million Ukrainian members of Orthodox churches, allegiance to the Kyiv Patriarchate grew from 12 percent in 2000, to 25 percent in 2016—and much of the growth came from believers who previously did not associate with either patriarchate.[65] In April 2018, the Moscow patriarchate had 12,300 parishes and the Kyivan Patriarchate 5,100 parishes.[64]
In 2017, Ukraine passed laws which the Moscow Patriarchate interpreted as discriminatory.[66]
Greater autonomy from the ROC
[edit]From 29 November to 2 December 2017, the Russian Orthodox Church Bishops’ Council met to consider the matter of autonomy to the UOC-MP. The members decided to write a separate chapter of the ROC Statute to confirm the status of UOC-MP which contained the following provisions:
- The Ukrainian Orthodox Church is granted independence and self-governance according to the Resolution of the Bishops’ Council of the Russian Orthodox Church which took place on 25–27 October 1990.
- The Ukrainian Orthodox Church is an independent and self-governed Church with broad autonomy rights.
- In her life and work the Ukrainian Orthodox Church is guided by the Resolution of the 1990 Bishops’ Council of the Russian Orthodox Church on the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, the 1990 Deed of the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia and the Statute on the governance of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church.[67]
In December 2017, the Security Service of Ukraine published classified documents revealing that the NKGB of the USSR and its units in the Union and autonomous republics, territories and regions were engaged in the selection of candidates for participation in the 1945 council that elected Patriarch Alexy I of Moscow from the representatives of the clergy and the laity. This included "persons who have religious authority among the clergy and believers, and at the same time checked for civic or patriotic work". A letter sent in September 1944 and signed by the head of the 2nd Directorate of the NKGB of the USSR Fedotov and the head of the Fifth Division 2nd Directorate of Karpov stated that "it is important to ensure that the number of nominated candidates is dominated by the agents of the NKGB, capable of holding the line that we need at the Council."[68][69]
On 13 December 2018 a priest of the church, Volodymyr Maretsky, was sentenced in absentia to 6 years of imprisonment for hindering the Armed Forces of Ukraine in 2014 during the Russo-Ukrainian War.[70] In November–December 2018, Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) carries out raids across the country targeting the UOC churches and priests.[71][72][73]
In the week following the creation of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine on 15 December 2018, several parishes announced they would leave the UOC (MP) and join the new church.[74]
On 20 December 2018, the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's national parliament) passed a legislation to change the UOC's registered name. Ukrainian deputy Oleksandr Bryhynets described the law as stipulating if "the state is recognized as the aggressor state, the church whose administration is based in the aggressor state must have in its title the full name of the church to which it is subordinate". The law also gave such a church "no right to be represented in military units on the front line".[24] The Russian Orthodox Church is based in Russia, which is considered by Ukraine as an aggressor state following the 2014 Russian military intervention in Ukraine. The UOC was part of the Russian church at that time, but considered to be a "self-governing church with rights of wide autonomy",[30] thus, the UOC argued that its governing center was in Kyiv and it could not be legally renamed on the basis of this law.[28] On 11 December 2019 the Supreme Court of Ukraine allowed the Ukrainian Orthodox Church to retain its name.[28]
The January 2019 establishment of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) by Patriarch Bartholomew I of Constantinople, joined two other churches: the Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate (UOC-KP), and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC), along with two bishops who formerly belonged to the UOC-MP.[50] The remaining UOC-MP hierarchy continued to dismiss Patriarch Bartholomew's actions in Ukraine and remained loyal to the UOC-MP, while the church retained the vast majority of its parishes. A May 2019 report by the European Council on Foreign Relations noted that the Moscow Patriarchate claimed 11,000 churches in Ukraine, while the new OCU claimed 7,000.[50]
Russian invasion of Ukraine
[edit]
On 24 February 2022, Metropolitan Onufriy stated that the large scale Russian invasion of Ukraine on that day was "a repetition of the sin of Cain, who killed his own brother out of envy. Such a war has no justification either from God or from people."[78] In April 2022, after the Russian invasion, some UOC parishes signaled their intention to switch allegiance to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine. The attitude and stance of the head of the Russian Orthodox Church Patriarch Kirill of Moscow to the war is one of the oft quoted reasons.[79] (At the time the UOC and the other Orthodox churches stated that the church known as the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) was one of the "self-governing" churches under the jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate, i.e. the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC).[30])

On 12 May 2022, the synod of the UOC met for the first time since the start of the war and issued a statement of support for Ukraine's armed forces, while condemning the Russian invasion.[80] Some critics claim that the church collaborates with Russian clergymen and that the church turns a blind eye towards these collaborators.[81] The same day the church issued another statement in which it insinuated that "the religious policy during the presidency of P.O. Poroshenko and the destructive ideology of the so-called Orthodox Church of Ukraine" had led to the 24 February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.[82]
On 27 May 2022 the Ukrainian Orthodox Church held a synod and the same day released a declaration in which it stated "it had adopted relevant additions and changes to the Statute on the Administration of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, which testify to the complete autonomy and independence of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church."[4][83][84][85] An official request for autocephaly (an autocephalous church does not report to any higher-ranking bishop) was not made; the consent of Russian Orthodox Church (for independence) was not sought; neither was sought the approval of (the) other Orthodox churches.[17] The church did not publish its new constitution.[5] In an announcement on Telegram, Archpriest Nikolai Danilevich (head of the UOC's Department of External Church Relations) stated: "The UOC disassociated itself from the Moscow Patriarchate and confirmed its independent status, and made appropriate changes to its statutes.[86] All references to the connection of the UOC with the Russian Orthodox Church have been removed from the statutes. In fact, in its content, the UOC statutes are now those of an autocephalous Church."[83][87] In its 27 May 2022 declaration the church first (point was to) condemned the war, its secondly called on both Ukraine and the Russian Federation to continue the peace negotiations "for a strong and reasonable dialogue that could stop the bloodshed" and it thirdly stated it disagreed with "the position of Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia regarding the war in Ukraine".[4][83] In the statement it also expressed its disagreement with the Patriarch of Constantinople to grant autocephaly in January 2019 to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and it asked for end of the "forcible seizure of churches and the forced transfer of parishes of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church."[4][83] Prior to 27 May 2022, more than 400 parishes had left the Moscow Patriarchate as a consequence of the invasion.[88]
On 27 May 2022 the church also decided to open foreign parishes.[4] By April 2023 it had established more than 40 parishes in 15 European countries (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Italy, Spain, Ireland, the Netherlands, Germany, Norway, Portugal, Hungary, France, Switzerland, Sweden).[89]
On 29 May 2022, Metropolitan Onufriy did not mention Patriarch Kirill during the liturgy as someone who had authority over him (like before), instead he commemorated all heads of churches, similar to primatial divine liturgies. Onufriy also did not commemorate the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I of Constantinople, Patriarch Theodoros II of Alexandria, Archbishop Ieronymos II of Athens (Greece), and Archbishop Chrysostomos II of Cyprus - indicating that communion is still interrupted between them.[90][85] Despite the removal of direct mentions of the Russian Orthodox Church, the Charter of the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia Alexy II the statute refers to declares the canonical dependence on the ROC. According to a Ukrainian theologian Oleksandr Sahan, the church have done these changes in order to avoid renaming in accordance with the Ukrainian law.[91]
In June 2022 the Moscow Patriarchate decided to re-transfer Crimea from the Ukrainian Church of the Moscow Patriarchate by creating the Metropolitanate of Crimea.[38] Since the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea the Ukrainian Orthodox Church had kept control of its eparchies in Crimea.[37][38] The UOC continues to list the Crimean eparchies and has not recognized any change to its territorial boundaries based on decisions taken by the ROC.[39] On 27 March 2023, Archbishop Viktor (Kotsaba) said that the territories of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church include the Crimea and Donbas areas of Ukraine.[40]
On 30 June 2022 the Lviv City Council decided to ban the Moscow Patriarchate on the territory of Lviv.[92]
During the Russian occupation of Kharkiv Oblast Metropolitan of Izium and Kupiansk Elisey blessed Russian appointed Governor Vitaly Ganchev.[93] During the Russian occupation of Sumy Oblast Metropolitan of Romny Iosif requested that his Metropolitanate would be under direct subordination of the Russian Orthodox Church.[93] All Luhansk Oblast bishops of the UOC were present at a meeting with the leader of the (a part of Ukraine declared independent by pro-Russian forces in 2014) Luhansk People's Republic, Leonid Pasechnik, in the summer of 2022.[94] Metropolitan Panteleymon of Luhansk and Alchevsk was present during the annexation of Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia oblasts ceremony in Moscow, Russia, on 30 September 2022.[94] Metropolitan Ilarion of Donetsk and Metropolitan Lazar of Crimea had received invitations to this ceremony, but declined to go.[94] Metropolitan Panteleymon refused the possibility that his Metropolitanate would be under direct subordination of the Russian Orthodox Church and he himself does not have Russian citizenship.[94] Metropolitan Onufriy did not publicly condemn collaborating UOC clergymen, and they were not dismissed from the church.[10][94][95][96][93] Metropolitan Onufriy did ban from the church UOC clergymen that transferred themself to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU).[97][98] Following the liberation of Romny on 4 April 2022 Metropolitan Iosif is believed to have fled to Russia, and he was replaced by Metropolitan Roman on 19 October 2022.[99] After in the 2022 Kharkiv counteroffensive Ukraine recaptured Izium (on 10 September 2022) Metropolitan Elisey also went fugitive and he was replaced also.[99][g]
By early November 2022 the Security Service of Ukraine had exposed 33 alleged "agents" and alleged unofficial artillery observers among the UOC priests and clergy.[101] It had opened 23 criminal proceedings.[101] This was part of a series of searches conducted by Ukrainian law enforcement at premises of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, over 350 church buildings and 850 persons were investigated.[102][103] In 2022 in total 52 criminal cases involving 55 UOC clergymen, including 14 bishops, were opened.[102] 17 UOC clergymen were sanctioned by the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine.[104] They were accused of proposing that the dioceses they lead join the Russian Orthodox Church; agreeing to cooperate with the occupation authorities; promoting pro-Russian narratives; and justifying Russia's military aggression in Ukraine.[104]
On 2 December 2022 Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy entered a bill to the Verkhovna Rada that would officially ban all activities of the UOC in Ukraine.[105] On the same day, the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra monastery was claimed to be extrajudicially transferred from the UOC to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU),[106] but the UOC refuted this.[107]
On 14 December 2022 Ukraine handed over a UOC priest to Russia in a prisoner exchange.[108] The priest had been sentenced for treason in Ukraine.[108][h]
On 27 December 2022 the Constitutional Court of Ukraine recognized as in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine the 20 December 2018 law to change the UOC-MP's registered name to indicate affiliation with Russia.[29] The court also upheld the law that restricted access to the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other military formations of Ukraine to clergy from a church "from outside Ukraine" "which carried out military aggression against Ukraine."[29]
Although the UOC-MP in a press conference on 31 December 2022 again stated that ‘any provisions that at least somehow hinted at or indicated the connection with Moscow were excluded’, the Russian Orthodox Church ignored this and continued to include UOC-MP clerics in various commissions or working groups despite these individuals not agreeing to this.[6] For instances: late December 2022 UOC-MP Archpriest Volodymyr Savelyev was against his knowing included in the ROC Publishing Council for the period 2023–2026, after finding this out he demanded to be expelled from the council (while simultaneously condemning "the aggressive war waged by Russia against my homeland — Ukraine").[6]
In January 2023 13 representatives of the UOC-MP were deprived of their Ukrainian citizenship, including two metropolitans.[110] In February 2023 five UOC-MP (either) metropolitans, archbishops and bishops were deprived of their Ukrainian citizenship (Metropolitan Feodosiy Platon was banned from entering Ukraine).[110]
The religious buildings and other property of the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra Cultural Reserve (although state property) have been used for decades by the UOC-MP free of charge.[111] On 10 March 2023, the Reserve announced that the 2013 agreement on the free use of churches by the religious organisation would be terminated (on the grounds that the church had violated their lease by making alterations to the historic site, and other technical infractions[112]) and the UOC-MP was ordered to leave the territory by 29 March.[111] The UOC-MP answered back that there were no legal grounds for the eviction and called it "a whim of officials from the Ministry of Culture."[111] On 17 March 2023 the press secretary for Russian President Vladimir Putin Dmitry Peskov stated that the decision of the Ukrainian authorities not to extend this lease to representatives of the UOC-MP "confirms the correctness" of the (24 February 2022) Russian invasion of Ukraine.[111] The UOC-MP did not fully leave Kyiv Pechersk Lavra following 29 March 2023.[113][95]
On 7 April 2023 Ukrainska Pravda reported that their research had uncovered that several high ranking UOC-MP clergymen, including Metropolitan Onufriy, had obtained a Russian passport.[114] The UOC-MP denied that its clergymen and its leader, Metropolitan Onufrii, had Russian citizenship.[115] Metropolitan Onufriy did not deny he used to have it, but claimed he had obtained a Russian passport to fulfill his desire of living out his last days in the Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius, but that he did not have this ambition anymore.[116]
On 10 April 2023 the Rivne Oblast Council voted to ban the activities of the UOC in Rivne Oblast.[92] The following day the Volyn Oblast Council banned the activities of the church in Volyn Oblast.[92]
On 10 April 2023 registration data analyser company Opendatabot stated that 277 parishes had left the Moscow Patriarchate since the February 2022 Russian invasion, of those 227 parishes 63 had done so in (the first three months of) 2023.[117] Opendatabot concluded that on 10 April 2023, 8,505 churches were subordinate to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church in Ukraine.[117]

On 13 April 2023, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church consecrated Holy Chrism in Kyiv, for the first time in 110 years.[119]
On 27 April 2023 the Zhytomyr Oblast Council voted to ban the activities of the church in Zhytomyr Oblast.[120]
On 28 April 2023 the Vinnytsia Oblast Council terminated all land lease contracts of the church in Vinnytsia Oblast.[121]
On 3 May 2024 Opendatabot concluded that 8,097 churches were subordinate to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church in Ukraine.[2]
On 25 June 2024 Ukraine handed over a UOC priest to Russia in a prisoner exchange.[122] The priest had been sentenced to 5 years in prison "for justifying Russian armed aggression."[122] On 26 June 2024 this priest, Metropolitan Ionafan, was met by the head of the Russian Orthodox Church Patriarch Kirill of Moscow who awarded Ionafan with the Order of St. Sergius of Radonezh, first class.[122]
Outlawing of "religious organizations to operate under the control of a state that carries out aggression against Ukraine"
[edit]On 20 August 2024, the Verkhovna Rada (the national parliament of Ukraine) adopted the Law of Ukraine "On the Protection of the Constitutional Order in the Sphere of Activities of Religious Organizations",[123][124] introducing the possibility of banning Ukrainian religious organizations affiliated with the Russian Orthodox Church nine months from the moment the State Service of Ukraine for Ethnopolicy and Freedom of Conscience issues the order, if this religious organization does not sever relations with the Russian Orthodox Church in accordance with Orthodox canon law.[125][126][127][128] On 24 August 2024, Independence Day of Ukraine, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the law.[129] The same day law was also published in Holos Ukrainy, the law came into force on the day following this publication.[129]
On 2 July 2025 the Ukrainian citizenship of (head of the church) Metropolitan Onufriy was terminated by a decree of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.[130] (Among the accusation that he had obtained Russian citizenship, which he admitted to[131]) the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) accused Onufriy of maintaining ties with the Russian Orthodox Church, "whose representatives openly support Russian aggression against Ukraine", and had deliberately opposed obtaining canonical independence from this church.[130] The SBU also concluded that, "despite the full-scale invasion of Russia", Onufriy continued to support the policy of the Russian Orthodox Church and its leadership, in particular Patriarch Kirill of Moscow.[130]
Administrative divisions
[edit]
In October 2014 the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine was subdivided into 53 eparchies (dioceses) led by bishops. Also there were 25 vicars (suffragan bishops).
In 2008 the Church had 42 eparchies, with 58 bishops (eparchial - 42; vicar - 12; retired - 4; with them being classified as: metropolitans - 10; archbishops - 21; or bishops - 26). There were also 8,516 priests, and 443 deacons.[132] Technically each Orthodox parish is an individual legal entity.[10]
Notwithstanding the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) kept control of its eparchies in Crimea until June 2022.[37][38] In January 2019 the head of the Information and Educational Department of the UOC-MP, Archbishop Clement, stated that "from the point of view of the church canon and the church system, Crimea is Ukrainian territory."[133]
In June 2022 the Moscow Patriarchate decided to re-transfer Crimea from the Ukrainian Church of the Moscow Patriarchate.[38] They did this by creating the Metropolitanate of Crimea.[38] The UOC continues to list the Crimean eparchies and has not recognized any change to its territorial boundaries based on decisions taken by the ROC.[39] On 27 March 2023, Archbishop Viktor (Kotsaba) said that the territories of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church include the Crimea and Donbas areas of Ukraine.[40]
Following the February 2022 full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine the church opened more than 40 parishes in 15 European countries (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Italy, Spain, Ireland, the Netherlands, Germany, Norway, Portugal, Hungary, France, Switzerland, Sweden).[4][89]
List of Primates
[edit]
|
Metropolitan of Kyiv, Galich, and all Little Russia
[edit]- Metropolitan Gedeon Svyatopolk-Chetvertynsky 1685–1690, the first Metropolitan of Kyiv of the Russian Orthodox Church, until 1688 was titled as the Metropolitan of Kyiv, Galicia, and all Ruthenia
- Metropolitan Varlaam 1690–1707
- Metropolitan Ioasaph 1707–1718
- none 1718–1722
- Archbishop Varlaam 1722–1730
- Metropolitan Raphael 1731–1747, until 1743 as Archbishop
- Metropolitan Timothy 1748–1757
- Metropolitan Arseniy 1757–1770, in 1767 Metropolitan Arseniy became Metropolitan of Kyiv and Halych
Note: in 1770 the office's jurisdiction was reduced to a diocese's administration as Metropolitan of Kyiv and Galicia. The autonomy was liquidated and the church was merged to the Russian Orthodox Church.
Exarch of Ukraine
[edit]Due to emigration of Metropolitan Antony in 1919, until World War II Kyiv eparchy was often administered by provisional bishops. Also because of political situation in Ukraine, the Russian Orthodox Church introduced a new title in its history as the Exarch of Ukraine that until 1941 was not necessary associated with the title of Metropolitan of Kyiv and Halych.
- Metropolitan Mikhail (Yermakov) 1921–1929 (Bishop of Grodno and Brest, 1905–1921; Archbishop of Tobolsk, 1925; and Metropolitan of Kyiv, 1927–1929)
- Metropolitan Konstantin (Dyakov) 1929–1937 (Metropolitan of Kharkiv and Okhtyrka, 1927–1934 and Metropolitan of Kyiv 1934–1937)
- none 1937–1941, exarch was not appointed
Metropolitan of Volyn and Lutsk, Exarch of West Ukraine and Belarus
[edit]On canonical territory of the Polish Orthodox Church of the recently annexed territories of western Ukraine and western Belarus
- Metropolitan Nicholas (Yarushevich) 1940–1941
Metropolitan of Kyiv and Halych, Exarch of Ukraine
[edit]- Metropolitan Nicholas (Yarushevich) 1941–1944
- During World War II, on the territories of Ukraine occupied by Nazi Germany, Metropolitan Aleksiy organized the Ukrainian Autonomous Orthodox Church that considered itself part of the Russian Orthodox Church.
- Metropolitan John (Sokolov) 1944–1964
- Metropolitan Joasaph (Leliukhin) 1964–1966
- Metropolitan Filaret (Denysenko) 1966–1990
Metropolitan of Kyiv and all Ukraine
[edit]- Metropolitan Filaret (Denysenko) 1990–1992
- Metropolitan Volodymyr (Sabodan) 1992–2014
- Metropolitan Onuphrius (Berezovsky) 2014[134]–Present
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ On 27 May 2022 the church claimed it had amended its status to "testify to the full independence and autonomy of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church".[4][5][6] Recognized by the Patriarchate of Constantinople as part of the Russian Orthodox Church.[7]
- ^ Recognized by Patriarch Ilia II of Georgia as separate from the Russian Orthodox Church on 24 March 2023.[8]
- ^ March 2022, study by Info Sapiens; 4% of the entire population of Ukraine.[9]
- ^ Ukrainian: Українська православна церква, УПЦ, romanized: Ukrainska pravoslavna tserkva, UPTs; Russian: Украинская православная церковь, УПЦ, romanized: Ukrainskaya pravoslavnaya tserkov', UPTs
- ^ Russian: Украинская православная церковь Московского патриархата, УПЦ-МП, romanized: Ukrainskaya pravoslavnaya tserkov' Moskovskovo patriarkhata, UPTs-MP
- ^ The status of the Crimea and of the city of Sevastopol is currently under dispute between Russia and Ukraine; Ukraine and the majority of the international community consider the Crimea to be an autonomous republic of Ukraine and Sevastopol to be one of Ukraine's cities with special status, while Russia, on the other hand, considers the Crimea to be a federal subject of Russia and Sevastopol to be one of Russia's three federal cities.[56][58]
- ^ An archpriest of the UOC Izium diocese, Oleksandr Svyrydov, who blessed Russian troops during the Russian occupation of Kharkiv Oblast and who also fled to Russia when Kharkiv Oblast was largely liberated was later appointed rector of the Orthodox parish of the Church of St John the Baptist in Diocese of Tver of the Russian Orthodox Church.[100]
- ^ In an interview dated 21 April 2023 the head of the Security Service of Ukraine Vasyl Malyuk claimed that Ukraine had exchanged one priests of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (accused of collaborating with the Russian Federation) for 28 Ukrainian servicemen.[109]
References
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- ^ a b c d "There are still more than 8,000 churches in the Moscow Patriarchate in Ukraine: where are the most". Ukrainska Pravda – Zhyttia (in Ukrainian). 3 May 2024. Retrieved 3 May 2024.
- ^ a b Report on the network of religious organizations as of January 1, 2022
- ^ a b c d e f g "Resolution of the Council of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of May 27, 2022". Ukrainian Orthodox Church (in Ukrainian). 2022-05-27. Retrieved 2022-05-28.
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"The UOC priest protested his inclusion in the ROC Publishing Council". Official website of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) (in Ukrainian). 2022-12-31. Retrieved 2023-01-06. - ^ a b Yearbook of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, Year 2022, pp. 1007-1026
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- ^ a b c d Supreme Court of Ukraine rules in favor of Moscow Patriarchate, UNIAN (16 December 2019)
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- ^ "Statute on the governance of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (with additions and amendments) dated 27.05.2022". Religious Information Service of Ukraine. Retrieved 29 November 2023.
- ^ "Statute on the governance of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Khmelnytskyi Diocese of the UOC)". Diocese of Khmelnytskyi (UOC). Retrieved 29 November 2023.
- ^ ЖУРНАЛЫ заседания Священного Синода от 19 марта 2014 года // ЖУРНАЛ № 1: «2. Включить в состав Священного Синода на правах постоянного члена митрополита Черновицкого и Буковинского Онуфрия, <…> с определением по протокольному старшинству места, занимаемого Блаженнейшим митрополитом Киевским и всея Украины — первым среди архиереев Русской Православной Церкви.»
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(in Russian) The Ukrainian Church of the Moscow Patriarchate demanded the return of the Crimea RBK Group (18 August 2014) - ^ a b c d e f g "Симферопольская, Джанкойская и Феодосийская епархии приняты в подчинение Патриарха и Синода Русской Православной Церкви и вошли в состав учрежденной Крымской митрополии / Новости / Патриархия.ru".
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- ^ a b "Since the beginning of the year, 63 churches have transferred to the OCU, another 8,500 remain in the UOC MP". Ukrayinska Pravda (in Ukrainian). 10 April 2023. Retrieved 11 April 2023.
- ^ На Запоріжжі російські ракети зруйнували церкву, де мала відбутися Великодня служба [In Zaporizhzhia, Russian rockets destroyed the church where the Easter service was to be held]. Ukrinform (in Ukrainian). 2023-04-16. Retrieved 2023-06-29.
- ^ "Блаженніший Митрополит Онуфрій звершив освячення мира у Феофанії". Ukrainian Orthodox Church (in Ukrainian). 13 April 2023. Retrieved 13 April 2023.
- ^ "The UOC-MP was banned in Zhytomyr Oblast". Ukrainska Pravda (in Ukrainian). 27 April 2023.
- ^ "Vinnytsia terminated land lease agreements with the UOC MP". Ukrayinska Pravda (in Ukrainian). 28 April 2023. Retrieved 28 April 2023.
- ^ a b c Alona Mazurenko (26 June 2024). "Ukraine hands over to Russia one of Russian-linked church priests as part of recent prisoner swap". Ukrayinska Pravda. Retrieved 26 June 2024.
- ^ Service, RFE/RL's Ukrainian. "Ukrainian Lawmakers Approve Law Banning Religious Groups Tied To Russian Orthodox Church". RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty. Retrieved 2024-08-20.
- ^ "Ukraine's parliament passes law banning Russian Orthodox Church". LIGA. 2024-08-20. Retrieved 2024-08-20.
- ^ "Ukrainian Parliament bans Russian-linked religious organizations, targets UOC-MP". english.nv.ua. Retrieved 2024-08-20.
- ^ "Parliament passes law banning religious organisations linked to Russia". Ukrainska Pravda. Retrieved 2024-08-20.
- ^ "The Ukrainian Parliament supported the draft law on banning the UOC MP". babel.ua. 2024-08-20. Retrieved 2024-08-20.
- ^ "Ukrainian Lawmakers Pass Bill Aiming to Ban Russian-Aligned Church". The New York Times. 2024-08-20.
- ^ a b "Zelenskyy signs law on prohibition of Russian-affiliated religious organisations". Ukrainska Pravda. 24 August 2024. Retrieved 24 August 2024.
- ^ a b c "SBU: Primate of the UOC MP Onufry was deprived of Ukrainian citizenship". Ukrainska Pravda (in Ukrainian). 2 July 2025. Retrieved 2 July 2025.
- ^ "Onufriy assures that he has already gotten rid of his Russian passport, but does not say when". Ukrainska Pravda (in Ukrainian). 8 April 2023. Retrieved 9 April 2023.
- ^ "Statistical data". Ukrainian Orthodox Church (in Ukrainian). Archived from the original on 2008-10-13. Retrieved 2008-01-12.
- ^ (in Ukrainian) According to the church canons, the Crimea is the territory of Ukraine - the UOC-MP, Ukrayinska Pravda (16 January 2019)
- ^ Metropolitan Onufriy of Chernivtsi and Bukovyna elected head of Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate), Interfax-Ukraine (13 August 2014)
Sources
[edit]External links
[edit]- "Official network of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate)". church.ua/en/ (in English, Ukrainian, and Russian). Retrieved 2016-11-05.
- "Official English site of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church". orthodox.org.ua/eng/node (in English, Ukrainian, and Russian). Retrieved 2008-01-12.
- "Open Orthodox University/Orthodoxy in Ukraine: site of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church". Pravoslavie v Ukraini (in Ukrainian and Russian). Retrieved 2008-01-12.
Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate)
View on GrokipediaName and Terminology
Official Designations and Historical Names
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC), known in Ukrainian as Ukrayins'ka Pravoslavna Tserkva (Украї́нська правосла́вна церква), is the church's self-adopted official designation, reflecting its status as a self-governing entity with wide autonomy granted by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) on October 28, 1990.[6] This title omits any explicit reference to the Moscow Patriarchate, which the UOC leadership has consistently rejected as an externally imposed exonym implying direct subordination, despite its widespread use in media and academic contexts to distinguish it from other Ukrainian Orthodox jurisdictions.[7][8] Prior to 1990, the body operated under the canonical framework of the ROC as the Exarchate of Ukraine (or Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic Exarchate), a territorial administration established in October 1943 and formalized in 1945 following the restoration of the Moscow Patriarchate after World War II.[9] Historically, the UOC's jurisdictional roots trace to the Metropolis of Kyiv and Halych, transferred from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople to the ROC in 1686 via a synodal letter, though this act's validity has been contested in canonical disputes.[10] During the early Soviet era (1917–1943), the church structure fragmented amid anti-religious campaigns, with surviving elements reorganized under ROC oversight as the Temporary Church Administration for Ukraine in 1941 before the exarchate's creation.[11] In its 1990 autonomy statute, ratified by the ROC Holy Synod, the UOC retained doctrinal and liturgical alignment with Moscow while gaining administrative independence in Ukraine, a status reaffirmed in its governing documents until a May 27, 2022, council severed remaining administrative ties to the ROC amid geopolitical tensions, without altering the core self-designation.[9][12] This evolution underscores the UOC's emphasis on ecclesiastical autonomy over explicit hierarchical nomenclature, distinguishing it from pre-1990 exarchal titles that denoted direct ROC oversight.Distinction from Other Ukrainian Orthodox Bodies
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate), commonly abbreviated as UOC-MP, differs from other Ukrainian Orthodox jurisdictions primarily in its canonical subordination to the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), headquartered in Moscow, despite possessing self-governing status granted by the ROC in 1990. This autonomy allows the UOC-MP to manage internal affairs, elect its primate (Metropolitan Onuphrius since 2014), and conduct services in Ukrainian, but ultimate authority rests with the Moscow Patriarchate, including appeals to the ROC Synod and adherence to Moscow's doctrinal oversight.[13][6] In contrast, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), established in 2018 through the unification of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church–Kyiv Patriarchate (UOC-KP) and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC) with dissident UOC-MP parishes, received a tomos of autocephaly from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople on January 6, 2019, granting it full independence without subordination to any external patriarchate.[13][14] Canonical recognition further delineates the bodies: the UOC-MP retains communion with the ROC and aligned churches such as the Serbian and Antiochian Orthodox Churches, which view the OCU as schismatic due to Moscow's 2018 severance of ties with Constantinople over the tomos. Conversely, the OCU enjoys recognition from Constantinople, the Churches of Greece, Alexandria, and Cyprus, among others, totaling at least seven autocephalous churches by 2023, though this remains contested amid broader Orthodox schisms.[15][16] The UOC-MP's synod declared "independence" from the ROC on May 27, 2022, citing the Russian invasion, but this lacked formal autocephaly or mutual recognition, leaving de facto ties intact in practice, including shared liturgical texts and historical episcopal lineages.[17][18] In terms of scale and demographics, the UOC-MP historically commanded the largest network, with approximately 12,000 parishes and 8,000 priests as of 2022, concentrated in eastern and central Ukraine, though over 1,000 parishes transitioned to the OCU by mid-2023 amid national security concerns and de-Russification efforts. The OCU, starting smaller with around 7,000 parishes post-2018, has grown through transitions but represents a newer entity focused on Ukrainian national identity, often incorporating elements from the pre-2018 UAOC, which traced its autocephaly to a 1921 declaration during Ukraine's brief independence but lacked broad recognition until the 2019 tomos.[19][15] Doctrinally, both adhere to Eastern Orthodox theology without substantive liturgical variances, but the UOC-MP emphasizes continuity with Russian imperial traditions, while the OCU prioritizes vernacular Ukrainian practices and distances itself from Moscow's geopolitical influence.[20]Canonical and Jurisdictional Status
Relationship to the Russian Orthodox Church
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) was established on October 27, 1990, when the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) granted self-governing status with broad autonomy to the former Ukrainian Exarchate of the ROC, allowing it to elect its own primate (the Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Ukraine) and manage internal administrative, financial, and educational affairs independently.[21] However, this autonomy did not confer full autocephaly; the UOC-MP remained canonically subordinate to the Moscow Patriarchate, with its primate commemorating the ROC's Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus' in the Divine Liturgy, key doctrinal decisions requiring ROC approval, and the UOC-MP's statutes explicitly referencing subordination to the ROC's charter and Holy Synod.[4][22] This jurisdictional tie positioned the UOC-MP as an integral part of the ROC's structure, distinct from fully independent Orthodox churches, with the ROC retaining ultimate authority over canonical matters, inter-Orthodox relations, and the appointment or recognition of bishops in disputed cases.[13][23] The relationship mirrored other autonomous entities within the ROC, such as the Japanese or Chinese Orthodox Churches, where local governance coexists with Moscow's oversight, reflecting the ROC's expansive canonical territory claims encompassing Ukraine as historically Russian spiritual domain.[24] Tensions escalated after the ROC's 2018 schism with the Ecumenical Patriarchate over the latter's granting of autocephaly to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), prompting the UOC-MP to align with Moscow's rejection of the OCU as uncanonical.[8] In response to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the UOC-MP's Holy Synod issued statements condemning the war as fratricidal and, on May 27, 2022, voted to cease liturgical commemoration of Patriarch Kirill, approve an independent statute, and declare administrative independence from the Moscow Patriarchate, framing it as a break from political influence rather than a full ecclesial schism.[25][26] Despite this, the 2022 declaration has not achieved canonical separation, as the ROC rejected it as invalid without mutual consent, maintaining that UOC-MP clergy and structures remain under its omophorion and in eucharistic communion, while UOC-MP statutes continue to bind it to ROC norms on matters like ordinations and disputes.[27] Ukrainian governmental expert analyses in 2023–2025 confirmed ongoing subordination, citing provisions requiring alignment with Moscow's decisions and the absence of autocephaly protocols, leading to a August 20, 2024, law banning religious organizations tied to Russia, with the UOC-MP facing potential dissolution unless it fully severs links—a process complicated by disputed liturgical practices and bishop loyalties.[5][28][22] As of October 2025, the relationship persists in a liminal state: administratively distanced by Kyiv but canonically contested, with no recognition of UOC-MP autocephaly by the ROC or broader Orthodox consensus beyond Ukraine.[29][30]Autonomy Declarations and Canonical Disputes
In October 1990, the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) elevated the Ukrainian Exarchate to the status of a self-governing church with broad autonomy, formalized by a decision of the ROC Holy Synod on October 28, allowing the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) to manage its internal affairs independently while remaining in canonical dependence on the Moscow Patriarchate for doctrinal and hierarchical matters.[31][32] This arrangement, rooted in the ROC Bishops' Council resolutions of early 1990, granted administrative self-rule—such as electing its own primate and synod—but required Moscow's approval for episcopal ordinations and major canonical acts, preserving the ROC's jurisdictional oversight over Ukraine as its historical "canonical territory."[33] Tensions over this limited autonomy intensified after Ukraine's 2014 Euromaidan Revolution and Russia's annexation of Crimea, prompting calls within the UOC for fuller separation amid perceptions of Moscow's political influence. On May 27, 2022, during Russia's full-scale invasion, the UOC's Local Council in Kyiv adopted a declaration affirming "complete self-sufficiency and independence" from the ROC, prohibiting the commemoration of Patriarch Kirill of Moscow in liturgies, removing references to Moscow's jurisdiction in statutes, and expressing aspirations for full canonical independence.[25][34] UOC Metropolitan Onufriy Berezovsky, the primate, stated that post-2022, the church was "no longer part" of the Moscow Patriarchate, emphasizing administrative severance while initially avoiding a formal Eucharistic break.[34] However, the ROC rejected this as insufficient for independence, with Patriarch Kirill and Russian officials asserting continued canonical subordination and vowing not to abandon the "canonical" UOC, viewing Ukraine as integral to Moscow's territory under 1686 historical precedents.[35] Canonical disputes escalated with the 2018-2019 autocephaly granted by the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), which merged prior non-canonical groups and drew clergy from the UOC; the UOC denounced this as invalid, citing Constantinople's encroachment on Moscow's jurisdiction without consent, leading the ROC to break Eucharistic communion with Constantinople in October 2018.[36] The UOC maintains the OCU's tomos lacks legitimacy due to inclusion of schismatics without repentance, refusing recognition and labeling it a "pseudo-church," while the OCU counters that the UOC remains a ROC exarchate lacking true autonomy.[22][19] As of 2025, the UOC's post-2022 status remains contested: Ukrainian investigations revealed ongoing structural ties to Moscow via documents and finances, despite statutory changes, prompting Ukraine's August 2024 law banning ROC-affiliated entities unless ties are fully severed by court verification, which the UOC contests as infringing religious freedom.[37][25] Other Orthodox churches, aligned with either Moscow or Constantinople, withhold recognition of the UOC's independence claims, perpetuating jurisdictional limbo without a unifying tomos.[29]Recognition by Other Orthodox Churches
Prior to the 2019 establishment of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) was recognized by all 14 autocephalous Orthodox churches as the sole canonical Orthodox jurisdiction in Ukraine, a status rooted in its historical subordination to the Russian Orthodox Church following the 1686 transfer of the Kyiv Metropolis.[15] The Ecumenical Patriarchate's granting of autocephaly to the OCU on January 6, 2019, prompted a schism, with only four autocephalous churches subsequently recognizing the OCU: the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, the Patriarchate of Alexandria (October 8, 2019), the Church of Cyprus (November 24, 2019), and the Church of Greece (October 12, 2019).[38] The remaining churches—Russian, Serbian, Bulgarian, Georgian, Romanian, Antiochian, Jerusalem, Polish, Albanian, and Czech Lands and Slovakia—have withheld recognition from the OCU, maintaining the UOC-MP's canonical standing as the legitimate local church, often citing violations of canonical norms in the OCU's formation, such as the reinstatement of schismatic clergy without repentance.[39][40] On May 27, 2022, a UOC-MP council in Kyiv declared full administrative and canonical independence from the Moscow Patriarchate, severing liturgical commemorations of the Russian patriarch and amending statutes to eliminate Moscow's oversight. However, the Russian Orthodox Church rejected this as unilateral and invalid, asserting continued jurisdictional ties evidenced by ongoing use of Moscow-approved statutes, chrism, and episcopal appointments.[37] No other autocephalous churches have issued formal recognitions of this independence or revised their prior stance on the UOC-MP's canonicity, leaving its post-2022 status disputed but unchanged in the eyes of the non-OCU-recognizing majority, who prioritize pre-schism canonical order over Ukraine's domestic declarations.[25] This inertia reflects broader Orthodox deference to established hierarchies amid geopolitical tensions, with churches like the Serbian and Bulgarian explicitly upholding the UOC-MP against perceived encroachments by the OCU.[39]Historical Development
Pre-Modern Origins (Kievan Rus' to 17th Century)
The origins of the Orthodox Church in Ukrainian territories trace to the Christianization of Kievan Rus' in 988, when Grand Prince Vladimir I ordered the mass baptism of Kyiv's residents following his own conversion to Byzantine Christianity in Chersonesus. This event established Eastern Orthodoxy as the state religion, supplanting paganism and integrating Rus' into the Byzantine ecclesiastical sphere.[41] The Metropolis of Kiev and All Rus' was subsequently formed under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, with its metropolitan seat in Kyiv serving as the primary ecclesiastical center for the Rus' lands. Following the Mongol invasion and sack of Kyiv in 1240, the metropolitan see temporarily shifted northward to cities like Vladimir-on-Klyazma, yet Kyiv retained its titular primacy as the canonical mother church of Rus'.[42] Ukrainian territories, falling under the Grand Duchy of Lithuania by the mid-14th century and later the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth after 1569, maintained Orthodox structures despite increasing Catholic pressures and legal restrictions on the hierarchy.[43] Metropolitans were appointed by Constantinople, often Greeks or locals navigating dual loyalties amid political fragmentation.[44] The 1596 Union of Brest saw most Orthodox bishops in the Commonwealth submit to the Roman Pope while retaining Byzantine rites, forming the Ruthenian Uniate Church and effectively dissolving the official Orthodox hierarchy in Ukrainian lands.[45] Orthodox resistance persisted through brotherhoods and lay initiatives, leading to the clandestine restoration of the hierarchy in 1620 when Patriarch Theophan III of Jerusalem, during a visit to Kyiv, consecrated Job Boretsky as Metropolitan of Kiev, Galicia, and all Ruthenia, reestablishing canonical Orthodox governance under Constantinople.[46] By the late 17th century, geopolitical shifts, including Cossack alliances with Muscovy and financial incentives from Tsar Peter I, prompted Ecumenical Patriarch Dionysius IV in 1686 to issue a synodal letter subordinating the Kiev Metropolis to the Moscow Patriarchate for purposes of ordination and administration, while nominally preserving ties to Constantinople.[47] This act, confirmed amid controversy and later contested by subsequent patriarchs, integrated the Ukrainian Orthodox structure into Russian ecclesiastical oversight, marking the transition from direct Constantinopolitan jurisdiction.[48]Integration into Russian Orthodoxy (1686-1917)
In 1686, the Metropolis of Kyiv, which had remained under the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople since the Christianization of Rus' in the 10th century, was subordinated to the Moscow Patriarchate through a tomos issued by Patriarch Dionysius IV.[48] This act followed diplomatic pressure from Tsar Feodor III and regents Sofia Alekseyevna and Vasily Golitsyn, who leveraged economic incentives and threats against the financially strained patriarchate; the tomos permitted the ordination of the Kyiv metropolitan by Moscow clergy and the commemoration of the Moscow patriarch in liturgies, but stipulated ongoing nominal ties to Constantinople, including annual reports and the right of appeal.[48] [49] Moscow interpreted the arrangement as a full jurisdictional transfer, installing Metropolitan Gedeon as the first under its direct authority, while Constantinople later contested its permanence, viewing it as a temporary concession amid Ottoman-Muscovite politics rather than a cession of canonical territory.[48] [50] The integration deepened after the 1686 treaty, aligning with Muscovite expansion into Left-Bank Ukraine following the 1654 Treaty of Pereiaslav, where Cossack Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky had sought Russian protection amid Polish-Lithuanian conflicts.[51] By the early 18th century, under Tsar Peter the Great's reforms, the Russian Orthodox Church—including its Ukrainian dioceses—was restructured into the Holy Synod in 1721, subordinating ecclesiastical governance to state oversight via the Ober-Procurator, effectively merging church administration with imperial bureaucracy and extending centralized control over Kyiv's 10 eparchies.[51] This facilitated the absorption of Uniate (Greek Catholic) communities, particularly after the 1795 partitions of Poland incorporated Right-Bank Ukraine, where Russian authorities dissolved autonomous church structures and imposed Moscow's liturgical uniformity, converting over 1.8 million Uniates by force in the 1830s under Metropolitan Filaret of Moscow's influence.[52] Throughout the 19th century, integration manifested as systematic Russification, driven by the imperial state's use of the church as a tool for cultural assimilation; edicts like the 1801 ukase under Alexander I restricted Ukrainian-language preaching and publications in churches, while the Valuev Circular of 1863 and Ems Ukase of 1876 prohibited Slavic vernaculars in liturgy beyond Russian, suppressing local traditions in favor of Great Russian norms to reinforce loyalty amid rising Ukrainian national consciousness.[52] [53] By 1917, the Kyiv Metropolis operated as 28 eparchies fully embedded in the Russian Orthodox Church's hierarchy, with metropolitans appointed from Moscow and seminary curricula emphasizing Russian imperial theology, though underlying tensions from suppressed autocephalist movements foreshadowed post-revolutionary fractures.[53] This period's causal dynamics stemmed from geopolitical conquests enabling ecclesiastical centralization, where the church's role in state-building prioritized unity over historical autonomies, often at the expense of regional identities.[52] ![Highest authority of Russian Orthodox Church in 1917][float-right]Soviet Era and Exarchate (1917-1991)
Following the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) in Ukraine faced immediate disruption amid civil war and the establishment of Soviet power, with diocesan structures subordinated to the new Ukrainian Soviet government while remaining canonically tied to the Moscow Patriarchate.[54] In 1921, Patriarch Tikhon appointed Archbishop Mikhail (Bulgakov) as Exarch of Ukraine to administer the church within the Ukrainian SSR, but this body operated under severe constraints as Soviet authorities initiated antireligious policies, including the confiscation of church property and suppression of ecclesiastical activities.[55] By the mid-1920s, the Exarchate reluctantly endorsed principles of limited autocephaly at a 1922 Kyiv conference, reflecting pressures for Ukrainian ecclesiastical independence amid broader ROC declarations of loyalty to the Soviet state, though these gestures did little to avert closures and arrests.[55] The 1930s Great Purge intensified repression, decimating the clergy and laity; thousands of priests were executed, imprisoned, or exiled, reducing active Orthodox parishes in Ukraine from over 8,500 in the early 1920s to mere dozens by 1939 as part of USSR-wide campaigns that shuttered monasteries and seminaries.[56] During World War II, German occupation from 1941 allowed a temporary resurgence, with the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (UAOC) reemerging in Nazi-controlled areas, but Soviet reconquest in 1943-1944 led to its forcible dissolution and merger into the ROC under Stalin's directives.[54] Stalin's September 1943 meeting with ROC hierarchs revived the Moscow Patriarchate to mobilize patriotic sentiment for the war effort, enabling the reestablishment of the Ukrainian Exarchate with expanded operations; by 1945, several thousand parishes reopened, particularly in eastern Ukraine, while western regions—annexed post-1939—saw forced integration of local Orthodox structures into the Exarchate to consolidate control.[57][58] Postwar, the Exarchate served as an instrument of Soviet policy, with appointed exarchs—often regime loyalists—overseeing Russification efforts and suppressing nationalist elements, as evidenced by the 1946 liquidation of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in western Ukraine, whose clergy and faithful were compelled to join Orthodox structures under Moscow.[58] Khrushchev's 1958-1964 antireligious drive halved remaining parishes USSR-wide, dropping Ukraine's Orthodox churches from approximately 8,500 pre-campaign to 4,500, with western Ukraine registering 4,383 parishes in 1958 amid widespread demolitions and clergy dismissals.[59][56] Under Brezhnev, repression eased into controlled stagnation, with the church numbering around 6,800 parishes USSR-wide by the late 1970s—many in Ukraine—under strict state oversight via the Council for Religious Affairs, which vetted appointments and curtailed evangelism.[60] Gorbachev's perestroika from 1985 prompted tentative liberalization, allowing limited church rebuilding and public discourse on faith, though the Exarchate remained subordinate; by 1990, amid Ukraine's independence movements, the ROC granted it self-governing status with the title "Ukrainian Orthodox Church," retaining canonical ties to Moscow while permitting Ukrainian-language liturgy in some contexts, a concession reflecting eroding Soviet control.[54] Throughout the era, the Exarchate's survival hinged on accommodation with atheist authorities, fostering a hierarchical structure loyal to the Kremlin and enabling its role in ideological conformity, despite underlying tensions over national identity.[58]Post-Independence Ukraine (1991-2013)
Following Ukraine's declaration of independence on August 24, 1991, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church continued operating under the self-governing status granted by the Moscow Patriarchate on October 28, 1990, which provided for internal administration while maintaining canonical subordination to the Russian Orthodox Church.[6] This arrangement positioned the church as the direct successor to the pre-independence Ukrainian Exarchate, with Metropolitan Filaret (Denysenko) serving as its primate and exarch.[61] In early 1992, amid rising Ukrainian nationalism and state support for ecclesiastical independence, Filaret formally petitioned the Moscow Patriarchate for full autocephaly at its Council of Bishops held March 31 to April 4, 1992; the request was denied, citing insufficient canonical grounds and potential for schism. Tensions escalated as Filaret refused to resign, leading to his suspension by the Moscow Patriarchate on May 27, 1992, and defrocking on June 11, 1992, on charges including abuse of authority and fomenting division.[62] Filaret, backed by a minority of clergy and laity, responded by convening a synod on June 25, 1992, to establish the schismatic Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate, which claimed continuity with the pre-1686 Kyiv Metropolis but lacked recognition from other Orthodox churches.[63] The Ukrainian Orthodox Church's Council of Bishops, meeting in Kharkiv on June 27, 1992, elected Metropolitan Vladimir (Sabodan), previously of Rostov and Novocherskassk, as the new Metropolitan of Kyiv and all Ukraine, affirming loyalty to Moscow while emphasizing the church's Ukrainian character.[64] [65] Vladimir's arrival in Kyiv on June 20, 1992, drew large crowds of supporters, signaling broad clerical and lay adherence to the Moscow-aligned structure despite the schism.[65] Under his primacy, which lasted until his death in 2014, the church navigated political pressures from successive Ukrainian governments—ranging from President Leonid Kravchuk's initial favoritism toward autocephalist groups to President Viktor Yushchenko's 2008 appeals for a unificatory tomos from Constantinople—while resisting full separation to preserve canonical legitimacy.[66] The period saw institutional consolidation and expansion amid post-Soviet religious liberalization, with the church registering parishes across Ukraine and engaging in charitable and educational initiatives, though it faced competition from the Kyiv Patriarchate and Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church.[66] Relations with the Moscow Patriarchate remained hierarchical, with key decisions requiring approval, yet Vladimir pursued incremental autonomy, such as through the 1990 charter's provisions for synodal self-governance.[66] By 2013, the church had solidified as Ukraine's largest Orthodox jurisdiction, prioritizing doctrinal fidelity to Eastern Orthodoxy over nationalistic reconfiguration.[67]Euromaidan, Annexation, and Donbas Conflict (2014-2021)
During the Euromaidan protests from November 2013 to February 2014, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) maintained an official stance of neutrality, emphasizing dialogue and condemning violence from all sides. The church's Holy Synod issued appeals for peace and reconciliation, reflecting its historical ties to former President Viktor Yanukovych, who had supported the UOC-MP. Some hierarchs, such as Metropolitan Agafangel of Odesa, openly criticized the protests as unconstitutional, while others, including priests providing aid to demonstrators, participated minimally compared to rival Orthodox bodies like the Ukrainian Orthodox Church-Kyiv Patriarchate. Internal divisions emerged, with younger clergy leaning toward patriotic sentiments amid rising anti-Russian feelings.[67] Following Yanukovych's ousting on February 22, 2014, and Russia's annexation of Crimea in March, the UOC-MP, under acting Primate Metropolitan Onufriy (elected permanent primate in August 2014), opposed the reduction of Ukraine's canonical territory. On March 3, 2014, Onufriy wrote an open letter to Russian President Vladimir Putin, urging the withdrawal of Russian troops from Crimea to prevent bloodshed and affirming Ukraine's sovereignty. The Holy Synod declined to transfer Crimean eparchies to the Russian Orthodox Church, retaining administrative control despite Moscow's canonical claims. Onufriy repeatedly described the ensuing Donbas conflict, ignited by separatist uprisings in April 2014, as "fratricidal" and incompatible with Christian teachings, calling for cessation of hostilities. The Synod's August 13, 2014, statement explicitly supported Ukraine's territorial integrity, using the term "soborna" (conciliar, implying unity).[67][68] In separatist-controlled areas of Donbas, UOC-MP parishes predominated, with many clergy remaining operational under de facto authorities in the self-proclaimed Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics from 2014 onward. While official church policy prohibited political involvement, some priests delivered sermons justifying separatist actions or cooperated with local "governments," leading to accusations of collaboration from Ukrainian authorities; by 2021, several faced investigations. Conversely, UOC-MP clergy in government-held areas served as chaplains and provided humanitarian aid. The church's dual presence exacerbated perceptions of divided loyalties, contributing to over 100 church seizures or re-registrations favoring rival denominations in western and central Ukraine between 2014 and 2021.[67][69] The period saw intensified pressure on the UOC-MP amid Ukraine's pursuit of Orthodox autocephaly. In February 2018, the UOC-MP Holy Synod requested that Patriarch Kirill of Moscow grant full canonical independence in response to Constantinople's involvement, but this was not realized. The Bishops' Council of May 13, 2018, reaffirmed the church's administrative self-governance while upholding canonical ties to Moscow, rejecting participation in a proposed unifying council. After the Ecumenical Patriarchate granted the Tomos of Autocephaly to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine on January 6, 2019, approximately 1,000 UOC-MP parishes (about 7-10% of total) transitioned to the new entity by late 2021, often amid local disputes and legal battles over property. Onufriy condemned the schism but maintained the UOC-MP's non-participation, prioritizing ecclesiastical unity under Moscow despite geopolitical strains.[70][71]Full-Scale Russian Invasion and Aftermath (2022-2025)
On February 24, 2022, coinciding with Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Metropolitan Onufriy of Kyiv and All Ukraine condemned the military action as a "fratricidal war," appealed to Russian President Vladimir Putin to halt the aggression, and called on Russian forces to lay down arms immediately.[72] This stance contrasted with Patriarch Kirill of Moscow's endorsement of the invasion as a "holy war" against Western influences.[18] In direct response to Kirill's position, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church's Council convened on May 27, 2022, in Kyiv, declaring full independence from the Moscow Patriarchate. The council resolved to cease commemorating Kirill in liturgies, prohibit his name in services, and affirm the UOC's autonomy while maintaining its self-governing statutes without subordination to Moscow; Metropolitan Onufriy subsequently withdrew from the Russian Orthodox Church's Holy Synod.[34][73] Despite these measures, Ukrainian security services questioned their sufficiency, citing persistent canonical and informal ties that could facilitate Russian influence.[74] The invasion prompted significant internal shifts, with defections accelerating as parishes sought to align with Ukrainian independence efforts. Between 2022 and 2023, 967 UOC communities transitioned to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, including 496 in 2022 and 471 in 2023; transfers slowed in 2024 to approximately half the prior year's rate, totaling over 1,100 since 2022 per government records.[75][76] These movements often involved local votes amid heightened national scrutiny of Moscow-linked institutions. Ukrainian authorities intensified measures against perceived collaboration, with the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) opening over 180 criminal cases against UOC clergy for aiding Russian forces since February 2022; by September 2025, courts convicted 38 clerics of offenses including treason and intelligence gathering, including 23 bishops under investigation.[77][78] Specific instances involved priests spying for Russia's FSB or supporting occupation administrations in Donetsk and Kherson regions.[79][80] In August 2024, Ukraine's parliament passed legislation enabling the prohibition of religious organizations linked to Russia, explicitly targeting those under Moscow's influence; by mid-2025, this prompted inspections of over 10,000 UOC sites, though full implementation remained contested, with the church operating under legal challenges and appeals.[81][82] The law's rationale centered on national security, given documented FSB infiltration risks, despite UOC claims of complete severance.[25] Russian military actions inflicted widespread destruction on religious infrastructure, including UOC churches; by 2024, at least 660 faith-based sites across denominations were damaged or destroyed by shelling, with notable cases like the Saint Michael Church in Komyshuvakha obliterated in April 2023.[83] In occupied territories, Russia repurposed or seized UOC properties, dismissing non-collaborating hierarchs and installing pro-Moscow clergy.[80] As of October 2025, the UOC continued services in government-controlled areas but faced ongoing pressures, including property disputes and reduced flock amid the protracted conflict.[84]Doctrinal and Liturgical Characteristics
Adherence to Eastern Orthodox Tradition
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate), as an entity within Eastern Orthodoxy, professes fidelity to the dogmatic definitions established by the seven Ecumenical Councils (from Nicaea I in 325 to Nicaea II in 787), rejecting innovations such as the Filioque addition to the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed and affirming the divinity of Christ, the Trinity, and the theosis of humanity through divine grace.[85] This adherence aligns with the broader canonical framework of Orthodoxy, emphasizing conciliarity (sobornost) and the authority of patristic tradition over individual interpretation. The church's self-governance declaration in May 2022 explicitly preserved its doctrinal continuity with historical Orthodoxy, without alterations to core beliefs amid jurisdictional shifts from Moscow.[86] Liturgically, the UOC-MP follows the Byzantine Rite, centering on the Divine Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom for most Sundays and feasts, with the Liturgy of St. Basil the Great used during Lent and on certain major occasions; these services incorporate traditional elements such as antiphonal chanting, processions, and the epiclesis in the anaphora.[87] The seven mysteries (sacraments)—Baptism, Chrismation, Eucharist, Confession, Holy Orders, Matrimony, and Unction—are administered in accordance with patristic norms, emphasizing their mystical efficacy as channels of divine energy rather than mere symbols. Iconography, monastic asceticism (including hesychasm), and the veneration of saints and relics form integral practices, with parishes maintaining typikon-based calendars that prioritize fasting, vigils, and feast cycles derived from early Christian usage.[88] While Church Slavonic predominates in formal settings as a liturgical lingua franca inherited from Kievan Rus', the UOC-MP permits Ukrainian vernacular translations in service books, such as the official Ukrainian edition of the Liturgical Gospel, enabling broader accessibility without compromising ritual integrity—a flexibility rooted in Orthodox precedents for local adaptations, as seen in other autocephalous churches.[87] This approach underscores causal continuity with Byzantine heritage, where linguistic evolution has historically supported evangelization, though purists within the church advocate retaining Slavonic for its sacral depth. Governance adheres to synodal principles, with bishops elected per canons like those of the Apostolic and Trullan Councils, ensuring hierarchical unity under the Metropolitan of Kyiv while rejecting papal-like primacy.[89] Theological education in UOC-MP seminaries, such as Kyiv's Holy Trinity Seminary, emphasizes exegesis of Scripture through the Church Fathers (e.g., Cappadocians, John of Damascus), philokalic spirituality, and anti-heretical stances against Protestant sola scriptura or Roman Catholic purgatory, reinforcing empirical fidelity to conciliar consensus over scholastic rationalism.[88] Despite geopolitical pressures post-2014, no doctrinal deviations have been documented; claims of "Russkiy Mir" ideology influencing theology stem from jurisdictional rhetoric rather than alterations to Orthodox soteriology or ecclesiology, with the church affirming Ukraine's territorial integrity in pastoral letters while upholding tradition's apolitical essence.[86]Liturgical Languages and Cultural Adaptations
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) employs Church Slavonic as its primary liturgical language, a standardized form of Old Church Slavonic adapted for Russian Orthodox usage and preserved for its role in maintaining doctrinal continuity and historical fidelity across Slavic Orthodox traditions.[90] [91] This language dominates the Divine Liturgy, vespers, and other sacraments in most parishes, particularly in eastern and central Ukraine, where it serves as the official medium for canonical texts approved by the Moscow Patriarchate.[92] Church Slavonic's archaic structure—rooted in 9th-10th century translations by Saints Cyril and Methodius—ensures uniformity but has prompted debates on accessibility, as comprehension varies among contemporary worshippers.[93] Vernacular adaptations allow for Ukrainian and Russian in services, especially in homilies, readings, and select chants, to address linguistic diversity and regional needs.[94] Ukrainian-language liturgies are officially permitted and more prevalent in western eparchies like Volyn, with isolated instances in Kyiv, reflecting the Church's 2010s endorsements of translated service books to accommodate national linguistic shifts without altering core rites.[95] By 2022, amid wartime pressures, Metropolitan Onufriy emphasized Ukrainian in public addresses and supported hybrid services blending Slavonic with Ukrainian elements, though full vernacular Divine Liturgies remain exceptional rather than normative.[93] Russian persists in eastern parishes, correlating with demographic patterns, but its use has declined post-2014 due to geopolitical tensions.[94] Cultural adaptations emphasize fidelity to Eastern Orthodox canons while incorporating Ukrainian ethnoreligious elements, such as veneration of localized saints (e.g., St. Anthony and Theodosius of the Caves) and integration of folk-inspired hymns or iconographic motifs tied to Cossack-era traditions.[96] Parishes retain Ukrainian customs in non-liturgical practices, including calendar observances and charitable rites adapted to agrarian heritage, preserving national identity within Moscow's jurisdictional framework.[97] These modifications—often via translated texts or regional synodal approvals—avoid substantive doctrinal changes, as evidenced by adherence to Russian-synodal liturgical standards post-1686 subordination.[92] Such balance has sustained the UOC-MP's appeal in mixed-language communities, though critics from autocephalist factions argue it insufficiently nationalizes worship compared to rivals.[93]Organizational Structure
Dioceses, Eparchies, and Parishes
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) is administratively structured into eparchies, equivalent to dioceses in Eastern Orthodox terminology, each led by a ruling hierarch such as a metropolitan or bishop. These eparchies oversee local parishes, monasteries, and clergy within defined territorial boundaries, typically aligning with Ukraine's oblasts, cities, or regions. The central Metropolis of Kyiv and All Ukraine, headed by the primate Metropolitan Onufriy, holds primacy and includes vicar bishops for specific districts.[12] As of January 1, 2024, the UOC-MP encompassed 10,919 registered religious organizations, including 10,586 parishes and communities, alongside monasteries and educational institutions.[3] By mid-2024, independent data analysis reported 8,097 active churches remaining under UOC-MP control in Ukraine proper, reflecting ongoing transitions and wartime disruptions.[98] Earlier assessments, such as in 2011, indicated 45 eparchies with 42 diocesan hierarchs and additional vicars, suggesting a structure that has since expanded but faced contractions in occupied areas.[12] In response to Russia's full-scale invasion, Russian authorities have incorporated at least eight UOC-MP eparchies from occupied territories directly into the Russian Orthodox Church, affecting over 1,600 parishes as of April 2025. Concurrently, in Ukrainian-controlled regions, approximately 1,185 parishes transitioned to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine between 2022 and late 2024, reducing the UOC-MP's footprint while parishes in remaining eparchies continue operations under local bishops.[99] Each eparchy maintains synodal governance, with parishes as the foundational units comprising clergy and laity engaged in liturgical and charitable activities.Synodal Governance and Clergy Composition
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) is administered through a Holy Synod, serving as its highest governing body, chaired by the Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Ukraine.[100] The Synod handles doctrinal, administrative, and disciplinary matters, including episcopal elections and responses to canonical challenges, with decisions requiring a majority vote among its members.[101] It comprises permanent members—typically senior metropolitans numbering around five to seven—and temporary members selected from diocesan bishops for specific sessions, ensuring representation from across Ukraine's eparchies.[102]On May 27, 2022, following Russia's full-scale invasion, the Holy Synod issued a declaration affirming the UOC-MP's full independence and autonomy from direct administrative subordination to the Moscow Patriarchate, while maintaining prayerful commemorations of the Russian patriarch under review.[100] This move, ratified at an extraordinary council in Kyiv, aimed to sever jurisdictional ties amid geopolitical pressures, though canonical subordination to Moscow persisted in practice, as evidenced by ongoing ROC oversight in episcopal ordinations.[103] Synod membership has seen adjustments, such as the 2023 appointment of Metropolitan Serhiy (Hentsytsky) as a permanent member to replace Metropolitan Ilarion of Donetsk and Mariupol, reflecting internal realignments due to wartime displacements.[102] The UOC-MP's clergy comprises hierarchs, priests, deacons, and monastics, with bishops (hierarchs) numbering 114 as of December 2022 across 53 dioceses, including 53 diocesan and 61 vicar bishops.[104] This episcopate oversees roughly 10,919 registered parishes as of January 2024, down from over 12,000 pre-2022 due to community transfers to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and wartime disruptions.[105] Priests, the core of parochial ministry, serve these communities, with historical data indicating thousands actively ordained, though precise recent counts remain limited; many received seminary training in Russia, contributing to scrutiny over loyalties.[106] At least 20 high-ranking clerics hold Russian citizenship as of April 2023, highlighting compositional ties to the Russian Orthodox Church amid Ukraine's security concerns.[107] Deacons and monastic clergy supplement this structure, often in urban cathedrals and rural parishes, with the Synod regulating ordinations to maintain canonical standards.[101]
Leadership and Primates
Succession of Metropolitans of Kyiv
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate), granted self-governing status by the Russian Orthodox Church in October 1990, initially retained Metropolitan Filaret (Denysenko) as its primate, who had served as Metropolitan of Kyiv since 1966. However, Filaret's persistent advocacy for full autocephaly led to his suspension by a council of the Russian Orthodox Church in May 1992 and subsequent anathema in 1997, prompting his formation of the rival Ukrainian Orthodox Church–Kyiv Patriarchate. Following Filaret's removal, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church elected Metropolitan Vladimir (Sabodan), born Viktor Markiyanovich Sabodan in 1935, as Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Ukraine on May 28, 1992, with confirmation from Patriarch Alexy II of Moscow. Vladimir, previously Metropolitan of Rostov and Novocherkassk, led the church for over two decades, emphasizing canonical loyalty to Moscow while navigating Ukraine's post-independence political landscape; he reposed on July 5, 2014, at age 78.[108][109] The Holy Synod of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church then selected Metropolitan Onuphriy (Berezovsky), born Orest Berezovsky in 1944, as locum tenens, followed by his election as Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Ukraine on August 13, 2014, again affirmed by Patriarch Kirill of Moscow. Previously Metropolitan of Chernivtsi and Bukovina since 2003, Onuphriy has maintained the church's subordination to the Moscow Patriarchate amid escalating tensions, including the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea and the full-scale invasion in 2022, while condemning aggression and asserting administrative independence. As of October 2025, Onuphriy remains in office, overseeing approximately 12,000 parishes despite state pressures and schismatic challenges.[110][2][111]| Metropolitan | Term | Key Events |
|---|---|---|
| Vladimir (Sabodan) | 1992–2014 | Elected post-Filaret schism; death prompted succession.[108] |
| Onuphriy (Berezovsky) | 2014–present | Elected amid post-Maidan instability; navigated wartime neutrality claims.[110] |
Role and Actions of Metropolitan Onufriy (2014-Present)
Metropolitan Onufriy (Orest Berezovsky) was elected primate of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) on August 13, 2014, by the church's Holy Synod following the death of Metropolitan Vladimir, with Patriarch Kirill of Moscow confirming the decision shortly thereafter.[2][112] As Metropolitan of Kyiv and All Ukraine, Onufriy assumed leadership of a church facing heightened scrutiny over its ties to Moscow amid Ukraine's Euromaidan Revolution and the annexation of Crimea, emphasizing continuity in canonical subordination while navigating calls for greater autonomy.[113] In the initial years of his primacy, Onufriy focused on maintaining ecclesiastical unity and pastoral activities, including overseeing diocesan structures and liturgical practices, amid political pressures following the 2014 Donbas conflict's onset. His election, secured in the second round of voting among 74 bishops, reflected support from monastic factions within the church, positioning him to address internal debates on independence without immediate rupture from the Moscow Patriarchate.[114] On February 24, 2022, the day of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Onufriy issued a statement condemning the military aggression as "fratricidal" and a grave sin, urging Russian President Vladimir Putin to halt the advance immediately and withdraw troops to prevent further bloodshed.[72] In response to the war, he mobilized the church for humanitarian efforts, including aid distribution and shelter for displaced persons, while repeatedly calling for peace negotiations and an end to hostilities in subsequent addresses.[115] At the UOC's Council of Bishops on May 27, 2022, Onufriy supported amendments to the church's statutes proclaiming full self-governance and autonomy, declaring that the UOC was no longer structurally part of the Moscow Patriarchate and possessed all marks of canonical independence thereafter.[34][116] He ceased participation in the Moscow Synod and affirmed the church's independent management of internal and external affairs, though Ukrainian authorities continued to question residual links.[117] Throughout 2022-2025, Onufriy defended the UOC's neutrality in the conflict, rejecting demands for outright severance from Moscow beyond the 2022 declarations and blocking certain inter-church dialogues perceived as compromising the church's position.[118] In July 2025, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy revoked Onufriy's citizenship, citing alleged pro-Russian activities, a move the primate contested by reiterating the church's post-2022 independence and his sole Ukrainian passport status.[119][120] Despite these pressures, Onufriy has sustained leadership over approximately 8,000 parishes as of 2025, prioritizing doctrinal fidelity and resistance to state interventions in church governance.[34]Controversies and Criticisms
Allegations of Russian Influence and Espionage
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) of the Moscow Patriarchate has faced numerous allegations from Ukrainian authorities of serving as a conduit for Russian influence and espionage, particularly since Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022. These claims center on the church's canonical subordination to the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), led by Patriarch Kirill, who has publicly endorsed the invasion as a "holy war" and Russia's geopolitical aims. Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) investigations have identified instances where UOC-MP clergy allegedly collected intelligence on Ukrainian military positions, stored weapons, or disseminated pro-Russian propaganda, leveraging parish networks for subversive activities. By September 2025, the SBU had initiated 180 criminal cases against UOC-MP priests for such offenses, including treason and collaboration with Russian forces.[77] [18] Specific espionage cases highlight patterns of recruitment by Russian intelligence services like the FSB or GRU. In August 2024, SBU arrested a UOC-MP priest in Kharkiv Oblast accused of spying for Russian military intelligence, having been recruited prior to the 2022 invasion to report on troop movements and infrastructure; the priest allegedly used church facilities to coordinate with handlers. Similar charges emerged in March 2024, when SBU dismantled a pro-Russian disinformation network linked to UOC-MP structures, involving clergy who spread narratives justifying the invasion and undermining Ukrainian mobilization efforts. Over 100 UOC-MP clergy and bishops have faced charges for aiding occupiers in occupied territories, including blessing Russian troops or facilitating logistics, with some receiving sentences of up to 15 years. These activities are attributed to the church's enduring administrative ties to Moscow, including financial flows and personnel appointments controlled by the ROC, despite UOC-MP's 2018 declaration of "independence" in decision-making.[121] [122] [18] UOC-MP leadership, including Metropolitan Onufriy, has denied systemic Russian control, asserting the church's loyalty to Ukraine and condemning the war as "fratricidal," while claiming investigations amount to religious persecution. Russian state media and the ROC echo this, portraying SBU actions as suppression of canonical Orthodoxy and citing over 100 cases against clergy as evidence of Kyiv's intolerance. However, empirical data from declassified SBU evidence, including intercepted communications and seized documents from sites like the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, substantiates many individual cases, revealing FSB directives to exploit church networks for hybrid warfare. Critics note that while not all 12,000 UOC-MP parishes engage in espionage, the structure's opacity—rooted in ROC oversight—enables infiltration, with only a fraction of clergy publicly defecting to independent Ukrainian bodies amid the conflict.[123] [124] [125]Political Involvement and Neutrality Claims
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) has consistently maintained that it adheres to an apolitical stance, emphasizing its role in spiritual guidance and pastoral care rather than partisan engagement. Metropolitan Onufriy, the primate since 2014, reiterated this position in a 2020 statement, asserting that the UOC-MP "has always called for and effectively promoted the cause of peace" without endorsing political factions.[126] In response to the 2022 Russian invasion, Onufriy issued appeals framing the conflict as a "Cain crime" and urging Russian President Vladimir Putin to withdraw troops immediately, while calling on Ukrainian faithful to defend statehood and support the armed forces.[127][128] These declarations align with the church's broader claims of administrative autonomy from Moscow since 1990, formalized further in May 2022 when it declared independence from the Russian Orthodox Church's direct oversight amid wartime pressures.[72] Despite these assertions, Ukrainian authorities and security services have documented instances of political involvement by individual UOC-MP clergy, particularly in pro-Russian activities since 2014. The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) reported opening 180 criminal cases against UOC-MP priests for alleged collaboration with Russian forces, including propaganda dissemination and support for occupation since the full-scale invasion began in February 2022.[129] Specific allegations include clergy facilitating Russian military logistics or justifying aggression, contributing to perceptions of the church as a vector for Moscow's influence, though the UOC-MP has characterized such cases as isolated deviations not reflective of its canonical leadership.[129] Onufriy has publicly renounced Russian citizenship in July 2025 following a Ukrainian decree, underscoring efforts to distance the institution from geopolitical alignments.[130] Critics, including Ukrainian lawmakers, argue that the UOC-MP's lingering canonical ties to Moscow—despite autonomy claims—undermine its neutrality, especially given the Russian Orthodox Church's endorsement of the war as a "holy" endeavor.[131] This tension culminated in the August 2024 parliamentary ban on religious organizations affiliated with the Russian Orthodox Church, targeting the UOC-MP for perceived security risks rather than doctrinal issues.[131] The church countered by affirming its commitment to Ukrainian sovereignty and rejecting political instrumentalization, with Onufriy blocking internal attempts at pro-war rhetoric to preserve ecclesiastical focus.[132] Empirical data from polls, such as an April 2024 survey showing 83% Ukrainian support for restricting UOC-MP activities, highlight public skepticism toward its neutrality amid ongoing conflict.[133]Responses to Russian Military Actions
Metropolitan Onufriy, primate of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate), issued a public address on February 24, 2022, the day of Russia's full-scale invasion, describing the entry of Russian troops into Ukraine as "the beginning of the kinetic phase of fratricidal war" and a "greatest tragedy," while appealing directly to Russian President Vladimir Putin to halt military operations immediately, stating, "You can do this, and we believe and want you to do it."[134][127][72] The statement affirmed the UOC's support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity, rejecting any justification for the aggression.[135] In the ensuing weeks, the UOC organized ecumenical and internal prayers for peace, the defense of Ukraine, and an end to the "fratricidal war," with clergy participating in national unity services and some priests volunteering for military chaplaincy on the Ukrainian side.[127][136] Approximately 100 UOC clergy departed for the independent Orthodox Church of Ukraine amid the conflict, while others publicly denounced Russian invaders.[136] On May 27, 2022, the UOC's Council of Bishops formally severed administrative ties with the Moscow Patriarchate, explicitly condemning Russia's military aggression against Ukraine and rejecting Patriarch Kirill's endorsement of the invasion as incompatible with church teachings.[34][18][23] This decision, adopted amid ongoing hostilities, prohibited commemorations of Kirill in services and aimed to affirm the UOC's autonomy, though canonical subordination to Moscow persisted in practice until then.[34] Earlier responses to Russian actions in 2014, including the annexation of Crimea and conflict in Donbas, were more restrained, with the UOC Holy Synod condemning violence and misuse of church properties by separatists but avoiding direct attribution to Moscow, while emphasizing calls for dialogue and peace without severing ties.[29] Onufriy declined to stand during parliamentary honors for Ukrainian fighters in Donbas but later urged cessation of hostilities in the region. Throughout the war, the UOC has provided humanitarian aid, sheltering refugees in monasteries and parishes, though critics, including Ukrainian authorities, have questioned the completeness of its disavowal of Russian influence given delayed structural changes.[137][5]Ukrainian State Measures and Legal Challenges (2022-2025)
In the wake of Russia's full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, the Ukrainian government enacted measures targeting religious organizations with ties to Russian entities, including the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP). On March 3, 2022, Ukraine introduced a temporary ban on activities by religious groups controlled from Russia, justified as a national security response to Moscow's use of religious institutions for propaganda and espionage.[138] This was followed by intensified Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) operations, including over 400 searches of UOC-MP sites by mid-2023, uncovering materials supporting Russian aggression and evidence of clergy involvement in subversive activities.[139] Legal actions against UOC-MP clergy escalated, with dozens charged under articles for treason (Article 111) and collaboration (Article 111-1) of Ukraine's Criminal Code. By August 2024, at least 26 UOC-MP priests and hierarchs had been convicted of espionage or aiding Russian forces, including cases of priests relaying Ukrainian military positions via church networks, as in Kharkiv Oblast in 2024 and Donetsk Oblast in 2025.[140][121][141] These prosecutions were grounded in empirical evidence of dual loyalties, given the Moscow Patriarchate's explicit endorsement of the invasion as a "holy war," though UOC-MP leadership, including Metropolitan Onufriy, condemned the aggression in March 2022 and declared administrative independence from Moscow in May 2022.[138] Critics, including Human Rights Watch, argued that while individual cases warranted action, broader measures risked collective punishment without due process.[142] A pivotal legislative step came with Bill No. 8371, adopted by the Verkhovna Rada on August 20, 2024, and signed by President Zelenskyy on August 24, 2024, amending laws to prohibit religious organizations affiliated with entities in Russia, the aggressor state.[143][144] The law requires a three-to-nine-month verification process by Ukraine's State Service for Ethnic Policy and Freedom of Conscience to assess ties, potentially leading to liquidation via court order if subordination to Moscow is confirmed—focusing on canonical, financial, and doctrinal links despite UOC-MP's self-proclaimed autonomy.[145] As of September 2025, the agency filed a lawsuit to ban the UOC-MP centrally, with courts examining ongoing liturgical references to Patriarch Kirill and historical statutes retaining Moscow's influence.[146] Property disputes intensified, with state-initiated proceedings to revoke UOC-MP usage rights for state-owned sites like the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, where a June 2022 contestation led to partial evictions amid claims of illegal occupation post-1990s restitution.[147] By 2025, several monasteries faced termination of agreements, transferring control to the state or rival Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), though outright seizures remained limited to security-linked cases rather than blanket nationalization.[18] UN experts in October 2025 raised alarms over potential religious persecution, citing risks to 6,000 UOC-MP parishes, while Ukrainian authorities emphasized the measures' proportionality to wartime threats from Russian-linked espionage networks.[148] Implementation challenges persisted into late 2025, with UOC-MP appeals invoking constitutional religious freedoms under Article 35, amid debates over whether de jure independence suffices absent full canonical rupture.[117]Inter-Church Relations and Schisms
Conflict with the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU)
The conflict between the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate), known as UOC-MP, and the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) intensified following the OCU's formation on December 15, 2018, through a unification council that merged elements of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church–Kyiv Patriarchate and the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, with autocephaly granted by the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople on January 6, 2019.[149] The UOC-MP, which did not participate in the council and views the OCU as schismatic lacking canonical validity under Orthodox tradition, has consistently refused recognition, leading to parallel hierarchies competing for parishes, clergy, and laity across Ukraine.[150] This jurisdictional rivalry has manifested in disputes over ecclesiastical authority, with the UOC-MP asserting its historical primacy in Ukraine's canonical territory while the OCU claims legitimacy as the sole autocephalous body representing Ukrainian Orthodoxy.[36] Parish transitions from the UOC-MP to the OCU have been a central flashpoint, with approximately 1,500 to 2,000 UOC-MP communities re-registering under the OCU between 2019 and 2025, though the UOC-MP contests many as coerced or procedurally invalid.[151] [152] Specific annual figures include 496 transitions in 2022, 471 in 2023, and 218 in 2024, often facilitated by local community votes under Ukrainian law but frequently challenged in courts by UOC-MP clergy who argue violations of internal church governance.[76] [99] These shifts have reduced the UOC-MP's network from over 12,000 parishes pre-2019 to around 8,000 by mid-2025, while bolstering the OCU to roughly 9,000, reflecting broader societal pressures amid Ukraine's push for ecclesiastical independence from Moscow.[37] Legal and property disputes have proliferated, with Ukrainian courts adjudicating competing claims to church buildings, icons, and land, often favoring OCU-aligned communities after local re-registrations.[153] The UOC-MP has reported over 100 instances of forcible seizures since 2019, including evictions from key sites like Kyiv's Saint Michael Cathedral in 2023, where UOC-MP priests were removed following a disputed transition.[154] In response, UOC-MP primate Metropolitan Onufriy has excommunicated clergy defecting to the OCU, deeming such moves canonical treason, while the OCU frames transitions as voluntary reunifications correcting historical subordination to Moscow.[155] Violence has accompanied some transitions, with the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights documenting occasional clashes involving physical confrontations, property damage, and injuries during re-registration attempts, though noting a general decline in such incidents post-2019.[156] Notable episodes include a brawl at a Cherkasy cathedral on October 17, 2024, where OCU supporters clashed with UOC-MP faithful over handover proceedings, resulting in injuries and police intervention.[157] [158] UN experts in October 2025 expressed concern over escalating pressures on UOC-MP communities, including judicial harassment tied to these disputes, amid broader wartime scrutiny of Moscow-linked institutions, while OCU representatives have condemned vigilante actions by radicals as uncanonical.[148] [159] The schism persists without resolution, exacerbating divisions in Ukraine's Orthodox landscape, where empirical data indicate sustained UOC-MP adherence in rural and eastern regions despite urban and governmental shifts toward the OCU.[160]Opposition to 2018 Autocephaly Grant
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) opposed the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople's initiative to grant autocephaly to a unified Ukrainian Orthodox body, arguing that it contravened Orthodox canonical norms by unilaterally revoking the 1686 transfer of the Kyiv Metropolis to the jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate and endorsing schismatic entities without pan-Orthodox consensus.[161] On October 11, 2018, when Constantinople announced its intent to proceed with autocephaly, the UOC-MP's leadership, under Metropolitan Onufriy, immediately criticized the move as an overreach, emphasizing that the Ecumenical Patriarchate lacked jurisdiction over the canonical Ukrainian Church, which had been under Moscow's omophorion for over three centuries.[161] This position aligned with the Russian Orthodox Church's broader condemnation, which severed eucharistic communion with Constantinople on October 15, 2018, a decision the UOC-MP echoed by prohibiting concelebration with Constantinople's clergy.[162] In a defensive response, the UOC-MP's Council of Bishops convened on October 13, 2018, and appealed to Patriarch Kirill of Moscow to grant the UOC-MP independence (autocephaly) directly from the Russian Orthodox Church, framing it as a necessary measure to preserve canonical unity amid perceived external interference rather than endorsing Constantinople's process, which they deemed invalid for involving non-canonical groups like the Ukrainian Orthodox Church–Kyiv Patriarchate and the [Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church](/page/Ukrainian_Autocephalous_Orthodox Church).[163] Metropolitan Onufriy, in subsequent statements, reiterated that autocephaly could not legitimately be bestowed on schismatics, as it would deepen divisions rather than heal them, and urged fidelity to canonical order over political pressures from the Ukrainian state.[161] He refused to participate in the December 15, 2018, unification council that formed the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU), labeling it uncanonical and warning that such actions risked broader schism within world Orthodoxy.[164] Following the issuance of the Tomos of Autocephaly to Metropolitan Epiphanius of the OCU on January 6, 2019, the UOC-MP's Holy Synod and Council of Bishops on February 20, 2019, formally declared the document null and void, asserting it legitimized schismatics who remained anathematized under Moscow's canons and lacked recognition from most autocephalous Orthodox churches.[163] The opposition rested on the principle that autocephaly requires the mother church's consent and should not be imposed by revoking historical jurisdictional transfers without universal Orthodox agreement, a view shared by several local churches including those of Russia, Serbia, and Antioch.[161] Despite internal discussions on administrative autonomy from Moscow—culminating in a 2022 declaration of independence—the UOC-MP consistently rejected the 2018-2019 autocephaly process as politically motivated and canonically flawed, prioritizing preservation of its self-perceived canonical status over unification with the OCU.[165]Ties to Moscow Patriarchate vs. Broader Orthodoxy
The Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC-MP) maintains formal canonical subordination to the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) under the Moscow Patriarchate, as established by its 1990 autonomy statute, which designates it as a self-governing entity within the ROC's jurisdictional boundaries while requiring key decisions, such as the enthronement of the Metropolitan of Kyiv, to involve Moscow's approval.[166] Although the UOC-MP's Holy Synod declared independence from the ROC on May 27, 2022, citing the Russian invasion of Ukraine, internal documents and statutes continue to reference ongoing liturgical and administrative ties to Moscow, and the ROC has rejected this separation, asserting the UOC-MP remains an integral part of its structure.[37] [167] In contrast to this direct linkage with Moscow, the UOC-MP's position within broader Orthodoxy has been complicated by the 2018 Moscow-Constantinople schism, triggered when the Ecumenical Patriarchate granted autocephaly to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) via tomos on January 6, 2019, prompting the ROC to sever eucharistic communion with Constantinople on October 15, 2018.[168] As a result, the UOC-MP, aligned with the ROC, does not commemorate Patriarch Bartholomew I in its liturgies and lacks full intercommunion with Constantinople-aligned churches, including those of Alexandria, Cyprus, and Greece that have recognized the OCU. This isolation extends to practical limits on concelebration and shared sacraments with pro-Tomos churches, though the UOC-MP retains canonical recognition and communion with Moscow-supporting autocephalous churches such as Serbia, Antioch, and Georgia, which view the 2018 tomos as invalid.[15] Prior to 2018, the UOC-MP enjoyed universal recognition across Orthodox churches as the sole canonical Orthodox body in Ukraine, but the schism has polarized its standing: while ROC-aligned entities affirm its validity, critics in the Ecumenical Patriarchate's orbit regard its Moscow ties as compromising its autonomy amid geopolitical tensions, without formally declaring it schismatic.[155] As of 2025, no ecumenical council has resolved the rift, leaving the UOC-MP's broader Orthodox ties contingent on alignment with Moscow's canonical claims rather than independent affirmation.[169]Current Challenges and Empirical Status (as of 2025)
Parish Transitions and Membership Data
Since the establishment of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) in 2019, over 1,700 religious communities have transitioned from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) (UOC-MP) to the OCU, according to data from Ukraine's State Service for Ethnic Policy and Freedom of Conscience (DESS).[151] These shifts accelerated following Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022, driven by factors including national security concerns and ecclesiastical independence preferences, though the UOC-MP has contested many as procedurally invalid or lacking genuine parish majorities.[99] Annual transitions peaked in the early war years before declining:| Year | Number of Transitions |
|---|---|
| 2022 | 496 |
| 2023 | 471 |
| 2024 | 218 |