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A gay couple at a pride event
Two interlocked Mars symbols representing male homosexuality.

Gay men are male homosexuals.[1] Historic terminology for gay men has included inverts and uranians.

Gay men continue to face significant discrimination in large parts of the world, particularly in most of Asia and Africa. In the United States and the western world, many gay men still experience discrimination in their daily lives,[2] though some openly gay men have reached national success and prominence, including Apple CEO Tim Cook and heads of state or government such as Edgars Rinkēvičs (president of Latvia since 2023).

The word gay is recommended by LGBTQ groups and style guides to describe all people exclusively attracted to members of the same sex,[3] while lesbian refers specifically to female homosexuals, and gay men to male homosexuals.[4]

Male homosexuality in world history

[edit]

Some scholars argue that the terms "homosexual" and "gay" are problematic when applied to men in ancient cultures since, for example, neither Greeks or Romans possessed any one word covering the same semantic range as the modern concept of "homosexuality".[5][6] Furthermore, there were diverse sexual practices that varied in acceptance depending on time and place.[5] Other scholars argue that there are significant similarities between ancient and modern male homosexuals.[7][8]

In cultures influenced by Abrahamic religions, the law and the church established sodomy as a transgression against divine law or a crime against nature. The condemnation of anal sex between males, however, predates Christian belief.[9] Throughout the majority of Christian history, most Christian theologians and denominations have considered homosexual behavior as immoral or sinful.[10][11] Condemnation existed in ancient Greece; for instance Plato, in his Laws, described male homosexuality as 'unnatural' and argued for its prohibition.[12]

Many historical figures, including Socrates, Lord Byron, Edward II, and Hadrian,[13] have had terms such as gay or bisexual applied to them. Some scholars, such as Michel Foucault, have regarded this as risking the anachronistic introduction of a contemporary construction of sexuality foreign to their times,[14] though other scholars challenge this.[15][8][7]

Africa

[edit]
Khnumhotep and Niankhkhnum nose-kissing

The first recorded possible homosexual male couple in history is commonly deemed to be Khnumhotep and Niankhkhnum, an ancient Egyptian couple, who lived around 2400 BCE. The pair are portrayed in a nose-kissing position, the most intimate pose in Egyptian art, surrounded by what appear to be their heirs.[16] The 6th- or 7th-century Ashmolean Parchment AN 1981.940 provides the only example in the Coptic language of a love spell between men.[17] More recently, the European colonization of Africa resulted in the introduction of anti-sodomy laws, and is generally regarded as the central reason why African nations have such stringent laws against gay men today.[18] Three countries or jurisdictions have imposed the death penalty for gay men in Africa. These include Mauritania and several regions in Nigeria and Jubaland.[19][20][21]

Americas

[edit]
Pre-Columbian ceramic of oral sex

As is true of many other non-Western cultures, it is difficult to determine the extent to which Western notions of sexual orientation apply to Pre-Columbian cultures. Evidence of homoerotic sexual acts between men has been found in many pre-conquest civilizations in Latin America, such as the Aztecs, Mayas, Quechuas, Moches, Zapotecs, the Incas, and the Tupinambá of Brazil.[22][23][24] In fact, in Aztec mythology, the deity Xochipilli was a symbol of gay men and male prostitutes.[25]

The Spanish conquistadors expressed horror at discovering sodomy openly practiced among native men and used it as evidence of their supposed inferiority.[26] The conquistadors talked extensively of sodomy among the natives to depict them as savages and hence justify their conquest and forced conversion to Christianity. As a result of the growing influence and power of the conquistadors, many Native leaders started condemning homosexual acts themselves. During the period following European colonization, homosexuality was prosecuted by the Inquisition, sometimes leading to death sentences on the charges of sodomy, and the practices became clandestine. Many homosexual men went into heterosexual marriages to keep appearances, and some turned to the clergy to escape public scrutiny.[27]

During the Mexican Inquisition, after a series of denunciations, authorities arrested 123 men in 1658 on suspicion of homosexuality. Although many escaped, the Royal Criminal Court sentenced fourteen men from different social and ethnic backgrounds to death by public burning, in accordance to the law passed by Isabella the Catholic in 1497. The sentences were carried out together on one day, 6 November 1658. The records of these trials and those that occurred in 1660, 1673 and 1687, suggest that Mexico City, like many other large cities at the time had an active underworld.[27][28]

East Asia

[edit]
Two young men about to have anal sex. Qing China, date unknown.

In East Asia, same-sex relations between men has been noted since the earliest recorded history. Homosexuality in China, known as the passions of the cut peach and various other euphemisms, has been recorded since approximately 600 BCE. Male homosexuality was mentioned in many famous works of Chinese literature. The instances of same-sex affection and sexual interactions described in the classical novel Dream of the Red Chamber seem as familiar to observers in the present as do equivalent stories of romances between heterosexual people during the same period. Confucianism, being primarily a social and political philosophy, focused little on sexuality, whether homosexual or heterosexual. Ming dynasty literature, such as Bian Er Chai (弁而釵/弁而钗), portray homosexual relationships between men as more enjoyable and more "harmonious" than heterosexual relationships.[29] Writings from the Liu Song dynasty by Wang Shunu claimed that homosexuality was as common as heterosexuality in the late 3rd century China.[30] Opposition to male homosexuality in China originates in the medieval Tang dynasty (618–907), attributed to the rising influence of Christian and Islamic values,[31] but did not become fully established until the Westernization efforts of the late Qing dynasty and the Republic of China.[32]

Europe

[edit]

Classical period

[edit]
The Death of Hyacinthos by Jean Broc (1801)

The earliest Western documents (in the form of literary works, art objects, and mythographic materials) concerning same-sex male relationships are derived from ancient Greece. Certain city-states prohibited it while others were ambiguous or allowed it.[33] In Athens, laws were eventually enacted to curb pederasty and homosexuality in general, but not prohibit every instance of it.[34][page needed]

In Ancient Rome, male homosexuality is documented through pederasty, but male sexual passivity was criticized; pederastic attentions were considered legitimate only if it is directed towards current or former slaves.[35] The Hellenophile emperor Hadrian is renowned for his relationship with Antinous, but the Christian emperor Theodosius I decreed a law on 6 August 390, condemning passive males to be burned at the stake.[36][37] In 558 C.E., The Emperor Justinian expanded the proscription to the active partner as well, warning that such conduct can lead to the destruction of cities through the "wrath of God"[38]

Some scholars argue that there are examples of male homosexual love in ancient literature, such as Achilles and Patroclus in the Iliad.[39]

Renaissance

[edit]
Apollon et Cyparisse by Claude Marie Dubufe, 1821

During the Renaissance, wealthy cities in northern ItalyFlorence and Venice in particular—were renowned for their widespread practice of same-sex love, engaged in by a considerable part of the male population and constructed along the classical pattern of Greece and Rome.[40][41] But even as many of the male population were engaging in same-sex relationships, the authorities, under the aegis of the Officers of the Night court, were prosecuting, fining, and imprisoning a good portion of that population. From the second half of the 13th century, death was the punishment for male homosexuality in most of Europe.[42] The relationships of socially prominent figures, such as King James I and the Duke of Buckingham, served to highlight the issue,[43] including in anonymously authored street pamphlets: "The world is chang'd I know not how, For men Kiss Men, not Women now; ... Of J. the First and Buckingham: He, true it is, his Wives Embraces fled, To slabber his lov'd Ganimede" (Mundus Foppensis, or The Fop Display'd, 1691).

Middle East

[edit]
An illustration from the 19th-century book Sawaqub al-Manaquib depicting homosexual sex between young men (see: Gender and sexual minorities in the Ottoman Empire)

In ancient Sumer, a set of priests known as gala worked in the temples of the goddess Inanna, where they performed elegies and lamentations.[44]: 285  Gala took female names, spoke in the eme-sal dialect, which was traditionally reserved for women, and appear to have engaged in homosexual intercourse.[45] The Sumerian sign for gala was a ligature of the signs for "penis" and "anus".[45] One Sumerian proverb reads: "When the gala wiped off his ass [he said], 'I must not arouse that which belongs to my mistress [i.e., Inanna].'"[45] In later Mesopotamian cultures, kurgarrū and assinnu were male servants of the goddess Ishtar (Inanna's East Semitic equivalent), who dressed in female clothing and performed war dances in Ishtar's temples.[45] Several Akkadian proverbs seem to suggest that they may have also engaged in homosexual intercourse.[45] In ancient Assyria, male homosexuality is documented. It is thought that ancient Assyria (2nd millennium BC to 1st millennium AD) viewed homosexuality as negative and at least criminal,[46] with the religious codes of Zoroastrianism forbidding homosexuality.[47] Some religious texts contain prayers for divine blessings on homosexual relationships.[48] The Almanac of Incantations contained prayers favoring on an equal basis the love of a man for a woman, of a woman for a man, and of a man for man.[49]

Gay men in modern Western history

[edit]

The use of gay to mean a "homosexual" man was first used as an extension of its application to prostitution: a gay boy was a young man or adolescent serving male clients.[50] Similarly, a gay cat was a young man apprenticed to an older hobo and commonly exchanging sex and other services for protection and tutelage. The application to homosexuality was also an extension of the word's sexualized connotation of "uninhibited", which implied a willingness to disregard conventional sexual mores. In court in 1889, the prostitute John Saul stated: "I occasionally do odd-jobs for different gay people."[51]

Bringing Up Baby (1938) was the first film to use the word gay in an apparent reference to homosexuality. In a scene in which Cary Grant's character's clothes have been sent to the cleaners, he is forced to wear a woman's feather-trimmed robe. When another character asks about his robe, he responds, "Because I just went gay all of a sudden!" Since this was a mainstream film at a time, when the use of the word to refer to cross-dressing (and, by extension, homosexuality) would still be unfamiliar to most film-goers, the line can also be interpreted to mean, "I just decided to do something frivolous."[52]

In 1950, the earliest reference found to date for the word gay as a self-described name for male homosexuals came from Alfred A. Gross, executive secretary for the George W. Henry Foundation, who said in the June 1950 issue of Sir magazine: "I have yet to meet a happy homosexual. They have a way of describing themselves as gay, but the term is a misnomer. Those who are habitues of the bars frequented by others of the kind, are about the saddest people I've ever seen."[53]

Gay men in the Holocaust

[edit]
A pink triangle was worn by gay men during the Holocaust.

Gay men were one of the primary victims of the Nazi Holocaust. Historically, the earliest legal step towards the Nazi persecution of male homosexuality was 1871's Paragraph 175, a law passed after the unification of the German Empire. Paragraph 175 read: "An unnatural sex act committed between persons of male sex ... is punishable by imprisonment; the loss of civil rights might also be imposed." The law was interpreted in varying ways in Germany until 23 April 1880, when the Reichsgericht ruled that criminal homosexual acts involved either anal, oral, or intercrural sex between two men. Anything less (such as kissing and cuddling) was deemed harmless play.[54]: 240 

Franz Gürtner, the Reich Justice Minister amended Paragraph 175 to address "loopholes" in the law after the Night of the Long Knives. The 1935 version of Paragraph 175 declared "expressions" of homosexuality as prosecutable crimes. The most important change to the law was the definitional shift of male homosexuality from "An unnatural sex act committed between persons of male sex" to instead "A male who commits a sex offense with another male." This expanded the reach of the law to persecute gay men as a people group, rather than male homosexuality as a sexual act. Kissing, mutual masturbation and love-letters between men were now seen as legitimate reasons for the police to make arrests. The law never defined a "sex offence", leaving it to interpretation.[54]: 240–242 

Between 1933 and 1945, an estimated 100,000 men were arrested as homosexuals under the Nazi regime, of whom some 50,000 were officially sentenced. Most of these men served time in prison, while an estimated 5,000 to 15,000 were incarcerated in Nazi concentration camps.[55] Rüdiger Lautmann found that the death rate of homosexuals in concentration camps may have been as high as 60%.[56] Gay men in the camps suffered an unusual degree of cruelty by their captors and were regularly used as the subjects for Nazi medical experiments as scientists tried to find a "cure" for homosexuality.[57][better source needed]

AIDS crisis in the United States

[edit]
ACT UP was founded by Larry Kramer to fight for medical funding and research on the HIV/AIDS crisis.

The HIV/AIDS epidemic is considered the deadliest period in modern history for gay men, and the generation of young gay men who died in the crisis is known as the "lost generation".[58] At its start, the epidemic was particularly severe in the United States. In 1980, San Francisco resident Ken Horne was reported to the CDC with Kaposi's sarcoma (KS). He was retroactively identified as the first patient of the AIDS epidemic in the US.[59] In 1981, Lawrence Mass became the first journalist in the world to write about the epidemic in the New York Native.[60] Later that year, the CDC reported a cluster of Pneumocystis pneumonia in five gay men in Los Angeles.[61] The next month, The New York Times ran the headline: "Rare Cancer Seen in 41 Homosexuals".[62] The illness was soon termed Gay Related Immunodeficiency (G.R.I.D.), because it was believed to only affect gay men.[63] In June 1982, Larry Kramer founded the Gay Men's Health Crisis to provide food and support to gay men dying in New York City. During the early years of the AIDS crisis, gay men were treated pitilessly in hospital quarantine wards, left alone without contact for weeks at a time.[64]

1990 ACT UP radical direct action protesting the Bush Administration's slow pace of federal research for AIDS

During the early years of the epidemic, there was significant misinformation surrounding the illness. Rumors swirled that being in the same room or being touched by a gay man could lead one to contract HIV. It was not until April 1984 that the U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Margaret Heckler announced in a press conference that the American scientist Robert Gallo had discovered the probable cause of AIDS, the retrovirus which would be named human immunodeficiency virus or HIV. In September 1985, during his second term in office, US President Ronald Reagan publicly mentioned AIDS for the first time after being asked about his administration's lack of medical research funding for the crisis.[65][66] Four months later, Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, stated, "One million Americans have already been infected with the virus and that this number will jump to at least 2 million or 3 million within 5 to 10 years."[67] Gay men, trans women, and bisexual men faced the brunt of deaths during the first decade of the crisis. Activists claimed the government was responding to the epidemic with apathy because of the perceived "social undesirability" of these groups. To address this perceived apathy, activists such as Vito Russo, Larry Kramer, and others,[68] took more militant approaches to AIDS activism, organizing direct action through organizations like ACT UP in order to force pharmaceutical corporations and government agencies to respond to the epidemic with more urgency. ACT UP eventually grew into a transnational organization, with 140 chapters around the world,[69] while the AIDS crisis ultimately became a global epidemic. By 2019, complications related to AIDS had taken 32.7 million lives worldwide.[70]

[edit]

Africa

[edit]
Binyavanga Wainaina (right), a Kenyan writer, who came out in 2014 in response to a wave of anti-gay laws in Africa

There are 54 nations in Africa recognized by the United Nations and/or African Union. In 34 of these states, male homosexuality is explicitly outlawed.[71] In a 2015 report, Human Rights Watch noted that in Benin and the Central African Republic, male homosexuality is not explicitly outlawed, but both have laws which are applied differently for gay men than for straight men.[72] In Mauritania, northern Nigeria, Somaliland, and Somalia, male homosexuality is punishable by death.[71][73] In Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Uganda, gay men receive life imprisonment for homosexual acts, though the law is not regularly enforced in Sierra Leone. In Nigeria, legislation has also made it illegal for family members, allies, and friends of gay men to openly express support for homosexuality, and the country is generally recognized for its "cold-blooded" attitudes toward gay men.[74][75] Nigerian law states that any heterosexual person "who administers, witnesses, abets or aids" male homosexual activity should receive a 10-year jail sentence.[76] In Uganda, Christian fundamentalist organizations from the United States funded the introduction of Kill the Gays legislation to impose the death penalty for gay men.[77] The bill was ruled unconstitutional by the Ugandan Supreme Court in 2014, but retains support in the country and has been reconsidered for implementation.[78][79] Of all countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, South Africa has the most liberal attitudes toward gay men. In 2006, South Africa became the fifth country in the world to legalize same-sex marriage, and the Constitution of South Africa guarantees gay men and lesbians full equal rights and protections. South Africa is the only country in Africa where LGBT discrimination is constitutionally forbidden; however, social discrimination against South African gay men persists in rural parts of the country, where high levels of religious tradition continue to fuel prejudice and violence.[80]

Caribbean

[edit]
Jamaican rapper Buju Banton has been criticized for violently homophobic messages in his music (see: Stop Murder Music).[81]

In the mainland Americas (both North and South), male homosexuality is legal in every country (except Guyana). In the Caribbean, however, nine nations have criminal punishment for "buggery" on their statute books.[71] These countries include Barbados, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Dominica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Grenada, Saint Lucia, Antigua and Barbuda, Guyana, and Jamaica. In Jamaica, sexual intercourse between men is legally punishable by imprisonment, though the law's repeal is pending. Sexual intercourse between women is already legal,[82] though lesbians in Jamaica still experience a high level of social stigma.[83]

In Jamaica, reports of vigilante violence and torture against gay men have been reported by the Jamaican police. In 2013, Amnesty International reported that "Gay men and lesbian women have been beaten, cut, burned, raped and shot on account of their sexuality. ... We are concerned that these reports are just the tip of the iceberg. Many gay men and women in Jamaica are too afraid to go to the authorities and seek help".[84] As a result of this violence, hundreds of gay men from Jamaica sought to emigrate to countries with better human rights records.[85] A 2016 poll from J-Flag showed that 88 percent of those polled disapprove of homosexuality,[86] though since 2018, discriminatory attitudes have decreased slightly.[87]

In the Caribbean, like in other developing countries around the world, homosexual identity is often associated with Westernization,[88] and as a result, homophobia is believed to be an anti-colonial tool. Wayne Marshall wrote that gay men are believed to be "decadent products of the West" and "are thus to be resisted alongside other forms of colonization, cultural or political".[89] Wayne cites the example of the Jamaican dancehall hit "Dem Bow" by Shabba Ranks, which calls for the violent murder of gay men alongside a call for the "freedom for Black people". Marshall notes the irony of this ideological position, considering the historical evidence that homophobia was introduced to colonies by European colonists.[90] Nevertheless, Caribbean scholars have noted the importance of opposition to gay men for Jamaican male gender construction. Kingsley Ragashanti Stewart, a professor of anthropology at the University of the West Indies, writes, "A lot of Jamaican men, if you call them a homosexual, ... will immediately get violent. It's the worst insult you could give to a Jamaican man."[91] Stewart writes that homophobia influences Caribbean society even at the micro level of language. He writes of urban youth vernacular, "It's like if you say, 'Come back here,' they will say, 'No, no, no don't say "come back".' You have to say, 'come forward,' because come back is implying that you're 'coming in the back,' which is how gay men have sex."[91]

Eastern Europe

[edit]
Activists enact a scene of Chechen mothers mourning their disappeared sons, draped in LGBT and Chechen flags

In Eastern Europe, there has been a steady erosion of rights for gay men over the course of the last decade. In the Russian republic of Chechnya, gay men have been subjected to forced disappearances—secret abductions, imprisonment, torture—and extrajudicial killing by authorities. An unknown number of men, detained due to suspicion of them being gay or bisexual, have died while held in concentration camps.[92][93] Independent media and human rights groups have reported that gay men are being sent to clandestine camps in Chechnya, described by one eyewitness as "closed prison, the existence of which no one officially knows".[94] Some gay men have attempted to flee the region, but have been detained by Russian police and sent back to Chechnya.[95] Reports have emerged of prison officials releasing accused gay men from the camps after securing assurances from their families that their families will kill them (at least one man was reported by a witness as having died after returning to his family).[94] These imprisoned men are kept in extremely cramped conditions, with 30 to 40 people detained in one room (two to three metres big), and few are afforded a trial. Witnesses have also reported that the gay men are regularly beaten (with polypropylene pipes below the waist), tortured with electricity, and spat in the face by prison guards.[94] In some cases the process of torture has resulted in the death of the person being tortured.[96][97] As of 2021, the situation in Chechnya continues to worsen for gay men.[98] In other countries in Eastern Europe, rights for gay men continue to deteriorate. Polish President Andrzej Duda has pledged to ban teaching about gay men in schools, forbid same-sex marriage and adoption, and establish "LGBT-free zones".[99]

A 2017 Pew Research Center poll found that the majority of Orthodox Christians in the Eastern European and former USSR states surveyed believe that homosexuality "should not be accepted by society"; 45% of Orthodox Christians in Greece and 31% in the United States answered the same way.[100]

Southwest Asia and North Africa

[edit]
Abdellah Taïa has written about the abuse he suffered as a gay child in Morocco.[101]

In Southwest Asia and North Africa, gay men face some of the harshest and most hostile laws anywhere in the world. Sex between men is explicitly outlawed in 10 of the 18 "Middle Eastern" countries and is punishable by death in six. According to scholars, recent popular turns toward Islamic fundamentalism has strongly influenced the extreme violence against gay men. While all same-sex activity is legal in Bahrain, Cyprus, the West Bank, Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, and Iraq, male homosexuality is illegal and punishable by imprisonment in Syria, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, and Egypt. Israel is the most progressive concerning LGBT rights and recognizing unregistered cohabitation; however, it has faced criticism from academics such as Sarah Schulman and Jason Ritchie for "pinkwashing".[102][103] And although same-sex marriage is not legal in the country, there is public support for recognizing and registering same-sex marriages performed in other countries.[104]

Male same-sex activity is also punishable by death in the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Qatar. In the Gaza Strip and Yemen, punishment for male homosexuality varies between death and imprisonment depending on the act committed. In 2018, a transnational survey conducted in the region by Pew Research Center found that 80% of people polled believed homosexuality was "morally unacceptable",[105] though others argue that the true number of people who support rights for gay men is unclear due to fear of backlash and punishment.[106]

Art and culture

[edit]

High fashion

[edit]
McQueen, Fall 2008

Since the early 20th century, gay men, both out and closeted, have worked as some of the world's most influential fashion designers and started some of the most important fashion houses. Cristóbal Balenciaga (b. 1895), who started the Balenciaga brand, was gay[107] but remained private about his sexuality for his entire life.[108] His long-time partner, Franco-Polish millionaire Władzio Jaworowski d'Attainville, set up the fund for him to start the house. After d'Attainville died, Balenciaga's following collection was designed entirely in black to mourn his loss.[109] The French fashion designer Christian Dior (b. 1905) was another hugely influential fashion designer of the 20th century.[110] Dior never married nor openly identified as a gay man, however, he was known to frequent the gay cultural scene in Paris and was infamously described by Coco Chanel as never having intimately "known" a woman.[111][112] Yves Saint Laurent (b. 1935), also regarded as being among the foremost fashion designers in the twentieth century,[113] was openly gay; his long-time partner was Pierre Berge.[114] Gianni Versace (b. 1946), an Italian fashion designer and founder of Versace, publicly came out in an interview with The Advocate in July 1995.[115] Versace was murdered in 1997.[116]

A younger generation of gay men gained prominence in the fashion world during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Tom Ford (b. 1961) founded his eponymous brand Tom Ford in 2005 and has stated that he realized he was gay as a young man visiting Studio 54 in the 1980s.[117][118] Alexander McQueen (b. 1969), who was also openly gay, founded his own label Alexander McQueen in 1992 and was recognized as a fashion prodigy for his revolutionary designs.[119] McQueen said he realized his sexual orientation when he was six years old.[120] In 2000, McQueen had a marriage ceremony with his partner George Forsyth, a documentary filmmaker, on a yacht in Ibiza.[121] McQueen died by suicide in 2010, shortly after the death of his mother. In recent years, gay men have continued to produce some of the most influential fashion in the world, including by designers such as Jeremy Scott (b. 1975), Jason Wu (b. 1982), and Alexander Wang (b. 1983).[122][123][124]

Art

[edit]
"Unfromme Wünsche" by Matthias Laurenz Gräff (top left), Keith Haring in East Harlem in 1986 (top right), American artist Andy Warhol in Moderna Museet, Stockholm (bottom left), and "Darya Zhukova" by Alexander Kargaltsev (bottom right).

In the 20th century, gay men were amongst the Western world's most influential and prolific artists, writers, and dancers. In the United States by mid-century, James Baldwin (b. 1924) was considered one of the best writers of his generation.[125] His work, including Giovanni's Room (1956) dealt openly with homosexuality and bisexuality at a time when sex between men was still illegal throughout much of the Western world.[126][127] Other major artists of Baldwin's generation, including Robert Rauschenberg (b. 1925) and Jasper Johns (b. 1930), were less open about their sexuality,[128] and even made fun of other young gay artists of their generation, such as Andy Warhol, for being too feminine.[129] In the world of New York dance, Alvin Ailey (b. 1931) fused theater, modern dance, ballet, and jazz with black vernacular, and his choreographic magnum opus Revelations is recognized as one of the most popular and most performed ballets in the world.[130][131][132] Ailey remained closeted for much of his life, and he passed from an AIDS related illness at the age of 58.[133] David Hockney (b. 1937), another major artist of the Silent Generation, was an important contributor to the pop art movement of the 1960s and is considered one of the most influential British artists of the 20th century.[134][135] He has been openly gay for much of his life.[136]

Many of the most influential gay and bisexual artists of the Boomer and X generations died at very early ages during the AIDS crises, including Carlos Almaraz (b. 1941), Robert Mapplethorpe (b. 1946), Félix González-Torres (b. 1957), and Keith Haring (b. 1958). Much of the Art of the AIDS Crisis was highly political and critical of the U.S. government and has been described as "afraid, angry, fearful, and defiant".[137] In the aftermath of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, gay men and other queer artists pioneered a new form of experimental filmmaking called New Queer Cinema.[138][139] Today, gay men such as Mark Bradford, Julio Salgado, and Kehinde Wiley are amongst the most influential artists of their generation.[140][141][142] Much of contemporary Western gay art today deals with themes of body, identity, and experience.[143]

Outside of the West, art containing themes of gay male sexuality is still considered subversive and taboo. In Singapore, which criminalized all sexual acts between men through Section 377A of the Penal Code until 2022,[144] art by gay men is considered countercultural. Gay men in Singapore historically have been depicted negatively in local mainstream media, and efforts to counter this discrimination from wider Singaporean society has been made difficult because of the risk of jail, bans, and censorship by the state.[144][145][146][147]

Film and media art

[edit]

In the United States, Andy Warhol made underground films with queer themes and actors. His work had an international influence in queer film art.[148] The avant-garde director Rosa von Praunheim has made more than 100 films on queer topics since the late 1960s, some of them have been evaluated internationally. Some films are considered milestones in queer cinema. Von Praunheim is internationally recognized as an icon of queer cinema.[149] The director Rainer Werner Fassbinder had an early influence on queer cinema with films like Querelle (1982).[150] These filmmakers and others pioneered queer Hollywood productions like Brokeback Mountain (2005), which reached an audience of millions.[151]

Drag

[edit]
Post-Modern Art Attack

Drag queens are a significant part of the popular culture of gay men and are regularly featured in gay bars. Drag queens use drag clothing and makeup to imitate and often exaggerate female gender signifiers and gender roles as part of a performance used for artistic or entertainment purposes. Drag shows often include lip-syncing, dancing, and live singing. They occur at events like drag pageants and gay pride parades and in nightclubs and cabarets, as well as in local gay bars. Drag queens vary by dedication, type, and culture, and range from professionals who star in films and on Broadway, such as Gene Malin, Divine, or Rupaul, to people who do drag only occasionally.

Drag balls themselves have a long history for gay men in the United States.[152] In 1869 at the Hamilton Lodge in Harlem, the first drag balls were held. These balls were held in secret, but news grew of their existence as a safe place for gay men to congregate.[152] The balls were deemed immoral and illegal, and a moral reform organization known as the Committee of Fourteen investigated alleged "immoral" activities.[152] In 1916, the committee released a report describing "'phenomenal ... male perverts' in expensive frocks and wigs, looking like women".[152] By the 1920s, the balls grew in public visibility. In New York, the events, once called Masquerade and Civic Balls, were called "Faggots Balls" by the general public.[152] The balls, however, also attracted some of the city's top artists and writers, including Charles Henri Ford and Parker Tyler.[152] The men, who co-authored The Young and Evil, described the drag ball as "a scene whose celestial flavor and cerulean coloring no angelic painter or nectarish poet has ever conceived ... lit up like high mass."[153] This flourishing of gay life in the 1920s and 30s was part of a period known as the Pansy Craze.[154]

More recently, the film Paris is Burning (1990) detailed the drag ball scene of New York City and showcased the lives and experiences of a group of young "butch queens" (cisgender gay men), transgender women, drag queens, and butch women. Since its release, the film has become a cult classic and has served as an organizing and academic tool for the gay and trans communities (though it has been subject to significant criticism).[155] Meanwhile, the television reality program RuPaul's Drag Race has been on-air in the United States since 2009 and has introduced the straight mainstream to gay men's popular culture through drag. The original American series has since developed into the global Drag Race franchise.

In the 2020s, a wave of anti-LGBT backlash in the United States resulted in what is known as the Drag panic.[156] As part of this backlash, some U.S. states, such as Tennessee, criminalized the public performance of drag.[157]

Camp

[edit]
"Magenta carpet" at Life Ball 2013

Camp is a visual aesthetic style often associated with gay men. An English definition of the term first appeared in a 1909 edition of the Oxford English Dictionary: "ostentatious, exaggerated, affected, theatrical; effeminate or homosexual; pertaining to, characteristic of, homosexuals".[158] From its original meaning, the term has evolved to signify an inversion of aesthetic attributes such as beauty, value, and taste through exaggeration and irony.[159] Camp is often mistaken with kitsch and has been described as "cheesy". In 1964, Susan Sontag's essay Notes on "Camp" emphasized camp's key elements as: "artifice, frivolity, naïve middle-class pretentiousness, and shocking excess".[160] In recent years, gay men have sought to disassociate themselves from the term. In a 2018 interview, director Ryan Murphy said he believed camp was "a lazy catchall that gets thrown at gay artists in order to marginalize their ambitions, to frame their work as niche" and preferred to describe his visual aesthetic style as "baroque".[161] As some gay men have moved away from the term, however, mainstream straight society has appropriated it. In 2019, the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art hosted its annual event, the Met Gala, with the theme titled "Notes on Camp".[162] That same year, the museum presented its full exhibit "Camp: Notes on Fashion", in which it presented numerous "campy" women's dresses.[163] Nevertheless, in drag performances and at gay pride events, many gay men continue to embrace a camp aesthetic.[164]

Representation in media

[edit]
In The Maltese Falcon, Peter Lorre played an overtly stereotyped effeminate villain.

In many forms of popular entertainment, gay men are portrayed stereotypically as promiscuous, flamboyant, flashy, and sassy. Gay men are also rarely the main characters in mainstream films; they frequently play the role of stereotyped supporting characters or are portrayed as either a victim or the villain.[165] Despite the stereotypical depictions of gay men, television shows since the 1990s, such as Queer as Folk, Queer Eye, and Modern Family have promoted broader social acceptance of gay men as "normal people". Nevertheless, gay men are still frequently portrayed in the United States as symbols of social decadence by evangelists and organizations such as Focus on the Family.[166]

Historical Western media representations

[edit]
Boys Beware, a 1961 U.S. propaganda film warning boys to beware the "predatory" dangers of homosexual men

Historically, many films have included negative sub-texts regarding male homosexuality, such as in Alfred Hitchcock's films, whose villains used implied homosexuality to heighten senses of evil and alienation.[167][168] In news programming, male homosexuality was rarely directly mentioned, but it was often portrayed as a sickness, perversion, or crime. In 1967, CBC released a news segment on homosexuality; however, the segment was simply a compilation of negative stereotypes of gay men.[169] The 1970s showed an increase in gay men's visibility in Western media with the 1972 ABC show That Certain Summer. The show was about a gay man raising a family, and although it did not show any explicit relations between the men, it contained no negative stereotypes.[169]

With the emergence of the AIDS epidemic and its explicit associations with gay men, media outlets in the U.S. varied in their coverage, portrayal, and acceptance of gay male communities. The American Family Association, the Coalition for Better Television, and the Moral Majority organized boycotts against advertisers on television programs which showed gay men in a positive light.[170] Media coverage of gay men during the AIDS crisis depended on the location and therefore the local attitudes toward gay men. For example, in the Bay Area, The San Francisco Chronicle hired an openly gay man as a reporter and ran detailed stories on gay male topics. This was a sharp contrast to The New York Times, which refused to use the word "gay" in its writing, exclusively referring to gay men and lesbians with the term "homosexuals", because it was believed to be a more clinical term. The Times also limited its verbal and visual coverage of issues pertaining to gay men.[169][171]

Contemporary Western media representations

[edit]
On Pose, Billy Porter plays Pray Tell, a Black gay man with AIDS in New York.

In the 1980s, the AIDS crisis greatly affected the representation of gay men in American media.[172]

Melanie Kohnen writes that, initially, the news media portrayed AIDS as a disease that affects mainly urban, White gay men; in spite of the fact that most victims of AIDS were gay Black and Hispanic men.[173] However, by the late 1980s it had become undeniable that most of the victims of AIDS were gay men of color, and the media finally came to acknowledge this commonly-known fact. Yet the new coverage maintained the image of White men as heroic leaders in the fight against AIDS; while ignoring the perspectives of the gay men of color.[173] Kohnen attributes this favorable (and unwarranted) representation of White men to white privilege.[173]

During the crisis, American media tended to focus on the "raunchiness" of gay culture, and divided gay men in to two archetypes: "victims" (those affected by HIV) and "villains" (who allegedly spread HIV, deliberately).[172]

The AIDS pandemic delayed positive representations of gay men until the 1990s,[172] when the first positive representations of gay men began to appear in American media.[174] However, most of these gay men were White, masculine, apolitical and never depicted romantically with other men.[174] This new depiction of gay men catered to heterosexual audiences, and did not reflect the true diversity of the LGBT community.[174][175]

Scholars have noted that intersectional representations of gay men of color are generally not present on television.[175] Additionally, when television shows do depict gay men of color, they are often less visible, or merely the love interests of a White male character. They have also often depicted as "race neutral", meaning that their gayness is paramount to all of their other attributes, thus obscuring their ethnic identity.[175]

Health

[edit]

Gay men in the United States are less likely to be overweight or obese compared to their heterosexual counterparts.[176][non-primary source needed]

Abuse

[edit]
Gay men are more likely to be abused but less likely to seek help.

Gay men are at an increased risk of being physically and sexually abused, particularly those who exhibit early gender nonconforming behavior (femininity).[177] Writing about his own experience as a feminine boy, gay Moroccan writer Abdellah Taïa, wrote in a New York Times op-ed: "I knew what happened to boys like me in our impoverished society; they were designated victims, to be used, with everyone's blessing, as easy sexual objects by frustrated men."[101] Gay men are less likely than women to seek mental health assistance, oftentimes due to social stigma and false beliefs around sexual assault, such as "men cannot be forced to have sex" and "men become gay or bisexual because they were sexually abused."[178]

Sexual health

[edit]
HIV prevention poster advocating for safe MSM sex in Vietnam

Around the world, gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men (MSM) face significant challenges in terms of their overall sexual health. According to a UNAIDS report, MSM have a "staggering" 27 times higher risk of contracting HIV than other demographic groups, and the highest median prevalence among this population is found in Sub-Saharan Africa.[179]

New HIV infection rates for MSM vary by region, but according to a 2018 UN report, HIV cases among MSM represent: 57% of all new cases in North America, Central Europe, and Western Europe; 41% of all new cases in Latin America; 25% of all new cases in Asia, the Pacific Islands, and the Caribbean; 20% of all new cases in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, North Africa, and the Middle East; and 12% of all new cases in Western and Central Africa.[180]

In countries with diverse racial populations, such as the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, new HIV infections among gay and bisexual men are found disproportionately in working-class and communities of color.[181][182][183] In the United States, there are currently full-blown HIV crises amongst gay Chicano and Latino men in the Mexico-U.S. borderlands region,[184] and amongst African American MSM in the South.[185] In the South, Black gay, bisexual, and other MSM account for six out of every 10 new HIV diagnoses amongst all African Americans.[185] In recent years, independent news sources have shown that working-class Black and Latino gay men in the United States still face significant health disparities in these crises;[186][187] however, in the United States, as in other places around the world, these problems have only worsened as HIV-positive MSM (especially those from already disadvantaged communities)[188] have been severely and disproportionately affected by the global COVID-19 pandemic.[189]

In addition to HIV, young gay, bisexual, and other MSM are also at significantly higher risk for other sexual health-related issues. Because compulsive and condomless sexually related behaviors are also strongly associated with depression,[190] young MSM (who are disproportionately likely to experience clinical depression)[191][192] are at increased risk of sexually transmitted infections via unsafe sex.[193] Furthermore, because depression is strongly linked to a history of being sexual abused, the high rate of past childhood sexual trauma among gay men leaves many in the community vulnerable to unhealthy behaviors and practices.[194][195] As a combination of these complex factors, many gay, bisexual, and MSM have higher rates of STIs, including chlamydia and gonorrhea, and in the United States, account for 83% of all primary and secondary syphilis cases.[196]

Mental health

[edit]

There are significant issues affecting the overall mental health of gay men. In the United States, 29.3 percent of gay and bisexual men report experiencing chronic daily psychological distress.[178] Gay and bisexual men are exposed to significant minority stress, which is the constant exposure to stressors because of their minority identity in society.[178] Familial and social rejection, homophobia, alienation, and isolation can contribute to mental health issues such as anxiety, depression, and a lack of self-acceptance.[178] These issues have been found to be exacerbated in gay men who have experienced sexual abuse.[178] Even in countries with social and legal protections for gay men, such as the United Kingdom, France, and the United States, structural societal stigma against homosexual men persists, and discrimination has been shown to have negative effects on the mental health of gay men.[197] In fact, compared to straight men, gay and bisexual men have a higher chance of having both major depression and generalized anxiety disorder.[197] Gay and bisexual men are also at greater risk of dying by suicide;[198] they are one of the demographic groups most likely to have tried to commit suicide, as well as to actually die by suicide.[197] Finally, HIV-positive status continues to have a major impact on the mental health of many gay and bisexual men, who fear disclosing their status to employers, friends, and families, particularly if they have not yet come out.[197]

Incarceration

[edit]

United States

[edit]
Protest against mass incarceration in Chowchilla, California in January 2013

In 2017, a survey conducted by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Williams Institute at the UCLA School of Law found that in local and county jails, 6.2 percent of all incarcerated men were sexual minorities, including 3.3 percent who identified as gay or bisexual, and 2.9 percent who did not identify as gay or bisexual but reported having had sex with men (MSM).[199] This number was higher amongst men within state and federal prisons, where 5.5 percent identified as gay or bisexual, and an additional 3.8 were MSM.[199] The Williams Institute's research team also found that gay and bisexual men received longer and harsher sentences for the same crimes committed compared to heterosexual men.[199] Gay and bisexual men were found to be 2.7 times more likely to receive prison terms exceeding 20 years than straight men, and were more likely to have spent time in solitary confinement while incarcerated: 26.8 of gay and bisexual men had been held in solitary compared to 18.2 of straight men.[199][non-primary source needed]

Additionally, gay men are at increased risk of rape and sexual abuse while in prison.[200] A report by the international human-rights organization Human Rights Watch found that in U.S. prisons, the rape of incarcerated gay men is often administratively dismissed because of the misconception that any sexual contact involving a gay man and another male is inherently consensual.[200] As a result, rape victims who are known or believed to be gay are sometimes even denied medical treatment or legal recourse, and perpetrators often go unpunished and thus are allowed to continue abusing their victims.[200]

Homelessness

[edit]
London advert protesting the exclusion of unhoused LGBT people

For many young gay men and LGBT+ youth around the world, homelessness and housing insecurity are serious issues.[201][202] In the United States, which has the largest homeless population in the Western world outside of Germany, numerical estimates of housing insecure LGBT youth range from 1.6 million to 2.8 million.[201] In one U.S. national sample, nearly half of houseless LGBT youth reported they had been kicked out of their home because their family had rejected their sexual orientation or identity.[203][non-primary source needed] For young gay men, the precariousness of unstable housing comes with many dangers; for example, studies have found that young gay men and adolescents were more likely than their straight counterparts to be sexually victimized while homeless.[204][205] Amongst adults, no nationally representative datasets exist yet for measuring the sexual orientation or gender identity of homeless or housing insecure individuals;[206] however, some estimates place the LGBT community at between 20 and 40% of the United States' homeless populations.[207]

Community and identity

[edit]

Subcultures

[edit]
Two young gay men at Taiwan Pride

In North America and Europe, gay men have several subcultures, including Twinks, Bears, Otters, Queens, Jocks, Gaymers, and others.[208] According to scholars, these subcultures, which largely originated as part of a "gay American way of life", have in some ways become a "global template" for gay culture around the world.[209] In India, where a gay culture is slowly emerging, despite anti-gay "societal values, the caste system, arranged marriages, [and] the high probability of being disinherited for coming out", some gay men are working to develop a mature and distinct-Indian culture while also adopting aspects of global gay culture.[210] One Indian gay man who identifies as a Bear, stated in an interview, "Because [straight people] see me in chunky rings and bracelets, heavy metal tees riding a Harley Davidson, it doesn't fit in with the Indian stereotype of effeminate gay. While I have nothing against being effeminate, not all gay men are so ... Encouraging a bear culture [in India] will see more men feeling comfortable coming out and avoiding the trap of a face-saving heterosexual marriage."[211]

Two gay men kiss during a pride event

In Canada, which already has mature urban communities of gay men, some gay artists are working to counter the fact that the social acceptability of a gay subculture is often dependent on how closely it aligns with Western standards of conventional attractiveness.[212] The video artist Mike Wyeld, whose exhibition "LOVED", showcased the Bear community, stated, "Some of the things that the media's obsessed with — obesity, weight loss, body shape, aging — some of these things we have to be happy with. We get bigger, we get older. You can fight it and be miserable or you can accept it and live with the body that you have and love it."[212] In the United Kingdom, journalists have noted the role mobile apps such as Grindr have played in creating self-segregating subcultures (also called "tribes") within gay men's communities.[213]

Youth

[edit]
A youth at DC Pride

Gay adolescents, boys, and young men are a uniquely vulnerable segment of the gay male population. In many countries, identity-issues, bullying, and lack of family acceptance are some of the major concerns facing gay-identified youth.[214][215][216] Additionally, gay boys and adolescents around the world are regularly subjected to more extreme forms of violence, including conversion therapy,[217] familial violence,[218][219] and other forms of physical abuse.[220] These issues have been shown to have detrimental effects on the well-being of gay and bisexual male youth. In the United States, a 2019 report by the CDC found that suicidal ideation amongst gay and bisexual boys and adolescents is as high as 40.4%.[221] According to the CDC, however, parental support can play an important role in bettering health outcomes for gay and bisexual youth, decreasing the likelihood a gay teen will: "Experience depression; attempt suicide; use drugs and alcohol; [or] become infected with sexually transmitted diseases."[222] For educators, the inclusion of diverse curriculum and the development of peer support venues (such as Queer–Straight Alliances in North America) have been suggested as ways to reduce the frequency and effects of bullying and cyberbullying.[223] Such measures are particularly important for gay and bisexual male students, who, in 2019, were the second most likely group (behind trans students) to have experienced bullying at school (73.9%) and online (30%) in the most recent 30 days, according to research by Sameer Hinduja and Justin Patchin.[224] Despite these calls for inclusive and diverse curriculums, Scotland is currently the only country in the world with a mandated LGBTQ-inclusive curriculum in its public school system.[225] While many nations offer a piecemeal approach to LGBT education, others (including several U.S. states)[226] have explicit bans on the inclusion of gay-friendly education. Despite the challenges gay teenagers face, studies have found that gay male youth also develop skillsets which enable them to more successfully cope with stress and other developmental challenges than their straight peers.[227] In comparing gay boys and adolescents to their heterosexual peers, gay-identified youth show higher levels of resilience, positive self-esteem, and internal self-control.[227]

Fatherhood

[edit]
Two fathers with their child

In the majority of countries today, adoption by same-sex couples is not legally allowed. In Western Europe, most of South America, and North America, however, gay men can became fathers in a variety of ways, including adoption, surrogates, and births from previous relationships. In recent years, prominent gay men such as Anderson Cooper and Elton John have made headlines for becoming fathers,[228][229] and gay men have been increasingly represented on television as fathers (though these representations have been subject to critiques for their one-dimensionality).[230] In spite of these advances in visibility and representation, however, gay fathers and their families still experience high levels of discrimination and social stigma from their relatives, neighbors, and other members of their communities.[231][232] In the United States, two-thirds of gay fathers report experiencing social stigma, and one-third report that their children faced stigmatization from other children for having gay parents.[231] The majority of social scientific research shows the children of gay fathers to be equally well adjusted as the children of heterosexual parents.[233]

Age

[edit]
Two older gay men in March 2010

Older gay men are one of the least studied groups within gay men's communities. In Mexico, Vida Alegre opened in 2019 as the first senior center for LGBT people in the country.[234] According to the center's founder, Samantha Flores, loneliness is a major problem for many older gay men in Mexico, stating, "I've had people come in, older gay men, sobbing and pouring their hearts out to me about how unhappy they are ... They usually don't have children, and many of their families have disowned them, so they need to turn to families they have chosen themselves or friends for social contact."[234] According to Flores, many of these older gay men in Mexico are also living with PTSD because of their many lost friends and partners who died during the AIDS epidemic.[234] In France, the documentary filmmaker Sébastien Lifshitz made Les Invisibles, a 2012 documentary about elderly gay French people, and he found significant ideological differences between younger and older gay people.[235] Lifshitz stated, "What's important to understand is that this older generation of gay people in France fought against the heterosexual, bourgeois model of French society with all their might. The fact that there are much younger gay couples today that are demanding the right to get married and adopt children is something the older gay generation understands, but does not want for themselves."[235] Finally, in the United States, scholars have found that most older gay American men are not "strange, lonely creatures" but are instead "well-adjusted to their homosexuality and the aging process".[236]

Gender identity

[edit]

For trans and gender nonconforming gay and bisexual men, there are unique aspects of their identity which shape their experience within gay men's communities. In Canada, gay and bisexual trans men often use specific apps and websites, such as Grindr and Tinder, in order to find romantic and sexual partners.[237] Canadian trans men report that personal developments (such as gender transition) and socio-historical changes (like increasing trans male visibility and the rise of virtual dating applications) are producing rapidly changing sexual and romantic opportunities;[237] In 2017, most gay Canadian trans men reported having satisfying sexual lives.[237][non-primary source needed] In a 2009 interview with New York magazine, the writer Amos Mac, who identifies as queer, said, "I very much [identify] as a fag. I [am] drawn to the community of gay men, and that's how I embody myself. I'm attracted to guys who have a bit of flair to them. They don't have to be gay, but they can be queeny. I love an artistic queen."[238] In his 2017 book, Trans Homo, Avi Ben-Zeev addresses the historical presence of trans gay men within the community, writing, "Elders, like Lou Sullivan, paved the way and have brought some visibility to the fact that trans men are, and have been, an integral part of gay male communities. Yet, we trans homos (and our lovers) are still mysterious creatures to many, even within these communities."[239] In a 2004 collection of personal essays, one man wrote about his identity formation as a gay trans man, writing "I [never felt] that being gay, or [transgender] was unnatural. I've always felt that the people who never questioned their gender, sexuality, or fertility were the odd ones. If anyone needs an outsider's label, it's the ones who moralize against human sexuality, not the ones who accept it."[240]

Disability

[edit]
A gay man in a wheelchair at London Pride 2016

Gay men with disabilities report feelings of discomfort because of social expectations surrounding physical appearance and conventional standards of attractiveness.[241] One man, Aaron Anderson, who has Guillain-Barre Syndrome, said, "Gay men are so conditioned to everything has to be perfect. You have to have it all. [My body] is so not perfect. The gay men I know don't know how to deal with it [my disability]. They pretend it's not a thing or superficial acquaintances will just ignore me."[241] Gay men with disabilities also note that members of the disability community often feel desexualized by society.[241] This desexualization can have serious ramifications for the health of gay men with disabilities. Jae Jin Pak, of the University of Illinois at Chicago, noted that accurate sexual education and sexuality-related information is generally unavailable to members of the disabled community,[241] which can leave men in the community without information about safe-sex practices. Meanwhile, within the field of Disability studies, scholars emphasize the importance of establishing a public identity and a common culture for gay men with disabilities.[242] In recent years, queer men with disabilities have achieved some mainstream media visibility, including through Ryan O'Connell's 2019 Netflix series Special, and the online popularity of the sexually fluid American model Nyle DiMarco.

Education

[edit]

In the United States, on average, gay men are almost twice as likely than straight men to disagree that "they feel safe at school".[243] Gay men are 50% more likely than straight men to have a university degree, and gay men have a slightly higher high school GPA than straight and bisexual men.[243]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Gay men are adult s whose predominant is directed toward other s, a observed consistently across populations and substantiated by self-reported surveys and behavioral studies. Empirical estimates place their at approximately 2 to 5 percent of the in Western societies, though figures vary by measurement (e.g., self-identification versus physiological ) and cultural context, with twin studies indicating a partial heritable component—concordance rates of 52 percent among monozygotic twins compared to 22 percent among dizygotic pairs—suggesting interact with environmental factors rather than a single deterministic "gay ." Historically, male same-sex relations appear in records from ancient civilizations, including , , and , often integrated into social hierarchies or rituals rather than as a fixed identity, though and fluctuated without of the being a modern invention. In modern times, gay men have been central to cultural movements in and , yet they exhibit stark health disparities: comprising less than 5 percent of the U.S. but accounting for over half of new diagnoses, alongside elevated rates of depression, anxiety, and attempts relative to heterosexual men, patterns linked in peer-reviewed analyses to behavioral factors like higher average lifetime sexual partners (often exceeding those of heterosexual s by factors of 5 to 10 in sampled cohorts) rather than solely external stigma. These outcomes persist despite institutional narratives emphasizing , prompting scrutiny of source biases in academia and reporting that may downplay causal roles of and substance use. Controversies include the 1980s AIDS crisis, disproportionately affecting gay networks due to dense sexual connectivity, and ongoing debates over whether observed mental health burdens stem more from innate predispositions, lifestyle choices, or societal pressures, with causal realism favoring multifactorial explanations over monocausal victimhood frames.

Definition and Terminology

Core Definitions

A man is an adult male whose consists of predominant or exclusive emotional, romantic, and to other adult males. This aligns with established psychological definitions of as a stable pattern of same-sex attraction, distinct from transient preferences or situational behaviors. In biological and evolutionary contexts, male refers to persistent same-sex observed in s and other , though expressions involve complex cognitive and social dimensions beyond mere genital response. Sexual as applied to gay men emphasizes innate attractions rather than voluntary choice, with research indicating it emerges early in development and resists deliberate alteration for most individuals. The term "" functions as a contemporary for homosexual males, originating in mid-20th-century subcultural usage to denote identity and community affiliation, whereas "homosexual" retains a more clinical connotation rooted in 19th-century . Definitions exclude bisexual males, whose attractions span both sexes, and focus on orientation over identity alone, as self-labeling can vary independently of underlying attractions. Distinctions exist between homosexual orientation (enduring attractions), (overt same-sex acts, which may occur among non-gay men in contexts like prisons or experimentation), and identity (self-ascription as gay, often influenced by cultural norms). For instance, surveys show discrepancies where up to 10-15% of men report lifetime same-sex behavior without gay identification, highlighting that behavior alone does not define orientation. Empirical assessments in studies typically rely on self-reported attractions, physiological arousal patterns (e.g., via plethysmography), or longitudinal stability rather than isolated acts.

Historical and Contemporary Terms

The term "sodomite" emerged in medieval around 1300, derived from the biblical city of Sodom, to describe individuals engaging in anal intercourse or other acts deemed unnatural, often encompassing male-male sexual relations condemned under . Prior to the , English dictionaries primarily referenced "" and "buggery" for such behaviors, framing them as criminal acts rather than innate orientations, with "sodomite" serving as a label for perpetrators. In the mid-19th century, German-speaking sexologists introduced identity-based terminology amid debates on . Karl Heinrich Ulrichs proposed "urning" in 1864 for men with innate female psyches attracted to men, influencing later discourse. The adjective "" was coined in 1869 by Hungarian writer Károly Mária Kertbeny (pseudonym for Karl-Maria Benkert) in a arguing against Prussian sodomy laws, combining Greek "homos" (same) and Latin "sexualis" to denote same-sex attraction as a natural variant rather than sin or crime. Terms like "invert" and "Uranian" (evoking Plato's ) also gained traction in English by the 1880s among medical and literary circles to describe psychological or congenital same-sex desire in men. Slang "," denoting homosexual men, appeared in American underworld contexts by the 1920s and 1930s, evolving from earlier European associations of "gai" with carefree or promiscuous same-sex subcultures as far back as 16th-century . It entered mainstream dictionaries with homosexual connotations by 1955 and became the preferred self-identifier for men during the 1960s movement, supplanting "homosexual" due to the latter's clinical and pathologizing undertones from psychiatric classifications like the DSM until 1973. In contemporary usage, "gay man" specifically refers to a male with predominant romantic, emotional, or sexual attraction to other males, often implying an identity tied to community and culture, distinct from behavior-only labels. "Homosexual" persists in scientific and legal contexts for precision but is avoided in activist and personal spheres for evoking outdated views of deviance. Epidemiological term "men who have sex with men" (MSM), introduced in the 1990s AIDS research, describes behavior without assuming orientation, aiding public health data on groups like bisexual or closeted men. Academic alternatives include "androphilic" for attraction to masculinity or adult males, emphasizing object over identity in evolutionary psychology studies. Derogatory historical slurs like "faggot" (from 1914) or "nancy boy" linger in some vernaculars but are not reclaimed terms for self-description.

Etiology and Causes

Genetic and Biological Influences

Twin studies provide evidence for a genetic component in male homosexuality. Monozygotic twins exhibit concordance rates of approximately 52% for homosexual orientation, compared to 22% for dizygotic twins, suggesting estimates of 30-50%. These findings are consistent across multiple cohorts, though concordance is far from 100%, indicating non-genetic influences also play a role. Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) further support a polygenic basis, with no single accounting for same-sex attraction. A 2019 analysis of nearly 500,000 individuals identified genetic variants explaining 8-25% of variation in same-sex sexual behavior, with around 60% from twin data but lower SNP-based estimates due to complex interactions. Earlier linkage studies implicated regions like on the in select families, but replications have been inconsistent, failing to confirm a major locus. Biological markers in the also differ between homosexual and heterosexual men. The third interstitial nucleus of the anterior (INAH-3) is significantly smaller in gay men, resembling heterosexual women in volume, as observed in postmortem examinations of 41 subjects. This dimorphism suggests innate neurological substrates for , though sample sizes were small and potential confounds like status were present. The fraternal birth order effect represents another biological correlate, where each additional older brother increases the odds of male homosexuality by about 33%, independent of non-biological siblings. This pattern, robust across cultures, is attributed to a maternal against male-specific proteins (e.g., NLGN4Y ) during successive male pregnancies, potentially altering fetal brain development. Such findings underscore prenatal biological processes intertwined with genetic predispositions, though not strictly genetic.

Prenatal and Developmental Factors

The fraternal birth order effect (FBOE) is a replicated phenomenon in which the likelihood of male increases with each older brother sharing the same mother, independent of family size, parental age, or socioeconomic factors. Meta-analyses of studies spanning over 25 years, involving thousands of participants, yield a pooled of 1.47 per older brother, meaning each additional older brother raises the odds by about 33-47%. This effect is specific to biological older brothers—adopted or stepbrothers do not contribute—and is absent in females or for younger siblings influencing orientation. It accounts for an estimated 15-29% of male cases, primarily among right-handed men. The leading causal explanation is the maternal immune hypothesis, positing that mothers progressively mount an immune response to male-specific fetal proteins (e.g., H-Y antigens or NLGN4Y) during successive pregnancies, leading to that subtly alter development in later male fetuses, particularly in regions linked to . Empirical support includes higher maternal anti-NLGN4Y levels in mothers of sons with multiple older brothers compared to mothers of heterosexual sons or those with fewer male fetuses. This immunological process occurs prenatally, with effects manifesting in rather than or . Animal models corroborate immune-mediated disruptions to , though human data remain correlational. Prenatal exposure theories suggest atypical levels or timing of testosterone and other hormones during critical fetal periods (e.g., second trimester) may organize brain structures influencing later in males. Direct measurement is infeasible, but proxies like the 2D:4D digit ratio—a sexually dimorphic marker inversely correlated with prenatal exposure—yield inconsistent findings for gay men, with some studies showing no overall difference from heterosexual men and others reporting slightly higher (feminized) ratios in subgroups, such as those preferring receptive roles. Reviews of (CAH) in females support heightened same-sex attraction with excess prenatal androgens, but male equivalents (e.g., androgen insensitivity) are rare and do not uniformly predict ; gay men appear exposed to typical levels overall, challenging simple deficiency models. Early developmental markers, including (e.g., aversion to rough play, preference for female-typical toys and peers), prospectively predict adult male with moderate effect sizes in longitudinal studies, often emerging by ages 2-4 and persisting despite social pressures. These behaviors correlate with prenatal factors like FBOE and are viewed as downstream indicators of atypical fetal organization rather than learned responses, as they appear before overt sexual awareness and resist modification. Prospective birth cohort data find limited additional predictive power from postnatal variables (e.g., family environment, early adversity) beyond biological markers, underscoring prenatal primacy.

Environmental and Psychological Contributions

Twin studies consistently indicate that environmental factors account for a substantial portion of variance in male sexual orientation, with estimates typically ranging from 30% to 50%. For instance, a of twin data suggests that genetic factors explain approximately 32% of the liability to in men, shared environment up to 25%, and non-shared environmental influences the remaining 43%. Non-shared environment encompasses unique individual experiences not common to siblings, such as idiosyncratic peer interactions or personal events, which appear to exert the strongest postnatal influence. Shared environmental effects, including family upbringing and socioeconomic conditions, show limited and inconsistent contributions to male homosexuality. Large-scale twin modeling from U.S. national samples finds that familial environment may play a modest but often estimates near zero after accounting for genetic factors, implying that broad household dynamics like do not substantially determine orientation. Early psychoanalytic theories, such as those positing dominant mothers and detached fathers as causal (e.g., Bieber et al., 1962), have failed to replicate in modern longitudinal studies and are critiqued for small samples and . Psychological factors like and early adversities correlate with later same-sex attraction but do not establish causation. Prospective studies show gender atypical behavior in boys predicts adult with high specificity (around 75-90%), yet this trait emerges early and likely reflects underlying biological predispositions rather than environmental molding. Associations with or trauma exist but are modest (odds ratios 1.5-2.0), potentially bidirectional, and explained partly by reporting biases or increased vulnerability rather than . No robust evidence supports conditioning or learned behaviors as primary drivers, as resists postnatal modification through or exposure. Overall, while non-shared environmental influences are empirically significant, specific mechanisms remain poorly identified, with emphasizing their interaction with prenatal over isolated psychological events. This elusiveness underscores the multifactorial nature of , where postnatal environment amplifies rather than originates orientation. Studies attributing to or choice lack empirical backing and contradict twin discordance patterns.

Demographics and Prevalence

Global and Regional Estimates

Estimates of the prevalence of gay men, defined as adult males identifying primarily or exclusively with homosexual orientation, vary based on self-reported surveys, which are influenced by cultural acceptance, , and willingness to disclose. Globally, large-scale online surveys indicate that approximately 4% of men self-identify as gay or . This figure emerges from a 2021 survey across 27 countries, where men reported gay or homosexual identity at twice the rate of women reporting identity (4% versus 1%). A 2005 internet survey of over 191,000 participants in 28 nations similarly found an average of 4.9% of men identifying as gay, with variation tied to national and rather than inherent biological differences. These non-representative samples, often conducted in English and online, likely overestimate in liberal contexts and underestimate in repressive ones due to stigma, suggesting true orientation prevalence may be more consistent across regions but underreported where homosexuality faces legal or social penalties. In Western countries, self-identification rates are higher, reflecting greater societal acceptance. , Gallup polling from 2024 data indicates about 2% of all adults identify as , equating to roughly 4% of adult men given the distribution. The Interview Survey reports 3.2% of biological males identifying as homosexual. European estimates align closely, with rates up to 8% in the per the survey, compared to lower figures in less accepting nations like or (around 1%). In contrast, self-reports in , , and the are near zero in many national surveys due to or cultural taboos, though behavioral data on men who have sex with men (MSM) suggest underlying same-sex activity at 3-5% in and 6-12% in , indicating potential underreporting of identity. Peer-reviewed analyses attribute regional disparities more to structural stigma and disclosure bias than to genetic or developmental differences in orientation prevalence. Overall, empirical data from attraction scales and twin studies support a stable global incidence of male around 2-5%, with self-identification capturing only disclosed cases; higher estimates in cohorts (e.g., up to 5-7% in recent generations) may reflect fluidity or social trends rather than increased prevalence. These figures exclude bisexual identification, which adds 1-2% among men in most surveys, and focus on exclusive or predominant to align with definitional criteria for gay men.

Age, Race, and Socioeconomic Patterns

Self-identification as gay among men is markedly higher among younger cohorts, reflecting generational shifts in social acceptance and willingness to disclose. In 2024, approximately 2.0% of U.S. adults overall identified as gay, but this rate aligns with broader LGBTQ+ trends where Generation Z adults (born 1997-2006) report LGBTQ+ identification at 22.7%, compared to 12.0% for millennials, 4.8% for Generation X, and 1.8% for the Silent Generation. These disparities are attributed to reduced stigma enabling earlier and more open self-reporting in younger groups, though biological and developmental factors underlying orientation prevalence remain consistent across eras. Racial and ethnic patterns in gay identification show variations, with higher rates among adults compared to and Black groups. Overall LGBT identification stands at over 8% for Hispanics, around 6% for and Blacks, while among young adults (Generations Z and ), rates are 15.5% for both Hispanics and , and 12.1% for Blacks. These differences may stem partly from demographic youthfulness in Hispanic populations and cultural factors influencing disclosure, though direct data on gay men specifically indicate similar proportional distributions within LGBT subgroups across races. Gay men tend to exhibit higher but face socioeconomic challenges including lower incomes and reduced homeownership relative to heterosexual men. In a population-based study of U.S. adults aged 24-32, 34.2% of gay men had degrees compared to 26.9% of heterosexual men, yet gay men were more likely to earn under $ annually (16.3% vs. 11.5%) and less likely to own homes (24.2% vs. 40.3%). Gay men are disproportionately concentrated in urban and , with estimates indicating overrepresentation in the 55 largest U.S. metropolitan statistical areas, facilitating community access but exposing them to higher living costs and potential effects on earnings. rates for gay men exceed those of heterosexual men (20.5% vs. 15.3%), potentially linked to labor market penalties despite educational advantages.

Historical Contexts

Pre-Modern and Ancient Societies

![Mastaba of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep embrace][float-right] In ancient , male same-sex interactions were documented but infrequent, often framed within ritual or omen contexts rather than as a fixed orientation, with evidence from texts like the suggesting emotional bonds but not exclusive . Such relations were not systematically condemned, though they differed markedly from modern conceptions, lacking an identity-based framework. Ancient Egyptian records provide ambiguous evidence, exemplified by the Fifth Dynasty tomb (circa 2400 BCE) of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep, manicurists to Niuserre, depicted in intimate poses typically reserved for spouses, such as nose-touching, prompting interpretations as the earliest recorded same-sex couple. However, scholarly debate persists, with alternatives proposing they were , brothers, or colleagues, as no explicit sexual references appear and Egyptian art conventions emphasized over eroticism. Broader attitudes viewed male-male acts negatively when referenced, associating them with disorder rather than acceptance. In , particularly (5th-4th centuries BCE), —involving an older erastes mentoring and penetrating a younger —was socially regulated and idealized in and art, but primarily as a phase for youths, not indicative of lifelong exclusive same-sex preference. Exclusive was rare, as familial obligations prioritized heterosexual marriage and procreation; ancient physicians occasionally pathologized persistent same-sex desire as a mental affliction. Roman society (circa 500 BCE-500 CE) tolerated male same-sex acts when the freeborn citizen assumed the penetrative role, often with slaves, youths, or prostitutes, aligning with ideals of dominance and masculinity; passivity by citizens invited ridicule and legal penalties under laws like the . Emperors such as and engaged in such relations, with 's deification of lover reflecting elite precedents, yet artifacts like the (1st century CE) depict mutual acts discreetly. Formal same-sex unions occurred rarely, but cultural norms stigmatized over the act itself. Pre-modern Europe, under Christian influence from the onward, recast male-male intercourse as —a grave sin akin to —prohibited by and secular edicts, with penitentials prescribing penances and later executions in cases like 14th-century , where urban guilds enforced moral surveillance. No medieval category equated to modern ; acts were condemned irrespective of preference, though monastic and clerical scandals indicate persistence despite theological uniformity. In Islamic pre-modern societies, such as the , male-male relations were poetically celebrated among elites but legally punishable as liwat, with miniatures depicting them amid broader permissiveness for the dominant partner.

Modern Era Developments

In the , Enlightenment thinkers in began to challenge traditional religious condemnations of , framing same-sex acts between men as potentially natural variations rather than inherent sins, though such views remained marginal and did not lead to widespread tolerance. This intellectual shift coincided with the French Revolution's 1791 Penal Code, which omitted penalties for —marking the first Western legal of consensual same-sex acts between adults, driven by secular reforms rather than explicit endorsement of . Elsewhere in , sodomy laws persisted with severe punishments; for instance, England's Buggery Act of 1533 remained in force, prescribing death for anal intercourse, though executions became rare by the as prosecutions shifted toward lesser offenses. The 19th century saw the rise of , which medicalized male as a congenital condition rather than a voluntary vice, though this often pathologized it as inversion or degeneracy. German physician published works from 1864 onward, positing "urnings" (innate homosexual men) as a distinct third sex with fixed attractions, challenging punitive models but advocating tolerance on biological grounds. Hungarian writer Karl-Maria Kertbeny coined the term "" in 1869, using it in pamphlets arguing against sodomy laws by emphasizing its innateness and harmlessness among consenting adults. Richard von Krafft-Ebing's (1886) cataloged cases of male homosexuals as sufferers of "psychic hermaphroditism," blending empathy with classification as a perversion, influencing both clinical practice and legal views by framing it as a medical anomaly rather than moral failing. In the United States and Britain, physicians from the documented male through case studies, constructing it as a psychiatric disorder amenable to treatment, often linking it to or nervous exhaustion without distinguishing orientation from acts. Socially, increased amid , with subcultures forming in cities like and , but repression intensified; Britain's 1885 Labouchere Amendment expanded criminalization to any "gross indecency" between men, enabling private prosecutions. The 1895 trials of for —resulting in his two-year sentence of —exposed elite male homosexual networks to public scrutiny, sparking and reinforcing stereotypes of and corruption, though it inadvertently politicized the issue by highlighting inconsistencies in enforcement against the upper classes. These developments laid groundwork for viewing gay men as a distinct identity group, yet entrenched medical and legal stigmatization persisted into the .

20th and 21st Century Milestones

In 1919, established the Institute for Sexual Science in , the first institution dedicated to researching and advocating for homosexual rights, including early efforts to document male same-sex attraction and perform gender-affirming surgeries on gay men seeking to align their bodies with perceived identities. The institute amassed a vast library of over 20,000 volumes on sexual science, serving as a hub for gay men until its looting and destruction by Nazi forces on May 6, 1933, which symbolized early 20th-century and erased significant empirical data on male homosexuality. The 1948 publication of Alfred Kinsey's Sexual Behavior in the Human Male marked a pivotal empirical assessment, reporting that 37% of American males had experienced from homosexual contact to some degree by adulthood, challenging prevailing views of as rare pathology through interviews with over 5,300 men, though later critiques noted sampling biases toward urban and incarcerated populations. In 1950, founded the in , the earliest sustained U.S. organization explicitly for gay men, focusing on civil rights through discussion groups and legal defense against arrests for consensual acts, amid widespread sodomy laws criminalizing male in all states. The of June 28, 1969, erupted when police raided the , a mafia-run patronized primarily by gay men, leading to three nights of resistance that galvanized the gay liberation movement and shifted activism from assimilationist pleas to demands for visibility and . This event, driven by working-class gay men resisting routine harassment, spurred annual pride marches starting in 1970 and influenced the formation of groups like the . The 1980s AIDS epidemic disproportionately afflicted gay men, with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control identifying the first cluster of cases among 41 gay men in and New York by June 1981, leading to over 687,000 U.S. deaths by 2023, predominantly among men who have sex with men. In response, formed on March 10, 1987, in New York, employing protests—such as disrupting FDA approvals and Wall Street demonstrations—to accelerate antiretroviral drug development, reducing U.S. AIDS deaths from 50,000 annually in the mid-1990s to under 5,000 by 2020 through advocacy for faster clinical trials. Legal advancements accelerated in the ; on June 26, 2003, the U.S. in Lawrence v. Texas invalidated sodomy laws in 13 states by a 6-3 ruling, deeming them violations of and for consensual adult acts, including male same-sex sodomy, overturning 1986's Bowers v. Hardwick. Culminating broader shifts, Obergefell v. Hodges on June 26, 2015, mandated nationwide recognition of same-sex marriages in a 5-4 decision, enabling over 1 million gay male couples to access legal unions by 2020, though adoption rates among married gay men remained lower than heterosexual couples at about 4% versus 38%. These rulings reflected empirical data on stable same-sex partnerships but did not eliminate disparities in health outcomes or for gay men.

Biological and Physiological Aspects

Anatomical and Hormonal Differences

Studies of postmortem brain tissue have identified differences in the volume of the third interstitial nucleus of the anterior hypothalamus (INAH-3), a sexually dimorphic region. In a sample of 41 subjects, INAH-3 was found to be more than twice as large in heterosexual men as in women, and similarly smaller in homosexual men compared to heterosexual men, suggesting a feminized hypothalamic structure in the latter group. This observation aligns with theories of prenatal sexual differentiation influenced by steroid hormones, though subsequent replications have yielded mixed results due to small sample sizes and methodological challenges in ascertaining sexual orientation retrospectively. Imaging studies in living subjects have reported additional variations, such as differences in cortical thickness and subcortical volumes associated with sexual orientation, with homosexual men showing patterns intermediate between or shifted toward heterosexual women in certain regions. Other anatomical markers, such as the second-to-fourth digit (2D:4D) ratio—a proxy for prenatal exposure—show inconsistent associations with male homosexuality across meta-analyses, with no robust overall difference between homosexual and heterosexual men despite some individual studies reporting more female-typical ratios in gay men. Otoacoustic emissions, cochlear responses more prevalent in females, do not differ significantly between homosexual and heterosexual men, unlike the masculinized patterns observed in homosexual women. No consistent differences have been established in gross genital anatomy or secondary . Adult circulating levels, including testosterone, do not differ significantly between homosexual and heterosexual men, as confirmed in multiple biochemical assays. Prenatal exposure is hypothesized to play a role, with indirect evidence from associated traits suggesting atypical levels during critical developmental windows, though direct measurement remains infeasible and evidence relies on proxies like digit ratios or brain structure. These findings underscore organizational rather than activational hormonal effects in adulthood. The fraternal birth order effect refers to the observed increase in the likelihood of homosexuality associated with the number of older biological brothers a man has. This effect, first systematically documented in the late 1990s by researcher , holds that each additional older brother raises the odds of a later-born developing a homosexual orientation by approximately 33%. The association is specific to biological siblings carried by the same mother and does not extend to older stepbrothers, adoptive brothers, or non-maternal relatives, pointing to a prenatal biological mechanism rather than postnatal social influences. Empirical support for spans multiple large-scale studies across diverse populations, including North American, European, and Samoan samples, with meta-analyses confirming its robustness. For instance, analyses of sibling data from over 10,000 men indicate that the probability of rises linearly with fraternal , independent of total size or parental age effects. Estimates suggest accounts for 15% to 29% of cases of male , meaning roughly one in seven gay men may owe their orientation to this factor. Critics have proposed alternative explanations, such as statistical artifacts from size reporting biases, but preregistered replications and controls for reporting errors have upheld 's validity. The leading biological explanation is the maternal immune , positing that successive male pregnancies trigger an immune response in some mothers against Y-linked proteins unique to male fetuses, such as NLGN4Y. These antibodies, which accumulate with each prior son, may cross the placental barrier and alter fetal development in areas linked to , without broadly impairing viability. Biochemical evidence from a 2017 study detected elevated anti-NLGN4Y antibodies in mothers of sons with older brothers compared to controls, correlating with the effect's magnitude. Related prenatal markers include slightly reduced birth weights and increased rates of non-right-handedness among affected men, consistent with subtle neurodevelopmental perturbations. The does not apply to female sexual orientation or explain the majority of male homosexuality cases, underscoring multifactorial origins.

Sexual Behaviors and Relationship Dynamics

Partner Selection and Promiscuity Patterns

Gay men exhibit partner selection preferences that emphasize physical , including taller height—with a majority preferring partners taller than themselves, often 6 feet or above, and many seeking those slightly taller—muscularity (studies showing peak attraction to high muscularity and low body fat, with muscular physiques rated most attractive), and facial dimorphism in potential mates, traits often associated with higher testosterone levels and traditional male secondary sexual characteristics. Blonde hair is not a widely documented or standard preference in research; hair color preferences are highly individual and less emphasized compared to height and body type. Studies indicate that a majority of gay men rate effeminate traits as undesirable in partners, with consistently ranked as a desirable attribute across , bodily, and behavioral domains. These preferences align with evolutionary hypotheses positing attraction to indicators of genetic fitness, though empirical data derive primarily from self-reported surveys and experimental ratings rather than longitudinal outcomes. Age preferences among gay men mirror those of heterosexual men, with a general inclination toward younger partners relative to their own age, though less pronounced than in heterosexual pairings. Research from advertisements and stated ideals shows that approximately 44% of gay men prefer partners of similar age, while others favor younger individuals, potentially reflecting tempered by opportunity in smaller dating pools. Unlike heterosexual women, who often prioritize older partners for resource provision, gay men's criteria focus more on physical and vitality, with minimal emphasis on in initial selection. Promiscuity patterns among gay men are characterized by substantially higher lifetime counts compared to heterosexual men, based on population-based surveys. In the English of (n=3,054 men), 84.1% of homosexual men reported 10 or more lifetime partners versus 21.1% of heterosexual men, yielding an adjusted of 11.55 for elevated partner numbers independent of sociodemographic factors. Similarly, a U.S. study of men aged 35–39 found lifetime partners of 67 for men who have sex with men (MSM) versus 10 for heterosexuals, with 86% of young MSM (18–24) forming new partnerships annually compared to 56% of heterosexual peers. These disparities persist across samples, with self-reports indicating medians of 15–67 partners by mid-adulthood, contrasting with heterosexual medians of 4–10 in comparable age groups. Such patterns correlate with elevated rates of casual encounters and , potentially driven by denser sexual networks and reduced pair-bonding incentives absent female reproductive constraints. Historical surveys, including Bell and Weinberg's analysis of urban samples, report 28% of men with over 1,000 lifetime partners, underscoring extremes not observed in general populations. Data quality relies on voluntary disclosure, which may underrepresent individuals, but longitudinal and probability-sampled studies consistently affirm higher variability and volume in male sexual histories.

Monogamy, Open Relationships, and Family Formation

Gay male couples demonstrate lower rates of sexual compared to heterosexual couples, with empirical studies indicating that non-monogamous arrangements are more prevalent. A 2018 analysis of 316 gay and bisexual men in relationships found that 57.6% reported agreements, while 22.4% were in open relationships and 20% described their arrangements as "monogamish," involving occasional outside encounters with mutual . Earlier research from the 1980s, such as surveys of long-term gay male couples, reported adherence rates as low as 0-18%, with up to 82% engaging in extradyadic sex over the relationship's duration. More recent polls, including a 2021 survey of 517 men in , suggest approximately 30% are in explicitly open relationships, though self-reported data may understate in nominally pairings. Open relationships among gay men often involve negotiated rules for outside sexual activity, yet remains challenging, with studies showing higher conflict and dissolution risks tied to non-consensual . A 2020 study of male couples found that those in open arrangements reported comparable relationship satisfaction to ones when communication was strong, but non-consensual correlated with lower trust and stability. Research attributes elevated to factors like higher male sexual drive variance and subcultural norms emphasizing sexual freedom, contrasting with heterosexual couples where rates exceed 80-90% in committed marriages. Despite these patterns, a subset of gay men prioritize , particularly younger cohorts or those influenced by romantic ideals, with qualitative accounts describing it as a deliberate against prevailing expectations. Estimates from various studies indicate that 30-50% of gay male couples engage in non-monogamous arrangements. Many such couples report successful outcomes facilitated by strong communication and clear rules, such as prohibiting emotional attachments with outside partners or mandating disclosure of encounters, which contribute to increased relationship satisfaction and reduced resentment over differing sexual needs. However, challenges persist, including jealousy, rule violations, and mismatched expectations, which can precipitate conflicts or breakups. Non-monogamy remains more common and less normative for exclusivity among gay male couples compared to heterosexual ones. Family formation among gay men typically occurs through , , or step-parenting, as biological requires assisted means. U.S. data from 2014 indicate about 37,800 male same-sex couples were raising children, with same-sex couples overall adopting at rates 7 times higher than different-sex couples (21% vs. 3%). Over 43% of same-sex households include adopted or stepchildren, compared to 10% of opposite-sex households, reflecting greater reliance on non-biological paths. has surged for gay fathers seeking genetic ties, with clinics increasingly targeting male couples; however, male same-sex parents represent a minority of non-traditional families, and outcomes show similar child adjustment to heterosexual-led homes when socioeconomic factors are controlled. A 2024 survey found 27% of married same-sex couples under 50 have children, with over 40% expressing interest in parenthood, often via or despite legal and financial barriers. Non-monogamous structures can complicate family stability, though data on long-term impacts remain limited.

Subcultural Variations

Gay male subcultures, such as bears, twinks, jocks, leathermen, and , display variations in partner preferences, sexual practices, and risk behaviors, often tied to shared physical ideals and social norms within each group. These distinctions emerge from self-identification in and contexts, influencing strategies and interaction patterns. Bears, typically larger and hairier men, prefer partners who match these traits, with partner selection mediated by their own body weight; they report lower rates of rejecting potential partners based on attractiveness or size compared to non-bear gay men (30% "never reject" vs. 21.4%). They engage in a wider array of sexual activities, including higher participation in and (significant differences in 75% of 20 assessed behaviors). In contrast, twinks—younger, slimmer men—align with effeminate stereotypes and bottom roles in receptive anal intercourse, though empirical data on levels remain limited beyond associations with higher condom use in networked samples (57.7% consistent use). Jocks and muscle-oriented men exhibit elevated condomless anal sex rates (77.1%), paired with higher PrEP adoption (40.9%), suggesting riskier but prevention-aware practices. Leathermen and daddies, linked to kink and older/masculine archetypes, face the highest prevalence (35.5%) and lowest use (39.2%), correlating with subcultural emphases on sexual adventurism and diverse practices like group encounters. These patterns reflect internalized norms rather than universal traits, with limited cohort-specific data on variations; broader gay male trends show approximately 50% non-monogamous arrangements, potentially amplified in kink-focused groups.
SubcultureKey TraitsPartner/Practice VariationsHIV/Prevention Notes
Bears/ChubsHairier, heavierPrefer similar builds; broader activities (e.g., )15.0% ; moderate CAS (64.5%)
Twinks/Slim, youthfulEffeminate/bottom alignment; higher adherenceHigher use (57.7%)
Jocks/MuscleAthletic, definedRiskier ; PrEP-reliant17.1% ; high CAS (77.1%), PrEP (40.9%)
Leathermen/DaddiesKink-oriented, matureAdventurous/group play35.5% ; low (39.2%)

Health Disparities and Risks

Infectious Disease Prevalence

Men who have sex with men (MSM), including gay men, bear a disproportionate burden of human immunodeficiency virus () infections globally and in high-income countries. In the United States, MSM accounted for 67% of estimated new infections in 2022, equating to 21,400 cases out of 31,800 total infections among males, despite MSM representing approximately 2-4% of the male population. This elevated incidence stems from biological factors, such as the higher transmissibility of during receptive anal intercourse (estimated 18 times greater than vaginal intercourse), compounded by network effects in sexual partner selection. Lifetime acquisition risk for MSM is approximately 1 in 6, with Black MSM facing even higher odds at 1 in 3 as of 2017-2021 data. While (PrEP) and antiretroviral therapy have contributed to a 12% overall decline in new U.S. infections from 2018 to 2022, MSM-specific reductions lag behind heterosexual groups, with only a 16% drop among Black MSM. Bacterial sexually transmitted infections (STIs) also show stark disparities. Primary and secondary cases among MSM constituted over 50% of U.S. totals in recent surveillance periods, with and bisexual men severely impacted in 2021 data, reflecting concentrated transmission within MSM networks due to practices like condomless . rates follow a similar , with MSM experiencing higher at extragenital sites (e.g., rectal and pharyngeal), where detection is often lower without routine screening; in 2021, MSM were overrepresented in reported cases relative to their population share. infections exhibit comparable trends, with MSM maintaining the largest proportion of cases among reportable STIs, driven by anatomical vulnerabilities in anal mucosa. Overall U.S. STI cases (, , ) exceeded 2.5 million in 2022, with MSM contributing disproportionately despite comprising a small demographic fraction, underscoring behavioral risk amplification over social determinants alone. Viral hepatitis outbreaks further highlight vulnerabilities. transmission has surged in MSM communities through fecal-oral routes associated with oral-anal contact, with multistate U.S. outbreaks from 2016-2019 peaking due to person-to-person spread and low uptake; cases declined post- campaigns but remain a risk for unvaccinated MSM. prevalence is elevated among MSM, with 20% of new U.S. cases annually linked to this group, prompting routine recommendations. papillomavirus (HPV) infection rates are higher in MSM, correlating with increased incidence, though has mitigated some cases. Peer-reviewed analyses confirm as the most prevalent STI among MSM, often co-occurring with , which exacerbates transmission via immune suppression. These patterns persist despite interventions, attributable to of higher partner concurrency and riskier sexual practices in MSM cohorts.

Mental Health and Suicide Rates

Gay men exhibit elevated rates of disorders compared to heterosexual men, including higher prevalence of depression, anxiety, and . A of community-based surveys estimated the lifetime prevalence of attempts among sexual minority adults at approximately 20%, substantially exceeding the general population rate of 4-5%. Specifically for and bisexual males, studies report lifetime rates around 35% among men who have sex with men (MSM), with history of suicidal thoughts or plans at 40.5% versus 27.2% in non- males. These disparities persist across diverse samples, including where service members showed 1.8-fold higher odds of ideation. Depression and anxiety are also more common, with gay men facing odds ratios for depression up to 2-3 times higher than heterosexual counterparts in large data. For instance, behavioral surveys indicate gay men report frequent mood disorders and substance use linked to more often. One in six gay men has attempted at least once in their lifetime, per psychiatric association data drawing from multiple epidemiological studies. These patterns hold in co-twin control designs, where homosexual twins displayed higher suicidality independent of shared familial environment, suggesting contributions from non-shared factors such as personal experiences or inherent traits rather than solely external . Empirical evidence on causation implicates multiple pathways, including prejudice-related stressors, but also internal precipitants like relationship discord and comorbid , which are more prevalent in this group. A study of gay male attempters identified primary triggers as interpersonal conflicts and challenges in , alongside higher rates of alcohol and issues that exacerbate risk. While minority stress models dominate academic discourse—often from institutionally sources emphasizing societal rejection—twin studies and longitudinal data indicate that elevated psychiatric morbidity predates widespread acceptance in many cases, pointing to causal roles for patterns or biological underpinnings not fully explained by external alone.

Substance Abuse and Longevity Outcomes

Gay men exhibit elevated rates of substance use disorders compared to heterosexual men, with peer-reviewed analyses indicating higher across multiple substances. For instance, men identifying as or bisexual demonstrate increased use of nearly all substances, including alcohol, cannabis, cocaine, and methamphetamine, alongside higher rates of substance use disorders. Pooled estimates for methamphetamine use among men who have sex with men (MSM) range from 15% for past-year use to 23% for lifetime use, exceeding general population figures. Illicit drug use overall is reported at higher levels among MSM than among heterosexual men, with similar disparities in alcohol use disorder across the life course. These patterns contribute to adverse health outcomes, including heightened of infectious diseases, comorbidities, and overall mortality. Substance use among MSM is often intertwined with sexual behaviors, such as chemsex practices, which amplify transmission and other complications. National surveys, including data from the Substance Abuse and Services Administration (SAMHSA), confirm that , gay, and bisexual individuals face greater challenges with substance use disorders, with more prevalent among older sexual minority men. Regarding longevity, studies document reduced among gay men relative to heterosexual counterparts, attributable in part to cumulative effects of , -related mortality, and associated risks. All-cause mortality is higher among MSM, with historical data suggesting lifespans shorter by over 20 years on average, even predating widespread AIDS impact, and further diminished by substance-related factors. Recent analyses, such as from the Office for National Statistics in England and Wales, indicate a narrowed gap in contemporary cohorts: remaining life expectancy from age 20 is 59.3 years for gay men versus 60.7 years for heterosexual men (a difference of about 1.4 years), reflecting improvements due to medical advancements like antiretrovirals, while persistent substance abuse disparities continue to contribute to poorer outcomes. Recent cohort analyses affirm elevated mortality risks for sexual minorities, with substance use exacerbating stressors and disease progression. For example, in U.S. men aged 17-59, MSM showed greater overall mortality, including non-HIV causes potentially linked to behavioral patterns like drug use. These patterns underscore the need for targeted interventions beyond infectious disease management. As of 2025, consensual same-sex sexual acts between adult men remain criminalized in approximately 65 countries and territories, predominantly through sodomy laws that target more explicitly than female same-sex activity. These laws, often colonial-era holdovers or religiously influenced statutes, impose penalties ranging from fines and to , with enforcement varying by jurisdiction; in many cases, such as in parts of and the , they disproportionately affect gay men due to cultural stigmas against male anal intercourse. In at least 11 countries, including , , , (under rule), , and parts of and , male same-sex acts can result in the death penalty, typically via execution methods like or , though actual executions are documented primarily in and . These penalties stem from interpretations of law in Islamic states, where male is viewed as a severe moral offense, contrasting with less stringent or absent prohibitions on female acts. Decriminalization has progressed unevenly, with recent repeals in nations like on September 1, 2025, and in 2024, reducing the global count from higher figures a decade prior; however, rollback risks persist in politically unstable regions, such as proposed reintroduction in . In contrast, over 130 jurisdictions have legalized private consensual acts between adult men, often through court rulings or legislative reforms influenced by advocacy. Recognition of same-sex partnerships for gay men lags further, with marriage legalized in 37 countries as of mid-2025, beginning with the on April 1, 2001, and expanding to include effective January 1, 2025; these laws typically grant gay male couples equal rights to , , and spousal benefits, though implementation varies, with some nations limiting joint . Civil unions or partnerships exist in additional countries like and , providing partial protections but excluding full marital equality. Internationally, no binding treaty specifically addresses homosexuality, but bodies like the interpret core instruments—such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)—to prohibit based on , affirming rights to (Article 17) and non- (Article 26). The has ruled against criminalization under the , mandating across states by 1994's precedent. Regionally, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights lacks explicit protections, enabling ongoing criminalization in 30 African nations, while the has advanced in the Americas. Enforcement remains challenged by sovereignty claims and arguments from states like those in the .

Discrimination, Rights, and Persecution

Under the Nazi regime from 1933 to 1945, gay men faced systematic persecution through the enforcement and expansion of of the German penal code, which criminalized sexual acts between men. The law was revised in to broaden its scope, leading to the arrest of approximately 100,000 men, with around 50,000 convicted and 5,000 to 15,000 sent to concentration camps where they were marked with and subjected to forced labor, medical experiments, and high mortality rates. This persecution continued post-war in both East and until was repealed in 1994. In the United States, sodomy laws prohibiting consensual sexual acts between adults of the same sex persisted in many states until the Supreme Court's 2003 decision in , which ruled such statutes unconstitutional under the of the Fourteenth Amendment, effectively decriminalizing private homosexual conduct nationwide. Prior to this, enforcement varied but contributed to social stigma and legal vulnerability for gay men. Globally, as of 2025, male homosexual acts remain criminalized in approximately 65 jurisdictions, with penalties ranging from imprisonment to the death penalty in at least five countries including , , , , and parts of and under law. In regions like the , , and parts of , enforcement often targets gay men specifically due to cultural and religious prohibitions. Contemporary persecution includes the 2017 , , where security forces detained, tortured, and killed over 100 gay and bisexual men, with reports of forced disappearances and honor killings condoned by local authorities; similar waves continued into 2019 and beyond, prompting international evacuations. Discrimination against gay men persists in , with audit studies demonstrating that openly gay male job applicants receive fewer callbacks than equally qualified heterosexual counterparts, particularly in conservative regions lacking anti-discrimination protections. In the U.S., FBI data for 2024 recorded about 2,700 offenses motivated by or bias, many targeting gay men through assaults and intimidation, marking a continued rise from prior years. Rights advancements for gay men include the legalization of in 38 countries by 2025, enabling legal recognition of unions between men, adoption rights, and inheritance benefits in jurisdictions from to parts of and , such as Thailand's 2024 enactment. However, in many nations, gay men still face barriers to , parental rights, and protection from , with rollback risks in politically shifting environments.

Cultural Representations and Contributions

Media and Artistic Depictions

Depictions of male homosexuality in often portrayed pederastic relationships between adult men and youths, as seen in Greek vase paintings from the 6th to 4th centuries BCE featuring erotic embraces and scenes. In , the 5th Dynasty tomb of Niankhkhnum and Khnumhotep (circa 2400 BCE) shows two men in intimate poses typically reserved for spouses, suggesting same-sex union. Roman artifacts like the (1st century CE) explicitly illustrate male-male sexual acts, reflecting elite acceptance of such relations when the dominant partner was masculine. During the Renaissance, homoerotic themes appeared covertly in works by artists like , whose sculptures and drawings of male nudes emphasized muscular intimacy, and , whose sensual portrayals of young men hinted at personal desires amid societal taboos. In literature, texts such as Plato's (circa 385–370 BCE) discussed erotic love between men philosophically, while later examples include Oscar Wilde's (1890), which explored male beauty and implied homoerotic bonds, leading to Wilde's 1895 conviction for . Early 20th-century novels by , like (1956), depicted internal conflicts of gay male identity in frank, autobiographical tones. In film, the 1919 German silent movie Anders als die Anderen presented a sympathetic gay protagonist facing blackmail and suicide, marking an early positive portrayal before censorship. The U.S. (1934–1968) restricted explicit depictions, resulting in coded sissy stereotypes or villainous queers in Hollywood films, such as the predatory character in Rebecca (1940). Post-1969, films like Cruising (1980) sensationalized leather subcultures amid controversy, while (1993) humanized a gay man with AIDS, earning Oscars but criticized for tragic framing. Modern visual artists have openly explored gay male themes: David Hockney's pool series (1960s–1970s) captured casual male nudity and relationships, Tom of Finland's hyper-masculine drawings (1940s–1980s) influenced leather aesthetics, and Keith Haring's graffiti-style works (1980s) addressed AIDS and through intertwined male figures. These representations shifted from concealment to assertion, though critiques note persistent stereotypes of or in media, often unsubstantiated by broader demographic data.

Fashion, Arts, and Subcultural Expressions

Gay men have exerted significant influence on the fashion industry, with numerous prominent designers shaping modern aesthetics. Designers such as Yves Saint Laurent (1936–2008), who revolutionized women's wear with innovations like the tuxedo suit in 1966, and (1969–2010), known for his collections blending historical references with , exemplify this impact. , emerging in the 1990s, revitalized through sensual, masculine silhouettes that appealed broadly while drawing from gay aesthetic sensibilities. This overrepresentation stems from historical concentrations of gay men in creative urban centers like and New York, where societal barriers in other fields funneled talent into design. Within gay male subcultures, distinct fashion codes emerged as signaling mechanisms amid legal and social repression. The hanky code, popularized in the 1970s leather scene and spreading to New York, used colored handkerchiefs in rear pockets to denote sexual roles and fetishes—black for S&M, red for , navy for police uniforms—facilitating discreet encounters in bars and baths. The , originating post-World War II among motorcycle enthusiasts and bikers, adopted chaps, vests, and harnesses to embody hyper-masculine ideals, contrasting effeminate stereotypes and influencing broader fetish wear. These expressions prioritized functionality for cruising and identity assertion over mainstream appeal. In visual arts, gay men have produced iconic works celebrating male and addressing community crises. Touko Laaksonen, known as (1920–1991), created hyper-muscular, uniformed male figures from the 1940s onward, whose drawings inspired leather aesthetics and affirmed positive gay self-image during pathologization eras. (1958–1990) employed bold, graffiti-style icons in the 1980s to depict radiant babies and crawling figures symbolizing and AIDS awareness, with pieces like his 1989 murals directly confronting the epidemic that claimed his life. These artists' outputs, often self-published or street-based, bypassed institutional gatekeeping to foster subcultural resilience. Subcultural performing arts include voguing, formalized in 1989 by Willi Ninja among Harlem's Black and Latino gay men, evolving from 1960s pier walks into competitive "houses" mimicking high fashion poses to escape poverty and claim glamour. Categories like "Butch Queen Vogue" emphasize masculine execution, distinguishing from femme styles, and propelled ballroom into mainstream via Madonna's 1990 hit while retaining underground balls for status and chosen family. Such expressions underscore performative defiance against marginalization, blending athleticism with irony.

Controversies and Criticisms

Lifestyle and Health Critiques

Gay men exhibit patterns of sexual associated with elevated risks, including a higher number of lifetime sexual partners compared to heterosexual men. Studies indicate that among men aged 35-39, the lifetime partners for men who have with men (MSM) reaches 67, versus 10 for heterosexuals, contributing to increased exposure to sexually transmitted infections (STIs). This promiscuity, documented in surveys like the General Social Survey showing a of 10 partners for gay men overall, correlates with behaviors such as unprotected anal intercourse, which facilitates rapid STI transmission due to the fragility of rectal tissue and higher viral loads in . Infectious disease prevalence among gay men remains disproportionately high, driven by these practices. In 2022, MSM accounted for 67% of new diagnoses in the U.S. (21,400 cases), despite comprising about 2-4% of the male population, with enabling HIV transmission rates up to 18 times higher for receptive partners than vaginal intercourse. and rates are similarly elevated; provisional 2024 CDC data show cases declining but still concentrated among MSM, who report 80% of male primary and secondary cases, linked to multiple concurrent partners and insufficient use. Receptive further exacerbates risks like , anal fissures, and heightened susceptibility to oncogenic human papillomavirus strains leading to . Substance abuse intersects with these sexual risks, amplifying vulnerability. Gay men report lifetime rates up to 20% higher than the general population, with and other club drugs facilitating risky behaviors like "chemsex," which correlates with unprotected sex and STI acquisition. Overall mortality reflects these cumulative effects; a study of U.S. men aged 17-59 found MSM all-cause mortality exceeding heterosexuals, with 13% of MSM deaths HIV-related versus 0.1% in others, underscoring causal links between lifestyle factors and reduced longevity despite antiretroviral advances. Mainstream narratives often attribute disparities solely to stigma rather than behavioral causation, yet empirical data prioritize modifiable risks like partner multiplicity over alone.

Ideological and Political Debates

Gay men encompass a spectrum of political ideologies, with empirical data indicating a strong lean toward liberalism and the Democratic Party, though a conservative minority persists. A 2019 analysis of registered LGBT voters reported 50% identifying as Democrats and 15% as Republicans, reflecting patterns consistent across sexual orientations including gay men. In the 2024 U.S. presidential election, LGBT voters supported Kamala Harris over Donald Trump by 86% to 12%, driven by perceptions of Republican policies as threats to established gay rights gains like marriage equality. Conservative gay men, however, challenge the dominant alignment by emphasizing fiscal restraint, individual liberty, and skepticism of expansive , arguing these align with innate homosexual orientations without necessitating progressive social engineering. The , established in 1977 amid California's Proposition 6 campaign to bar from teaching, represent this faction by advocating LGBT inclusion within Republican frameworks of and traditional values. Adherents, including figures like historical GOP influencers, contend that conservatism's focus on personal responsibility better addresses gay male vulnerabilities, such as HIV transmission rates linked to behavioral patterns, over reliance on state interventions. This perspective critiques left-leaning dominance in gay advocacy for conflating with broader "" ideologies that obscure sex-based realities of male attraction. A core debate revolves around inclusion, where many gay men prioritize biological sex in defining same-sex orientation, leading to opposition against policies erasing sex-segregated spaces or equating with . Qualitative interviews with gay activists reveal resistance to transgender integration as an "invasion" of gay male domains, with skepticism toward expanding the "" beyond fixed sexual orientations. Organizations like , including gay male members, oppose gender-affirming interventions for minors and transgender access to male facilities, positing that such measures undermine gay rights by redefining attraction away from immutable toward subjective identity claims. This friction highlights causal tensions: gay men's empirical preference for biological males conflicts with transgender demands for inclusion in apps, , and prisons, prompting debates over whether "LGB" alliances should decoupling from "T" to preserve orientation-specific advocacy. Further divisions emerge over assimilation versus militancy post-Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), with conservatives faulting progressive gay politics for ignoring internal issues like elevated substance use and partner violence rates among men who have sex with men, attributing these to cultural normalization of rather than . Liberal factions counter that such critiques echo religious right narratives, while data on persistent disparities—such as 2023 CDC reports of 69% of new diagnoses among men who have sex with men—fuels arguments for behavioral realism over victimhood framing. These debates underscore broader ideological rifts, where truth-seeking prioritizes evidence of male and risk factors over ideologically driven unity.

Internal Community Conflicts

Within the gay male community, political divisions have intensified, particularly between those aligning with progressive ideologies and a minority favoring . Surveys indicate that 83% of gay and bisexual men identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party, compared to 17% Republican, reflecting a strong left-leaning consensus shaped by historical against . However, a subset of gay men, often termed "" or "A-Gays," supports conservative policies on , , and , viewing mainstream gay as overly focused on . This rift became evident during the 2016 and 2024 U.S. elections, where conservative gay figures like in the Trump administration faced from progressive peers, who accused them of betraying community interests despite empirical evidence that conservative governance reduced HIV funding cuts and supported decriminalization efforts in some contexts. Debates over relationship structures represent another core tension, pitting advocates of monogamy against proponents of open or non-monogamous arrangements. Approximately 30% to 50% of gay male couples engage in consensual non-monogamy, often citing enhanced sexual satisfaction and longevity in partnerships as benefits, supported by studies showing comparable relationship stability to monogamous pairs when rules are negotiated. Critics within the community, however, argue that pervasive non-monogamy fosters jealousy, emotional insecurity, and higher STI transmission rates, with some monogamy proponents linking it to cultural normalization of promiscuity that undermines long-term commitments; less than 6% of polygamous gay relationships endure beyond initial phases, per relationship outcome analyses. These disputes often manifest in online forums and media, where monogamous gay men express resentment toward open-relationship norms as eroding aspirational family models. Social hierarchies exacerbate conflicts, notably through and racial preferences in social and sexual interactions. Older gay men frequently report exclusion from dating scenes dominated by youth-centric ideals, with apps and venues prioritizing men under 30; qualitative studies describe this as "double ," compounding historical heterosexism with intra-community bias that isolates seniors and heightens risks. Racism intersects similarly, as non-white gay men encounter fetishization or outright rejection, with surveys revealing preferences for white partners in 40-60% of profiles on platforms like , leading to intra-community critiques of unaddressed despite broader anti-racist rhetoric. These patterns persist due to entrenched subcultural norms, where empirical data from health studies links them to poorer PrEP uptake and among marginalized subgroups. Class and ideological fractures further strain unity, with working-class gay men often feeling alienated by affluent, urban-centric that prioritizes corporate events over economic issues like job discrimination. Historical analyses trace this to post-Stonewall divergences, where assimilationist factions clashed with radicals over tactics, a divide echoed today in critiques of "pinkwashing" versus grassroots organizing. Internalized homophobia compounds these, manifesting as self-policing behaviors that escalate relational conflicts, with research showing elevated withdrawal and aggression in couples affected by latent stigma. Despite shared experiences of external , these unresolved tensions hinder cohesive , as evidenced by fragmented responses to ongoing health crises like outbreaks in 2022-2023.

References

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