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Jacques Chirac
Jacques Chirac
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Jacques René Chirac (UK: /ˈʃɪəræk/,[1][2] US: /ʒɑːk ʃɪəˈrɑːk/ ;[2][3][4] French: [ʒak ʁəne ʃiʁak] ; 29 November 1932 – 26 September 2019) was a French politician who served as President of France from 1995 to 2007. He was previously Prime Minister of France from 1974 to 1976 and 1986 to 1988, as well as Mayor of Paris from 1977 to 1995.

Key Information

After attending the École nationale d'administration, Chirac began his career as a high-level civil servant, entering politics shortly thereafter. Chirac occupied various senior positions, including minister of agriculture and minister of the interior. In 1981 and 1988, he unsuccessfully ran for president as the standard-bearer for the conservative Gaullist party Rally for the Republic (RPR). Chirac's internal policies initially included lower tax rates, the removal of price controls, strong punishment for crime and terrorism, and business privatisation.[5]

After pursuing these policies in his second term as prime minister, Chirac changed his views. He argued for different economic policies and was elected president in 1995, with 52.6% of the vote in the second round, beating Socialist Lionel Jospin, after campaigning on a platform of healing the "social rift" (fracture sociale).[6] Chirac's economic policies, based on dirigisme, allowing for state-directed investment, stood in opposition to the laissez-faire policies of the United Kingdom under the ministries of Margaret Thatcher and John Major, which Chirac described as "Anglo-Saxon ultraliberalism".[7]

Chirac was known for his stand against the American-led invasion of Iraq, his recognition of the collaborationist French government's role in deporting Jews, and his reduction of the presidential term from seven years to five through a referendum in 2000. At the 2002 presidential election, he won 82.2% of the vote in the second round against the far-right candidate, Jean-Marie Le Pen, and was the last president to be re-elected until 2022. In 2011, the Paris court declared Chirac guilty of diverting public funds and abusing public confidence, giving him a two-year suspended prison sentence.[8]

Early life and education

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Family background

[edit]

Jacques René Chirac was born on 29 November 1932 in the 5th arrondissement of Paris.[9] He was the son of Abel François Marie Chirac (1898–1968), a successful executive for an aircraft company,[6] and Marie-Louise Valette (1902–1973), a housewife. His grandparents were all teachers[10] from Sainte-Féréole in Corrèze. His great-grandparents on both sides were peasants in the rural south-western region of the Corrèze.[11]

According to Chirac, his name "originates from the langue d'oc, that of the troubadours, therefore that of poetry".[12] He was a Catholic.[13]

Chirac was an only child (his elder sister, Jacqueline, died in infancy nearly ten years before his birth).[14] He was educated in Paris at the Cours Hattemer, a private school.[15] He then attended the Lycée Carnot and the Lycée Louis-le-Grand. After his baccalauréat, behind his father's back, he went off to serve for three months as a sailor on a coal transport.[16]

Chirac played rugby union for Brive's youth team, and also played at university level. He played no. 8 and second row.[17] At age 18, his ambition was to become a ship's captain.[18]

Education and early career

[edit]

At age 16, Chirac wanted to learn Sanskrit and found a White Russian Sanskrit teacher in Paris who ended up teaching him Russian; by age 17 Chirac was almost fluent in Russian.[16] Inspired by Charles de Gaulle, Chirac started to pursue a civil service career in the 1950s. During this period, he joined the French Communist Party, sold copies of L'Humanité, and took part in meetings of a communist cell.[19] In 1950, he signed the Soviet-inspired Stockholm Appeal for the abolition of nuclear weapons – which led him to be questioned when he applied for his first visa to the United States.[20]

In 1953, after graduating from the Sciences Po, he attended a non-credit course at Harvard University's summer school, before entering the École nationale d'administration, which trains France's top civil servants, in 1957.[18]

In the United States, Chirac worked at Anheuser-Busch in St. Louis, Missouri.[21]

Chirac trained as a reserve military officer in armoured cavalry at Saumur.[22] He then volunteered to fight in the Algerian War, using personal connections to be sent despite the reservations of his superiors. His superiors did not want to make him an officer because they suspected he had communist leanings.[23] In 1965, he became an auditor in the Court of Auditors.[24]

Early political career

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The "Bulldozer": 1962–1971

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In April 1962, Chirac was appointed head of the personal staff of Prime Minister Georges Pompidou. This appointment launched Chirac's political career. Pompidou considered Chirac his protégé, and referred to him as "my bulldozer" for his skill at getting things done. The nickname Le Bulldozer caught on in French political circles, where it also referred to his abrasive manner. As late as the 1988 presidential election, Chirac maintained this reputation.[25]

At Pompidou's suggestion, Chirac ran as a Gaullist for a seat in the National Assembly in 1967.[18] He was elected deputy for his home Corrèze département, a stronghold of the left. This surprising victory in the context of a Gaullist ebb permitted him to enter the government as Minister of Social Affairs. Although Chirac was well-situated in de Gaulle's entourage, being related by marriage to the general's sole companion at the time of the Appeal of 18 June 1940, he was more of a "Pompidolian" than a "Gaullist". When student and worker unrest rocked France in May 1968, Chirac played a central role in negotiating a truce.[18] Subsequently, as state secretary of economy (1968–1971), he worked closely with Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, who headed the ministry of economy and finance.[26]

Cabinet minister: 1971–1974

[edit]

After some months in the ministry for Relations with Parliament, Chirac's first high-level post came in 1972 when he became Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development under Pompidou, who had been elected president in 1969, after de Gaulle retired. Chirac quickly earned a reputation as a champion of French farmers' interests, and first attracted international attention when he assailed U.S., West German, and European Commission agricultural policies which conflicted with French interests.

On 27 February 1974, after the resignation of Raymond Marcellin, Chirac was appointed Minister of the Interior.[27] On 21 March 1974, he cancelled the SAFARI project due to privacy concerns after its existence was revealed by Le Monde.[28] From March 1974, he was entrusted by President Pompidou with preparations for the presidential election then scheduled for 1976. These elections were moved forward because of Pompidou's sudden death on 2 April 1974.

Chirac vainly attempted to rally Gaullists behind Prime Minister Pierre Messmer. Jacques Chaban-Delmas announced his candidacy in spite of the disapproval of the "Pompidolians". Chirac and others published the call of the 43 in favour of Giscard d'Estaing, the leader of the non-Gaullist part of the parliamentary majority. Giscard d'Estaing was elected as Pompidou's successor after France's most competitive election campaign in years. In return, the new president chose Chirac to lead the cabinet.

Prime Minister under Giscard: 1974–1976

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Chirac with Romanian president Nicolae Ceaușescu during a visit to Neptun, 1975

When Valéry Giscard d'Estaing became president, he nominated Chirac as prime minister on 27 May 1974, to reconcile the "Giscardian" and "non-Giscardian" factions of the parliamentary majority. At the age of 41, Chirac stood out as the very model of the jeunes loups ('young wolves') of French politics, but he was faced with the hostility of the "Barons of Gaullism" who considered him a traitor for his role during the previous presidential campaign. In December 1974, he took the lead of the Union of Democrats for the Republic (UDR) against the will of its more senior personalities.

As prime minister, Chirac quickly set about persuading the Gaullists that, despite the social reforms proposed by President Giscard, the basic tenets of Gaullism, such as national and European independence, would be retained. Chirac was advised by Pierre Juillet and Marie-France Garaud, two former advisers of Pompidou. These two organised the campaign against Chaban-Delmas in 1974. They advocated a clash with Giscard d'Estaing because they thought his policy bewildered the conservative electorate.[29]

Citing Giscard's unwillingness to give him authority, Chirac resigned as prime minister in 1976.[30] He proceeded to build up his political base among France's several conservative parties, with a goal of reconstituting the Gaullist UDR into a Neo-Gaullist group, the Rally for the Republic (RPR). Chirac's first tenure as prime minister was also an arguably progressive one, with improvements in both the minimum wage and the social welfare system carried out during the course of his premiership.[29]

Mayor of Paris: 1977–1995

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After his departure from the cabinet, Chirac wanted to gain the leadership of the political right, to gain the French presidency in the future. The RPR was conceived as an electoral machine against President Giscard d'Estaing. Paradoxically, Chirac benefited from Giscard's decision to create the office of mayor in Paris, which had been in abeyance since the 1871 Commune, because the leaders of the Third Republic (1871–1940) feared that having municipal control of the capital would give the mayor too much power. In 1977, Chirac stood as a candidate against Michel d'Ornano, a close friend of the president, and won. As mayor of Paris, Chirac's political influence grew. He held this post until 1995.[31]

Chirac supporters point out that, as mayor, he provided programmes to help the elderly, people with disabilities, and single mothers, and introduced the street-cleaning Motocrotte,[32] while providing incentives for businesses to stay in Paris. His opponents contend that he installed "clientelist" policies.

Governmental opposition

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Struggle for the right-wing leadership: 1976–1986

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Jacques Chirac with president François Mitterrand (1986)

In 1978, Chirac attacked Giscard's pro-European policy and made a nationalist turn with the December 1978 Call of Cochin, initiated by his counsellors Marie-France Garaud and Pierre Juillet [fr], which had first been called by Pompidou. Hospitalised in Hôpital Cochin after a car crash, he declared that "as always about the drooping of France, the pro-foreign party acts with its peaceable and reassuring voice". He appointed Yvan Blot, an intellectual who would later join the National Front, as director of his campaigns for the 1979 European election.[33]

After the poor results of the election, Chirac broke with Garaud and Juillet. Vexed Marie-France Garaud stated: "We thought Chirac was made of the same marble of which statues are carved in, we perceive he's of the same faience bidets are made of."[34] His rivalry with Giscard d'Estaing intensified.

Chirac made his first run for president against Giscard d'Estaing in the 1981 election, thus splitting the centre-right vote.[35] He was eliminated in the first round with 18% of the vote. He reluctantly supported Giscard in the second round. He refused to give instructions to the RPR voters but said that he supported the incumbent president "in a private capacity", which was interpreted as almost de facto support of the Socialist Party's (PS) candidate, François Mitterrand, who was elected by a broad majority.[36]

Giscard has always blamed Chirac for his defeat. He was told by Mitterrand, before his death, that the latter had dined with Chirac before the election. Chirac told the Socialist candidate that he wanted to "get rid of Giscard". In his memoirs, Giscard wrote that between the two rounds, he phoned the RPR headquarters. He passed himself off, as a right-wing voter, by changing his voice. The RPR employee advised him "certainly do not vote Giscard!" After 1981, the relationship between the two men became tense, with Giscard, even though he had been in the same government coalition as Chirac, criticising Chirac's actions openly.[citation needed]

After the May 1981 presidential election, the right also lost the subsequent legislative election that year. However, as Giscard had been knocked out, Chirac appeared as the principal leader of the right-wing opposition. Due to his attacks against the economic policy of the Socialist government, he gradually aligned himself with the prevailing economically liberal opinion, even though it did not correspond with Gaullist doctrine. While the far-right National Front grew, taking advantage of the proportional representation electoral system which had been introduced for the 1986 legislative elections, he signed an electoral pact with the Giscardian (and more or less Christian Democratic) party Union for French Democracy (UDF).[citation needed]

Prime Minister under Mitterrand: 1986–1988

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President Ronald Reagan, Jacques Chirac, Nancy Reagan and Bernadette Chirac, (White House, 31 Mars 1987)

When the RPR/UDF right-wing coalition won a slight majority in the National Assembly in the 1986 election, Mitterrand (PS) appointed Chirac prime minister (though many in Mitterrand's inner circle lobbied him to choose Jacques Chaban-Delmas instead). This unprecedented power-sharing arrangement, known as cohabitation, gave Chirac the lead in domestic affairs. However, it is generally conceded that Mitterrand used the areas granted to the President of the Republic, or "reserved domains" of the Presidency, Defence and Foreign Affairs, to belittle his prime minister.[citation needed]

Chirac's cabinet sold many public companies, renewing the liberalisation initiated under Laurent Fabius's Socialist government of 1984–1986, and abolished the solidarity tax on wealth (ISF), a symbolic tax on those with high-value assets introduced by Mitterrand's government. Elsewhere, the plan for university reform (plan Devaquet) caused a crisis in 1986 when a student called Malik Oussekine was killed by the police, leading to massive demonstrations and the proposal's withdrawal. It has been said during other student crises that this event strongly affected Jacques Chirac, who was afterwards careful about possible police violence during such demonstrations (e.g., maybe explaining part of the decision to "promulgate without applying" the First Employment Contract (CPE) after large student demonstrations against it).[37]

Chirac (centre) during his second term as prime minister

One of his first acts concerning foreign policy was to call back Jacques Foccart (1913–1997), who had been de Gaulle's and his successors' leading counsellor for African matters, called by journalist Stephen Smith the "father of all "networks" on the continent, at the time [in 1986] aged 72."[38] Foccart, who had also co-founded the Gaullist SAC militia (dissolved by Mitterrand in 1982 after the Auriol massacre) along with Charles Pasqua, and who was a key component of the Françafrique system, was again called to the Elysée Palace when Chirac won the 1995 presidential election. Furthermore, confronted by anti-colonialist movements in New Caledonia, Prime Minister Chirac ordered a military intervention against the separatists in the Ouvéa cave, leading to the deaths of 19 militants. He allegedly refused any alliance with Jean-Marie Le Pen's National Front.[39]

Crossing the desert: 1988–1995

[edit]

Chirac ran against Mitterrand for a second time in the 1988 election. He obtained 20 per cent of the vote in the first round but lost the second with only 46 per cent. He resigned from the cabinet and the right lost the next legislative election.[40]

For the first time, his leadership over the RPR was challenged. Charles Pasqua and Philippe Séguin criticised his abandonment of Gaullist doctrines. On the right, a new generation of politicians, the "renovation men", accused Chirac and Giscard of being responsible for the electoral defeats. In 1992, convinced a candidate could not become president whilst advocating anti-European policies, he called for a "yes" vote in the referendum on the Maastricht Treaty, against the opinion of Pasqua, Séguin and a majority of the RPR voters, who chose to vote "no".[41]

While he still was mayor of Paris (since 1977),[42] Chirac went to Abidjan (Côte d'Ivoire) where he supported President Houphouët-Boigny (1960–1993), although the latter was being called a "thief" by the local population. Chirac then declared that multipartism was a "kind of luxury".[38]

Nevertheless, the right won the 1993 legislative election. Chirac announced that he did not want to come back as prime minister as his previous term had ended with his unsuccessful run for the presidency against Mitterrand who was still president at this point.

Chirac instead suggested the appointment of Edouard Balladur, who had promised that he would not run for the presidency against Chirac in 1995. However, benefiting from positive polls, Balladur decided to be a presidential candidate, with the support of a majority of right-wing politicians. Balladur broke from Chirac along with a number of friends and allies, including Charles Pasqua, Nicolas Sarkozy, etc., who supported his candidacy. A small group of fidels would remain with Chirac, including Alain Juppé and Jean-Louis Debré. When Nicolas Sarkozy became president in 2007, Juppé was one of the few chiraquiens to serve in François Fillon's government.[43]

Presidency (1995–2007)

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First term: 1995–2002

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Juppé ministry

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Chirac with US president Bill Clinton outside the Élysée Palace, 1999

During the 1995 presidential campaign, Chirac criticised the "sole thought" (pensée unique) of neoliberalism represented by his challenger on the right and promised to reduce the "social fracture", placing himself more to the centre and thus forcing Balladur to radicalise himself. Ultimately, he obtained more votes than Balladur in the first round (20.8 per cent), and then defeated the Socialist candidate Lionel Jospin in the second round (52.6 per cent).[44]

Chirac was elected on a platform of tax cuts and job programmes, but his policies did little to ease the labour strikes during his first months in office. On the domestic front, neo-liberal economic austerity measures introduced by Chirac and his conservative prime minister Alain Juppé, including budgetary cutbacks, proved highly unpopular. At about the same time, it became apparent that Juppé and others had obtained preferential conditions for public housing, as well as other perks. At the year's end, Chirac faced major workers' strikes which turned, in November–December 1995, into a general strike, one of the largest since May 1968. The demonstrations were largely pitted against Juppé's plan for pension reform, and ultimately led to his dismissal.

Shortly after taking office, Chirac – undaunted by international protests by environmental groups – insisted upon the resumption of nuclear tests at Mururoa Atoll in French Polynesia in 1995, a few months before signing the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.[45] Reacting to criticism, Chirac said, "You only have to look back at 1935...There were people then who were against France arming itself, and look what happened." On 1 February 1996, Chirac announced that France had ended "once and for all" its nuclear testing and intended to accede to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.

Elected as President of the Republic, he refused to discuss the existence of French military bases in Africa, despite requests by the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.[38] The French Army thus remained in Côte d'Ivoire as well as in Omar Bongo's Gabon.

Chirac with Russian president Vladimir Putin, 2001
Chirac with German federal chancellor Gerhard Schröder, 2003

State responsibility for the roundup of Jews

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Prior to 1995, the French government had maintained that the French Republic had been dismantled when Philippe Pétain instituted a new French State during World War II and that the Republic had been re-established when the war was over. It was not for France, therefore, to apologise for the roundup of Jews for deportation that happened while the Republic had not existed and was carried out by a state, Vichy France, which it did not recognise. President François Mitterrand had reiterated this position: "The Republic had nothing to do with this. I do not believe France is responsible," he said in September 1994.[46]

Chirac was the first president of France to take responsibility for the deportation of Jews during the Vichy regime. In a speech made on 16 July 1995 at the site of the Vel' d'Hiv Roundup, where 13,000 Jews had been held for deportation to concentration camps in July 1942, Chirac said, "France, on that day, committed the irreparable". Those responsible for the roundup were "4,500 policemen and gendarmes, French, under the authority of their leaders [who] obeyed the demands of the Nazis. ... the criminal folly of the occupiers was seconded by the French, by the French State".[47][48][49]

"Cohabitation" with Jospin

[edit]

In 1997, Chirac dissolved parliament for early legislative elections in a gamble designed to bolster support for his conservative economic program. But instead, it created an uproar, and his power was weakened by the subsequent backlash. The Socialist Party (PS), joined by other parties on the left, soundly defeated Chirac's conservative allies, forcing Chirac into a new period of cohabitation with Jospin as prime minister (1997–2002), which lasted five years.

Cohabitation significantly weakened the power of Chirac's presidency. The French president, by a constitutional convention, only controls foreign and military policy— and even then, allocation of funding is under the control of Parliament and under the significant influence of the prime minister. Short of dissolving parliament and calling for new elections, the president was left with little power to influence public policy regarding crime, the economy, and public services. Chirac seized the occasion to periodically criticise Jospin's government.

His position was weakened by scandals about the financing of RPR by Paris municipality. In 2001, the left, represented by Bertrand Delanoë (PS), won a majority on the city council of the capital. Jean Tiberi, Chirac's successor at the Paris city hall, was forced to resign after having been put under investigation in June 1999 on charges of trafic d'influences in the HLMs of Paris affairs (related to the illegal financing of the RPR). Tiberi was finally expelled from the Rally for the Republic, Chirac's party, on 12 October 2000, declaring to the magazine Le Figaro on 18 November 2000: "Jacques Chirac is not my friend anymore".[50]

After the publication of the diaries of Jean-Claude Méry by Le Monde on 22 September 2000, in which Jean-Claude Méry, in charge of the RPR's financing, directly accused Chirac of organising the network, and of having been physically present on 5 October 1986, when Méry gave in cash 5 million Francs, which came from companies who had benefited from state deals, to Michel Roussin, personal secretary (directeur de cabinet) of Chirac,[51][52] Chirac refused to attend court in response to his summons by judge Eric Halphen, and the highest echelons of the French justice system declared that he could not be inculpated while in office.

During his two terms, he increased the Elysee Palace's total budget by 105 per cent (to €90 million, whereas 20 years before it was the equivalent of €43.7 million). He doubled the number of presidential cars – to 61 cars and seven scooters in the Palace's garage. He hired 145 extra employees – the total number of people he employed simultaneously was 963.

Defence policy

[edit]

As the Supreme Commander of the French armed forces, he reduced the military budget, as did his predecessor. At the end of his first term, it accounted for three per cent of GDP.[53] In 1997 the aircraft carrier Clemenceau was decommissioned after 37 years of service, with her sister ship Foch decommissioned in 2000 after 37 years of service, leaving the French Navy with no aircraft carrier until 2001, when Charles de Gaulle was commissioned.[54] He also reduced expenditure on nuclear weapons[citation needed] and the French nuclear arsenal was reduced to include 350 warheads, compared to the Russian nuclear arsenal of 16,000 warheads.[citation needed] He also published a plan to reduce the number of fighters the French military had by 30.[55]

After François Mitterrand left office in 1995, Chirac began a rapprochement with NATO by joining the Military Committee and attempting to negotiate a return to the integrated military command, which failed after the French demand for parity with the United States went unmet. The possibility of a further attempt foundered after Chirac was forced into cohabitation with a Socialist-led cabinet between 1997 and 2002, then poor Franco-American relations after the French UN veto threat over Iraq in 2003 made transatlantic negotiations impossible.

Close call

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On 25 July 2000, as Chirac and the first lady were returning from the G7 Summit in Okinawa, Japan, they were placed in a dangerous situation by Air France Flight 4590 after they landed at Charles de Gaulle International Airport. The first couple were in an Air France Boeing 747 taxiing toward the terminal when the jet had to stop and wait for Flight 4590 to take off.[56] The departing plane, an Aérospatiale-BAC Concorde, ran over a strip of metal on takeoff puncturing its left fuel tank and sliced electrical wires near the left landing gear. The sequence of events ignited a large fire and caused the Concorde to veer left on its takeoff roll. As it reached takeoff speed and lifted off the ground, it came within 30 feet of hitting Chirac's 747. Photographs of Flight 4590 ablaze were taken by passenger Toshihiko Sato on Chirac's jetliner.

Second term: 2002–2007

[edit]
Chirac greets the President of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and his wife Marisa Letícia during a ceremony at the Palácio da Alvorada in Brasília, 2006.

At the age of 69, Chirac faced his fourth presidential campaign in 2002. He received 20% of the vote in the first ballot of the presidential elections in April 2002. It had been expected that he would face incumbent prime minister Lionel Jospin (PS) in the second round of elections; instead, Chirac faced far-right politician Jean-Marie Le Pen of the National Front (FN), who came in 200,000 votes ahead of Jospin. All parties other than the National Front (except for Lutte ouvrière) called for opposing Le Pen, even if it meant voting for Chirac. The 14-day period between the two rounds of voting was marked by demonstrations against Le Pen and slogans such as "Vote for the crook, not for the fascist" or "Vote with a clothespin on your nose". Chirac won re-election by a landslide, with 82 per cent of the vote on the second ballot. However, Chirac became increasingly unpopular during his second term. According to a July 2005 poll,[57] 37 per cent judged Chirac favourably and 63 per cent unfavourably. In 2006, The Economist wrote that Chirac "is the most unpopular occupant of the Elysée Palace in the fifth republic's history."[58]

Early term

[edit]

As the left-wing Socialist Party was in thorough disarray following Jospin's defeat, Chirac reorganised politics on the right, establishing a new party – initially called the Union of the Presidential Majority, then the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP). The RPR had broken down; a number of members had formed Eurosceptic breakaways. While the Giscardian liberals of the Union for French Democracy (UDF) had moved to the right,[citation needed] the UMP won the parliamentary elections that followed the presidential poll with ease.

During an official visit to Madagascar on 21 July 2005, Chirac described the repression of the 1947 Malagasy uprising, which left between 80,000 and 90,000 dead, as "unacceptable".

Despite past opposition to state intervention, the Chirac government approved a €2.8 billion aid package to troubled manufacturing giant Alstom.[59] In October 2004, Chirac signed a trade agreement with PRC president Hu Jintao where Alstom was given €1 billion in contracts and promises of future investment in China.[60]

Assassination attempt

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On 14 July 2002, during Bastille Day celebrations, Chirac survived an assassination attempt by a lone gunman with a rifle hidden in a guitar case. The would-be assassin fired a shot toward the presidential motorcade, before being overpowered by bystanders.[61] The gunman, Maxime Brunerie, underwent psychiatric testing; the violent far-right group with which he was associated, Unité Radicale, was thence administratively dissolved.

Foreign policy

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Chirac with George W. Bush, Gerhard Schröder, Vladimir Putin, Junichiro Koizumi and other state leaders in Moscow, 2005
Chirac with President of the European Commission José Manuel Barroso in Paris, 8 December 2005

Along with Vladimir Putin (whom he called "a personal friend"),[62] Hu Jintao, and Gerhard Schröder, Chirac emerged as a leading voice against George W. Bush and Tony Blair in 2003 during the organisation and deployment of American and British forces participating in a military coalition to forcibly remove the government of Iraq controlled by the Ba'ath Party under the leadership of Saddam Hussein that resulted in the 2003–2011 Iraq War.

Despite British and American pressure, Chirac threatened to veto, at that given point, a resolution in the UN Security Council that would authorise the use of military force to rid Iraq of alleged weapons of mass destruction, and rallied other governments to his position. "Iraq today does not represent an immediate threat that justifies an immediate war", Chirac said on 18 March 2003. Future prime minister Dominique de Villepin acquired much of his popularity for his speech against the war at the United Nations (UN).[63]

After Togo's leader Gnassingbé Eyadéma's death on 5 February 2005, Chirac gave him tribute and supported his son, Faure Gnassingbé, who has since succeeded his father.[38]

On 19 January 2006, Chirac said that France was prepared to launch a nuclear strike against any country that sponsors a terrorist attack against French interests. He said his country's nuclear arsenal had been reconfigured to include the ability to make a tactical strike in retaliation for terrorism.[64]

Chirac criticised the Israeli offensive into Lebanon on 14 July 2006.[65] However, Israeli Army Radio later reported that Chirac had secretly told Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert that France would support an Israeli invasion of Syria and the overthrow of the government of President Bashar al-Assad, promising to veto any moves against Israel in the United Nations or European Union.[66] Whereas the disagreement on Iraq had caused a rift between Paris and Washington, recent analysis suggests that both governments worked closely together on the Syria file to end the Syrian occupation of Lebanon, and that Chirac was a driver of this diplomatic cooperation.[67]

Chirac and Armenian president Robert Kocharyan, 2006

In July 2006, the G8 met to discuss international energy concerns. Despite the rising awareness of global warming issues, the G8 focused on "energy security" issues. Chirac continued[when?] to be the voice[citation needed] within the G8 summit meetings to support international action to curb global warming and climate change concerns. Chirac warned that "humanity is dancing on a volcano" and called for serious action by the world's leading industrialised nations.[citation needed]

After Chirac's death in 2019, the street leading to the Louvre Abu Dhabi was named Jacques Chirac Street in November 2019 in celebration of Chirac's efforts to bolster links between France and the United Arab Emirates during his presidency.[68]

Chirac espoused a staunchly pro-Moroccan policy, and the already established pro-Moroccan French stances vis-à-vis the Western Sahara conflict were strengthened during his presidential tenure.[69]

Flight tax

[edit]

Chirac requested the Landau-report (published in September 2004) and combined with the Report of the Technical Group on Innovative Financing Mechanisms formulated upon request by the Heads of State of Brazil, Chile, France and Spain (issued in December 2004), these documents present various opportunities for innovative financing mechanisms while equally stressing the advantages (stability and predictability) of tax-based models. The UNITAID project was born. Today the organisation's executive board is chaired by Marisol Touraine.[70]

2005 referendum on TCE

[edit]

On 29 May 2005, a referendum was held in France to decide whether the country should ratify the proposed treaty for a Constitution of the European Union (TCE). The result was a victory for the No campaign, with 55 per cent of voters rejecting the treaty on a turnout of 69 per cent, dealing a devastating blow to Chirac and the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) party, and to part of the centre-left which had supported the TCE. Following the referendum defeat, Chirac replaced his prime minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin with Dominique de Villepin. In an address to the nation, Chirac declared that the new cabinet's top priority was to curb unemployment, which was consistently hovering above 10 per cent, calling for a "national mobilisation" to that effect.[71]

2005 civil unrest and CPE protests

[edit]

Following major student protests in spring 2006, which followed civil unrest in autumn 2005 after the death of two young boys in Clichy-sous-Bois, one of the poorest communes in Paris' suburbs, Chirac retracted the proposed First Employment Contract (CPE) by "promulgating [it] without applying it", an unheard-of – and, some claim, illegal – move intended to appease the protesters while giving the appearance of not making a volte-face regarding the contract, and therefore to continue his support for his prime minister Dominique de Villepin.[citation needed]

Retirement

[edit]

In early September 2005, Chirac suffered an event that his doctors described as a "vascular incident". It was officially reported as a "minor stroke"[72] or a mild stroke (also known as a transient ischemic attack).[73] He recovered and returned to his duties soon afterward.

In a pre-recorded television broadcast aired on 11 March 2007, he announced, in a widely predicted move, that he would not choose to seek a third term as president. (In 2000 the constitution was amended to reduce the length of the presidential term to five years, so his second term was shorter than his first.)[74] "My whole life has been committed to serving France, and serving peace", Chirac said, adding that he would find new ways to serve France after leaving office. He did not explain the reasons for his decision.[75] He did not, during the broadcast, endorse any of the candidates running for election, but did devote several minutes of his talk to a plea against extremist politics that was considered a thinly disguised invocation to voters not to vote for Jean-Marie Le Pen and a recommendation to Nicolas Sarkozy not to orient his campaign so as to include themes traditionally associated with Le Pen.[76]

Chirac in Saint-Tropez, 2010

Post-presidency and death

[edit]

Shortly after leaving office, he launched the Fondation Chirac[77] in June 2008. Since then it has been striving for peace through five advocacy programmes: conflict prevention, access to water and sanitation, access to quality medicines and healthcare, access to land resources, and preservation of cultural diversity. It supports field projects that involve local people and provide concrete and innovative solutions. Chirac chaired the jury for the Prize for Conflict Prevention awarded every year by his foundation.[78] As a former president of France, he was entitled to a lifetime pension and personal security protection, and was an ex officio member for life of the Constitutional Council.[79] He sat for the first time on the council on 15 November 2007, six months after leaving the presidency. Immediately after Sarkozy's victory, Chirac moved into a 180-square-metre (1,900 sq ft) duplex on the Quai Voltaire in Paris lent to him by the family of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri. During the Didier Schuller affair, the latter accused Hariri of having participated in illegal funding of the RPR's political campaigns, but the judge closed the case without further investigations.[80] In Volume 2 of his memoirs published in June 2011, Chirac mocked his successor Nicolas Sarkozy as "irritable, rash, impetuous, disloyal, ungrateful, and un-French".[81][82] Chirac wrote that he considered firing Sarkozy previously, and conceded responsibility in allowing Jean-Marie Le Pen to advance in 2002.[83] A poll conducted in 2010 suggested Chirac was the most admired political figure in France, while Sarkozy was 32nd.[81] On 11 April 2008, Chirac's office announced that he had undergone successful surgery to fit a pacemaker.[84]

Chirac suffered from frail health and memory loss in later life. In February 2014 he was admitted to hospital because of pains related to gout.[85][86] On 10 December 2015, Chirac was hospitalised in Paris for undisclosed reasons, although his state of health did not "give any cause for concern", he remained for about a week in ICU.[87] According to his son-in-law Frederic Salat-Baroux, Chirac was again hospitalised in Paris with a lung infection on 18 September 2016.[88]

Death and state funeral

[edit]
Chirac's grave in Montparnasse Cemetery, October 2019

Chirac died at his home in the 6th arrondissement of Paris on 26 September 2019, surrounded by his family.[89] A requiem mass was held at Saint-Sulpice on 30 September, celebrated by Michel Aupetit, Archbishop of Paris, and attended by representatives from about 175 countries, included 69 past and present heads of state, government and international organisations. Notable names included António Guterres, Jean-Claude Juncker, Jens Stoltenberg, Vladimir Putin, Sergio Mattarella, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Charles Michel, Viktor Orbán, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Saad Hariri, Borut Pahor, Salome Zourabichvili, Prince Edward, Jean Chrétien, Vaira Vike-Freiberga, Bill Clinton, Hamid Karzai, Dai Bingguo plus many ministers.[citation needed]

The day was declared a national day of mourning in France and a minute of silence was held nationwide at 15:00. Following the public ceremony, Chirac was buried at Montparnasse Cemetery, with only close family in attendance. Andorra announced three days of national mourning.[90] Lebanon declared the day of the ex-president's funeral national day of mourning.[91][92]

[edit]

Chirac was a major supporter of the nation's film industry.[93]

Because of Jacques Chirac's long public career, he was often parodied or caricatured: Young Jacques Chirac is the basis of a young, dashing bureaucrat character in the 1976 Asterix comic strip album Obelix and Co., proposing methods to quell Gallic unrest to elderly, old-style Roman politicians. Chirac was also featured in Le Bêbête Show as an overexcited, jumpy character.

A major fixture of the Guignols

[edit]

Jacques Chirac was a favourite character of Les Guignols de l'Info, a satiric latex puppet show.[94] He was originally portrayed as a rather likeable, though overexcited, character; following the corruption allegations, however, he was depicted as a kind of dilettante and incompetent who pilfered public money and lied through his teeth. His character for a while developed a superhero alter ego, Super Menteur ('super liar') to get him out of embarrassing situations.

Satirical songs

[edit]

In 1988, the band Parabellum lambasted Chirac in their song Anarchie en Chiraquie ("anarchy in Chirac-land"). In 1995, Zebda criticized Chirac's declarations on the "noise and smell" of immigrant families.[95]

Because of his alleged improprieties, Chirac was lambasted in a song Chirac en prison ('Chirac in prison') by French punk band Les Wampas, with a video clip made by the Guignols.[96] Similarly, the band Sinsemilia lambasted Chirac in the song Bienvenue en Chiraquie ("Welcome to Chirac-land") as being the leader of a political mafia behaving outside of the laws applicable to normal citizenry. In June 2005, the band attracted media controversy when, on live television during midday news, it stopped early playing the gentle Tout le bonheur du monde and instead started playing Bienvenue en Chiraquie as a political gesture, before being cut early.[97]

Ig Nobel

[edit]

He was given the Ig Nobel prize for peace, for commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of Hiroshima with atomic bomb tests in the Pacific (1996).

Portrayals in film

[edit]

J. Grant Albrecht voices Chirac in the Oliver Stone film W. Marc Rioufol plays him in Richard Loncraine's 2010 film The Special Relationship.[98]

Bernard Le Coq portrays Chirac in La Dernière Campagne and The Conquest by Xavier Durringer.[99][100]

Controversies

[edit]

Osirak controversy

[edit]

At the invitation of Saddam Hussein (then vice-president of Iraq, but de facto dictator), Chirac made an official visit to Baghdad in 1975. Hussein approved a deal granting French oil companies a number of privileges plus a 23-percent share of Iraqi oil.[101] As part of this deal, France sold Iraq the Osirak MTR nuclear reactor, designed to test nuclear materials.

The Israeli Air Force alleged that the reactor's imminent commissioning was a threat to its security, and pre-emptively bombed the Osirak reactor on 7 June 1981, provoking considerable anger from French officials and the United Nations Security Council.[102]

The Osirak deal became a controversy again in 2002–2003, when an international military coalition led by the United States invaded Iraq and forcibly removed Hussein's government from power. France led several other European countries in an effort to prevent the invasion. The Osirak deal was then used by parts of the American media to criticise the Chirac-led opposition to starting a war in Iraq,[103] despite French involvement in the Gulf War.[104]

Conviction for corruption

[edit]

Chirac has been named in several cases of alleged corruption that occurred during his term as mayor, some of which have led to felony convictions of some politicians and aides. However, a controversial judicial decision in 1999 granted Chirac immunity while he was president of France. He refused to testify on these matters, arguing that it would be incompatible with his presidential functions. Investigations concerning the running of Paris's city hall, the number of whose municipal employees increased by 25% from 1977 to 1995 (with 2,000 out of approximately 35,000 coming from the Corrèze region where Chirac had held his seat as deputy), as well as a lack of financial transparency (marchés publics) and the communal debt, were thwarted by the legal impossibility of questioning him as president.[105]

The conditions of the privatisation of the Parisian water system acquired very cheaply by the Compagnie Générale des Eaux and the Lyonnaise des Eaux, then directed by Jérôme Monod, a close friend of Chirac, were also criticised. Furthermore, the satirical newspaper Le Canard enchaîné revealed the astronomical "food expenses" paid by the Parisian municipality (€15 million a year according to the Canard), expenses managed by Roger Romani (who allegedly destroyed all archives of the period 1978–93 during night raids in 1999–2000). Thousands of people were invited each year to receptions in the Paris city hall, while many political, media and artistic personalities were hosted in private flats owned by the city.[105]

Chirac's immunity from prosecution ended in May 2007, when he left office as president. In November 2007 a preliminary charge of misuse of public funds was filed against him.[106] Chirac is said to be the first former French head of state to be formally placed under investigation for a crime.[107] On 30 October 2009, a judge ordered Chirac to stand trial on embezzlement charges, dating back to his time as mayor of Paris.[108]

On 7 March 2011, he went on trial on charges of diverting public funds, accused of giving fictional city jobs to 28 activists from his political party while serving as the mayor of Paris (1977–95).[109][110] Along with Chirac, nine others stood trial in two separate cases, one dealing with fictional jobs for 21 people and the other with jobs for the remaining seven.[109] The President of Union for a Popular Movement, who later served as France's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alain Juppé, was sentenced to a 14-month suspended prison sentence for the same case in 2004.[111]

On 15 December 2011, Chirac was found guilty and given a suspended sentence of two years.[111] He was convicted of diverting public funds, abuse of trust and illegal conflict of interest. The suspended sentence meant he did not have to go to prison and took into account his age, health and status as a former head of state.[112] He did not attend the trial, since medical doctors deemed that his neurological problems damaged his memory.[111] His defence team decided not to appeal.[111][113]

The Clearstream Affair

[edit]

During April and May 2006, Chirac's administration was beset by a crisis as his chosen prime minister, Dominique de Villepin, was accused of asking Philippe Rondot, a top-level French spy, for a secret investigation into Villepin's chief political rival, Nicolas Sarkozy, in 2004. This matter has been called the second Clearstream Affair. On 10 May 2006, following a Cabinet meeting, Chirac made a rare television appearance to try to protect Villepin from the scandal and to debunk allegations that Chirac himself had set up a Japanese bank account containing 300 million francs in 1992 as Mayor of Paris.[114] Chirac said that "The Republic is not a dictatorship of rumours, a dictatorship of calumny."[115]

Personal life

[edit]

In 1956, Chirac married Bernadette Chodron de Courcel, with whom he had two daughters: Laurence (4 March 1958 – 14 April 2016)[116] and Claude (born 6 December 1962). Claude was a long-term public relations assistant and personal adviser to her father,[117] while Laurence, who suffered from anorexia nervosa in her youth, did not participate in her father's political activities.[118] Chirac was the grandfather of Martin Rey-Chirac by the relationship of Claude with French judoka Thierry Rey.[119] A former Vietnamese refugee, Anh Dao Traxel, is a foster daughter of Jacques and Bernadette Chirac.[120]

Chirac remained married, but had many other relationships.[121][122][123]

Chirac was a close friend of actor Gregory Peck.[citation needed]

Academic works

[edit]

In 1954, Chirac presented The Development of the Port of New-Orleans, a short geography/economic thesis to the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris (Sciences Po—), which he had entered three years before. The 182-page typewritten work, supervised by Professor Jean Chardonnet, is illustrated by photographs, sketches and diagrams.

Political career

[edit]

Governmental functions

[edit]
  • Prime minister: 1974–76 (Resignation) / 1986–88.
  • Minister of Interior: March–May 1974.
  • Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development: 1972–74.
  • Minister of Relation with Parliament: 1971–72.
  • Secretary of State for Economy and Finance: 1968–71.
  • Secretary of State for Social Affairs: 1967–68.

Electoral mandates

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European Parliament

[edit]

National Assembly of France

[edit]
  • Elected in 1967, re-elected in 1968, 1973, 1976, 1981, 1986, 1988, 1993: Member for Corrèze: March–April 1967 (became Secretary of State in April 1967), re-elected in 1968, 1973, but he remained a minister in 1976–1986 (became prime minister in 1986), 1988–95 (resigned to become President of the French Republic in 1995).

General Council

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  • President of the General Council of Corrèze: 1970–1979. Re-elected in 1973, and 1976.
  • General councillor of Corrèze: 1968–88. Re-elected in 1970, 1976, and 1982.

Municipal Council

[edit]
  • Mayor of Paris: 1977–95 (Resignation, became President of the French Republic in 1995). Reelected in 1983, 1989.
  • Councillor of Paris: 1977–1995 (Resignation). Re-elected in 1983, 1989.
  • Municipal councillor of Sainte-Féréole: 1965–77. Re-elected in 1971.

Political function

[edit]

Ministries

[edit]

First Chirac ministry

[edit]

(27 May 1974 – 25 August 1976)

Second Chirac ministry

[edit]

(20 March 1986 – 12 May 1988)

Honours

[edit]

National honours

[edit]
Ribbon Description Year
Grand Master & Grand Cross of the National Order of the Legion of Honour [year needed]
Grand Master & Grand Cross of the National Order of Merit [year needed]
Knight of the Order of the Black Star [year needed]
Commander of the Order of Agricultural Merit [year needed]
Knight of the Ordre des Arts et des Lettres [year needed]
Cross for Military Valour [year needed]
Combatant's Cross [year needed]
Aeronautical Medal [year needed]
North Africa Security and Order Operations Commemorative Medal [year needed]

Foreign honours

[edit]
Jacques Chirac coat of arms as a knight of the Swedish Order of the Seraphim
Ribbon Country Honour Year
Austria Grand Star of the Decoration of Honour for Services to the Republic of Austria 1998
Azerbaijan Collar of the Heydar Aliyev Order 2007
Benin Grand Cross of the National Order of Benin[124] 1996
Bolivia Collar of the Order of the Condor of the Andes 1997
Brazil Collar of the Order of the Southern Cross [year needed]
Officer National Order of Québec Undressed Ribbon Canada Officier of the National Order of Quebec[125] 1987
Czech Republic Grand Cross of the Order of the White Lion 1997
Estonia Member 1st Class of the Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana[126] 2001
Finland Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of the White Rose of Finland[127] 1999
Hungary Grand Cross with Chain of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Hungary 2001
Italy Knight Grand Cross with Collar Order of Merit of the Italian Republic 1999
Iceland Grand Knight's Cross with Star of the Order of the Falcon[128] 1983
Jordan Grand Cordon with Collar of the Order of Al-Hussein bin Ali 2012
Kuwait Grand Cordon of the Order of Mubarak the Great[129] 2006
Latvia Commander Grand Cross with Chain Order of the Three Stars 2006
Lebanon Grand Cordon of the National Order of the Cedar 2012
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya First Class of the Order of the Grand Conqueror[130] 2004
Lithuania Grand Cross of the Order of Vytautas the Great 1999
Lithuania Grand Cross of the Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Gediminas 2001
Sovereign Military Order of Malta Civilian Class of the Order pro Merito Melitensi 1996
Monaco Grand Cross of the Order of Saint-Charles 1997
Moldova Collar of the Order of the Republic 1998
Morocco Grand Cross of the Order of Ouissam Alaouite 1987
Norway Grand Cross of the Order of St. Olav[131] 2000
Norway Grand Cross of the Royal Norwegian Order of Merit[131] 1988
Palestine Grand Collar of the State of Palestine 1996
1st class Poland Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Poland [year needed]
Poland Knight of the Order of the White Eagle 2000
Portugal Grand Cross of the Order of Christ[132] 1975
Portugal Grand Collar of the Order of Prince Henry[132] 2000
ROU Order of the Star of Romania 1999 GCross BAR Romania Grand Collar of the Order of the Star of Romania 1998
Russia Member 1st Class of the Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" 1997
Russia Medal "In Commemoration of the 300th Anniversary of Saint Petersburg" 2003
Russia State Prize of the Russian Federation 1997
Senegal Grand Cross of the National Order of the Lion 2005
South Africa Grand Cross of the Order of Good Hope 1996
South Korea Grand Order of Mugunghwa[133] 2000
Spain Collar of the Order of Charles III[134] 2006
Spain Collar of the Order of Isabella the Catholic[135] 1999
Sweden Knight of the Royal Order of the Seraphim 2000
Tunisia Grand Cordon of the Order of Independence 1986
Tunisia Grand Cordon of the Order of the Republic of Tunisia 2003
Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise 1st 2nd and 3rd Class of Ukraine Ukraine First Class of the Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise 1997
United Arab Emirates Collar of the Order of Etihad (Order of the Federation) 1997
United Kingdom Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath [year needed]
Uruguay Medal of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay[136] 1996
VAT Order of Pope Pius IX Collar BAR Holy See Knight with the Collar of the Order of Pope Pius IX 1996

Other

[edit]

On 22 July 2003, Jacques Chirac was presented with the inaugural Kuala Lumpur World Peace Award by Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad at his office.[137]

Publications

[edit]
  • Discours pour la France à l'heure du choix, Paris, ed. Stock, 1978
  • La Lueur de l'espérance. Réflexion du soir pour le matin, Paris, ed. La Table ronde, 1978
  • Oui à l'Europe (With Alain Berger), Paris, ed. Albatros, 1984
  • Une ambition pour la France, Paris, ed. Albin Michel, 1988
  • Une nouvelle France. Réflexions 1, Paris, ed. NiL, 1994
  • La France pour tous, Paris, ed. NiL Éditions, 1995
  • Mon combat pour la France, tome I, Paris, ed. Odile Jacob, 2006
  • Le Développement du port de la Nouvelle-Orléans, Paris, ed. Presses universitaires du Nouveau Monde, 2007
  • Mon combat pour la paix, tome II, Paris, ed. Odile Jacob, 2007
  • Demain, il sera trop tard, Paris, ed. Desclée de Brouwer, 2008
  • Mémoires : Tome I, Chaque pas doit être un but, Paris, ed. NiL, 2009
  • Mémoires : Tome II, Le Temps présidentiel, Paris, ed. NiL Éditions, 2011

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Jacques René Chirac (29 November 1932 – 26 September 2019) was a French who served as President of the French Republic from 1995 to 2007, becoming the fifth president of the Fifth Republic. Born in to a family of modest means, Chirac pursued a career in and , rising through Gaullist ranks after studying at the elite . He held the position of twice, first from 1974 to 1976 under President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and again from 1986 to 1988 under President , during which he implemented neoliberal economic reforms amid periods of political . As from 1977 to 1995, Chirac oversaw urban development projects but later faced legal scrutiny for alleged misuse of public funds through fictitious employment schemes, leading to his conviction in 2011 for and of trust—marking the first time a former French president was found guilty in such matters. His presidency emphasized a multipolar world vision, exemplified by France's veto of the EU constitution referendum in 2005, firm opposition to the U.S.-led invasion of in 2003, and the controversial resumption of nuclear testing in the South Pacific in 1995, which provoked international condemnation and domestic protests. Chirac also broke with prior official denialism by publicly recognizing France's state collaboration in the deportation of during the Vichy regime in his 1995 Vél d'Hiv speech, a step toward historical that contrasted with decades of ambiguity from French leaders.

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Childhood

Jacques René Chirac was born on November 29, 1932, in the , into a Roman Catholic middle-class family. His father, Abel François Marie Chirac (1898–1968), worked initially as a bank employee before advancing to managing director of the Dassault aircraft company. His mother, Marie-Louise Valette, had lost her first child—a named Jacqueline—in infancy approximately eight to ten years prior to Chirac's birth, leaving him as the family's only surviving child. Chirac's early years unfolded in amid the economic challenges of the and the onset of , with the city under German occupation from 1940 to 1944 during his childhood. As an doted upon by his mother, he experienced a sheltered yet reportedly lively upbringing, marked by her indulgence following the earlier family loss. Accounts describe a degree of parental attentiveness from his father, whose career progression provided , though Chirac later reflected on elements of isolation in his youth. The family's Parisian residence and bourgeois status insulated them from the war's most severe hardships, though the broader context of occupation influenced the environment of his formative years.

Academic Training and Early Influences

Chirac completed his at the and the in during the early 1950s. He subsequently enrolled at the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris (), graduating in 1954 with a degree in . During his time at , Chirac took a to attend Harvard University's , an experience that exposed him to American political and economic perspectives. Following his graduation, Chirac undertook compulsory in the from 1954 to 1957, volunteering for deployment in the as a in a . He was and awarded the Croix de la Valeur Militaire for his service. This period instilled in him a of discipline and firsthand exposure to colonial conflicts, shaping his later pragmatic approach to foreign policy challenges. In 1957, Chirac entered the (ENA), the elite institution for training senior civil servants, and graduated in the 1959 class named Promotion Luxembourg. His ENA training emphasized administrative efficiency and public policy expertise, aligning with the technocratic ethos prevalent in post-war French governance. Early intellectual influences during this formative phase included Gaullist principles of national sovereignty, though Chirac's full alignment with emerged more prominently upon entering politics.

Political Ascendancy and Early Roles

Gaullist Entry and "Bulldozer" Reputation (1962–1971)

In June 1962, Jacques Chirac entered Gaullist politics as a chargé de mission for construction, public works, and energy at the General Secretariat of the Government, before integrating the cabinet of in December of that year, where he served until February 1967. Pompidou, a staunch Gaullist overseeing de Gaulle's Fifth Republic reforms, valued Chirac's administrative vigor and loyalty, positioning him to handle sensitive tasks amid the regime's consolidation post-Algerian independence. This role immersed Chirac in the Union pour la Nouvelle République (UNR), the dominant Gaullist party emphasizing national sovereignty, strong executive power, and economic modernization, aligning with his own emerging worldview shaped by ENA training and early civil service. Chirac's relentless efficiency in executing missions—such as coordinating bureaucratic initiatives and mediating internal party dynamics—earned him the nickname Le Bulldozer from , a moniker highlighting his capacity to overcome resistance through sheer determination and tactical forcefulness. The epithet, originating in this period, reflected not only his physical stamina but also a political style of direct confrontation and rapid decision-making, contrasting with more deliberative Gaullist figures, and it persisted in French political lore as shorthand for his unyielding drive. Encouraged by Pompidou, Chirac contested the March legislative elections as a Gaullist for the department's second constituency (Ussel), securing victory with family ties to the rural area bolstering his appeal against socialist challengers in a tight race amid national Gaullist setbacks. Shortly thereafter, on 8 June , he was appointed Secretary of State for Employment in the government of , his first ministerial post, where he advocated for labor policies reinforcing Gaullist industrial growth while navigating strikes and economic pressures. Through 1971, Chirac retained his parliamentary seat and deepened UNR-UDR networks via aggressive constituency work in , amassing 58% in the re-election amid post-May unrest, further cementing his "bulldozer" image as a pragmatic operator loyal to Pompidou's vision of Gaullist continuity.

Ministerial Positions and First Prime Ministership (1971–1976)

In January 1971, Chirac was appointed Minister Delegate for Relations with Parliament, attached to Prime Minister Jacques , marking his entry into high-level government roles within the Gaullist framework. He transitioned in 1972 to Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development under Pierre Messmer's government, where he prioritized support for French farmers amid economic pressures from the global context, including the buildup to the ; during this tenure, he advocated for protective measures and subsidies to bolster agricultural competitiveness. In February 1974, following Raymond Marcellin's resignation, Chirac briefly served as Minister of the Interior in Messmer's cabinet, handling domestic security amid political transitions after President Georges Pompidou's death in April 1974. Following Valéry Giscard d'Estaing's election as president on May 19, 1974, Chirac was appointed on May 27, forming a blending Gaullists, , and centrists to consolidate the center-right majority. His administration navigated post-oil shock and , implementing measures such as partial removal of on consumer goods to stimulate market dynamics while maintaining state intervention in key sectors, reflecting a pragmatic blend of Gaullist and Giscardian liberalization. Key legislative achievements included lowering the civil majority age from 21 to 18 via a July 1974 law, enhancing youth autonomy, and the November 1974 law legalizing voluntary interruption of pregnancy under strict conditions, which passed despite internal conservative resistance within the coalition. Chirac's government also advanced administrative decentralization pilots and strengthened anti-terrorism frameworks in response to emerging threats. Tensions escalated with Giscard over policy authority and electoral strategy, culminating in Chirac's on August 25, 1976, after poor cantonal results in ; he publicly cited insufficient presidential support for effective governance as the cause, signaling a rift between Gaullist traditions and Giscard's centrist approach.

Mayoralty and Right-Wing Leadership Struggles

Mayor of Paris and Administrative Reforms (1977–1995)

Chirac was elected on 20 March 1977, securing a majority for his Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) list in the municipal elections and defeating Michel d'Ornano, the candidate backed by President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing. This marked the first direct election of a Paris mayor since the position's abolition in 1871 following the , enabled by the 1975 municipal reform law that restored elected municipal governance to the capital. He held the office continuously until 16 May 1995, building a strong political base that bolstered his national ambitions. As mayor, Chirac oversaw the implementation of administrative stemming from the 1982 laws enacted under President , which divided into 20 , each with elected district councils (conseils d'arrondissement) comprising 350 councilors in total to handle local issues like neighborhood services and . However, Chirac resisted further fragmentation proposed by the Socialist government, denouncing plans to grant full municipal autonomy and separate mayors to each as "absurd," arguing they would undermine the city's unified administration and exacerbate divisions. This preserved centralized executive authority under the mayor while incorporating limited local input, aligning with Chirac's emphasis on efficient, top-down to modernize 's , which had long been dominated by appointed prefects. Chirac's tenure featured targeted administrative initiatives to enhance urban livability and infrastructure, including the launch of "Opération Paris Propre" in the late , a comprehensive street cleaning and maintenance program that deployed additional sanitation crews and improved to combat visible . He also expanded , establishing programs for the elderly, disabled residents, and single-parent families, such as subsidized and community centers, funded through municipal budgets to address vulnerabilities in a densely populated of approximately 2.2 million. Urban development projects under his administration included the redevelopment of into a mixed-use commercial and cultural hub, the Bercy district transformation housing the , and the Seine Rive Gauche initiative, which rezoned former industrial areas for residential, office, and green spaces, aiming to revitalize eastern through public-private partnerships. In 1990, he announced a restoration plan for the , widening sidewalks, planting 700 trees, and enhancing pedestrian areas to reclaim the avenue from heavy traffic. Additionally, in 1985, Chirac privatized water distribution services, awarding contracts to private firms like Compagnie Générale des Eaux, which reduced municipal operational costs but later drew scrutiny for potential favoritism in bidding. These reforms were shadowed by persistent allegations of administrative , including the misuse of funds for partisan purposes and rigged contracts in projects. Investigations revealed schemes where municipal jobs were created for RPR party workers without legitimate duties, and kickbacks were allegedly extracted from construction firms awarded deals for urban works like road repairs and building projects. In , a court convicted Chirac of and abuse of trust related to fictitious during his mayoralty, imposing a two-year ; the ruling highlighted systemic favoritism in hiring but noted no direct personal enrichment. Despite such scandals, Chirac's administration delivered measurable improvements in services and city aesthetics, contributing to Paris's reputation as a more habitable metropolis by the mid-1990s.

Contests for Party Leadership and Opposition Dynamics (1976–1986)

Chirac resigned as on August 26, 1976, protesting that President had undermined his authority by bypassing consultation on key decisions, including a , and pursuing policies divergent from Gaullist traditions. This abrupt departure exacerbated longstanding tensions between Chirac, a staunch Gaullist emphasizing strong executive power and national , and Giscard, whose administration favored liberal economic reforms and . In response, Chirac founded the Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) on December 5, 1976, as a vehicle to reorganize Gaullist forces outside Giscard's control, drawing on elements from the Union des Démocrates pour la République (UDR) to advocate for a return to de Gaulle's legacy of independence and . The creation of the RPR marked the onset of intra-right contests for ideological and organizational primacy, with Chirac positioning himself against Giscard's Union pour la Démocratie Française (UDF) as the authentic heir to . This rivalry intensified ahead of the 1978 legislative elections, where Chirac's strategy sought to consolidate a distinct Gaullist base rather than fully subsuming it under Giscard's broader centrist coalition. By challenging Giscard's leadership, Chirac aimed to prevent the dilution of conservative principles, though the right maintained an uneasy alliance to counter the left. The 1981 presidential election crystallized this division: Chirac entered as the RPR candidate, directly contesting Giscard and splitting the conservative vote, which enabled Socialist Mitterrand's advancement from the first round. Following Mitterrand's victory, Chirac assumed leadership of the right-wing opposition in the , focusing parliamentary resistance on economic critiques of socialist nationalizations and critiquing the government's concessions. However, his preeminence faced a sustained challenge from , Giscard's prime minister from 1976 to 1981, who positioned himself as a more moderate, technocratic alternative within the UDF. This , peaking in the mid-1980s, pitted Chirac's combative, mass-appeal style—rooted in Gaullist and direct engagement with voters—against Barre's emphasis on fiscal rigor and institutional continuity, delaying unified right-wing strategy until electoral pressures mounted. Opposition dynamics shifted toward cohesion by 1985–1986, as public discontent with Mitterrand's policies— including high unemployment and inflation—eroded socialist support. Chirac brokered an electoral pact with the UDF, sidelining Barre's candidacy ambitions and unifying behind a platform of privatization, deregulation, and tax cuts. In the March 1986 legislative elections, conducted under proportional representation, the RPR-UDF alliance secured an absolute majority with 289 seats, reversing the left's control and enabling Chirac's appointment as prime minister on March 20, 1986, for France's first cohabitation government. This outcome validated Chirac's persistent maneuvering for dominance, though it underscored the fragility of right-wing unity forged through rivalry rather than consensus.

Second Prime Ministership and Electoral Setbacks

Cohabitation Government under Mitterrand (1986–1988)

Following the legislative elections of 16 March 1986, in which the centre-right alliance of the Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) and Union pour la Démocratie Française (UDF) secured a parliamentary majority of 489 seats out of 577, President François Mitterrand appointed Jacques Chirac as Prime Minister on 20 March 1986. This marked the first instance of cohabitation in the Fifth Republic, where a socialist president governed alongside a conservative executive, dividing powers under the 1958 Constitution: Mitterrand retained authority over foreign policy and defense as the domaine réservé, while Chirac controlled domestic affairs. Chirac's government prioritized reversing Mitterrand's 1981 nationalizations through privatization ordinances, targeting 65 companies including banks like Banque Nationale de Paris and , as well as industries such as and television. When Mitterrand refused to countersign the ordinances in July 1986, citing constitutional concerns over bypassing , Chirac's administration instead enacted seven privatization laws via legislative approval, successfully returning these entities to private ownership by 1988 and raising approximately 30 billion francs in state revenue. Additional reforms included reducing income taxes by 15-25% for middle-income earners, cutting payroll contributions, and deregulating sectors like and to foster competition, though these measures faced opposition from left-wing unions and Mitterrand's public critiques. In foreign policy, cohabitation produced limited friction, with Chirac aligning on key issues such as maintaining France's independent nuclear deterrent and , including support for the . However, underlying tensions emerged, exemplified by Mitterrand's July 1986 press conference denouncing Chirac's economic agenda as reckless, and Chirac's occasional challenges to presidential prerogatives, such as in handling the Chernobyl nuclear disaster response in April 1986. The period tested institutional balances without paralysis, as Chirac implemented over 100 ordinances under Article 38 for administrative streamlining, but public approval waned amid rising unemployment (peaking at 10.5% by 1987) and inflation concerns. The government concluded on 10 May 1988 when Mitterrand dissolved the ahead of presidential elections, leading to a socialist legislative on 5 and 12 1988 that restored a left-wing ; Chirac resigned on 28 1988, ending after 27 months. This episode demonstrated the Fifth Republic's adaptability but highlighted risks of divided governance, with Chirac's tenure credited for initiating France's shift toward market-oriented reforms despite ideological clashes.

Period of Political Isolation ("Crossing the Desert," 1988–1995)

Chirac's second stint as ended abruptly following his defeat in the 1988 presidential election, where incumbent secured re-election with 54 percent of the vote in the runoff on May 8. The subsequent legislative elections, called by Chirac's government in hopes of consolidating power, instead yielded a Socialist-led on and 12, forcing his resignation on May 10—earlier than the constitutional deadline—to avoid a no-confidence vote. This outcome initiated a phase of reduced national influence dubbed "la traversée du désert," characterized by strategic reassessment within the center-right amid Mitterrand's strengthened mandate. From 1988 to 1993, Chirac sustained his role as president of the Gaullist Rassemblement pour la République (RPR), directing parliamentary opposition to Mitterrand's policies while controversies, including unproven allegations of a 1986 deal exchanging French hostages in for arms sales to , eroded his stature. Concurrently, he preserved a local power base as —a post held since 1977—implementing urban projects amid persistent corruption scandals that implicated his administration but did not derail his tenure until 1995. The center-right's decisive victory in the March 1993 legislative elections, securing 472 seats for the Union pour la France coalition (RPR and UDF), ushered in a second cohabitation under Mitterrand. Despite Chirac's foundational role in the RPR, he endorsed the appointment of Édouard Balladur—a longtime protégé and finance minister—as prime minister on March 29, 1993, prioritizing Balladur's higher approval ratings and technocratic appeal over his own candidacy. Balladur's government pursued privatization and Maastricht Treaty ratification, but Chirac's sidelining exacerbated intra-party tensions, as Balladur's popularity positioned him as the presumed 1995 presidential frontrunner, contravening an informal assurance not to oppose Chirac. This marginalization deepened Chirac's isolation, with polls in 1994 showing him trailing Balladur significantly and facing skepticism over his electability. To counter this, Chirac undertook outreach, including themed tours emphasizing rural issues, security, and cultural heritage, alongside visits to overseas departments like and in November 1994 to bolster ties with peripheral electorates. Open feuds erupted by October 1994, as Chirac criticized Balladur's economic handling—particularly franc devaluation pressures—and urged party unity behind a single candidate, implicitly himself. These efforts, amid Balladur's campaign vulnerabilities from policy critiques and nascent financial improprieties, set the stage for Chirac's resurgence, though his national influence remained constrained through early 1995.

Presidency: First Term (1995–2002)

Election Victory and Initial Domestic Agenda

Chirac secured victory in the after trailing in the first round on April 23, where Socialist led with 23.3% of the vote amid a fragmented field including National Front leader at 15%. In the runoff on May 7, Chirac defeated Jospin by emphasizing themes of social cohesion and economic renewal, capturing a narrow majority in a contest marked by high turnout of approximately 79.7%. The campaign highlighted France's persistent unemployment, hovering near 12%, and urban , with Chirac pledging to address the "fracture sociale" through job creation and reduced social divides rather than rigid austerity. emerged as a pivotal issue, with Chirac advocating stricter controls to prioritize French citizens in employment and welfare access, appealing to voters concerned over integration challenges. Inaugurated on May 17, 1995, Chirac appointed , his longtime ally and former interior minister, as , leveraging the center-right's parliamentary majority from the 1993 legislative elections to advance an initial agenda centered on employment initiatives and fiscal discipline. Early measures included proposals for youth employment contracts and incentives for private sector hiring to combat , alongside commitments to relief and to stimulate growth, diverging from the prior Socialist emphasis on state intervention. However, to meet the Treaty's convergence criteria for European monetary union—requiring budget deficits below 3% of GDP—the government prioritized deficit reduction, targeting cuts of around 60 billion francs through streamlined public spending. Juppé's November 1995 reform package formed the core of this agenda, proposing overhauls to the welfare system, including higher healthcare contributions, pension adjustments aligned with private schemes, and reorganization of state railways like to curb deficits. These steps aimed to restore fiscal health amid France's 5.5% deficit-to-GDP ratio but clashed with campaign rhetoric on social healing, as they imposed pay freezes and delayed tax cuts, igniting widespread strikes involving millions by December. The reforms underscored a tension between short-term for eligibility and promises of inclusive prosperity, with Juppé defending them as essential to prevent economic marginalization in . Despite partial backtracking on contentious elements like full equalization, the episode highlighted early challenges in balancing electoral pledges with structural fiscal imperatives.

Acknowledgment of Vichy Collaboration and Historical Reckoning

On July 16, 1995, during the commemoration of the 53rd anniversary of the , President Jacques Chirac delivered a speech at the memorial site in , marking the first official acknowledgment by a French of the regime's complicity in the deportation of Jews during . The , conducted on July 16–17, 1942, involved approximately 4,500 French police officers arresting nearly 13,000 Jews in , including over 4,000 children, who were initially confined in the stadium before transfer to transit camps and eventual deportation to Auschwitz, where most perished. Chirac explicitly stated, "Yes, the criminal insanity of the occupying forces was supported by some French people and the French State," and emphasized that "France... committed the irreparable. Failing its word, it delivered those it protected to their executioners." This address broke a longstanding post-war taboo in France, where leaders such as had portrayed the Vichy regime under Marshal as an illegitimate aberration unconnected to the , thereby absolving the state of direct responsibility for anti-Semitic policies and deportations that claimed around 76,000 Jewish lives. , Chirac's predecessor, who had served in administration before joining the Resistance, similarly evaded full accountability in public statements, such as his 1992 remarks distancing the from Vichy actions. Chirac's words—"These dark hours forever sully our history and are an insult to our past and our traditions"—rejected such equivocation, attributing culpability to the French state itself and underscoring France's failure to uphold its Enlightenment values and asylum traditions. The speech elicited praise from Jewish leaders, including historian , who described it as encompassing "everything we hoped to hear," signaling a pivotal shift toward national introspection. It catalyzed broader historical reckoning, paving the way for enhanced education in schools by 1998, expanded memorials, victim compensation initiatives, and subsequent presidential affirmations of complicity by figures like Jacques Chirac's successors. While some critics viewed Chirac's timing—early in his presidency—as politically motivated to differentiate from Mitterrand and court Jewish support, the address's emphasis on transparency and vigilance against established it as a of France's evolving confrontation with its wartime past.

Foreign Policy Shifts and Defense Reforms

Upon assuming the on May 17, 1995, Jacques Chirac initiated significant reforms in French defense policy, emphasizing modernization and adaptability to post-Cold War realities. On February 22, 1996, he announced the termination of compulsory military service, which had been in place since , with the transition to a fully professional volunteer force to be completed by the end of 2001. This reform reduced active personnel from approximately 500,000 to around 300,000, while prioritizing force projection capabilities for overseas operations over territorial defense against invasion, which Chirac deemed obsolete. The changes also involved streamlining armaments production and restructuring the defense industry to lower costs and enhance interoperability with allies. These defense adjustments aligned with a broader orientation toward pragmatic while preserving French , rooted in Gaullist traditions. A key early action was the resumption of nuclear testing on June 13, 1995, ending a three-year moratorium imposed by predecessor ; Chirac authorized six underground tests at Mururoa Atoll in the South Pacific between September 5, 1995, and January 27, 1996, to validate computer simulations for maintaining the nuclear arsenal without future physical detonations. This decision, justified as essential for amid uncertainties in treaties, provoked international condemnation, including protests in and , and strained relations with Pacific nations, underscoring Chirac's willingness to prioritize deterrence credibility over immediate diplomatic consensus. France subsequently signed the in September 1996, signaling a shift toward simulation-based . In parallel, Chirac pursued a cautious rapprochement with , departing from decades of French detachment initiated by in 1966. Addressing the U.S. Congress on February 1, 1996, he advocated for a reformed alliance emphasizing European contributions, while rejoined 's military committee and increased participation in Bosnia peacekeeping under command. However, full reintegration into the integrated military command structure remained elusive during his first term, as Chirac conditioned it on greater parity for European voices and reductions in U.S. dominance, reflecting a balance between transatlantic cooperation and independence. These moves facilitated joint operations, such as French troop deployments in the , but preserved 's emphasis on European defense autonomy alongside traditional Franco-German partnership.

Cohabitation with Jospin and Policy Compromises

Following the unexpected dissolution of the National Assembly by President Chirac on 21 April 1997, legislative elections held on 25 May and 1 June resulted in a majority for the Plural Left coalition, comprising Socialists, Communists, and Greens, with 289 seats out of 577. This outcome forced Chirac to appoint Socialist leader Lionel Jospin as Prime Minister on 2 June 1997, initiating a five-year cohabitation period that lasted until the 2002 presidential election. Under France's semi-presidential system, Jospin controlled domestic policy through his parliamentary majority, while Chirac retained authority over foreign affairs, defense, and constitutional prerogatives, leading to a division of executive power marked by public tensions but institutional functionality. Jospin's government prioritized left-wing economic and social reforms to address 12.6% , including the Aubry of 13 June 1998, which mandated a reduction of the standard workweek from 39 to 35 hours by 1 January 2000 without wage cuts for most workers, supplemented by the 2000 Aubry II allowing negotiated flexibility. Chirac publicly denounced the measure as "rigid and authoritarian," arguing it would harm competitiveness, yet he promulgated the legislation as required by the , lacking veto power over bills passed by a . Other initiatives included raising the (SMIC) by 23% in real terms over the period, introducing youth insertion contracts (Nouveau Service d'Insertion pour les Jeunes), and granting a one-year regularization window for approximately 80,000 undocumented immigrants in 1998. Chirac critiqued these as fiscally irresponsible and populist, using speeches to rally the opposition, but accepted their implementation, contributing to 's decline to 8.9% by 2002, though debates persist on the reforms' causal role versus broader economic recovery. A notable area of compromise emerged in constitutional reform. Jospin proposed shortening the presidential term from seven to five years (quinquennat) to synchronize elections and reduce cohabitation risks, prompting Chirac—despite initial reservations about altering his own mandate—to endorse the change for institutional stability. On 24 September 2000, Chirac called and campaigned for a referendum on the amendment, which passed with 73% approval, effective for the 2002 election; this bipartisan alignment highlighted pragmatic cooperation amid rivalry, as Chirac's support was essential for congressional ratification. Personal frictions intensified, with Jospin's aides decrying Chirac's foreign trips as evasion and Chirac viewing Jospin's agenda as ideologically driven, yet no invocation of emergency powers under Article 16 occurred, preserving governance without paralysis. The cohabitation ended with Chirac's re-election on 5 May 2002, restoring right-wing parliamentary control after Jospin's first-round defeat.

Presidency: Second Term (2002–2007)

Re-Election amid Far-Right Challenge

In the 2002 French presidential election, incumbent President Jacques Chirac faced a fragmented field in the first round held on April 21, amid widespread voter dissatisfaction with the cohabitation government under Prime Minister Lionel Jospin. Chirac, representing the Rally for the Republic, secured 19.9% of the vote (5,665,855 votes), while Jospin of the Socialist Party received 16.2% (4,610,113 votes). Unexpectedly, Jean-Marie Le Pen of the National Front garnered 16.9% (4,804,713 votes), advancing to the runoff by eliminating Jospin in third place, a result attributed to vote fragmentation among 16 candidates, low turnout of 71.6%, and protest votes against establishment figures. Le Pen's qualification provoked national shock and mass protests, with over 1.5 million demonstrators rallying against the National Front's platform, which emphasized controls, law-and-order policies, and . Mainstream parties, including socialists and centrists, urged a "republican front" to block Le Pen, endorsing Chirac despite his own modest first-round support stemming from perceived policy inertia during . Chirac campaigned on unity and moderation, refusing a televised with Le Pen and focusing on economic reforms, security, and , while avoiding direct engagement on Le Pen's core issues to consolidate anti-extremist votes. The May 5 runoff saw Chirac achieve a with 82.2% of the vote (25,537,956 votes) against Le Pen's 17.8% (5,525,032 votes), the highest margin in French presidential , driven by cross-ideological support rather than enthusiasm for Chirac's agenda. Turnout rose to 79.7%, reflecting mobilized opposition to the far right. This outcome strengthened Chirac's mandate, leading to a center-right parliamentary in June legislative elections, though it highlighted underlying electoral volatility and the mainstream left's vulnerabilities. Le Pen's performance, while a setback in the runoff, signaled persistent appeal for nationalist critiques of and amid France's 8.7% rate in 2002.

Opposition to Iraq War and Transatlantic Tensions

Chirac articulated France's opposition to military action against without explicit authorization, emphasizing multilateralism and the absence of an imminent threat from Saddam Hussein's regime. On January 22, 2003, alongside German Chancellor , Chirac publicly challenged the prospect of war, advocating for continued inspections by UN weapons experts rather than preemptive invasion. This stance aligned with France's longstanding preference for in resolving international crises, rooted in post-World War II commitments to mechanisms. As tensions escalated in early 2003, Chirac's government, including Foreign Minister , intensified diplomatic efforts at the UN. On March 18, 2003, Chirac declared that posed no immediate danger warranting war and affirmed France's refusal to participate in any coalition military effort, signaling readiness to a second UN resolution authorizing force. De Villepin's February 14 address to the Security Council further underscored this position, arguing against precipitous action and calling for more time for inspections, which resonated internationally but drew sharp rebukes from the . The invasion commenced on March 20, 2003, without French involvement, prompting Chirac to reiterate on September 23, 2003, at the UN that bypassing the organization had undermined its credibility and global authority. The rift exacerbated transatlantic divisions, particularly between and Washington under President , who viewed France's non-cooperation as a of alliance solidarity. U.S. congressional actions, such as renaming "freedom fries" in federal cafeterias in March 2003, symbolized public and political acrimony, while Bush administration officials accused Chirac of emboldening adversaries by prioritizing UN consensus over decisive action against perceived WMD threats. Chirac, in turn, criticized the war's aftermath, stating in November 2004 that the had aggravated global by destabilizing the region and failing to secure international legitimacy. These exchanges strained relations, with U.S. Defense Secretary dismissing opposing European nations as "Old Europe" in January 2003, highlighting a perceived divide between Atlanticist and Gaullist visions of security policy. Efforts at reconciliation emerged by mid-2004 amid shared interests in stabilizing post-invasion and , as evidenced by Bush and Chirac's June 5 meeting during D-Day commemorations, where both leaders pledged despite lingering disagreements. Nonetheless, the marked a low point in Franco-American ties since the 1966 withdrawal under de Gaulle, reinforcing Chirac's commitment to while underscoring the costs of diverging from U.S. leadership in collective defense frameworks. Domestically, Chirac's defiance bolstered his image among anti-war publics in and beyond, though it fueled accusations of opportunism given France's prior oil contracts with under sanctions.

European Referendum, Economic Policies, and Social Unrest

In March 2005, Chirac announced a referendum on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, scheduled for May 29, amid growing domestic skepticism toward further European integration. Despite Chirac's active campaigning in favor of ratification, arguing it would strengthen France's influence within the EU, voters rejected the treaty by 54.68% to 45.32%, reflecting widespread concerns over national sovereignty, economic liberalization, and perceived threats to French social models. The defeat, which preceded a similar rejection in the Netherlands, undermined Chirac's authority and prompted a government reshuffle, with the appointment of Dominique de Villepin as prime minister on May 31 to provide "fresh impetus." Chirac subsequently acknowledged the sovereign decision of the electorate in a televised address, though the outcome highlighted divisions within his center-right coalition and public discontent with his leadership. Chirac's economic agenda during his second term emphasized tax reductions to stimulate growth, continuation of efforts, and labor market reforms to address persistent high , which averaged around 9-10% from to and affected disproportionately. Under Prime Ministers and later de Villepin, the government pursued modest deregulation, including attempts to loosen the introduced under prior socialist rule, but faced resistance from unions and opposition parties. De Villepin's flagship reform, the Contrat Première Embauche (CPE) announced in 2006, aimed to ease hiring and firing for those under 26 to combat exceeding 20%, offering two-year contracts with simplified dismissal procedures. However, massive student and union protests, involving millions in demonstrations, forced Chirac to withdraw the CPE in April 2006, illustrating the administration's struggles with structural rigidities in 's labor code and contributing to perceptions of policy paralysis. Overall, GDP growth remained subdued at about 1.5-2% annually, with public spending high and deficits straining EU stability pact limits, as Chirac prioritized social spending over deeper fiscal . Social tensions escalated into widespread unrest in October-November 2005, when riots erupted in suburbs (banlieues) following the electrocution deaths of two teenagers, Zyed Benna and Bouna Traoré, on October 27 while fleeing police in . The violence, involving of over 8,000 vehicles, attacks on public buildings, and clashes with , spread to over 250 localities and lasted nearly , resulting in one death, thousands of arrests, and damages estimated at €200 million. Primarily affecting immigrant-heavy, low-income areas with high and segregation, the riots exposed failures in integration policies, including , inadequate , and ghettoization in housing projects (HLMs). Chirac declared a on November 8, invoking 1955 colonial-era laws, and in a November 14 address admitted the events had "exposed inequality" and called for a "moral pact of responsibility" toward suburbs, though critics argued his government had underinvested in prevention despite prior warnings. The unrest, quelled by November 15 through curfews and 40,000 additional police deployments, underscored deeper societal fractures under Chirac's tenure, linking economic stagnation with ethnic and class divides, and foreshadowed ongoing challenges in French urban policy.

Later Challenges: Assassination Attempt, Retirement Planning

On July 14, 2002, during the in , President Chirac survived an assassination attempt when 25-year-old fired a single shot from a concealed in a guitar case at Chirac's open-top from a distance of approximately 40 meters. The bullet struck a nearby building, missing Chirac and his entourage; security personnel subdued Brunerie immediately after, preventing further shots. Brunerie, who confessed to police that his intent was to destabilize the French government and advance far-right causes, had ties to neo-Nazi groups such as Unité Radicale but acted alone in the attack. He was convicted of in 2004, receiving a 10-year sentence reduced due to psychiatric factors, and was released in 2008 after treatment. The incident, occurring shortly after Chirac's re-election, heightened security measures for public presidential appearances but did not alter his immediate policy agenda. As Chirac's second term progressed toward its 2007 conclusion, he faced the challenge of orchestrating a controlled transition amid internal party rivalries and personal reflections on post-presidency life, ultimately deciding against seeking a third term despite constitutional eligibility. In early 2007, with presidential elections approaching, Chirac signaled his intent to retire, emphasizing in public statements a desire to prioritize family and legacy projects over continued campaigning, marking a shift from earlier ambiguity. He endorsed , his interior minister and UMP rival, as the party's candidate in March 2007, facilitating a handover within the Gaullist tradition while avoiding a divisive primary contest. This planning included preparations for the Jacques Chirac Foundation, focused on conflict prevention and cultural , which he established shortly after leaving office to sustain his influence on international affairs. Chirac's decision reflected pragmatic assessment of his waning popularity—polls showed approval ratings below 30% amid and the 2005 riots—prioritizing party unity and personal health over an unlikely re-election bid against younger contenders.

Major Controversies

Osirak Nuclear Reactor Controversy

In 1975, during Jacques Chirac's tenure as Prime Minister of France (1974–1976), the French government under President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing negotiated and advanced a bilateral agreement to supply Iraq with a 40-megawatt nuclear research reactor, designated Tammuz-1 (commonly known as Osirak), to be constructed near Baghdad by the French company Technicatome. The deal, valued at approximately $300 million, included provisions for French technical assistance and low-enriched uranium fuel, ostensibly for peaceful medical and scientific research, though Iraq's procurement of additional uranium from France and other suppliers raised concerns about potential diversion to weapons development. Critics in France attributed the pro-Iraqi orientation of the policy, which prioritized economic ties with Saddam Hussein's regime amid oil interests, largely to Chirac's influence as premier, earning the reactor the derisive nickname "O'Chirac" among opponents who viewed it as emblematic of his personal eagerness for lucrative Middle Eastern contracts. The controversy intensified after Israel's preemptive on June 7, 1981, which destroyed the nearly operational reactor, citing intelligence that under intended to use it for plutonium production to build nuclear weapons targeted at . condemned the attack as a violation of and the reactor's safeguards under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, with officials insisting the facility lacked reprocessing capabilities for weapons-grade material; however, declassified documents later revealed Iraqi efforts to modify the design covertly for military purposes, validating Israel's fears of an emerging nuclear threat from a Ba'athist regime that had invaded in 1980 and suppressed internal dissent brutally. Chirac, out of office at the time but a prominent Gaullist figure, did not publicly distance himself from the deal initially, reflecting 's broader in that favored arms and energy sales to over alignment with U.S. or Israeli security concerns. By the mid-1980s, as Chirac prepared for the 1988 presidential election, he sought to mitigate backlash from Jewish voters and pro-Israel constituencies by denying direct involvement in the Osirak sale, claiming in public statements that he had "never had anything to do with" the transaction despite his government's role in its early stages. This reversal drew accusations of historical revisionism, particularly from critics who highlighted Chirac's 1986 return as , during which explored options to supply replacement uranium to and maintained close economic relations with Hussein's government, including billions in arms deals. The episode underscored tensions in Chirac's legacy: a pragmatic pursuit of French commercial interests in the Gulf, which empirically strengthened Iraq's technological base but causally contributed to regional instability by emboldening Hussein's ambitions, as evidenced by his subsequent chemical weapons use against and . While no evidence links Chirac personally to explicit weapons intent, the deal's facilitation under his watch exemplified 's willingness to engage authoritarian clients for economic gain, a pattern that persisted into Chirac's presidency and fueled transatlantic distrust.

Corruption Convictions and Embezzlement Charges

In December 2011, a court convicted former President Jacques Chirac of of public funds, abuse of trust, and illegal , stemming from his tenure as from 1977 to 1995. The charges centered on a scheme involving the creation of at least 21 fictitious or partially fictitious jobs at City Hall between 1990 and 1995, through which approximately €1.4 million in public funds were diverted to benefit Chirac's Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) . Court documents established that Chirac, as the "mastermind" of the operation, knowingly approved these positions for party loyalists who performed little to no actual work for the city, effectively misappropriating taxpayer money for political purposes. The trial, which began on , 2011, marked the first time a former French faced criminal conviction for , following years of investigations that intensified after Chirac left office in 2007. Chirac, then aged 79 and excused from attending due to documented health issues including neurological conditions, maintained his innocence, with his legal team arguing the jobs provided legitimate administrative support. He received a two-year suspended sentence—meaning no actual incarceration owing to his frailty—and was fined, though the ruling emphasized his central role in the systematic abuse rather than isolated errors by subordinates. Related probes dated back to at least 2000, with formal indictments in 2007 and accusing Chirac of similar fictitious employment practices involving up to 35 individuals at city hall during 1994–1995. These cases overlapped with the 2011 verdict but were consolidated into the primary judgment on the RPR-linked jobs; broader allegations of influence peddling and party financing irregularities persisted but did not yield additional convictions during Chirac's lifetime. The convictions highlighted entrenched practices in French political , where municipal resources were routinely leveraged for partisan gain, though Chirac's Gaullist defenders framed the prosecutions as politically motivated retribution from rivals.

Clearstream Scandal and Political Intrigue

The Clearstream affair originated from probes into alleged kickbacks in international arms deals, notably the 1991 sale of six French frigates to for approximately $2.8 billion, which prompted judicial investigations starting in June 2001 into potential illicit payments to French officials and executives. By early 2004, forged listings of purported secret accounts at , a Luxembourg-based financial , surfaced during these inquiries; the documents falsely implicated over 160 prominent figures, including politicians and business leaders, in receiving laundered funds from the Taiwan contracts and other deals. These lists, fabricated by Clearstream employee Imad Lahoud using company data, notably featured entries under pseudonyms linking to , then finance minister and a leading rival to President Jacques Chirac within the (UMP) party. The scandal escalated into a web of political intrigue when General Philippe Rondot, a defense intelligence operative, was enlisted in 2003 by Dominique de Villepin—Chirac's foreign minister at the time—to verify the lists' authenticity amid the Taiwan probe; Rondot's notes, leaked in 2005, suggested Villepin's awareness of the fabrications and potential intent to leverage them against Sarkozy ahead of the 2007 presidential succession. This maneuver reflected deeper factional tensions in Chirac's administration, where allies like Villepin (elevated to prime minister in 2005) sought to undermine Sarkozy's bid for the UMP nomination and presidency, viewing him as a threat to Chirac's Gaullist legacy; leaked documents and testimonies indicated informal discussions within the Élysée circle, though no direct orders from Chirac were proven. Chirac himself maintained public detachment, refusing to appear before a parliamentary inquiry commission in June 2007 despite summons, citing presidential immunity and dismissing the matter as a judicial distraction. Public exposure intensified in April 2006 when investigative journalist Denis Robert and others revealed the lists' circulation to magistrates and media, prompting a dedicated slander investigation that ensnared Rondot, Lahoud (convicted in 2008 for forgery and sentenced to 18 months), and Villepin. The affair laid bare systemic rivalries in French elite politics, with accusations of state intelligence misuse for partisan ends; while no substantive corruption from the original arms deals was substantiated via the Clearstream lists, the episode eroded trust in Chirac's inner circle and bolstered Sarkozy's narrative of victimhood, aiding his 2007 election victory. In a 2009-2010 trial, Villepin was convicted of complicity in denigration for failing to alert authorities to the smear but received no penalty; his 2011 appeals acquittal, upheld by prosecutors' arguments on insufficient proof of intent, effectively closed the case without implicating Chirac directly, though it underscored the opacity of executive power plays during his tenure.

Post-Presidency, Personal Life, and Death

Health Decline and Final Years

Following his departure from the presidency on May 16, 2007, Jacques Chirac's health deteriorated progressively, building on complications from a minor he suffered on September 2, 2005, while still in office, which caused vision impairment in one eye and required a week-long hospitalization. In April 2008, he underwent to implant a pacemaker to address cardiac irregularities. By the early , Chirac exhibited severe memory loss, which led to his exemption from physically attending his 2011 after medical documentation confirmed cognitive impairments incompatible with participation. Reports at the time speculated on as a contributing factor, though Chirac himself denied the diagnosis, insisting on his well-being, and his wife Bernadette publicly rejected the Alzheimer's claims. In subsequent years, Chirac largely withdrew from public life; by 2014, stated he would no longer make public appearances due to persistent memory difficulties. He resided primarily at his apartment, receiving ongoing medical care for neurological conditions linked to prior vascular events and cognitive decline. Chirac died on September 26, 2019, at the age of 86, from unspecified complications of a long-term neurological illness, amid members.

Family Dynamics and Personal Interests

Jacques Chirac married Bernadette Chodron de Courcel on March 17, 1956, in a union that lasted until his in 2019, spanning over six decades amid reports of his numerous extramarital affairs, which Bernadette publicly acknowledged but chose to endure as a matter of personal commitment and tradition. The couple had two daughters: , born March 4, 1958, and Claude, born December 6, 1962. developed severe at age 15 in 1974, enduring chronic depression, multiple attempts—estimated at over 15—and requiring continuous institutional care and 24-hour supervision into adulthood, which strained family resources and privacy. She died on April 14, 2016, at age 58 from a heart attack linked to her long-term conditions, prompting Bernadette to highlight the isolation faced by families dealing with such illnesses. Claude Chirac emerged as the more publicly visible family member, assisting her father in political communications during his presidency and later serving as a in his post-presidency years amid his health decline. Family dynamics reflected tensions from Laurence's seclusion—often described as the "hidden" or "lost" daughter—and Chirac's absences due to career demands, with Bernadette managing much of the emotional burden while maintaining public composure. The Chiracs also informally adopted Anh Dao Traxel, a Vietnamese , as a goddaughter in 1979, integrating her into life without legal . Beyond family, Chirac pursued personal interests that underscored his eclectic tastes, notably a deep enthusiasm for wrestling, which he likened to a of resilience; as , he organized Europe's first professional sumo tournament in 1991, hosted wrestlers at the , and attended events in multiple times. He amassed a significant collection of African and Oceanic art, influencing the creation of the —opened in 2006 and renamed in his honor in 2016—where he advocated for non-Western cultural recognition. Chirac retained strong attachments to his native department, hiking its landscapes and establishing the in Sarran in 2000 to display over 5,000 diplomatic gifts received during his presidency, reflecting his regionalist sentiments and post-2007 retirement focus on legacy preservation.

Death, Funeral, and Immediate Aftermath

Jacques Chirac died on September 26, 2019, at his home at the age of 86. His family stated that he passed "peacefully, surrounded by his loved ones," though no specific cause was disclosed; Chirac had endured prolonged health decline, including a 2005 leading to memory issues. Chirac's body lay in state at in starting September 29, allowing public homage, with thousands queuing to pay respects. On September 30, a memorial ceremony occurred at the Church of Saint-Sulpice, featuring pianist performing a Schubert impromptu; attendees included French President , former presidents, and international figures such as and . The family opted against a full , preferring a private burial at afterward, attended only by relatives; Chirac's widow Bernadette, aged 86 and frail, did not attend the service. France observed a on , with flags at on public buildings. Macron eulogized Chirac as a "great servant of " who embodied its spirit through service and independence. International reactions highlighted his global stance, with Merkel calling him an "outstanding partner" in , while public sentiment evoked for his charismatic era amid France's political transitions.

Ideology, Achievements, and Legacy

Gaullist Principles and Policy Positions

Chirac identified as a direct heir to Charles de Gaulle's legacy, founding the (RPR) in 1976 to revive core Gaullist tenets of national sovereignty, strategic independence, and 's global grandeur. These principles informed his policies across foreign affairs, defense, and , prioritizing autonomy from superpower dominance and intergovernmental cooperation over supranational federalism. While adapting to post-Cold War realities, Chirac's approach retained Gaullism's emphasis on as a pivotal actor in a multipolar world, rejecting unilateral alignments that could subordinate national interests. In , Chirac upheld Gaullist by resisting U.S. , exemplified by his vehement opposition to the 2003 without UN Security authorization, which he framed as a defense of and multipolarity rather than . He articulated this stance in 1978, stating, "The alliance is one thing, subordination is another," underscoring Gaullism's tradition of engaging adversaries like the U.S. with "friendly and firm refusal" when necessary. This extended to broader outreach, such as strengthening ties with and advocating balanced relations with emerging powers, aligning with de Gaulle's pivot toward global non-alignment beyond . Defense policy under Chirac reinforced Gaullist nuclear deterrence as the cornerstone of sovereignty, maintaining the independent force de frappe—France's of submarine-launched ballistic missiles, intermediate-range missiles, and air-delivered warheads—without integration into NATO's command structure. In 1995, shortly after assuming the presidency, he authorized a series of eight nuclear tests in the Pacific to simulate and upgrade warhead reliability amid technological advancements, concluding the program definitively in January 1996 after international protests. Though briefly floating "concerted deterrence" with allies in 1995, Chirac reverted to strict national control, preserving de Gaulle's tous azimuts (all-azimuths) doctrine for omnidirectional threats. On European policy, Chirac pursued a Gaullist vision of a led by , fostering autonomous capabilities like the 1998 Saint-Malo Declaration with Britain, which called for the EU to develop "credible military forces" for independent action backed by a common defense policy. This balanced Franco-German partnership with resistance to deeper integration that eroded sovereignty, such as his initial skepticism toward monetary union, reflecting de Gaulle's Fouchet Plan for intergovernmental defense cooperation rather than federal supranationalism. Economically, Chirac's positions echoed Gaullist —state-directed investment for —but with pragmatic shifts; as from 1986 to 1988, he privatized 13 state firms, raising 78 billion francs for public coffers, diverging from pure interventionism toward market liberalization under constraints. Yet in his 1995 presidential bid, he pledged a "republican pact" reviving state intervention to combat , prioritizing social cohesion over unfettered markets, consistent with Gaullism's welfare-state foundations amid France's 12.2% jobless rate that year.

Key Accomplishments versus Enduring Criticisms

Chirac's opposition to the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq stands as a hallmark of his independence, as France under his leadership refused participation without explicit authorization, a stance that rallied significant international support and later gained vindication amid revelations of flawed intelligence on weapons of mass destruction. This decision preserved French military resources and reinforced Gaullist principles of , though it strained temporarily. Domestically, Chirac oversaw France's integration into the by meeting the criteria through budget deficit reductions, enabling the country's adoption of the single European currency on January 1, 1999, which facilitated economic stability and trade within the . His administration advanced privatization of state-owned enterprises, including major corporations, to enhance competitiveness and reduce public debt burdens, measures that contributed to fiscal discipline despite political resistance. Additionally, Chirac's 1995 speech at the acknowledged the French state's complicity in the deportation of 76,000 during , marking a pivotal admission that facilitated national reconciliation with its Vichy-era history. In environmental and spheres, Chirac initiated policies such as the 2007 ban on in public places, which reduced tobacco-related illnesses and exposure, drawing on evidence from prior Scandinavian models. He also established the Fondation Chirac in 2008 to promote and intercultural dialogue, reflecting a post-presidential commitment to global issues like and , though its impact remained more symbolic than transformative. Yet Chirac's tenure faced enduring criticism for economic stagnation, with unemployment hovering around 10% throughout much of his presidency—peaking at 10.5% in 1997 and remaining above 8% by 2007—exacerbated by resistance to labor market reforms and pension adjustments, leading to widespread strikes that paralyzed public services. His early resumption of nuclear testing in the South Pacific in 1995 provoked global protests and damaged France's environmental credentials, alienating Pacific nations and anti-nuclear activists without yielding proportional strategic gains. Social integration failures underscored deeper critiques, as evidenced by the riots in suburban banlieues involving over 10,000 vehicle arsons and widespread unrest, which Chirac's government addressed reactively via a rather than addressing root causes like (exceeding 25% in immigrant-heavy areas) and educational disparities. Politically, his 1997 dissolution of the backfired, resulting in a left-wing parliamentary majority and under Socialist , exposing Chirac's tactical miscalculations and contributing to perceptions of him as opportunistic—"the weathervane" for policy shifts. These elements, compounded by unaddressed structural rigidities, left with a legacy of deferred reforms, hindering long-term competitiveness against more flexible economies.

Long-Term Impact on French and Global Politics

Chirac's presidency reinforced Gaullist traditions of French in domestic and , influencing subsequent leaders to prioritize national over full alignment with supranational entities. His 2005 rejecting the Constitution , which garnered 54.7% opposition from French voters on May 29, 2005, highlighted public reservations about further integration and contributed to a broader Euroskeptic undercurrent in French politics that persisted into the . This outcome forced the to adopt the in 2007 through parliamentary ratification rather than referenda, altering the trajectory of European unification by embedding greater national veto powers. Domestically, Chirac's broad anti-extremist coalition in the 2002 presidential election, where he secured 82% of the vote against on May 5, 2002, temporarily marginalized the far-right National Front but failed to resolve underlying social tensions, as evidenced by the 2005 urban riots that exposed persistent integration challenges. On the global stage, Chirac's vehement opposition to the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of , articulated in his March 18, 2003, address to the French National Assembly and echoed at the , positioned as a counterweight to American and bolstered the narrative of a multipolar world order. This stance, supported by alliance with under , strained transatlantic relations but enhanced 's diplomatic leverage in the and , where Chirac cultivated ties with leaders like pre-invasion and maintained influence via "" networks. His advocacy for multilateralism through strengthened UN mechanisms, as stated in a November 19, 2004, speech, prefigured 's role in promoting emerging powers' forums, though it drew criticism for enabling authoritarian regimes. Long-term, Chirac's multipolar vision, first articulated post-Cold War as favoring balanced global power distribution over U.S. , influenced French continuity under successors like , who retained independence in Libya interventions, and shaped EU debates on . However, his economic policies, marked by reforms in 2000 and resistance to structural liberalization, correlated with stagnant growth averaging 1.6% annually from 1995-2007 and unemployment hovering above 8%, constraining France's global economic competitiveness and amplifying fiscal pressures that fueled later debt crises. Globally, while his Iraq dissent was vindicated by subsequent instability revelations, it entrenched Franco-American divergences, contributing to reduced French influence in until reforms under Sarkozy in 2009. Overall, Chirac's legacy endures as a defender of French exceptionalism, fostering a wary of globalization's excesses but challenged by internal divisions and relative decline in great-power status.

References

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