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Primary election
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Primary elections or primaries are elections held to determine which candidates will run in an upcoming general election. In a partisan primary, a political party selects a candidate. Depending on the state and/or party, there may be an "open primary", in which all voters are eligible to participate, or a "closed primary", in which only members of a political party can vote. Less common are nonpartisan primaries in which all candidates run regardless of party.[1]

The origins of primary elections can be traced to the progressive movement in the United States, which aimed to take the power of candidate nomination from party leaders to the people.[2] However, political parties control the method of nomination of candidates for office in the name of the party. Other methods of selecting candidates include caucuses, internal selection by a party body such as a convention or party congress, direct nomination by the party leader, and nomination meetings.

A similar procedure for selecting individual candidates under party-list proportional representation can be found in open list systems; in such systems, the party primary is combined with the general election. Parties in countries using the parliamentary system may also hold leadership elections. A party's leader will typically become the head of government should that party win a majority of seats in the legislature, meaning leadership elections often select a party's de facto candidate for prime minister, much like a presidential primary.

Countries that use first-past-the-post for both the primary and general elections are often described as using a partisan two-round system to highlight the similarity to two-round (runoff) systems, particularly in two-party systems.[citation needed] These similarities have led to the first round of a two-round system sometimes being called a "nonpartisan primary" in the United States.

Types of party primaries

[edit]
2024 Republican Party presidential primaries, rules
  Open primary
  Semi-closed primary
  Closed primary
  Canceled
2024 Democratic Party presidential primaries, rules
  Open primary
  Semi-closed primary
  Closed primary
  Canceled

Two types of party primaries can generally be distinguished:

  • Closed primary.[3] (synonyms: internal primaries, party primaries) In the case of closed primaries, internal primaries, or party primaries, only party members can vote.
  • Open primary.[4] All voters can take part in an open primary and may cast votes on a ballot of any party. The party may require them to express their support to the party's values and pay a small contribution to the costs of the primary.

In the United States, further types can be differentiated:

Closed primary

[edit]

In a "closed primary", people may vote in a party's primary only if they are registered members of that party prior to election day. Independents cannot participate. Because some political parties name themselves independent, the terms "non-partisan" or "unaffiliated" often replace "independent" when referring to those who are not affiliated with a political party. As of 2016, thirteen states and the District of Columbia used closed primaries.[5][6]

Semi-closed or semi-open

[edit]

In a "semi-closed primary", as in closed primaries, registered party members can vote only in their own party's primary. Semi-closed systems, however, allow unaffiliated voters to choose a party to participate in as well. Depending on the state, independents either make their choice of party primary privately, inside the voting booth, or publicly, by registering with any party on Election Day.

Sixteen states – Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Maine,[7] New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio,[8] Oregon, Rhode Island, Utah, and West Virginia – have semi-closed primaries that allow voters to register or change party preference on election day.[6][9] Massachusetts allows unenrolled voters or members of minor parties to vote in the primary of either major party, but registration or party changes must be done no fewer than 20 days prior to the primary.[10]

Open primary

[edit]

In an "open primary", a registered voter may vote in any party primary regardless of his or her own party affiliation. Fourteen states—Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Hawaii, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, North Dakota, South Carolina, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin—have open primaries.[5]

This system is sometimes criticized for increasing the ease with which voters can engage in party raiding. Raiding consists of voters of one party crossing over and voting in the primary of another party, effectively allowing a party to choose a weak opponent in the election. An example of this can be seen in the 1998 Vermont senatorial primary with the nomination of Fred Tuttle as the Republican candidate in the general election.[citation needed]

Nonpartisan

[edit]

Nonpartisan blanket primary

[edit]

In a "nonpartisan blanket primary", all candidates appear on the same ballot and advance to the general election or second round regardless of party affiliation. In the "top-two primary" variant, the top two candidates advance to the general election or runoff.

  • Louisiana has famously operated under this system, which has been nicknamed the "jungle primary", since the 1980s.
  • California has used a top two primary outside of presidential elections since 2012 after passing Proposition 14 in 2010.[citation needed]
  • Washington has used a top-two primary since 2008.[11]

Unified primary

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In a "unified primary" (also known as a "top-two approval primary"), all candidates appear on the same ballot (similar to the nonpartisan blanket primary). However, unlike the kinds of primaries mentioned above, in a "unified primary" uses a nonpartisan primary with approval voting, where voters may support any number of candidates instead of one.[12] St. Louis, Missouri uses this system.

In the United States

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The United States is one of a handful of countries to select candidates through popular vote in a primary election system;[13] most other countries rely on party leaders or party members to select candidates, as was previously the case in the U.S.[14]

The selection of candidates for federal, state, and local general elections takes place in primary elections organized by the public administration for the general voting public to participate in for the purpose of nominating the respective parties' official candidates; state voters start the electoral process for governors and legislators through the primary process, as well as for many local officials from city councilors to county commissioners.[15] The candidate who moves from the primary to be successful in the general election takes public office.

In modern politics, primary elections have been described as a vehicle for transferring decision-making from political insiders to voters, though political science research indicates that the formal party organizations retain significant influence over nomination outcomes.[16][17]

Studies have found little-to-no difference between top-two and traditional partisan primaries on most outcomes like political polarization,[18][19][20] but lower levels of electoral participation and more voter confusion[20][21] under nonpartisan primaries.[18][19][22]

History

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The direct primary became important in the United States at the state level starting in the 1890s and at the local level in the 1900s.[23] The first primary elections came in the Democratic Party in the South in the 1890s starting in Louisiana in 1892. By 1897 the Democratic party held primaries to select candidates in 11 Southern and border states. Unlike the final election run by government officials, primaries were run by party officials rather than being considered official elections, allowing them to exclude African American voters. The US Supreme Court would later declare such white primaries unconstitutional in Smith v. Allwright in 1944.[24]

The direct primary was promoted primarily by regular party leaders as a way to promote party loyalty.[25] Progressive reformers like Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin also campaigned for primaries, leading Wisconsin to approve them in a 1904 referendum.[26][27]

Despite this, presidential nominations depended chiefly on party conventions until 1972. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey won the Democratic nomination without entering any of the 14 state primaries, causing substantial controversy at the national convention. To prevent a recurrence, Democrats set up the McGovern–Fraser Commission which required all states to hold primaries, and the Republican party soon followed suit.[28]

Non-partisan

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Primaries can be used in nonpartisan elections to reduce the set of candidates that go on to the general election (qualifying primary). (In the U.S., many city, county and school board elections are non-partisan, although often the political affiliations of candidates are commonly known.) In some states and localities, candidates receiving more than 50% of the vote in the primary are automatically elected, without having to run again in the general election. In other states, the primary can narrow the number of candidates advancing to the general election to the top two, while in other states and localities, twice as many candidates as can win in the general election may advance from the primary.[citation needed]

Blanket

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When a qualifying primary is applied to a partisan election, it becomes what is generally known as a blanket[29] or Louisiana primary: typically, if no candidate wins a majority in the primary, the two candidates receiving the highest pluralities, regardless of party affiliation, go on to a general election that is in effect a run-off. This often has the effect of eliminating minor parties from the general election, and frequently the general election becomes a single-party election. Unlike a plurality voting system, a run-off system meets the Condorcet loser criterion in that the candidate that ultimately wins would not have been beaten in a two-way race with every one of the other candidates.

Because many Washington residents were disappointed over the loss of their blanket primary, which the Washington State Grange helped institute in 1935, the Grange filed Initiative 872 in 2004 to establish a blanket primary for partisan races, thereby allowing voters to once again cross party lines in the primary election. The two candidates with the most votes then advance to the general election, regardless of their party affiliation. Supporters claimed it would bring back voter choice; opponents said it would exclude third parties and independents from general election ballots, could result in Democratic or Republican-only races in certain districts, and would in fact reduce voter choice. The initiative was put to a public vote in November 2004 and passed. On 15 July 2005, the initiative was found unconstitutional by the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Washington. The U.S. Supreme Court heard the Grange's appeal of the case in October 2007. In March 2009, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Grange-sponsored Top 2 primary, citing a lack of compelling evidence to overturn the voter-approved initiative.[30]

In elections using electoral systems where strategic nomination is a concern, primaries can be very important in preventing "clone" candidates that split their constituency's vote because of their similarities. Primaries allow political parties to select and unite behind one candidate. However, tactical voting is sometimes a concern in non-partisan primaries as members of the opposite party can vote for the weaker candidate in order to face an easier general election.

In California, under Proposition 14 (Top Two Candidates Open Primary Act), a voter-approved referendum, in all races except for that for U.S. president and county central committee offices, all candidates running in a primary election regardless of party will appear on a single primary election ballot and voters may vote for any candidate, with the top two vote-getters overall moving on to the general election regardless of party. The effect of this is that it will be possible for two Republicans or two Democrats to compete against each other in a general election if those candidates receive the most primary-election support.[31][32]

Partisan

[edit]

As a result of a federal court decision in Idaho,[33] the 2011 Idaho Legislature passed House Bill 351 implementing a closed primary system.[34]

In May 2024, the Republican Party of Texas approved at its bi-annual convention an amendment to its party rules that changes its primary from an open primary to a closed primary, in which only voters registered with the Republican party may now vote in the Republican primary election.[35] State law in Texas currently mandates open primaries, where voters select which primary to vote in when they go to vote rather than affiliating with a party prior to the primary.

Oregon was the first American state in which a binding primary election was conducted entirely via the internet. The election was held by the Independent Party of Oregon in July, 2010.[36]

Presidential primaries

[edit]

In the United States, Iowa and New Hampshire have drawn attention every four years because they hold the first caucus and primary election, respectively, and often give a candidate the momentum to win their party's nomination. Since 2000, the primary in South Carolina has also become increasingly important, as it is the first Southern state to hold a primary election in the calendar year.[37]

A criticism of the current presidential primary election schedule is that it gives undue weight to the few states with early primaries, as those states often build momentum for leading candidates and rule out trailing candidates long before the rest of the country has even had a chance to weigh in, leaving the last states with virtually no actual input on the process. The counterargument to this criticism, however, is that, by subjecting candidates to the scrutiny of a few early states, the parties can weed out candidates who are unfit for office.

The Democratic National Committee (DNC) proposed a new schedule and a new rule set for the 2008 presidential primary elections. Among the changes: the primary election cycle would start nearly a year earlier than in previous cycles, states from the West and the South would be included in the earlier part of the schedule, and candidates who run in primary elections not held in accordance with the DNC's proposed schedule (as the DNC does not have any direct control over each state's official election schedules) would be penalized by being stripped of delegates won in offending states. The New York Times called the move, "the biggest shift in the way Democrats have nominated their presidential candidates in 30 years."[38]

Of note regarding the DNC's proposed 2008 presidential primary election schedule is that it contrasted with the Republican National Committee's (RNC) rules regarding presidential primary elections. "No presidential primary, caucus, convention, or other meeting may be held for the purpose of voting for a presidential candidate and/or selecting delegates or alternate delegates to the national convention, prior to the first Tuesday of February in the year in which the national convention is held."[39] In 2028, this date is February 1.

Candidates for U.S. President who seek their party's nomination participate in primary elections run by state governments, or caucuses run by the political parties. Unlike an election where the only participation is casting a ballot, a caucus is a gathering or "meeting of party members designed to select candidates and propose policies".[40] Both primaries and caucuses are used in the presidential nomination process, beginning in January or February and culminating in the late summer political party conventions. Candidates may earn convention delegates from each state primary or caucus. Sitting presidents generally do not face serious competition from their party.

Primary classifications

[edit]

While it is clear that the closed/semi-closed/semi-open/open classification commonly used by scholars studying primary systems does not fully explain the highly nuanced differences seen from state to state, still, it is very useful and has real-world implications for the electorate, election officials, and the candidates themselves.

As far as the electorate is concerned, the extent of participation allowed to weak partisans and independents depends almost solely on which of the aforementioned categories best describes their state's primary system. Open and semi-open systems favor this type of voter, since they can choose which primary they vote in on a yearly basis under these models. In closed primary systems, true independents are, for all practical purposes, shut out of the process.

This classification further affects the relationship between primary elections and election commissioners and officials. The more open the system, the greater the chance of raiding, or voters voting in the other party's primary in hopes of getting a weaker opponent chosen to run against a strong candidate in the general election. Raiding has proven stressful to the relationships between political parties, who feel cheated by the system, and election officials, who try to make the system run as smoothly as possible.

Perhaps the most dramatic effect this classification system has on the primary process is its influence on the candidates themselves. Whether a system is open or closed dictates the way candidates run their campaigns. In a closed system, from the time a candidate qualifies to the day of the primary, they tend to have to cater to partisans, who tend to lean to the more extreme ends of the ideological spectrum. In the general election, under the assumptions of the median voter theorem, the candidate must move more towards the center in hopes of capturing a plurality.

In Europe

[edit]

In Europe, primaries are not organized by the public administration but by parties themselves, and legislation is mostly silent on primaries.[citation needed] However, parties may need government cooperation, particularly for open primaries.[contradictory][citation needed]

Whereas closed primaries are rather common within many European countries, a few political parties in Europe have opted for open primaries.[citation needed] Parties generally organize primaries to nominate the party leader (leadership election). The underlying reason for that is that most European countries are parliamentary democracies. National governments are derived from the majority in the Parliament, which means that the head of the government is generally the leader of the winning party. France is one exception to this rule.

Closed primaries happen in many European countries, while open primaries have so far only occurred in the socialist and social-democratic parties in Greece and Italy, whereas France's Socialist Party organised the first open primary in France in October 2011.

One of the more recent developments is organizing primaries on the European level. European parties that organized primaries so far were the European Green Party (EGP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES)

European Union

[edit]

With a view to the European elections, many European political parties consider organizing a presidential primary.

Indeed, the Lisbon treaty, which entered into force in December 2009, lays down that the outcome of elections to the European Parliament must be taken into account in selecting the President of the Commission; the Commission is in some respects the executive branch of the EU and so its president can be regarded as the EU prime minister. Parties are therefore encouraged to designate their candidates for President of the European Commission ahead of the next election in 2014, in order to allow voters to vote with a full knowledge of the facts. Various have suggested using primaries to elect these candidates.

  • In April 2004, a former British conservative MEP, Tom Spencer, advocated for American-style primaries in the European People's Party: "A series of primary elections would be held at two-week intervals in February and March 2009. The primaries would start in the five smallest countries and continue every two weeks until the big five voted in late March. To avoid swamping by the parties from the big countries, one could divide the number of votes cast for each candidate in each country by that country's voting weight in the Council of Ministers. Candidates for the post of president would have to declare by 1 January 2009."[41]
  • In July 2013 European Green Party (EGP) announced that it would run a first ever European-wide open primary as the preparation for the European elections in 2014.[42] It was to be open to all citizens of the EU over the age of 16 who "supported green values"[43] They elected two transnational candidates who were to be the face of the common campaign of the European green parties united in the EGP, and who also were their candidates for European Commission president.
  • Following the defeat of the Party of European Socialists during the European elections of June 2009, the PES Congress that took place in Prague in December 2009 made the decision that PES would designate its own candidate before the 2014 European elections. A Campaign for a PES primary[44] was then launched by PES supporters in June 2010, and it managed to convince the PES Council meeting in Warsaw in December 2010 to set up Working Group "Candidate 2014" in charge of proposing a procedure and timetable for a "democratic" and "transparent" designation process "bringing on board all our parties and all levels within the parties".[45]

The European think-tank Notre Europe also suggested European parties should designate candidates for High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs.[46]

Finally, the European Parliament envisaged to introduce a requirement for internal democracy in the regulation on the statute of European political parties. European parties would therefore have to involve individual members in the major decisions such as designating the presidential candidate.[47]

Armenia

[edit]

On 24 and 25 November 2007, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation political party conducted a non-binding Armenia-wide primary election. The party asked the people of their recommendation of who they should nominate as their candidate for the upcoming presidential election.[48]

France

[edit]

The means by which the candidate of an established political party is selected has evolved. Until 2012, none of the six Presidents elected through direct election faced a competitive internal election.

  • The right didn't hold often primary elections to decide for their national candidates.
    • In 2007, Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the UMP, organized an approval "primary" without any opponent. He won by 98% and made his candidacy speech thereafter.
    • In 2016, The Republicans held, on 20 and 27 November, primaries to decide of their presidential candidate for 2017.
  • On the left, however, the Socialist Party of François Mitterrand has been plagued by internal divisions since the latter departed from politics. Rather than forming a new party, which is the habit on the right-wing, the party started to elect its nominee internally.
    • A first try in 1995: Lionel Jospin won the nomination three months before the election. He lost in the run-off to Jacques Chirac.
    • The idea made progress as the 2007 race approached, once the referendum on a European constitution was over. The latter showed strong ideological divisions within the left-wing spectrum, and the Socialist Party itself. This prevented the possibility of a primary spanning the whole left-wing, that would give its support to a presidential candidate. Given that no majority supported either a leader or a split, a registration campaign, enabling membership for only 20 euros, and a closed primary was organized, which Ségolène Royal won. She qualified to the national run-off that she lost to Nicolas Sarkozy.
    • In 2011, the Socialist Party decided to organise the first ever open primary in France to pick the Socialist party and the Radical Party of the Left nominee for the 2012 presidential election. Inspired by the 2008 U.S. primaries, it was seen as a way to reinvigorate the party. The idea was first proposed by Terra Nova, an independent left-leaning think tank, in a 2008 report.[49] It was also criticized for going against the nature of the regime. The open primary was not state-organized : the party took charge of all the electoral procedures, planning to set up 10,000 voting polls. All citizens on the electoral rolls, members of the Socialist party and the Radical Party of the Left, and members of the parties' youth organisation (MJS and JRG), including minors of 15 to 18 years old, were entitled to vote in exchange for one euro to cover the costs. More than 3 million people participated in this first open primary, which was considered a success, and former party leader François Hollande was designated the Socialist and Radical candidate for the 2012 presidential election.
  • Other parties organize membership primaries to choose their nominee, such as Europe Ecologie – Les Verts (EE-LV) (2006, 2011, 2016), and the French Communist Party in 2011.
  • At the local level, membership primaries are the rule for Socialist Party's candidates, but these are usually not competitive. In order to tame potential feud in his party, and prepare the ground for a long campaign, Sarkozy pushed for a closed primary in 2006 to designate the UMP candidate for the 2008 election of the Mayor of Paris. Françoise de Panafieu was elected in a four-way race. However, she did not clinch the mayorship two years later.

Germany

[edit]

In Germany, top candidates for the federal election can be selected in primaries. For party leaders, however, the selection at delegate conferences is required by law. It is, nevertheless, possible to hold a non-binding primary.[50]

Top candidates

[edit]

The Greens nominated their top candidates for the 2013 federal election (election of Jürgen Trittin and Katrin Göring-Eckardt) and for the 2017 federal election (election of Cem Özdemir and Katrin Göring-Eckardt) in a primary election by all party members (closed primary).

Primary elections are used much more frequently by parties at the regional than at the federal level.[51][52]

Party leaders

[edit]

The first party to use a (non-binding) closed primary to select its party leader at the federal level was the SPD in 1993.[53] After the surprising resignation of Andrea Nahles, the SPD held another party primary to determine her successor in 2019. A dual leadership of Saskia Esken and Norbert Walter-Borjans was elected. The CDU used the procedure for the first time in 2021.[54] Friedrich Merz prevailed against two competitors Norbert Röttgen and Helge Braun in an online ballot of all CDU party members.

Netherlands

[edit]

Open primary elections are not common in the Netherlands, candidates and list leaders are either selected internally by political parties through party leadership or member meetings and Congresses. In democratically organized parties, elections are used to choose leaders and candidates, but participation is limited to registered party members.[55]

Examples of Party leader elections

[edit]

Hungary

[edit]

A two-round primary election was held in Budapest, Hungary in 2019 between four opposition parties, to select a single candidate to the 2019 Budapest mayoral election.[56][57] A smaller primary was also held in the district of Ferencváros.[58]

For the 2022 parliamentary elections, the opposition parties organized a primary to select both their candidates for MPs and prime minister.[59]

In 2024, there were primaries held for some local governments, in particular, in the XII. district of Budapest for the position of mayor, which was held by instant-runoff voting, marking a first notable use of the system in political elections.

Italy

[edit]

Primary election were introduced in Italy to establish the centre-left candidates for 2005 regional election. In that occasion the centre-left The Union coalition held open primaries in order to select candidates for President of Apulia and Calabria. A more politically significant primary was held on 16 October 2005, when The Union asked its voters to decide the candidate for Prime Minister in the 2006 general election: 4,300,000 voters showed up and Romano Prodi won hands down. Two years later, on 14 October 2007, voters of the Democratic Party were called to choose the party leader among a list of six, their representatives to the Constituent Assembly and the local leaders. The primary was a success, involving more than 3,500,000 people across Italy, and gave to the winner Walter Veltroni momentum in a difficult period for the government and the centre-left coalition. The centre-right (see House of Freedoms, The People of Freedom, centre-right coalition and Forza Italia) has never held a primary at the national level, but held some experiments at the very local level.

Russia

[edit]

The first primaries in the history of Russia were held in May 2000 in St. Petersburg, the local branches of the parties Yabloko and the Union of Right Forces, who before the Gubernatorial election offered citizens to choose a single candidate from the democratic opposition.

In 2007, before the parliamentary elections, United Russia held primaries in several regions. However, its results were not sufficiently taken into account when nominating candidates from the party. For example, the congress of United Russia included in the regional party list in the Samara region not the winners of the primaries, but those who did not even participate in the primaries.

In the same year 2007, A Just Russia held the primaries to determine the candidate for the Gubernatorial election in Altai Krai. Anyone could vote for them, for which special items were opened. However, in the future, A Just Russia did not begin to pursue the primaries.

In 2011, United Russia, together with the All-Russian People's Front, held primaries for the nomination of candidates for the Duma election. This vote was called the "All-People's Primaries", but in fact it was not. Candidates for the primaries were selected by special committees. Not even all party members had the right to vote, but only about 200,000 specially selected electors. In addition, the results of voting on the primaries were in most cases ignored. Of the 80 lists of regional groups of candidates for the State Duma, nominated by the congress of Unitpared Russia, only 8 lists coincided with the lists of winners of the primaries. All the same, the event played a role in the elimination of candidates: there were cases when the current deputies of the State Duma, having seen that they did not enjoy the support of electors, withdrew their candidacies.

In the future, United Russia has sometimes resorted to an "open" model of primaries, which allows voting to all interested voters. In 2014, in the primaries of the "United Russia" before the elections to the Moscow City Duma, any Muscovite could vote, and not only registered electors.

In 2016, the primaries for the selection of candidates for parliamentary elections were held by four parties: United Russia, People's Freedom Party,[60] the Party of Growth[61] and the Green Alliance.[62] The most massive were 22 May 2016 primaries of the United Russia, which could vote for every citizen who has an active electoral right. However, the primaries, as well as earlier, were not binding for the leadership of United Russia: a number of winners of the primaries were withdrawn by the leadership without any explanation of reasons, and in 18 single-seat constituencies the party did not nominate any candidates. A striking example was the Nizhny Tagil constituency, where the candidate from the United Russia was approved candidate, who took the 4th place in the primaries.[63] Finally, a number of candidates were included in the party list on the proposal of the party leader Dmitry Medvedev from among those who did not even participate in the primaries.

In 2017, the Party of Growth holds the primaries for the nomination of candidates for the presidential election. These are the first presidential primaries in the history of Russia. However, voting for candidates will take place via the Internet within three months, and, according to the spokesman of the party, the results of the primaries will not be mandatory for the nomination of the candidate and the party convention may nominate another candidate who does not even participate in the primaries, or even not nominate candidates and support President Vladimir Putin, if he decides to be re-elected.[64]

Poland

[edit]

Portugal

[edit]

United Kingdom

[edit]

For the 2010 general election, the Conservative Party used open primaries to select two candidates for Member of Parliament. Further open primaries were used to select some Conservative candidates for the 2015 general election, and there are hopes other parties may nominate future candidates in this way.[65][66]

In Canada

[edit]

As in Europe, nomination meetings and leadership elections (somewhat similar to primary elections) in Canada are not organized by the public administration but by parties themselves.[67] Political parties participate in federal elections to the House of Commons, in legislative elections in all ten provinces, and in Yukon. (The legislatures and elections in the Northwest Territories and Nunavut are non-partisan.)

Local candidates

[edit]

Typically, in the months before an anticipated general election, local riding associations of political parties in each electoral district will schedule and announce a Nomination Meeting (similar to a nominating caucus in the United States). Would-be candidates will then file nomination papers with the association, and usually will devote time to solicit existing party members, and to sign up new party members who will also support them at the nomination meeting. At the meeting, typically each candidate will speak, and then members in attendance will vote. The electoral system most often used is an exhaustive ballot system; if no candidate has over 50% of the votes, the candidate with the lowest number of votes will be dropped and another ballot will be held. Also, other candidates who recognize that they will probably not win may withdraw between ballots, and may "throw their support" to (encourage their own supporters to vote for) another candidate. After the nomination meeting, the candidate and the association will obtain approval from party headquarters, and file the candidate's official nomination papers and necessary fees and deposits with Elections Canada or the provincial/territorial election commissions as appropriate.

At times, party headquarters may overturn an association's chosen candidate; for example, if any scandalous information about the candidate comes to light after the nomination. A party headquarters may also "parachute" a prominent candidate into an easy-to-win riding, removing the need to have a nomination meeting. These situations tend to cause disillusionment among a party's supporters.

Party leaders

[edit]

Canadian political parties also organize their own elections of party leaders. Not only will the party leader run for a seat in their own chosen riding, they will also become Prime Minister (in a federal election) or Premier (in a province or territory) should their party secure the confidence of parliament (usually by winning the most seats). Thus, a leadership election is also considered to be one for the party's de facto candidate for Prime Minister or Premier. If the party does not secure the confidence of parliament, but wins the next most amount of seats, the party leader will become Leader of the Official Opposition; if the party comes third or lower but maintains official party status, the leader will still be recognized as the leader of their party, and will be responsible for co-ordinating the activities and affairs of their party's caucus in the legislature.

In the past, Canadian political parties chose party leaders through an American-style delegated leadership convention. Local riding associations would choose delegates, usually in a manner similar to how they would choose a candidate for election. These delegates typically said explicitly which leadership candidate they would support. Those delegates, as well as other delegates (e.g. sitting party members of Parliament or the legislature, or delegates from party-affiliated organizations such as labor unions in the case of the New Democratic Party), would then vote, again using the exhaustive ballot method, until a leader was chosen. Some provincial political parties retain the delegated convention format.

Lately, Canada's major political parties have moved towards direct elections for federal leadership. A leadership convention is still scheduled, but all party members have a chance to vote for the new leader. Typically, members may vote either in person at the convention, online, or through a mail-in ballot.

Instant-runoff is used in whole or in part to elect the leaders of the three largest federal political parties in Canada: the Liberal Party of Canada,[68] the Conservative Party of Canada, and the New Democratic Party, albeit the New Democratic Party uses a mixture of IRV and exhaustive voting, allowing each member to choose one format or the other for their vote (as was used in their 2017 leadership election). In 2013, members of the Liberal Party of Canada elected Justin Trudeau as party leader through IRV in a national leadership election.[69] The Conservative Party used IRV (where each of the party's 338 riding associations are weighted equally, regardless of how many members voted in each riding) to elect Erin O'Toole as party leader in 2020, Andrew Scheer in 2017, and Stephen Harper in 2004.

Elsewhere

[edit]

Americas

[edit]

Asia

[edit]

Oceania

[edit]
  • Australia
    • The Australian Labor Party and the National Party have conducted limited experiments with primary-style preselections.[70][71]
    • In 2018, the New South Wales branch of the Liberal Party rejected a motion by former Prime Minister Tony Abbott to have primary-style preselections.[72]

See also

[edit]
  • Leadership election, a similar process used to select the party's internal leadership instead of a candidate for external office
  • Sore loser law, which states that the loser in a primary election cannot thereafter run as an independent in the general election

Notes

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References

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A primary election is an election in which registered voters select candidates to represent as nominees in a subsequent for public office. Originating in the United States during the Progressive Era of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, primaries were introduced as reforms to replace opaque party conventions and insider control with direct voter participation in candidate selection. While caucuses and conventions persist in some contexts, primaries predominate in state and federal races across all 50 states, determining party nominees through formats that vary by jurisdiction. Types include closed primaries, restricting participation to registered party members; open primaries, permitting any eligible voter to choose a party's ballot; and semi-open or semi-closed systems allowing limited crossover by independents. In presidential cycles, primaries allocate delegates to national conventions, influencing nominee selection amid staggered state scheduling from early-year contests to late summer culminations. Though designed to enhance democratic accountability, primaries have drawn criticism for low —often under 20% in non-presidential races—and potential to elevate ideologically polarized candidates appealing to partisan bases rather than broader electorates.

Definition and Core Principles

Fundamental Mechanism

Primary elections function as preliminary contests organized by to select nominees for general election ballots. Eligible voters, typically those registered with the party or, in some systems, independents, participate by casting secret ballots for their preferred among those who have qualified to run. The garnering the highest number of votes, usually under a plurality standard without requiring a , receives the party's and advances to compete against nominees from opposing parties in the . This mechanism operates through a structured timeline: candidates file declarations of candidacy, often meeting signature or filing fee requirements set by state law; campaigns ensue to mobilize voter support; and on , votes are tallied at precincts with results certified by election authorities. Unlike party conventions where delegates deliberate, primaries emphasize direct democratic selection, though outcomes can be influenced by turnout dynamics and . For instance, low primary turnout—often 10-30% of eligible voters—amplifies the voice of highly motivated subsets within the . In presidential primaries, the process allocates delegates to candidates based on vote shares, with these delegates attending national conventions to ratify the nominee, effectively binding the 's choice to primary results in most cases. State laws dictate specifics, such as closed primaries limiting participation to party registrants or open formats allowing broader access, but the core aim remains narrowing multiple contenders to a single per per office.

Rationale from First Principles

Primary elections arise from the core democratic imperative that political authority must reflect the aggregated preferences of citizens, extending this logic to the internal governance of political parties. Parties, as voluntary coalitions organized around shared ideologies and policy goals, serve to nominate candidates capable of representing their members in general elections. Absent direct member input, nomination processes dominated by elites—such as conventions or caucuses—risk principal-agent misalignment, where leaders select nominees advancing personal or factional agendas over those resonant with the broader base. Primaries rectify this by institutionalizing voter-mediated selection, ensuring nominees possess verifiable support from party adherents and thereby enhancing intra-party accountability and legitimacy. This mechanism aligns with causal dynamics of collective decision-making in mass democracies, where decentralized participation counters oligarchic tendencies within organizations. Theoretical frameworks of responsible party government posit parties as vehicles for voter choice, with primaries operationalizing this by filtering candidates through empirical tests of popularity among ideologically committed voters. Such selection promotes ideological coherence, as winners must appeal to the party's median voter rather than insulated insiders, while incentivizing broad intra-party coalitions to avoid fragmentation. Models of heterogeneous party groups demonstrate that primaries can unify factions by rewarding consensus-building nominees, mitigating risks of nominee imposition that could erode electoral competitiveness. Ultimately, primaries embody a first-principles commitment to in democratic processes: resides closest to those affected, scaling from individual voters to subsets before general electorates. This structure preserves parties' associational freedom while embedding checks against capture, fostering nominees whose mandate derives from demonstrated consent rather than procedural fiat. Empirical adoption patterns underscore this rationale's practicality, as states implementing primaries sought to supplant elite-controlled systems with voter-driven alternatives, though outcomes vary with and rules.

Distinction from General Elections and Alternatives

Primary elections fundamentally differ from general elections in their objective and participant base. General elections, held after primaries, determine the officeholder by allowing voters to choose among nominees from competing parties or independent candidates, with eligibility typically open to all registered voters regardless of affiliation. In contrast, primary elections function as an internal mechanism to select a single nominee per office, restricting participation in closed systems to voters registered with that , thereby limiting the electorate to intra-party competition rather than cross-party choice. This sequential structure—nominee selection followed by winner determination—emerged to democratize candidate choice while preserving control over representation in the general . Alternatives to primaries include caucuses, conventions, and direct party nominations, each varying in voter involvement and procedural formality. Caucuses, used in states like Iowa for presidential selection, require participants to attend local meetings where they publicly discuss and vote for preferred candidates, often allocating delegates proportionally based on attendance and persuasion rather than anonymous ballots; this can exclude voters unable or unwilling to participate in person, contrasting primaries' convenience via polling places. Party conventions, either state or national, aggregate delegate votes from caucuses or primaries to finalize nominations, as seen historically before primaries dominated, where elite delegates controlled outcomes without broad voter input. In jurisdictions without primaries or caucuses, parties may nominate via central committee votes or unopposed endorsements, minimizing public role and favoring insider consensus, a method still employed for some local or minor offices. These alternatives prioritize delegate accountability or efficiency over direct voter sovereignty, potentially reducing turnout but enhancing party cohesion.

Historical Origins and Evolution

Early Developments in the United States

The nomination of candidates for public office in the United States originally relied on party caucuses and conventions, processes controlled by elite party leaders and often susceptible to influence from political machines and networks. This system, dominant from the founding through the , prioritized insider negotiations over broad voter participation, leading to widespread criticism for enabling corruption, as exemplified by urban machines like New York City's Tammany Hall, which traded favors for loyalty. Reformers, drawing on traditions of from colonial meetings, began advocating for voter-driven selection to enhance accountability and reduce . Initial experiments with direct primaries appeared at the local level in the mid-19th century, but systematic statewide implementation emerged in the early amid Progressive dissatisfaction with convention dominance. Wisconsin adopted the nation's first comprehensive statewide primary law in 1905, mandating voter selection of party nominees for state offices to circumvent boss-controlled conventions and promote merit-based governance, influenced by figures like . Washington State followed in 1907 with legislation establishing direct primaries for partisan candidates, requiring parties to nominate via popular vote rather than internal assemblies. These reforms reflected causal pressures from rapid industrialization and urbanization, which amplified demands for transparent processes to counter machine politics' stranglehold on representation. Presidential primaries developed later as an extension of these state-level innovations, with holding the first such contest on March 19, 1912, allowing voters to express preferences for delegates pledged to specific candidates. By , approximately 20 states conducted presidential primaries, yet their outcomes carried advisory weight only, as national conventions retained authority to override voter signals, underscoring the tentative nature of early adoption. This limited integration highlighted primaries' role as a grassroots challenge to entrenched party structures, though full binding power awaited later reforms.

Progressive Era Reforms and Institutionalization

The , spanning roughly from the 1890s to the 1920s, saw reformers target the dominance of political machines and party bosses in candidate selection, which often relied on closed conventions susceptible to bribery and elite control. Advocates argued that direct primaries would transfer nomination power to voters, enhancing democratic accountability and reducing corruption. This push aligned with broader initiatives like the initiative, , and direct elections, reflecting a in over indirect representation. Wisconsin pioneered comprehensive state-level direct primaries with legislation enacted on May 23, 1903, under Governor , a leading progressive Republican. The law mandated secret ballots for selecting party nominees for state and local offices, replacing boss-dominated conventions and aiming to curb the influence of railroad interests and other corporate lobbies that had previously dictated outcomes through . La Follette, drawing from his experiences as a exposing , championed the as essential to purifying , with the system applying to gubernatorial, legislative, and judicial races. This "" of expert-informed governance extended to primaries, influencing subsequent adoptions elsewhere. The reform rapidly proliferated as other states emulated the model to combat similar machine politics. Oregon followed in 1904 via voter initiative, establishing one of the earliest statewide systems that included cross-filing provisions allowing candidates to run in multiple party primaries. By 1907, states including , , and had implemented direct primaries, often through legislative action or ballot measures driven by progressive coalitions. Momentum accelerated, with nearly all states except for a handful—primarily in the , where Democratic dominance rendered primaries less urgent—adopting primary laws by the early 1920s, institutionalizing voter-driven nominations for most partisan offices. For presidential nominations, the era marked a shift from purely convention-based selection to advisory primaries, beginning experimentally in states like in 1901 and in 1904, though these were non-binding until wider adoption. By , twelve states held presidential preference primaries, allowing delegates to reflect voter input, though party rules often subordinated results to elite bargaining. This partial institutionalization persisted, with primaries gaining traction as tools to test candidate viability amid growing media scrutiny, solidifying their role in the national process despite resistance from party insiders wary of diluting their control.

International Adoption and Limited Spread

Primary elections, as a mechanism for selecting candidates through broad voter participation, have seen primarily in Latin American presidential systems, where they were introduced to enhance intra-party democracy amid political fragmentation and corruption scandals. implemented mandatory open primaries, known as Primarias Abiertas, Simultáneas y Obligatorias (PASO), in 2009 under Law 26.571, requiring all parties to hold simultaneous elections for presidential and legislative candidates, with only those receiving at least 1.5% of the vote advancing to the general election. adopted mandatory open primaries in 1997 via Law 17.063 for presidential and legislative nominations, allowing voters to participate regardless of party affiliation. Similar systems emerged in (mandatory open primaries since 2009), (2009), (regulated open primaries), and (binding open primaries since 2012 under Law 20.640). These reforms, often voluntary or party-driven in countries like (since 1994) and (since 1978), reflect an attempt to counter in weakly institutionalized parties, though over 60 such primaries have occurred regionally in the past two decades with mixed binding effects. In and other regions, adoption remains sporadic and confined largely to selecting party leaders rather than comprehensive candidate slates, due to entrenched parliamentary traditions favoring internal party conventions. Italy's Democratic Party conducted open primaries in 2007 and 2017 to choose its secretary, drawing hundreds of thousands of participants, but these are not mandatory for legislative nominations across parties. France's Socialist Party held open primaries in 2011 and 2017 for its presidential candidate, yet such events are exceptional and not institutionalized nationally. Israel's party has used member-based primaries for list selection since the 1970s, but this is intra-party and not open to non-members. In parliamentary systems like those in the or , candidate selection occurs via local party assemblies or elite endorsements, with mass primaries viewed as disruptive to cohesive governance. shifted some parties toward one-member-one-vote systems in the 2010s, but avoids public primaries to preserve delegate-driven conventions. The limited global spread stems from structural mismatches with non-presidential systems, where primaries risk undermining essential for coalition governments and . In parliamentary democracies, which predominate outside the , executives derive legitimacy from legislative majorities rather than direct mandates, making voter-driven nominations prone to selecting ideologically extreme candidates that complicate post-election bargaining. Logistical burdens, including high costs—Argentina's PASO, for instance, consumed significant public funds—and persistently low turnout (often below 30% even when mandatory) have prompted reversals, such as Argentina's suspension of primaries for 2025 midterms. Cultural and institutional inertia favors party gatekeepers for vetting candidates, avoiding the fragmentation seen in early U.S. conventions, while fears of populist capture in volatile electorates deter adoption in multiparty contexts. Empirical patterns indicate primaries thrive only where presidentialism amplifies direct , but elsewhere, they introduce inefficiencies without commensurate benefits in representation or stability.

Classification and Types

Partisan Primaries

Partisan primaries are elections held by to select nominees for general election ballots, with separate contests conducted for each party. In these systems, voters affiliated with a party—or, depending on state rules, independents—choose among candidates running under that party's banner, and the winner secures the to represent the party in the . This process contrasts with nonpartisan or primaries, where candidates from all parties appear on a single regardless of voter affiliation. Voter eligibility in partisan primaries varies by state and can be classified into closed, semi-closed, and open formats. Closed primaries limit participation to voters registered with the specific party, ensuring only committed partisans influence the nomination. Semi-closed primaries extend eligibility to party members and unaffiliated voters, while open primaries permit any registered voter to select and vote in one party's primary without disclosing affiliation. As of 2024, approximately 15 states employ closed partisan primaries for congressional races, 10 use open, and the remainder adopt semi-closed or hybrid approaches. In presidential partisan primaries, voters typically select delegates pledged to specific candidates rather than directly electing nominees, though the popular vote determines delegate allocation proportionally or by winner-take-all rules set by party bylaws. For example, in the 2024 Republican primaries, states like Florida used a closed system where only registered Republicans voted, contributing to delegate commitments for the eventual nominee. This structure reinforces party control over nominations but has drawn criticism for potentially excluding broader electorates, with proponents arguing it prevents cross-party raiding.

Nonpartisan and Blanket Primaries

Nonpartisan primaries are employed predominantly for , municipal, and judicial offices where candidates compete without party affiliations displayed on . In this system, all registered voters may participate to narrow the field, advancing the top vote recipients—often the two highest—directly to the general . The absence of party labels seeks to emphasize individual merits over partisan cues, though indicates voters may infer ideologies through other means, such as campaign endorsements or policy positions. These primaries are widespread in U.S. and elections, including for school boards and mayoral races in states like and , where partisan primaries handle state-level contests but ones remain nonpartisan. Blanket primaries, historically implemented in several states, permitted every voter to select candidates across party lines for each office on a unified ballot, with the leading candidate per party advancing to the general election. Washington State adopted this format via voter initiative in 1935, allowing cross-party voting until its invalidation. Similarly, Alaska and South Carolina employed versions until legal challenges arose. The U.S. Supreme Court's 2000 decision in California Democratic Party v. Jones declared traditional blanket primaries unconstitutional, as they compelled parties to associate with nominees not chosen by their members, violating First Amendment associational rights. This ruling prompted shifts away from party-specific advancement in affected jurisdictions. Contemporary nonpartisan blanket primaries, often termed top-two primaries, modify the blanket model by advancing the two highest overall vote-getters to the general election irrespective of party, fostering broader voter input while sidestepping associational concerns. California voters approved this system through Proposition 14 on June 8, 2010, with implementation beginning in the 2012 primaries for state and congressional races; it applies to all voters, including independents, who select from all candidates listed with optional party preferences. Washington transitioned to top-two in 2004 following the blanket's demise, using it for partisan offices where candidates indicate party preference but advancement hinges solely on vote totals. As of 2025, only California and Washington utilize top-two for most statewide and legislative primaries, contrasting with the 48 other states' partisan systems. Louisiana employs a variant jungle primary for congressional elections, where all candidates compete in an initial round and top two proceed to a runoff if no majority is achieved, effectively blending primary and general functions. Empirical analyses suggest top-two systems increase independent voter turnout—rising 10-15% in early adoptions—but can disadvantage third-party candidates by limiting general election diversity.

Hybrid and Alternative Selection Methods

Hybrid primary systems, also known as semi-closed or semi-open primaries, combine elements of closed and open primaries by restricting registered partisans to their party's while permitting unaffiliated voters to select one party's primary in which to participate. In these systems, voters affiliated with a must vote in that party's primary and cannot cross over, but independents or those without prior affiliation may choose a single party's contest on without changing their registration. This approach aims to balance party control over nominee selection with broader voter input, though it can lead to administrative complexities such as same-day party declaration in some jurisdictions. States employing hybrid primaries include , where unaffiliated voters receive both major party ballots and select one at the polling place, a system in place since 1972 under state law allowing independents to participate without affiliation. operates a variant requiring voters to affirm bona fide party membership via oath if challenged, with no formal registration but potential penalties for non-members, effectively hybridizing closed restrictions with flexible verification. mandates party declaration at , changeable until shortly before the primary, blending pre-election affiliation with semi-closed access. As of 2023, approximately 10 states use semi-closed systems akin to hybrids, though exact classifications vary by party and local rules. Alternative selection methods diverge from vote-based primaries by relying on party-internal processes such as caucuses, conventions, or committee designations, often used when primaries are optional or infeasible due to low candidate numbers or state allowances. Caucuses involve local party meetings where participants discuss, vote, and select delegates or nominees through in-person deliberation rather than secret ballots, as seen in Iowa's first-in-the-nation presidential caucuses held since 1972, which emphasize grassroots engagement over broad turnout. Party conventions aggregate delegate votes from precincts or districts to nominate candidates, a method historically dominant before widespread primaries and still permitted in states like , where parties choose between conventions and primaries for nominations since a 2004 law granting such discretion. In cases of uncontested races or minimal opposition, states such as Connecticut and New York allow automatic nominations or party committee endorsements without elections, provided no primary challenges are filed by deadlines like March in odd-numbered years for local offices. These alternatives reduce costs—conventions can cost parties under $100,000 versus millions for primaries—but may limit voter involvement, with turnout in caucuses often below 10% compared to 20-30% in primaries. Emerging hybrids, like Alaska's 2020 top-four primary paired with ranked-choice voting for general elections, extend nonpartisan elements to initial selection but remain distinct from traditional party primaries. Overall, while primaries dominate U.S. nominations since the Progressive Era, alternatives persist in about 15 states for specific races, preserving party autonomy in candidate choice.

Implementation in the United States

State and Federal Variations

Primary elections in the United States for federal offices, such as those for U.S. senators, representatives, and presidential nominees, are administered by state governments under authority granted by Article I, Section 4 of the U.S. Constitution, which allows state legislatures to prescribe the times, places, and manner of elections for federal congressional offices, subject to congressional override that is rarely exercised for primary conduct. States apply their primary rules uniformly to both federal and state offices in most cases, but presidential primaries introduce national party overlays, where Democratic and Republican national committees impose delegate allocation requirements, such as proportionality for Democrats (mandating that delegates reflect vote shares above 15% thresholds in congressional districts) and winner-take-all options for Republicans in some states, which states must accommodate to ensure their primaries influence national conventions. State-level variations in primary formats significantly affect federal races, with 13 states mandating closed primaries (voters must be registered members to participate), 14 requiring open primaries (any qualified voter selects a party's ), 9 using semi-closed systems (allowing independents to choose a but excluding opposite- voters), and 11 permitting parties to opt for their preferred type. Top-two primaries, adopted statewide in , Washington, and for congressional and state legislative races, advance the two highest vote-getters regardless of affiliation, potentially pitting same- candidates against each other in the general election, a system upheld by the in 2020 for non-presidential contests but distinct from presidential primaries, which remain partisan due to national rules. and exemplify office-specific differences, using runoffs or nonpartisan formats for some state judicial races while applying partisan primaries to federal congressional contests. Federal regulations impose minimal direct constraints on state primary mechanics, focusing instead on campaign finance via the (requiring disclosure of contributions over $200 in primaries) and voter protections under laws like the National Voter Registration Act and , which mandate provisional ballots and accessibility but defer operational details to states. In contrast, state primaries for gubernatorial or legislative offices face no such national party delegate mandates, allowing greater state discretion, though seven states (e.g., Georgia, ) enforce majority-vote runoffs in primaries for both federal and state partisan offices if no candidate exceeds 50% in the initial round, extending timelines and costs. These state-driven differences result in uneven application across federal races; for instance, closed primaries in New York limit independent voter input in Senate nominations, while open systems in broaden participation for House districts. ![2024 Republican presidential primary voter participation rules][float-right] Presidential primaries, held in 41 states as of the 2024 cycle (with others using caucuses), often occur on dates separate from or combined with state primaries but feature binding preference votes tied to delegate selection, unlike nominations in congressional primaries where winners secure the party slot outright. National parties enforce timing sanctions—such as the Republican National Committee's 2024 penalties reducing delegates for states voting before March 1 except , , , and —to manage the sequence, a control absent in state office primaries where legislatures set dates freely, sometimes aligning them with off-year cycles (e.g., Virginia's June primaries for ). This interplay underscores states' primary role in execution while highlighting federal-level (national party) influences unique to presidential contests, ensuring broader ideological vetting but varying turnout and outcomes by state rules.

Presidential Primaries and Caucuses

Presidential primaries and caucuses form the mechanism by which the Democratic and Republican parties select their nominees for the U.S. , allocating delegates to national conventions where a majority secures the . These contests occur primarily between January and June of the election year, with voters or participants expressing preferences that bind or pledge delegates to specific candidates. The process emphasizes state-level autonomy, though national party committees like the (DNC) and (RNC) establish overarching rules on timing, delegate math, and fairness. In 2024, for example, the Democrats required a candidate to secure 1,976 of approximately 3,949 pledged delegates for on the first convention ballot, while Republicans needed 1,237 of 2,429 delegates. Primaries involve secret-ballot elections administered by state governments, where eligible voters select candidates or delegates pledged to them, mirroring general election procedures for accessibility and turnout. Caucuses, managed directly by parties, consist of local meetings where participants gather to debate, publicly affiliate with candidates, and vote, sometimes through multiple rounds allowing persuasion or realignment; this format typically yields lower participation due to time demands and public nature. As of recent cycles, about 40 states use primaries, with caucuses limited to states like Iowa, Nevada, and a few others, though parties can opt for either. Voter eligibility varies by state party rules: closed primaries restrict participation to registered party members, while open or semi-open formats allow independents or crossover voting. Delegate allocation differs between parties and states. Democrats generally employ , awarding delegates based on statewide or congressional district vote shares exceeding viability thresholds (often 15%), with unpledged "superdelegates" (party officials) restricted to voting only after the first ballot if no pledged-delegate emerges—a rule solidified post-2016 reforms to prioritize voter input. Republicans permit greater flexibility, including winner-take-all systems in states where a exceeds 50% or a threshold like 20%, alongside methods, leading to faster nominee consolidation in competitive fields. State laws dictate contest dates and formats, but national parties penalize deviations from preferred calendars, such as barring early states from seating full delegations. The primary calendar traditionally prioritizes Iowa's caucuses (held mid-January) and New Hampshire's primary (early February) to amplify small-state voices and test candidates in retail politics, a norm dating to the 1970s McGovern-Fraser reforms. Larger contests follow, including "Super Tuesday" clusters in March involving 10-15 states. Disruptions occur; the DNC in 2024 elevated South Carolina's primary to first for Democrats to better reflect diverse electorates, demoting Iowa to non-binding status, though New Hampshire defied this by holding its contest on January 23, risking delegate penalties. Republicans retained Iowa first, with its January 15 caucus drawing 110,000 participants in 2024 despite harsh weather.
These mechanisms influence candidate viability through momentum from early wins, media coverage, and , though critics note disproportionate sway for low-turnout (under 20% participation) over populous states. National conventions, held summer before the November , ratify nominees via delegate votes, with uncommitted delegates potentially shifting in brokered scenarios, though mathematical clinches often precede them.

Operational Mechanics and Voter Eligibility

Primary elections in the United States are administered by state and local election officials, functioning as official elections akin to general elections, with voters casting secret ballots to select party nominees for various offices. These elections employ plurality voting in most cases, where the candidate receiving the most votes within a party advances, though some states incorporate runoff provisions or ranked-choice elements for specific races. Voting occurs through methods parallel to general elections, including in-person Election Day voting, early voting periods spanning days or weeks prior, and absentee or mail-in ballots, subject to state-specific deadlines and verification processes such as signature matching. For presidential primaries, states schedule contests between January and June of the election year, with the sequence beginning with the (a party-run meeting rather than a state-administered vote) followed by the primary, and subsequent "Super Tuesday" clusters in early March, all designed to allocate delegates proportionally or by winner-take-all rules set by national parties. Non-presidential primaries, such as those for congressional or state offices, typically occur in spring or early summer—often in March through August—of even-numbered years, at least 60 days before the November to allow for runoffs if required. State legislatures determine dates, with federal law mandating that no primary disrupt military or overseas voting rights under the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act. Voter eligibility in primary elections hinges on state law and party rules, determining which registered voters may participate in selecting nominees. In closed primaries, adopted by 15 states for Democratic primaries and 14 for Republican as of 2024, only voters pre-registered with the specific may vote in that party's contest, aiming to restrict influence to committed partisans. Open primaries, used in 10 states like and , permit any registered voter—regardless of affiliation—to select and vote in one party's primary on the same , without revealing the choice to election officials. Semi-closed (or partially open) systems, prevalent in states such as and , allow party-affiliated voters to participate only in their own party's primary while unaffiliated independents choose one party's . The following table summarizes primary types and participating states as of 2024:
TypeDescriptionExample States
ClosedParty members onlyNew York, ,
OpenAny voter chooses one party, ,
Semi-closedParty members in own party; independents choose one, ,
Nonpartisan Top-TwoAll voters see all candidates; top two advance regardless of party, Washington,
Parties may impose additional restrictions, such as requiring voters to publicly declare party preference at caucuses or limiting delegate allocation based on primary turnout thresholds, though state constitutions generally prohibit parties from overriding voter eligibility statutes. For federal offices, the Help America Vote Act mandates provisional ballots for eligibility disputes, ensuring same-day registration where permitted (e.g., 18 states allow it for primaries). Caucuses, distinct from primaries, are internally managed by parties and often exclude absentee voting, relying on in-person attendance for delegate selection through discussion and voting.

Primary Elections in Other Countries

Europe

In Europe, primary elections are adopted voluntarily by select rather than mandated by electoral law, typically for choosing party leaders or presidential to foster intra-party and counter declining membership rolls. Emerging in the 2000s under U.S. influence, these mechanisms prioritize open or semi-open formats allowing non-members to participate via nominal fees or affirmations of support, but their implementation remains confined to specific contexts, often in , with turnout fluctuating and long-term electoral benefits inconclusive. Unlike U.S. systems, European primaries rarely extend to legislative selection, preserving party elites' role in nominations. Italy's Democratic Party (PD), formed in 2007 from center-left mergers, has relied on nationwide open primaries for secretary selection, achieving 3.5 million participants in the founding 2007 vote that legitimized the new entity. Later contests, including 2019's election of with 1.8 million voters, require only a €2 fee and self-declaration of support, broadening appeal but exposing processes to by non-aligned participants. These primaries have unified factions temporarily yet correlated with subsequent electoral volatility, as PD's vote share fell from 25.4% in 2013 to 19.1% in 2018. France's Socialist Party (PS) conducted its inaugural open presidential primary in 2011, attracting over 2 million voters in the first round and selecting , who defeated incumbent . The 2017 iteration, requiring a €1 contribution and endorsement of party values, saw prevail with 58.6% in the runoff among 1.7 million participants, though PS garnered just 7.4% in the presidential first round amid internal divisions. Costs exceeded €5 million per primary, prompting critiques of inefficiency and favoritism toward media-savvy outsiders over programmatic coherence. Scattered examples elsewhere include Spain's Podemos employing online open primaries in 2014 for European Parliament lists and 2016 leadership, enabling 150,000+ participants to rank candidates via digital platforms. In the UK, Labour's 2015 leadership ballot extended to 312,000 "registered supporters" for £3, electing Jeremy Corbyn and expanding the electorate threefold from prior member-only votes. Austria's NEOS party used tiered open primaries since 2012 for lists, with 5,000 voters in 2017, while Lithuania's TS-LKD held its first in 2018 for a presidential nominee, verifying 20,000 registrants. Northern parties like Germany's SPD or CDU stick to delegate conventions, citing risks of demagoguery and resource drain; studies indicate primaries heighten personalization but yield mixed representation gains without reducing elite dominance.

Canada and North America

In , the selection of candidates for federal and provincial elections occurs through internal party nomination processes rather than public primary elections. Political parties organize nomination meetings within each , or riding, where eligible party members vote to choose their preferred candidate following the issuance of election writs. These meetings are governed by each party's national and local rules, which typically require candidates to secure signatures from supporters, pay fees, and campaign among members, but participation is limited to registered party affiliates rather than the broader electorate. verifies eligibility and endorsements but does not administer the selection, maintaining it as a private party function. This system contrasts with open primaries by restricting voter pools to party insiders, which some analysts describe as less democratic and prone to influence by local executives or incumbents. For instance, the Conservative Party of Canada's rules outline structured contests with notices, eligibility checks, and voting at association meetings, while the Liberal Party follows similar national guidelines emphasizing member consent and party endorsement. Party leadership selection, separate from candidate nominations, often involves national conventions or direct member votes using methods like ranked-choice voting, as seen in the Liberal Party's March 2025 process to replace . In , political parties select candidates through methods mandated by the National Electoral Institute (INE), including primarias (internal primaries), surveys, and designations, to ensure democratic internal processes under electoral reforms since the 1990s. For the 2024 federal elections, parties like the National Action Party (PAN) utilized open primaries, quantitative and qualitative surveys, and internal votes among affiliates to nominate candidates for president, senators, and deputies. These primarias can be open to sympathizers or restricted to members, with INE approving rules to promote transparency and prevent imposition by party elites, though surveys have sometimes predominated for high-profile races like the presidency. This approach aims to enhance intra-party but has faced for varying turnout and potential manipulation in less competitive districts.

Latin America, Asia, and Oceania

In , primary elections serve as a mechanism for political parties to select candidates, particularly for presidential and congressional races, with adoption across most countries to promote intra-party democracy and voter input. Nineteen of twenty countries (excluding ) have employed primaries at some point, often organized by national electoral authorities, with over 60 such processes recorded in the preceding two decades prior to 2010. Mandatory open primaries, accessible to the entire electorate, are required in , , , , and to qualify parties and candidates for general elections. Argentina's Simultaneous and Mandatory Open Primaries (PASO), established by law in 2009 and first held in 2011, exemplify this approach: all registered voters participate irrespective of party affiliation, multiple candidates per party compete simultaneously, and only those garnering at least 1.5% of total valid votes advance to the general . The system also filters parties by requiring a minimum vote threshold for , as applied in the August 13, 2023, PASO where Javier Milei's coalition secured 30% to lead the field. Uruguay mandates open internal primaries for all parties since a 1996 constitutional , conducted concurrently before s to nominate candidates via direct voter choice among party affiliates and independents; the , 2024, primaries saw the leftist Frente Amplio select Yamandú Orsi with 58% of its vote. enforces primaries for major parties like the National Party and , as in the 2021 cycle where internal contests preceded the November amid documented irregularities in voter rolls and party financing. similarly requires open primaries for presidential hopefuls, binding party nominations to outcomes that influence coalition formations. In Asia, primary elections remain uncommon and generally confined to intra-party mechanisms rather than broad public participation, with most nations relying on elite-driven selections, conventions, or member ballots to nominate candidates. South Korea's major parties, such as the conservative People Power Party and progressive Democratic Party, hold primaries for presidential nominees involving weighted votes from party members, regional delegates, and public surveys; the Democratic Party's April 27, 2025, primary saw Lee Jae-myung prevail with 89% support amid the snap election context following Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment. These contests emphasize candidate viability testing but exclude non-members, contrasting with fully open systems. Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) utilizes a primary-style leadership election for its president—who assumes the premiership if the party governs—combining votes from approximately one million party members nationwide (60% weight) and parliamentary members (40% weight), as in the October 4, 2025, ballot where emerged victorious after runoff rounds. This process, evolving since 1978, introduces electoral competition within the dominant party but remains closed to the general electorate, prioritizing organized support over mass primaries. In , primary elections akin to those in the or select Asian cases are absent; candidate selection occurs via internal party , involving ballots among local branch members, state executives, or delegates, without public voting. Australia's major parties, Labor and Liberal-National , conduct through electorate-level member votes or panels, subject to national overrides for strategic reasons, as evidenced in federal contests where parachuted candidates bypassed local preferences in 32% of cases from 2001-2019. parties like National and Labour employ similar decentralized methods, with candidate endorsement via regional conventions or member ballots under rules, focusing on ethnic and gender diversity targets rather than open primaries. These closed processes maintain party control over nominee quality and ideological alignment.

Empirical Effects on Democracy and Governance

Evidence of Enhanced Representation

Primary elections emerged in the early as a to wrest control of party nominations from machine bosses and convention delegates, granting ordinary party voters a direct role in selecting candidates and thereby improving alignment between nominees and grassroots preferences. By the , following the chaotic where nominee had entered no primaries, reforms expanded primary usage, with over 70% of delegates now bound by primary results, fostering greater accountability to voter input rather than elite brokerage. Empirical analyses demonstrate that primary electorates prioritize candidate metrics, such as and prior experience, leading to the advancement of more qualified individuals compared to non-competitive or elite-selected processes. A study of U.S. congressional candidates from 1946 to 2008 found that primary winners exhibit higher average levels—measured by completion and advanced degrees—than losers, with primary voters explicitly rewarding these traits over incumbency alone, suggesting enhanced selection of competent representatives capable of effectuating voter mandates. In advantaged-party primaries (those likely to win generals), even stronger signals emerge, as competition draws superior candidates and voters discriminate accordingly. In one-party dominant districts, which constitute approximately 80-90% of U.S. House seats based on data from 2022 cycles, primary outcomes effectively determine victors, ensuring the representative mirrors the ideological and policy priorities of the prevailing party's activists rather than distant party leaders. This mechanism amplifies representation for concentrated partisan constituencies, as evidenced by roll-call voting patterns where primary-selected incumbents in safe seats diverge less from district medians on key issues like than convention-era nominees historically did. Reforms like expanded primaries post-1968 correlated with nominees securing higher shares of their party's vote—averaging 5-10% gains in competitive states—indicating better mobilization and preference congruence. Cross-national experiments reinforce this, with a randomized in Sierra Leone's parties showing voter-involved primaries yield candidates who, once elected, invest more in public goods aligned with constituent demands, reducing and boosting by 15-20% in treated . While U.S. primaries face critiques for low (around % of eligibles), their still outperforms pre-reform systems in empowering non-elite voters, as historical comparisons reveal fewer "brokered" nominees disconnected from base sentiments.

Data on Polarization and Candidate Quality

Empirical studies on the effects of primary elections reveal a complex relationship with partisan polarization, with evidence suggesting that primaries can amplify among nominees, particularly in low-turnout environments dominated by party activists. Analysis of U.S. congressional primaries from 1990 to 2010 shows that victorious primary challengers who are more ideologically extreme than incumbents—measured via campaign contributions and interest group ratings—subsequently adopt more polarized voting records if they win the , contributing to shifts in legislative behavior toward party bases. However, causal estimates from reforms introducing or altering primaries indicate limited overall exacerbation of congressional polarization, as primary incentives do not consistently drive elected officials to extreme positions beyond baseline partisan trends. Primary voters, comprising roughly 10-25% of turnout depending on the cycle and state, exhibit higher ideological consistency with party extremes compared to general electorates, fostering nominee selection that prioritizes partisan signals over centrist appeal. Data on candidate quality highlight drawbacks in primary systems, especially in uncompetitive districts where the primary effectively decides the general election outcome. Research examining biographical data from 1946-2008 finds that primary winners in one-party dominant districts—where over 80% of safe seats occur—possess fewer prior elected offices, less professional experience, and lower re-election rates indicative of reduced competence, as primary electorates undervalue quality signals amid ideological sorting. For instance, victorious primary candidates in such contexts average 1.2 fewer years of prior legislative service than those emerging from competitive general elections, correlating with diminished legislative productivity measured by bill sponsorship and passage rates. This pattern persists because primary participation skews toward highly motivated partisans, who weigh ideological purity over qualifications, unlike broader general electorates that impose quality checks.
MetricPrimary Nominees in Safe DistrictsGeneral Election Outcomes in Competitive Districts
Average Prior Elected Offices1.83.0
Legislative Productivity Score (Bill Passage %)12%18%
Ideological Extremism (DW-NOMINATE Distance from Median)+0.15+0.05
These disparities underscore how primaries, while democratizing candidate selection, can degrade quality by insulating nominees from diverse voter scrutiny, though reforms like open primaries show potential to mitigate effects by broadening electorates. Overall, while polarization trends predate widespread primaries and stem partly from voter sorting, primaries empirically reinforce in nominee pools without proportionally enhancing expertise.

Turnout, Costs, and Resource Allocation

in U.S. primary elections consistently lags behind s, averaging around 20% of eligible voters in recent cycles. For instance, in Ohio's , 2024, primary, turnout reached 22.22% among registered electors. This disparity persists across states, with primary electorates often comprising a less representative subset of the broader voting-age , skewed toward highly partisan or ideologically extreme individuals due to the lower participation threshold. Empirical analyses indicate that such low turnout contributes to candidate selection processes dominated by a narrow demographic, potentially amplifying polarization by favoring nominees appealing to base voters over median preferences. The financial costs of primary elections have escalated dramatically, particularly for presidential races, where candidates and affiliated groups expended approximately $1.8 billion in the first 24 months of the 2023-2024 cycle alone. In the Republican 2024 primaries, fundraising and spending approached billion-dollar levels, driven by multiple high-profile contenders and super PAC involvement. State and local governments bear additional burdens, as seen in where 2024 presidential primaries incurred about $4 million more in locality costs than state reimbursements covered. These expenditures encompass advertising, staff, travel, and compliance, with public available for eligible presidential candidates but often insufficient against private fundraising surges. Resource allocation in primaries incentivizes strategic front-loading, with candidates directing disproportionate funds and efforts toward early-contest states like and to build momentum and viability. Parties and super PACs amplify this by concentrating spending on media buys and ground operations in key primaries, often exhausting resources that could otherwise support broader preparations. Data from federal election cycles reveal that primary-phase disbursements—totaling $270.8 million by presidential candidates in the first 12 months of 2023-2024—prioritize competitive races, leaving less for down-ballot contests and fostering inefficiencies in overall resource distribution. This dynamic raises concerns for democratic , as high primary costs correlate with reliance on large donors and external groups, potentially distorting candidate incentives toward short-term viability signals over long-term policy coherence.

Criticisms and Controversies

Selection of Extremists vs. Moderates

Critics of primary elections argue that they systematically favor ideologically extreme candidates over moderates because primary electorates consist primarily of highly engaged partisans, whose preferences diverge from the broader general electorate. With turnout in U.S. primaries often below 20-30% of registered voters, the primary voter aligns more closely with the tails of the ideological distribution rather than , incentivizing candidates to adopt positions appealing to party activists rather than for broader appeal. This dynamic contrasts with the , which predicts convergence toward centrist positions in general elections with higher, more diverse turnout, but in primaries, the "" shifts outward along party lines. Empirical studies confirm that ideological extremists receive a modest advantage in primaries, outperforming moderates by approximately 1% in vote share and 2.5-6% in win probability per standard deviation of , with stronger effects in Republican contests. Analysis of over 5,000 non-incumbent U.S. candidates from 1980-, using campaign donation-based scores, shows primary winners tend to be slightly more extreme than losers, reflecting the relative of primary voters compared to the general pool. This pattern has contributed to waves of ideological challengers, such as Tea Party-backed nominees in GOP primaries, who captured nominations by mobilizing base support against moderates. However, this selection imposes significant costs, as extremists who narrowly win primaries underperform in general elections, losing 9-13 percentage points in vote share and 35-54 percentage points in win probability compared to near-miss moderates, per regression discontinuity designs in close U.S. primaries from 1980-2010. Effects are most pronounced in competitive or open-seat districts, deterring parties from nominating extremes in swing areas, though safe districts allow more ideological purity without general-election penalties. Experimental evidence further indicates primaries enhance candidate ideological consistency within parties but do not broadly amplify polarization, as voters weed out both extremes and insufficiently partisan moderates. Overall, while primaries enable base-driven that can undermine general-electability in pivotal races, the electoral feedback loop tempers this by punishing unelectable nominees, suggesting the system selects for viable ideologues in polarized environments rather than unbridled radicals. This tension highlights a : primaries democratize nominations but amplifying intra-party factions at the expense of cross-aisle .

Party Integrity and Crossover Voting Risks

In open primary systems, voters unaffiliated with a political party—or even registered members of opposing parties—may participate in selecting a party's nominee, enabling crossover voting that can compromise the internal selection process. This mechanism, permitted in states like Texas and Michigan, allows strategic interference where participants from rival parties support candidates misaligned with the host party's core ideology, thereby eroding the party's ability to nominate representatives faithful to its platform. Empirical analyses indicate such crossover remains infrequent in congressional primaries, occurring in less than 5% of cases examined from 2000 to 2020, yet its potential for targeted disruption in competitive races amplifies concerns over party sovereignty. The primary risk to party integrity lies in "raiding," where opposing voters deliberately bolster unelectable or ideologically extreme candidates to weaken the party's prospects. For instance, in Texas's open primaries, Republican leaders have argued that Democratic crossover votes dilute intra-party , as evidenced by the Republican Party of Texas's 2025 federal lawsuit claiming the system unconstitutionally burdens the party's associational rights under the First Amendment by permitting non-Republicans to influence nominee selection. This challenge highlights how open systems can lead to nominees who prioritize broad appeal over party , fostering post-nomination ; historical from multi-round primaries show that crossover-influenced winners face higher internal party challenges, with cohesion scores dropping by up to 15% in affected delegations per legislative session analyses. Closed primaries mitigate these risks by restricting participation to registered party members, preserving the election as an internal mechanism for ideological alignment and accountability. Proponents of closure, including party organizations, contend that crossover undermines causal links between voter preferences and governance outcomes, as non-members lack stake in the party's long-term viability. While open systems may increase overall turnout by 2-4% in some states, they correlate with reduced party-line voting in subsequent generals, where nominees selected via crossover exhibit 10-20% lower alignment with party platforms on key votes, per roll-call data from 2010-2022. Such dynamics can exacerbate factionalism, as seen in prolonged primary battles like the 2012 Republican presidential contest, where cross-party tactical voting prolonged intra-party divisions.

Influence of Money, Media, and External Interference

Campaign spending exerts substantial influence in primary elections, where candidates often lack incumbency advantages and must build rapidly. Empirical analysis of U.S. presidential primaries indicates that early creates a "vicious cycle" of perceived viability, as donors flock to frontrunners, amplifying their media coverage and voter support. In congressional primaries from 1980 to 2014, donor networks coordinated contributions to advance ideologically aligned candidates, demonstrating how financial backing from party elites shapes nominee selection. Super PACs, authorized by the Supreme Court's 2010 decision, enable unlimited independent expenditures that disproportionately affect primaries by funding attack ads and mobilization efforts. In the 2024 election cycle, super PACs associated with presidential campaigns raised and spent billions, with outside groups accounting for a significant portion of primary-stage . data show presidential candidates raised $2 billion in the 2023-2024 cycle, much of which flowed through or influenced by super PACs, allowing wealthy donors to amplify specific candidacies without direct coordination limits. Critics contend this system favors candidates appealing to narrow donor interests, potentially selecting nominees whose positions diverge from the median party voter, as Republican donors exhibit greater economic conservatism and Democratic donors greater than their respective bases. Media coverage further distorts primary outcomes through selective emphasis on horse-race dynamics and candidate viability, often reinforcing donor-driven narratives. Studies of U.S. elections reveal that media outlets adjust coverage intensity based on poll fluctuations, creating feedback loops that marginalize lower-funded challengers. In the 2020 Democratic primaries, bimodal news analysis showed disproportionate focus on frontrunners like , influencing voter perceptions via repeated exposure effects documented in experimental research on fictitious headlines boosting candidate favorability. Mainstream outlets, characterized by of left-leaning in issue framing, tend to amplify coverage aligning with progressive priorities in Democratic contests while scrutinizing conservative challengers more intensely in Republican ones, though causal impacts on vote shares remain contested due to factors like endogenous candidate quality. External interference, particularly through dark money groups exempt from donor disclosure, undermines primary transparency by allowing undisclosed entities to sway low-turnout races. Dark money expenditures reached a record $1.9 billion across 2024 federal races, including primaries, funneled via nonprofits and shell companies to evade contribution limits. Instances of foreign nationals routing funds through U.S. donors and corporations have surfaced in cases, enabling non-citizen influence in party nominations despite statutory prohibitions. In response, the adopted a 2025 resolution to restrict corporate and dark money in the 2028 presidential primaries, aiming to curb such opaque interventions, though implementation faces legal and partisan hurdles. These mechanisms collectively prioritize resource-intensive campaigns, raising concerns that primaries reward prowess over appeal or policy substance.

Reforms and Recent Developments

Proposed Structural Changes

One prominent proposal involves transitioning from closed or semi-closed primaries to open or nonpartisan systems, where voters unaffiliated with parties or all registered voters can participate in selecting nominees, aiming to increase turnout and broaden representation beyond partisan bases. Advocates argue this reduces the influence of low-turnout ideological activists, with unaffiliated voters comprising 28% of eligible voters yet often excluded. In top-two "jungle" primaries, adopted in states like since 2012, all candidates appear on a single , and the two highest vote-getters advance regardless of party, potentially fostering cross-party appeal but risking same-party general election matchups. Efforts to expand such systems appeared on 2024 ballots in states including and but were rejected by voters, reflecting mixed empirical outcomes on polarization reduction. Another structural reform pairs nonpartisan primaries with ranked-choice voting (RCV), where voters rank candidates by preference, eliminating sequential eliminations to avoid "spoiler" effects and encourage moderate positioning. RCV has been implemented in party-run primaries by organizations like the for certain congressional districts in 2024, allowing instant-runoff tabulation to ensure majority support. Proponents cite higher voter satisfaction and reduced negative campaigning in jurisdictions like and , though statewide expansions failed in , , and in November 2024 amid concerns over complexity and implementation costs. Scheduling reforms propose consolidating primaries into a single national primary day or rotating regional clusters to mitigate front-loading, where early states like Iowa and New Hampshire disproportionately influence outcomes due to media momentum. A 2015 YouGov poll found majority public support for a unified national primary, potentially equalizing candidate viability and reducing resource disparities favoring well-funded contenders. Scholars have advocated for this in academic works, arguing sequential systems amplify small-state biases without empirical evidence of superior candidate vetting compared to simultaneous voting. State-level discussions in 2025 legislatures continue, though federal constitutional hurdles limit adoption without party or congressional action. Additional ideas include empowering convention delegates over primary voters for final nominee selection or hybrid models blending primaries with caucuses to balance grassroots input and party leadership discretion. These aim to counteract low primary turnout—around 10% nationally in 2020—by restoring internal party mechanisms, though critics from reform groups contend they undermine democratic accountability. Implementation varies by state, with ongoing pilots and legislative pushes in 2025 focusing on turnout incentives like same-day registration.

Empirical Evaluations of Alternatives

Open primaries, which allow independent voters to participate in party nominating contests, have been empirically linked to modest increases in overall primary turnout compared to closed systems restricted to party members. A analysis of U.S. states found that open primary states averaged higher participation rates among eligible voters, with independents—who comprise about 28% of the electorate—contributing to turnout boosts of up to 5-10% in some cycles, though primary electorates remain less representative of the broader public due to persistent partisan skews among participants. However, evidence on ideological moderation is mixed; while open systems draw in more centrist independents, selected candidates do not consistently exhibit less extreme policy positions, as party loyalists still dominate voter pools. Top-two nonpartisan primaries, as implemented in since 2012 and Washington since 2008, advance the two highest vote-getters regardless of party affiliation, aiming to reduce by broadening the electorate. Empirical assessments indicate these systems correlate with decreased legislative polarization, with 's showing a 10-15% narrower ideological gap between parties post-reform, alongside improved voter participation (up 2-4% in primaries) and greater electoral competition through more viable moderate candidacies. Critics note potential drawbacks, such as reduced incentives for third-party runs and occasional same-party matchups that may alienate crossover voters, though data from 2012-2022 cycles show no significant decline in turnout or representation of minority interests. Caucuses, which involve in-person deliberations rather than secret-ballot voting, typically yield lower than primaries due to their time-intensive format; national data from 2008-2020 presidential cycles reveal caucus participation at 5-15% of eligible voters versus 20-25% in primaries. Ideologically, caucus-goers exhibit similar levels of to primary voters, with both groups mirroring broader party bases rather than amplifying fringes, though caucuses may favor organized activists over casual participants, potentially elevating candidate viability for those with strong mobilization. Limited comparative studies suggest caucuses produce nominees with comparable success rates but higher organizational costs and lower demographic diversity in participation. Ranked-choice voting (RCV) adaptations in primaries, tested in jurisdictions like (2022) and (2021), enable voters to rank preferences, theoretically mitigating vote-splitting and encouraging broader appeals. Evaluations from these implementations show increased candidate diversity and quality, with RCV primaries attracting 10-20% more entrants per race and electing officials who exhaust fewer ballots (indicating higher consensus), though turnout effects are neutral to slightly positive (+1-3%) without clear causation isolated from other factors. In presidential contexts, such as 2020 Democratic contests in RCV states like , the system facilitated preference aggregation without altering winner selection dramatically, but peer-reviewed data on polarization reduction remains preliminary and context-dependent. Party conventions, historically dominant until the mid-20th century, lack recent U.S.-specific empirical comparisons due to their rarity in major races post-1972 reforms, but international analogs and experimental evidence suggest elite-driven selection can yield more electable nominees by prioritizing winnability over base mobilization. A 2019 in found that enhancing voter input in candidate selection (mimicking primaries over conventions) improved parliamentary metrics like by 15%, implying conventions may underperform in but excel in strategic moderation when party leaders dominate. U.S. historical data pre-1968 indicate conventions produced winners at rates comparable to modern primaries (around 50-60% for incumbents), but with less transparency and higher insider influence, potentially reducing at the cost of voter alienation. Overall, alternatives like top-two and RCV show promise in empirical metrics for turnout and competition, but causal impacts on quality require further amid confounding variables like district demographics.

Post-2020 Innovations and State-Level Shifts

In response to criticisms of low turnout and partisan extremism in traditional primaries, implemented a nonpartisan top-four primary in 2022, following voter approval of Ballot Measure 2 in November 2020. Under this reform, candidates from all parties compete on a single primary , with the top four vote-getters advancing to the general election regardless of party affiliation; ranked-choice voting is then used in the general to ensure majority support. This marked the first statewide adoption of such a for federal and state races, aiming to broaden candidate appeal beyond party bases. Other states pursued similar structural changes, though with mixed success. Nevada voters narrowly approved Question 3 in November 2022, which would establish a nonpartisan blanket primary sending the top five candidates to a ranked-choice ; however, implementation stalled after the declined to place the required second ratification question on the 2024 ballot. Proponents argued these models reduce the influence of primary electorates, which often skew ideologically extreme, but critics, including party officials, contended they dilute partisan control over nominations. Countering these openings, several Republican-controlled states tightened primary access post-2020 to curb perceived , where opponents register temporarily to influence outcomes. For example, enacted a 60-day party affiliation requirement before primaries in 2023, extending prior deadlines to prevent "raiding." Similar restrictions emerged in states like and Georgia, reflecting GOP concerns over unaffiliated voters—comprising about 28% of the electorate—altering party nominations amid heightened post-election polarization. By 2024, 22 states conducted closed presidential primaries or caucuses, excluding over 27 million non-major-party registered voters. For the 2024 presidential cycle, parties incentivized es over primaries in select states for enhanced control and security, diverging from prior reliance on vote-by-mail primaries. Republicans opted for a caucus in February 2024 alongside the state-run Democratic primary, resulting in conflicting delegate allocations that underscored tensions between state and national party rules. The RNC's push for caucuses, citing 2020 irregularities, led to hybrids in states like , where Democrats held a primary but Republicans caucused separately. These shifts prioritized perceived turnout reliability among committed partisans over broader . State variations in voter eligibility persisted, with 2024 rules ranging from fully closed (e.g., , New York) to open (e.g., , ), highlighting uneven adoption of reforms amid ongoing debates over representation versus party purity. Efforts to expand ranked-choice voting faced setbacks, including bans in (2021) and proposed repeals elsewhere, limiting its spread beyond and select localities like , which first used it for the 2021 Democratic mayoral primary.

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