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Traditional tapayan jars in Vigan, Philippines
A Malay tempayan

Tapáyan or tempayan (also known as balanga, belanga, or bangâ) are large wide-mouthed earthenware or stoneware jars found in various Austronesian cultures in island Southeast Asia. Their various functions include fermenting rice (tapai), fermenting vinegar or alcoholic beverages, storing food and water, cooking, and burial of the deceased.

The term tapayan also includes the imported martaban stoneware (Dutch: martavanen), originally from kilns in Southern China and Indochina. These were used primarily as storage jars for foodstuffs and valuable trade goods during ship voyages, but were highly valued as trade goods themselves. They became heirlooms and symbols of wealth and status among various indigenous cultures in the islands of Southeast Asia.[1]

Etymology

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Tapayan is derived from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *tapay-an which refers to large earthen jars originally used to ferment rice wine (tapai). In modern Austronesian languages, derivatives include tapayan (Tagalog, Ilocano and various Visayan languages), tapj-an (Ibaloi), and tapáy-an (Hanunó'o) in the Philippines; and tepayan (Iban) and tempayan (Javanese and Malay) in Brunei, Malaysia, and Indonesia.[2][3][4]

Balanga is derived from Proto-Philippine *balangaw ('water jar'). Cognates include balanga and banga (Tagalog, Ilocano, Pangasinan, most Visayan languages), vangaq (Ivatan), byanga (Kalinga), and balangaw (Kapampangan) in the Philippines; and balanga, belanga, or blanga in Indonesia and Malaysia.[5][6]

Description

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Traditional burnay jars containing fermenting bagoong in Ilocos Norte, Philippines

Tapayan jars range in size from 30 cm (12 in) to larger than 100 cm (3.3 ft). They typically have bulbous "shoulders" and flat unadorned bases. Horizontal (lug) or vertical handles may be present, to a maximum of eight. The mouth of the jars were typically wide, but jars used for storing wine can have relatively smaller mouths and were tightly covered to prevent the alcohol from evaporating.[1] Early native tapayan were mostly unglazed, while later tapayan and imported martaban were glazed (usually on the outside) and were thus more suited for storing liquids.[7]

Philippines

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Igorot pottery makers (c. 1910)

Tapayan in the Philippines are most commonly used for water storage, fermentation, and cooking. Tapayan was distinguished from the much smaller cooking clay pot (palayok or kulon). Tapayan are also known as kalamba or angang in Tagalog and Itawis.[8][9][10][11][5]

Tapayan used exclusively for storing water are sometimes called banga or balanga, to distinguish them from other tapayan. Banga were an essential part of traditional Filipino kitchens and were normally kept in the banggera, the kitchen counter made of slatted bamboo that extends from the outer walls of the house. Specialized tapayan used for fermenting food products, with thicker walls and an airtight cover, are also distinguished as burnay in Ilocano.[12][8][9]

Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei

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Tempayan jars (also known as tempajan, kendi, balanga, belanga, or blanga) in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei were also used primarily for water storage, fermentation, and cooking.[1]

Jar burial

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See also: Jar burial
The Manunggul Jar, a burial tapayan from Palawan dated to 890-710 BCE
Various burial tapayan displayed in the Museo del Seminario Conciliar de Nueva Caceres of Bicol

Tapayan as well as other more specialized urns, are also used as funerary jars in ancient Austronesian cultures. They are used to store the skeletal remains of deceased people. The oldest example of which is the ornate Manunggul Jar, dated 890-710 BCE, from the Tabon Caves of Palawan, Philippines.[13][14][11]

Trade

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Martaban jars

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See also: Chinese ceramics, Vietnamese ceramics, and Thai ceramics

Martaban glazed stoneware were usually imported. They were originally stoneware made in Southern China from at least the Han dynasty period (206 BCE - 220 CE), but in later centuries also included stoneware made in Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and island Southeast Asia itself by natives and Chinese migrants.[1][15][7] The name martaban is from the port city of Martaban (modern Mottama, Myanmar) an important trading port in the Maritime Silk Road. The term martaban is also used in the Near East (and may be the source of the terms for marzipan), but in contrast to Southeast Asian martaban, they referred to Chinese celadon greenware.[16][17] Vietnamese stoneware were also sometimes distinguished from martaban as guci (also gusi, gusih, guchi, or gutchi) from Giao Chỉ, the old name for northern Vietnam, while Thai stoneware were distinguished as syam, from Siam or Sayam, the old name of Thailand.[1][15]

Various 9th century martaban from the Belitung shipwreck of Indonesia

Martaban were used primarily as storage jars for foodstuffs (like grain, wine, candied fruits, and spices) and valuable trade goods (like opium and oils) during ship voyages. But they became highly valued as trade goods themselves by the natives, even more so than the Kraak and Swatow porcelain favored by European traders. The jars (and their contents) were traded to the natives for luxury goods from Southeast Asia like resin, gum, bird's nest, trepang (sea cucumbers), and pearls. Because of their high value, martaban are typically not used for everyday purposes by Austronesian cultures unlike ordinary tapayan.[1][15]

A Dayak "dragon jar" tempayan in Malaysia

Martaban were treated heirlooms and symbols of wealth and status among various indigenous cultures in the islands of Southeast Asia. They were often displayed in the houses of nobles and prominent families. There can be such a profusion of them that the Scottish navigator Thomas Forrester once described the audience room of a datu in Luzon as having the "appearance of a china shop", due to around thirty martaban being displayed prominently in shelves.[1][15] Among the Iban people of Borneo, the most valuable martaban were equivalent to the value of a male slave. Smashing one accidentally can result in the offender becoming enslaved by the jar's owner, unless they can replace it with a jar of similar value as well as additional compensation.[1][15]

A martaban in the Naval Museum of Madrid

Another notable example are the balanga of the Dayak people. Originally from China, they typically had very large mouths and were are somewhat conical in shape. They usually featured dragon designs hence they are sometimes referred to as "dragon jars". They were prized as heirlooms (pusaka or pesaka) and in recent times have become a symbol of "Dayakness".[1][15]

Aside from monetary value, martaban also had great spiritual and symbolic value. Inheritance of specific jars can mean inheritance of the social status of the bequeather as well, especially among aristocratic families. They can also be used to seal peace treaties and agreements across different tribes.[15][18]

Some jars have become integrated into native religious ceremonies like marriage rituals, funerals, and ancestor worship. They have also become associated with native myths, especially in connection to the animistic underworld. Some are regarded to have acquired their own "souls" (Filipino anito, Iban antu, etc.) and were anthropomorphized as having characteristics like genders and personal names, especially the "talking jars" of the Philippines, which could purportedly talk, roam around, and shapeshift. They were even regarded as being "married" to other jars and having "child" jars.[18][19]

Rusun jars

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See also: Shimamono and Luzon Sukezaemon

Rusun jars (Japanese: 呂宋壺, Hepburn: Rusun tsubo), also known as "Luzon jars", were dark-brown to purple-black tapayan from the island of Luzon in the northern Philippines. These were highly sought after by Japanese traders in the 16th century Nanban trade and remain as valuable antique heirlooms in modern Japan. They are primarily used for the Japanese tea ceremony (chanoyu).[7][20][21] They were prized for their simplicity and rough, often uneven design, epitomizing the traditional Japanese aesthetics of wabi-sabi ("perfection in imperfection").[22]

The Spanish historian Antonio de Morga in his Sucesos de la Islas Filipinas (1609) described Rusun jars as thus:[23]

In this island of Luzon, especially in the provinces of Manila, Pampanga, Pangasinan and Ylocos the natives have ancient earthenware jars (tibores) which are brown in color and not especially attractive to look at. Some of these are medium-sized, others smaller, and they have certain marks and stamps on them but no one knows how to explain these, nor knows whence they came nor when, for they are no longer imported or made here. The Japanese seek them and think highly of them, for they have discovered that the root [sic] of a certain plant called cha (tea), which the kings and lords of Japan drink hot, both as a refreshment and medicine, can best be kept and preserved in these jars. Hence throughout Japan these jars are regarded highly as being the most precious jewels of their inner rooms and chambers, and the Japanese adorn them on the outside with fine, elegantly wrought gold and keep them in brocade cases. One of them is worth a great sum there, for some jars are valued at, and sold for, two thousand taels at the rate of eleven reales per tael. It makes no difference whether they be cracked or chipped, for that does not prevent them from holding cha. The natives of these islands sell them to the Japanese for the best possible price and they are diligent in seeking them out for the sake of the profit to be made. However, few are to be found these days because of the zeal with which they have been sought up to the present.

Rusun jars were part of what is collectively known as Mishima ("three islands") ware. With the other two islands being indigenous Taiwan and the unidentified "Amakawa".[21]

See also

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Wikimedia Commons has media related to Tapayan.

References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Tapayan

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
The tapayan is a large, wide-mouthed jar traditionally used in the for utilitarian storage and ritual purposes, often imported from , , and other Southeast Asian regions through ancient maritime trade networks. These durable, high-fired vessels, also known locally as gusi or martaban, typically feature a rounded body, short neck, and practical design suited for holding liquids like water, (tapuy), or food staples. Originating from kilns in southern and dating back to the 9th century, tapayan jars arrived in the via extensive trade routes, with the earliest documented exchanges occurring around 972 CE during the with the polity of (modern ). Approximately 70% of surviving examples are Chinese in origin, with 20-25% from and smaller percentages from and Burma, reflecting the jars' role as key commodities in regional commerce. Over centuries, they evolved from mere storage containers—used as storage during voyages—to cherished heirlooms among indigenous groups such as the , Tagbanua, and Pala'wan, symbolizing wealth and spiritual power. In Filipino culture, tapayan jars hold profound ritual significance, employed in ceremonies for births, weddings, deaths, and rituals, where they store or house ancestral remains in secondary burials. Their nonporous, vitrified surfaces make them ideal for and long-term preservation without leakage, while attributes magical properties to them, such as protection against evil spirits. Today, over 1,000 such jars are preserved in collections like the EYG Resource Center at the National Museum of Anthropology, underscoring their enduring legacy in Philippine heritage and archaeology.

Etymology and Terminology

Linguistic Origins

The term "tapayan" in Tagalog derives from the Proto-Malayo-Polynesian reconstruction *tapay-an, referring to a large used for storing derived from fermented (*tapay). This root reflects the vessel's primary function in traditional processes across Austronesian-speaking communities, where *tapay denotes or fermented , emphasizing the jar's role as a for such preparations. Cognates of *tapay-an appear in other Austronesian languages, such as Malay *tempayan, a nasalized form denoting a wide-mouthed or , often used similarly for storage or . In Javanese, the equivalent *tempayan shares this etymological link, illustrating the term's diffusion through Proto-Malayo-Polynesian speakers across . These parallels highlight the shared linguistic heritage for designating large storage vessels in the region. The term evolved in historical records during the colonial period, with 16th-century Spanish accounts describing jars found in the as "boioni," noting their utilitarian value in local contexts despite higher esteem in trade networks like those with . Trade influences further shaped nomenclature, as the Burmese port of Martaban (Mottama) lent its name to imported jars, entering Philippine dialects through phonetic adaptation as "martaban" for similar wide-mouthed vessels. Later synonyms such as "balanga" or "gusi" emerged as regional variants without altering the core Austronesian roots.

Regional Names and Synonyms

In the , tapayan jars are referred to by several regional synonyms that reflect dialectal and functional distinctions. Balanga and gusi are common names for large jars, with gusi often denoting durable imported types. In Visayan languages, the term bangâ denotes similar large storage jars. Among specific ethnic groups, regional names vary, such as tadyaw in Cebuano contexts for comparable forms. Across , , and , tapayan equivalents bear names tied to Malay-influenced traditions. The term tempayan specifically applies to large jars for , derived from contexts of and household use. versions are known as belanga, emphasizing their cooking applications, while smaller spouted forms related to the tapayan tradition are called kendi. In broader Southeast Asian contexts, particularly through historical trade networks, martaban emerged as a generic synonym for large imported jars, often regardless of precise origin, in regional pidgins and commercial exchanges. These naming conventions share etymological roots in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian terms for vessels.

Physical Characteristics

Design and Features

Tapayan jars exhibit a distinctive wide-mouthed that allows for convenient access during use, with mouth diameters typically 20-40 cm to accommodate substantial contents, while body diameters can extend up to 1 meter in larger variants. These jars typically measure between 0.3 and over 1 meter in , enabling capacities from 50 to 200 liters or more in oversized examples suited for bulk storage. The overall form is often globular, featuring bulbous shoulders that widen from a shorter and taper toward the base, providing a balanced profile for practical handling. Structural elements emphasize functionality and stability, including rounded or flat bases that prevent tipping on uneven surfaces, short necks for straightforward pouring, and occasional lugs or loop handles—referred to as "ears"—facilitated without compromising the jar's integrity. These features make tapayan jars versatile for both stationary storage and occasional movement. Local earthenware versions, crafted from clay, often present plain, unglazed surfaces to maintain for natural cooling and processes. In contrast, imported tapayan display more elaborate variations in decoration, such as incised patterns, applied clay reliefs like buttons or stripes, and brown glazes applied to the exterior for added durability and aesthetic appeal. These ornamental elements, sometimes including motifs like dragons or geometric designs, distinguish the from simpler local while serving similar utilitarian roles.

Materials and Construction

Tapayan jars are primarily constructed from in local Philippine traditions, utilizing clay sourced from riverbeds and alluvial deposits, such as the grade A clay abundant in the western areas of , . This clay is often tempered with fine sand to enhance structural integrity and prevent cracking during firing. In contrast, imported varieties, often referred to as gusi or martaban jars, are made from using kaolin-rich clays combined with for greater and durability. Construction begins with forming the clay body through techniques, where long ropes of clay are stacked and smoothed to create thick walls typically measuring 1-2 cm, providing durability suitable for storage and despite the inherent of . Wheel-throwing is also employed in regions like Ilocos, where potters center the clay on a manual wheel to shape the vessel's form. These methods allow for the wide mouths characteristic of tapayan jars, adapting to the malleable nature of local clays while facilitating access for utilitarian purposes. Local tapayan are fired at low temperatures ranging from 800-1000°C in open pits or simple ground kilns, which preserves the clay's essential for processes. Glazing is minimal or absent on these jars to maintain , though some may receive a natural polish from the firing process. Imported counterparts, however, undergo higher-temperature firing above 1200°C and are often coated with lead or ash glazes to achieve impermeability, making them ideal for long-term liquid containment.

Production and Manufacturing

Traditional Techniques

Tapayan jars, as imported , were crafted using techniques developed in Chinese and Southeast Asian kilns. The process began with sourcing local clays, often mixed with rice husks or matter for tempering, which were sifted, wedged, and prepared for forming. Large jars were typically formed by on a in sections, which were then joined at seams and smoothed using beaters or pot stones. For very large vessels, methods were employed, building the jar in stages with clay rings compressed by mallets and anvils. After air-drying, the jars were often glazed with wood-ash, , or mineral-based slips (such as for brown tones or for green), applied by dipping or pouring. They were then fired in specialized at temperatures exceeding 1200°C, typically 1250–1300°C, to achieve the vitrified, nonporous body. Production utilized long dragon kilns (chang yao), hillside structures with multiple chambers fueled by wood, allowing for high-volume output suited to maritime trade. Some Southeast Asian variants, such as those from , incorporated similar glazing techniques influenced by regional traditions.

Historical Sources and Centers

While early pottery traditions in the date back to the period around 3,500 years ago, with significant finds from sites like Kalanay Cave in (ca. 400 BCE to 1500 CE), tapayan jars specifically refer to imported vessels that arrived via trade. These evolved from regional interactions but were primarily produced abroad. Major production centers were located in southern China, including kilns in (e.g., Shiwan), (Quanzhou), and (Yue kilns), active from the Tang (7th–10th centuries) through the Qing dynasties. In , key sites included Thailand's Si Satchanalai kilns (13th–16th centuries) and Vietnam's Phu Kha pottery sites. Approximately 70% of documented tapayan finds originated from Chinese centers like and , 20-25% from Thai kilns, and 3-5% from Vietnamese sources, reflecting robust trade networks. Tapayan production and trade peaked between the 10th and 19th centuries, driven by maritime exchanges documented in records from 972 CE, when Philippine polities like (modern ) bartered for these jars. Local Philippine , such as Ilocos burnay , supplemented imports but differed in material and technique. Production of export declined after Spanish colonization in the , as European ceramics displaced traditional Asian wares in and household use.

Regional Distribution and Variations

In the Philippines

In the Philippines, imported tapayan jars, known locally as gusi or martaban, are distributed across all major island groups and provinces, reflecting their integration into diverse indigenous traditions through pre-colonial networks. While local unglazed jars (such as banga or balanga in Tagalog areas) predominate for everyday porous storage and cooling of water or grains in rural communities, tapayan variants—durable, nonporous, and often glazed—were prized for long-term preservation of liquids like () and as heirlooms. These jars, typically measuring over 100 cm in height with wide mouths, arrived via maritime routes and were adapted for household and communal use without modern . Among and other groups in northern , tapayan jars number up to 17 distinct types, classified by shape, origin, and function, and are used alongside local like immosso for in rugged terrains. In central and southern Tagalog communities, they complement forms for fermenting and storing valuables, emphasizing their role in sustaining village life. Pala'wan and Tagbanua groups in recognize over 50 and 24 types, respectively, often integrating them into rituals and near communal houses for shared access. This widespread distribution underscores tapayan's adaptation across ethnolinguistic groups, from Ilokano in the north to Maranao in . Archaeological evidence links tapayan use to broader Austronesian ceramic heritage, with earlier earthenware traditions like the (dated 890–710 BCE from , ) exemplifying advanced craftsmanship in secondary burials through sculpted lids and red slips. By the Metal Age around 1000 CE, imported jars supplemented these for both ceremonial and utilitarian purposes, marking a continuity in jar-based storage and burial practices across Philippine societies.

In Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei

In , , and , tapayan jars are known regionally as tempayan, large wide-mouthed stoneware vessels often glazed and imported from , , or , distinguishing them from local traditions while sharing Austronesian cultural roots with Philippine variants. These tempayan typically feature robust designs with ear loops or decorative motifs, such as tiger heads on examples, and are smaller in scale compared to some Philippine types, measuring from 30 cm to over 100 cm in height. Influenced by Javanese kraton court traditions, they were adapted for practical storage in Malay households, particularly for spices, rice, honey, and oil, reflecting the region's maritime heritage. Cultural integration of tempayan in these areas emphasizes their role as heirlooms and status symbols, especially in Bruneian royal households where specialized , like anthropomorphic "talking jars," were owned by the for preservation of oils and other valuables, symbolizing power and supernatural attributes. In Indonesian contexts, such jars blended with local practices among Dayak communities in , where imported was used alongside indigenous for rituals, including secondary burials and storage, fostering hybrid traditions in societies. Malaysian usage similarly incorporated tempayan into everyday and ceremonial life, such as wedding gifts or fines in disputes among Dusun groups in and . Historically, tempayan imports surged in the 15th to 17th centuries via the , a key artery of the network, where Chinese and Southeast Asian arrived in exchange for Borneo's resins, gums, and forest products transported by and Suluk traders. This period saw tempayan evolve from trade commodities—used to balance ships carrying spices—to integrated elements in Dayak , with groups like the Iban and Kelabit employing them in marriage payments and inheritance to consolidate aristocratic alliances, often valuing them economically at 8 to 200 Dutch guilders. By the early 20th century, Chinese potters had settled in areas like West Borneo, further localizing production and blending imported glazed forms with traditional earthenware techniques.

Utilitarian Uses

Storage and Fermentation

Tapayan jars serve as essential vessels for and storage in traditional Philippine households, leveraging the inherent properties of to maintain contents in humid tropical environments. Their thick, nonporous walls provide insulation and effective sealing, protecting stored items from contaminants. In rural homes, these jars are frequently employed to store palay, or unhusked , preserving it for several months by shielding it from pests and moisture. Beyond basic storage, tapayan jars are integral to fermentation processes, particularly for producing , a traditional wine, and , a or central to . The jars' wide mouths and narrow necks enable easy filling and sealing, promoting anaerobic conditions essential for microbial activity that develops the desired flavors and preservation qualities over extended periods, typically 6 to 12 months for bagoong. This shape minimizes oxygen exposure while accommodating the buildup of gases during , resulting in the characteristic tangy and profiles of these products.

Cooking and Household Applications

In Philippine households, tapayan jars have traditionally served as versatile cooking vessels, particularly for preparing staple foods like through over open fires, owing to their heat-resistant construction that withstands direct flame exposure. These jars, often placed on improvised stands or directly on embers, allow for even heat distribution during the cooking process, a method still observed in rural areas where modern appliances are less common. While smaller pots like the palayok handle most daily stews, larger tapayan variants accommodate communal meals, reflecting their role in pre-colonial and colonial-era kitchens. Beyond cooking, tapayan jars fulfill essential household functions in rural Philippine settings, where their wide mouths and substantial capacity enable practical chores such as feet, , and utensils with stored . Positioned near entrances or back porches, these jars provide a convenient source for daily and light tasks, such as soaking fabrics before scrubbing, especially in areas without piped systems. Their substantial capacity supports submersion of items for thorough , making them indispensable in traditional homes. In and , regional variants known as belanga—closely related to tapayan as wide-mouthed pots—are prized in home cooking for curries and rendangs over low heat, with the clay promoting gradual flavor infusion and even cooking. These adaptations leverage the pots' rounded bases for stability on wood-fired stoves, a practice valued in rural Malay households for enhancing the taste of spice-heavy dishes without scorching. The belanga's design thus extends tapayan traditions into Southeast Asian culinary routines, emphasizing slow-cooked meals central to communal dining.

Ritual and Cultural Significance

Jar Burials

Tapayan jars were integral to secondary practices in prehistoric and traditional Philippine societies, where they were used in interments, often placed as offerings on graves or occasionally containing the defleshed bones of the deceased, and buried in caves, rock shelters, or open fields. This ritual, documented in archaeological contexts from the Metal Age (approximately 500 BCE to 1500 CE), served to contain and protect the remains during their transition to the , often replacing earlier traditions with more durable imports. Sites in , such as those explored by the National Museum, yield evidence of tapayan fragments associated with such interments, dating primarily from the 9th to 14th centuries CE. In animist belief systems, tapayan jars symbolized a vessel for the soul's journey to the spirit world, embodying concepts of rebirth and eternal life akin to the womb's protective enclosure. This metaphorical extension drew from the jars' utilitarian role in storage and , transforming everyday containment into a sacred provision for the deceased's "pabaon" or voyage. Among groups like the Tagbanua and Pala'wan in , the jars' use in burials underscored connections to ancestral spirits and the continuity of existence beyond death. Archaeological variations in tapayan jar burials reflect social distinctions, with tapayan jars often used for sub-adult burials, while adult burials varied in form; including glass beads, shell bracelets, and stone tools often indicated status and wealth, as seen in and assemblages where bead quantities correlated with higher social ranking. Early precedents, such as red-slipped earthenware jars from the complex dated to approximately 3000–1000 BCE, highlight the evolution toward tapayan's more robust forms in later periods.

Other Ceremonial Practices

In various indigenous communities of the Philippines, such as the Ifugao, Tagbanua, and Pala’wan, tapayan jars hold central roles in wedding and harvest rites, where they are filled with fermented rice wine known as tapuy and presented as offerings to ancestors to invoke blessings for marital harmony and agricultural abundance. These jars, often heirlooms classified by specific designs and capacities—such as the 17 types recognized among the Ifugao—symbolize communal prosperity and continuity, with the wine's potency enhancing the ritual's spiritual efficacy during thanksgiving ceremonies following successful rice harvests. Tapayan jars also fulfill spiritual functions as vessels in non-funerary ceremonies among Philippine groups like the , where they contain used in rituals for protection and fertility. In parallel traditions across Malaysian , martaban jars—equivalent stoneware vessels—serve as abodes for household spirits and shrines in customs, where they are struck to produce sounds foretelling the future or consulted by mediums for guidance on community matters. Historical records from the document jars' use in spirit medium rituals among Dayak communities in (encompassing parts of modern and ), where they were employed to summon protective entities or promote through incantations and offerings, attributing supernatural voices or movements to the vessels as signs of divine approval. These practices, distinct from burial traditions, underscore the jars' enduring role in living ceremonies that reinforce social bonds and spiritual safeguarding.

Trade and Economic Role

Maritime Trade Networks

The maritime trade networks involving tapayan jars spanned from the 10th to the 19th centuries, primarily traversing the and the , which connected key Philippine ports such as , , , , the , and the Ilocos coast to production centers in Vietnamese and Thai kilns, as well as Chinese kilns in , , , and . These routes facilitated the influx of jars into the , where they were integrated into local economies and re-exported, with early exchanges documented during the (960–1279) involving traders from Arab, Achenese, Javanese, and Bornean origins docking at Ma-i (modern ) via . Archaeological evidence from shipwrecks and sites confirms active circulation from the 10th to 14th centuries, underscoring the jars' role in regional connectivity. Tapayan jars played a pivotal economic role in barter systems, where early exchanged forest and sea products for them, enhancing local wealth accumulation and trade leverage. During the Spanish trade (1565–1815), these jars were exported from to , , aboard the Manila-Acapulco , serving as valuable commodities exchanged for Mexican silver, which fueled further Asian imports and contributed to the global flow of goods across the Pacific. variants, including those akin to Martaban jars, were among the storage vessels transported, highlighting their utility in long-haul voyages. A notable event in these networks was the 16th-century Japanese infatuation with Philippine jars, known as rusontsubo or jars, during the period, where they were imported for their superior ability to store and age leaves, transforming into a sweeter variety prized in tea ceremonies. Japanese merchants and sought these jars obsessively, with figures like attempting to monopolize the trade and imposing severe penalties for , as they symbolized status and were used as diplomatic s—such as the 1594 diplomatic of three jars to Hideyoshi. Acquired cheaply in for 3–4 coppers each, they fetched exorbitant prices in , up to 6,000–10,000 escudos, driving merchant fortunes and cultural exchanges until Japan's isolation policy curtailed imports by the early 17th century.

Imported Jar Types

Imported tapayan jars encompassed several categories of vessels sourced from neighboring regions in and , integrated into Philippine trade networks via maritime routes spanning the and beyond. These imports included brown-glazed from Vietnamese , such as those at Go-sanh, characterized by bulbous forms with smooth, warm brown dripped glazes often featuring incised motifs like . Green-glazed jars from , primarily from Sawankhalok and Sukhothai production centers, displayed pale-green finishes with stamped floral or dragon designs, reflecting influences from regional traditions. jars from Chinese , notably Longquan, arrived with their signature jade-green glazes exhibiting fine crackle patterns, prized for aesthetic and functional durability. In contrast to locally produced tapayan, which were typically porous and less refined, these imported variants were denser and more uniformly fired, enhancing their resistance to cracking and suitability for long-distance sea transport of goods like and spices. This robustness made them highly valued in Philippine households and rituals, where they often outlasted native pottery. The influx of these jars followed a chronological pattern tied to broader Asian trade dynamics, with early imports peaking during the (960–1279 CE), when green-glazed Yue-type vessels from dominated shipments to island . Surges occurred later in the Ming era (1368–1644 CE), as expanded naval expeditions facilitated greater volumes of Vietnamese brown-glazed and Thai green-glazed stoneware, evidenced by assemblages from wrecks like the (ca. 1600 CE) containing over 750 such jars.

Martaban Jars

Martaban jars, a prominent variant of the tapayan tradition in , originated in the port city of Martaban (modern-day Mottama, ), where they were produced as durable vessels central to regional commerce. Crafted primarily from the 14th to 19th centuries, these jars utilized local clay, which, when fired, yielded a distinctive reddish-brown known for its robustness and resistance to liquids. Production centered in Lower Burma, leveraging the area's clay deposits and kiln technologies to create goods that facilitated long-distance maritime exchange along routes connecting , , and insular . Physically, Martaban jars are characterized by their tall, ovoid forms with narrow necks, often featuring cord-marked or paddle-impressed bodies that provided both aesthetic texture and structural integrity. Heights typically ranged from 30 cm to over 100 cm, with capacities reaching up to 300 liters, making them ideal for bulk storage and transport. These jars lacked elaborate glazes or decorations, emphasizing functionality over ornamentation, though some bore simple lugs or handles for securing lids or ropes during shipment. Prized for their impermeability, they were especially valued for containing oils, spices, water, and alcohol, serving as reliable shipboard containers and even in voyages. In trade, Martaban jars played a pivotal role in Southeast Asian maritime networks, with significant exports to the Philippines, where they were integrated into local storage practices before resale to European markets. Dutch East India Company (VOC) records from the 17th century document large-scale shipments, including one instance of 5,000 jars transported in a single voyage, each valued at up to 21 guilders—reflecting their economic importance amid the era's spice and commodity trades. Archaeological evidence from shipwrecks, such as the Witte Leeuw of 1613, further underscores their ubiquity in these exchanges, highlighting Martaban's status as a hub for high-volume ceramic exports.

Rusun Jars

Rusun jars, known in Japanese as ruson tsubo or jars, were stoneware vessels primarily produced in during the (960–1279) and Yuan (1279–1368) dynasties but became closely associated with the island of in the through extensive maritime trade networks in the . These jars were sourced and re-exported from production and trading sites, where local potters may have adapted similar techniques using tempers to create comparable gray for regional tapayan traditions, though for local Rusun manufacturing remains debated. The name "Rusun" derives from the Japanese pronunciation of "," highlighting the ' pivotal role in distributing these vessels across East and . Characterized by their ovoid shapes with wide mouths and sturdy construction, Rusun jars typically ranged in size from 20 to 100 liters, making them smaller and more refined than larger utilitarian types like Martaban jars. They often featured coarse, unglazed or simply finished surfaces in earthy tones such as brown or gray, though some variants displayed subtle blue-white glazes influenced by Chinese techniques, enhancing their aesthetic appeal for elite uses. Prized for their durability and ability to preserve contents without imparting flavors, these jars were particularly suited for storing fine goods like tea leaves, medicines, and oils, distinguishing them within the broader tapayan tradition of storage and fermentation vessels. In significance, Rusun jars played a key role in 16th-century exchanges between the , , and , serving as high-value commodities that symbolized wealth and cultural sophistication. Exported extensively to via ports, they were collected by and masters as status symbols, with historical records noting their exceptional preservation qualities for , often valued more highly than gold. For instance, , the 16th-century Japanese unifier, coveted these jars and attempted to monopolize their import, as documented in contemporary accounts by Jesuit missionaries and traders like Francesco Carletti. Their elite appeal paralleled the trade value of Martaban jars, underscoring Rusun's position in prestigious Southeast Asian ceramic exchanges.

Modern Legacy

Contemporary Uses and Adaptations

In rural , traditional jars known as banga—sometimes referred to as a type of tapayan—are used for , providing natural cooling through their porous material in areas without . tapayan, however, continue to serve utilitarian roles in and storage where modern is less accessible. In urban Philippine gardens, tapayan jars have been adapted as decorative lawn ornaments, enhancing aesthetic appeal while evoking ; restored versions often serve as planters or focal points in contemporary landscapes. Similarly, in —where analogous jars are termed tempayan—they appear in markets as tourism-oriented crafts, with some featuring painted designs to attract visitors seeking regional artisanal souvenirs. Tapayan and related jars support eco-friendly practices in , such as fermenting () or () in controlled, natural environments that minimize chemical preservatives and promote sustainable . In the ' Ilocos , burnay variants—closely akin to tapayan—are employed in small-scale organic production for these purposes, aligning with modern demands for low-impact . Revivals of traditional jar-making occur in 21st-century artisan workshops across , including in , where producers create replicas of jars using time-honored techniques combined with electric kilns for efficient, export-oriented output. These efforts draw inspiration from historical maritime trade networks that once distributed such vessels regionally, fostering contemporary blends of craft and commerce.

Preservation and Cultural Heritage

The maintains extensive holdings of tapayan and other jars, including over 1,000 jars, plates, and bowls (dating from the 15th to 20th centuries) in the Elizabeth Y. Gokongwei (EYG) Ethnographic Resource Center, underscoring their role in ancient trade and rituals. Similarly, the Muzium Negara in preserves jars akin to tapayan, known locally as martaban, reflecting shared Southeast Asian maritime heritage through displays of imported and regional ceramics. Conservation of tapayan jars presents notable challenges, particularly in restoring cracked glazes on aged , where techniques such as fills are employed to stabilize fractures without altering original . These efforts are complicated by ongoing threats from at Philippine archaeological sites, where illicit excavations have destroyed contexts for artifacts, including stoneware vessels, leading to significant losses in cultural knowledge. Such activities, prevalent since the mid-20th century, have targeted caves and coastal areas, exacerbating the need for enhanced site protections. Heritage initiatives emphasize the cultural value of tapayan as embodiments of traditional storage and ceremonial practices.

References

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