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Gettysburg Address
Gettysburg Address
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Gettysburg Address
Part of the Eastern theater of the American Civil War
One of only two confirmed photos of Lincoln (seated in center facing camera) at Gettysburg,[1][2][3] taken about noon on November 19, 1863; some three hours later, Lincoln delivered the famed address. To Lincoln's right is Ward Hill Lamon, Lincoln's bodyguard.
Map
DateNovember 19, 1863; 161 years ago (November 19, 1863)

The Gettysburg Address is a speech delivered by Abraham Lincoln, the 16th U.S. president, following the Battle of Gettysburg during the American Civil War. The speech has come to be viewed as one of the most famous, enduring, and historically significant speeches in American history.

Lincoln delivered the speech on the afternoon of November 19, 1863, during a formal dedication of Soldiers' National Cemetery, now known as Gettysburg National Cemetery, on the grounds where the Battle of Gettysburg was fought four and a half months earlier, between July 1 and July 3, 1863, in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. In the battle, Union army soldiers successfully repelled and defeated Confederate forces in what proved to be the Civil War's deadliest and most decisive battle, resulting in more than 50,000 Confederate and Union army casualties in a Union victory that altered the war's course in the Union's favor.[4][5]

The historical and enduring significance and fame of the Gettysburg Address is at least partly attributable to its brevity; it has only 271 words and read in less than two minutes before approximately 15,000 people who had gathered to commemorate the sacrifice of the Union soldiers, over 3,000 of whom were killed during the three-day battle. Lincoln began with a reference to the Declaration of Independence of 1776:

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

He said that the Civil War was "testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure". Lincoln then extolled the sacrifices of the thousands who died in the Battle of Gettysburg in defense of those principles, and he argued that their sacrifice should elevate the nation's commitment to ensuring the Union prevailed and the nation endured, famously saying:

that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom[6]—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.[7][8]

Despite the historical significance and fame that the speech ultimately obtained, Lincoln was scheduled to give only brief dedicatory remarks, following the main oration given by the elder statesman Edward Everett. Thus, Lincoln's closing remarks consumed a very small fraction of the day's event, which lasted for several hours. Nor was Lincoln's address immediately recognized as particularly significant. Over time, however, it came to be widely viewed as one of the greatest and most influential statements ever delivered on the American national purpose, and it came to be seen as one of the most prominent examples of the successful use of the English language and rhetoric to advance a political cause. "The Gettysburg Address did not enter the broader American canon until decades after Lincoln's death, following World War I and the 1922 opening of the Lincoln Memorial, where the speech is etched in marble. As the Gettysburg Address gained in popularity, it became a staple of school textbooks and readers, and the succinctness of the three paragraph oration permitted it to be memorized by generations of American school children," the History Channel reported in November 2024.[9]

Background

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The written invitation sent by David Wills, the primary organizer of the ceremonial dedication of Soldiers' National Cemetery, inviting Lincoln to speak at the event
A Harvest of Death, a photo taken by Timothy H. O'Sullivan immediately following the Battle of Gettysburg, showing Union army soldiers then laying dead on the Gettysburg battlefield

In inviting President Lincoln to speak at the ceremony, David Wills, a member of the committee for the November 19 Consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, wrote, "It is the desire that, after the Oration, you, as Chief Executive of the nation, formally set apart these grounds to their sacred use by a few appropriate remarks."[10]

On November 18, 1863, Lincoln departed Washington, D.C. for Gettysburg, accompanied by three of his cabinet members, William Seward, John Usher, and Montgomery Blair, several foreign officials, his secretary John Nicolay, and his assistant secretary, John Hay. During the trip, Lincoln told Hay that he felt weak. The following morning, on November 19, Lincoln mentioned to Nicolay that he felt dizzy. Hay noted during the speech that Lincoln's face had "a ghastly color" and that he was "sad, mournful, almost haggard". After the speech, when Lincoln boarded the 6:30 pm train to return to Washington, D.C., he was feverish and weak with a severe headache. He was subsequently diagnosed with a mild case of smallpox, which included a vesicular rash. Modern clinicians believe that Lincoln was likely in a prodromal period of smallpox when he delivered the Gettysburg Address.[11]

Lincoln arrived in Gettysburg later that night, just as the city was beginning to fill with large crowds who had arrived to participate in it the following day. Lincoln spent the night in Wills' house, where a large crowd appeared, singing and wanting Lincoln to speak. Lincoln left Wills' house to meet the crowd, but did not deliver any formal remarks, instead speaking briefly and extemporaneously. The crowd then continued on to the house where Lincoln's Secretary of State William Seward was staying that night. Seward spoke to crowd. Later that night, Lincoln wrote and briefly met with Seward before going to sleep around midnight.[12]

Edward Everett, who delivered the day's primary speech, a two-hour oration prior to Lincoln's much briefer remarks

While Lincoln's short address proved to be by far the most historically notable that day, and is often held up as an example of English public oratory, Edward Everett's oration was slated to be the main speech of the day. His now seldom read speech was 13,607 words in length,[13] and lasted two hours.[14] During this era, lengthy dedication addresses of cemeteries, like the one delivered by Everett, were very common. The tradition began in 1831 when Justice Joseph Story delivered a lengthy dedication address at Mount Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Many of the lengthy addresses of the era linked cemeteries to the mission of the Union.[15]

Text

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Shortly after Everett concluded his lengthy speech, which was well received by the crowd, Lincoln rose and, from the speakers' podium, addressed the crowd for only approximately two minutes.[16] His 271-word speech was ten sentences long.[17]

Despite the historical significance of Lincoln's speech, modern scholars disagree on the precise wording in Lincoln's speech, and contemporary transcriptions published in newspaper accounts of the event and several of Lincoln's handwritten copies of the address differ slightly in wording, punctuation, and structure.[18][19] Among these versions, the Bliss version, written by Lincoln after the speech as a favor for a friend, is viewed by many as the standard text.[20] Its text differs, however, from the written versions prepared by Lincoln before and after his speech. But it is the only version which includes Lincoln's signature, and the last version of the speech that he is known to have written.[20]

The Bliss version is as follows:

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

Abraham Lincoln

Lincoln's sources

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In Lincoln at Gettysburg, Garry Wills notes the parallels between Lincoln's speech and Pericles's Funeral Oration during the Peloponnesian War, described by Thucydides. Pericles' speech, like Lincoln's:

  • Begins with an acknowledgment of revered predecessors: "I shall begin with our ancestors: it is both just and proper that they should have the honor of the first mention on an occasion like the present"
  • Praises the uniqueness of the State's commitment to democracy: "If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences"
  • Honors the sacrifice of the slain, "Thus choosing to die resisting, rather than to live submitting, they fled only from dishonor, but met danger face to face"
  • Exhorts the living to continue the struggle: "You, their survivors, must determine to have as unfaltering a resolution in the field, though you may pray that it may have a happier issue."[21][22]

James M. McPherson notes this connection in his review of Wills's book.[21] Gore Vidal also draws attention to this link in a BBC documentary about oration.[23]

In contrast, writer Adam Gopnik, in The New Yorker, notes that Everett's oration was explicitly neoclassical, referring directly to Marathon and Pericles. "Lincoln's rhetoric is, instead, deliberately Biblical. (It is difficult to find a single obviously classical reference in any of his speeches.) Lincoln had mastered the sound of the King James Bible so completely that he could recast abstract issues of constitutional law in Biblical terms, making the proposition that Texas and New Hampshire should be forever bound by a single post office sound like something right out of Genesis," Gopnik wrote.[18]

Wills also observed Lincoln's usage of the imagery of birth, life, and death in the address, during which he referenced the nation as being "brought forth", "conceived", and saying that it shall not "perish".[24] A 1959 thesis by William J. Wolf suggested that the address had a central image of baptism, although Glenn LaFantasie, writing for the Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, believes that Wolf's position was likely an overstatement. Philip B. Kunhardt Jr. suggests that Lincoln was inspired by the Book of Common Prayer.[25]

Historian Allen C. Guelzo[26] and others have suggested that Lincoln's phrase, "four score and seven", was an indirect reference to the King James Version of the Bible Psalms 90:10 in which man's lifespan is described as "threescore years and ten; and if by reason of strength they be fourscore years".[27][28] LaFantasie also connected "four score and seven years" with Psalms 90:10, and referred to Lincoln's usage of the phrase "our fathers" as "mindful of the Lord's Prayer". He also refers to Garry Wills's tracing of spiritual language in the address to the Gospel of Luke.[29]

"Government of the people, by the people, for the people"

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Elihu Vedder's 1896 mural Government, inscribed with Lincoln's famed phrase, "government of the people, by the people, for the people", now housed in the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C.

Lincoln scholars have several theories about Lincoln's use of the phrase "government of the people, by the people, for the people" in the Gettysburg Address. Despite claims to the contrary, there is no evidence that a similar phrase appears in the prologue of John Wycliffe's 1384 English translation of the Bible.[30]

In "A more probable origin of a famous Lincoln phrase",[31] published in 1901 in The American Monthly Review of Reviews, Unitarian minister John White Chadwick observed that Lincoln's law partner William Herndon was known to have brought Lincoln several sermons by Theodore Parker, an abolitionist minister from Massachusetts, which proved inspiring and influential to Lincoln. Herndon wrote:

I brought with me additional sermons and lectures of Theodore Parker, who was warm in his commendation of Lincoln. One of these was a lecture on "The Effect of Slavery on the American People" ... which I gave to Lincoln, who read and returned it. He liked especially the following expression, which he marked with a pencil, and which he in substance afterwards used in his Gettysburg Address: "Democracy is direct self-government, over all the people, for all the people, by all the people."[32]

Craig R. Smith, in "Criticism of Political Rhetoric and Disciplinary Integrity", suggested that the views of government that Lincoln described in the Gettysburg Address were influenced by Daniel Webster. In his "Second Reply to Hayne" speech of January 26, 1830, Webster said, "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable!"[33] Webster described the federal government as, "made for the people, made by the people, and answerable to the people", possibly influencing Lincoln's use of "government of the people, by the people, for the people".[34] Webster, in turn, may have been influenced by an 1819 speech by John Hobhouse, 1st Baron Broughton, who said, "I am a man chosen for the people, by the people; and, if elected, I will do no other business than that of the people."[35] In Webster's "Second Reply to Hayne" speech, he also said, "This government, Sir, is the independent offspring of the popular will. It is not the creature of State legislatures; nay, more, if the whole truth must be told, the people brought it into existence, established it, and have hitherto supported it, for the very purpose, amongst others, of imposing certain salutary restraints on State sovereignties."[34]

A 2018 article claims that Lincoln was influenced by an 1852 speech by Lajos Kossuth, the leader of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, given before Ohio legislature, that included the phrase, "The spirit of our age is Democracy. All for the people, and all by the people. Nothing about the people without the people – That is Democracy!"[36][37]

Five manuscripts

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The five extant versions of Lincoln's remarks, presented as a single annotated text[a][b][c][d][e]

Each of the five known manuscript copies of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address are named for the person who received it from Lincoln. Lincoln gave copies to his private secretaries, John Nicolay and John Hay.[38] Both of these drafts were written around the time of his November 19 address, while the other three copies of the address, the Everett, Bancroft, and Bliss copies, were written by Lincoln for charitable purposes after November 19.[39][40] In part because Lincoln provided a title and signed and dated the Bliss copy, that version has become the standard text of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address.[41]

External videos
video icon Discussion with Garry Wills on the Nicolay and Hay manuscript copies held by the Library of Congress, December 12, 1994, C-SPAN

In 1874, Nicolay and Hay were appointed custodians of Lincoln's papers by Robert Todd Lincoln, Lincoln's son.[38] After appearing in facsimile in an article written by John Nicolay in 1894, the Nicolay copy was presumably among the papers given to Hay by Nicolay's daughter, Helen, following Nicolay's death in 1901. In 1908, Robert Lincoln began searching for the original copy of the Gettysburg Address, leading to his discovery of a handwritten copy that was part of the bound papers of John Hay, a copy now known as the "Hay copy" or "Hay draft".[38]

The Hay draft differed notably from the version of the Gettysburg Address published by John Nicolay. It was written on a different type of paper, had a different number of words per line and number of lines, and included editorial revisions that were personally made by Lincoln to the speech.[38]

Both the Hay and Nicolay copies of the Gettysburg Address are now housed at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., where they are encased in specially designed, temperature-controlled, sealed containers with argon gas designed to protect the documents from oxidation and continued deterioration.[42]

Nicolay copy

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The Nicolay copy[a] is often called the "first draft" of the Gettysburg Address because it is believed to be the earliest copy that exists of it.[43][44] Scholars disagree over whether the Nicolay copy was actually the copy Lincoln used at Gettysburg on November 19. In an 1894 article, which included a facsimile of the this copy, Nicolay, the custodian of Lincoln's papers, wrote that Lincoln brought the first part of the speech written in ink on Executive Mansion stationery, and that he wrote the second page in pencil on lined paper before the ceremonial dedication on November 19.[43] Matching folds are still evident on the two pages, suggesting that it could be the copy that eyewitnesses say Lincoln took from his coat pocket and read from at the ceremony.[44][45] Others believe that the delivery text has been lost, because some of the words and phrases of the Nicolay copy do not match contemporary transcriptions of Lincoln's original speech.[46] The words "under God", for example, are missing in this copy from the phrase "that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom ..." In order for the Nicolay draft to have been the reading copy, either the contemporary transcriptions were inaccurate, or Lincoln would have had to depart from his written text in several instances. This copy of the Gettysburg Address apparently remained in John Nicolay's possession until his death in 1901, when it passed to his friend and colleague John Hay.[38] The Nicolay version was on previously on display as part of the American Treasures exhibition at the Library of Congress.[47]

Hay copy

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John Hay's copy of the address, including Lincoln's handwritten corrections

The Hay copy of the address[b] was first announced to the public in 1906, following a search for the original manuscript of the address. It was found among the papers of John Hay.[38] The Hay copy differs somewhat from the manuscript of the address described by Nicolay in his article, and includes several omissions and insertions made by Lincoln, including omissions critical to the basic meaning of the sentence, not simply words that would be added by Lincoln to strengthen or clarify their meaning.[citation needed] In this copy of the address, like the Nicolay copy, the words "under God" are not present.

The Hay version has been described as "the most inexplicable" of the drafts and is sometimes referred to as the "second draft".[44][48] The Hay copy was written by Lincoln either the morning before the event, or shortly after Lincoln's return to Washington, D.C.. Those who believe that it was completed the morning of his address point to the fact that it includes several phrases that are not present in the first draft, which do appear in media coverage of the address and in subsequent copies made by Lincoln. It is probable, they conclude, that, as the Library of Congress includes in an explanatory note accompanying the original copies of the first and second drafts, that this was the version that Lincoln read from when he delivered the address.[49] Lincoln eventually gave this copy of the speech to Hay, whose descendants donated it and the Nicolay copy to the Library of Congress in 1916.[50]

Everett copy

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The Everett copy,[c] also known as the "Everett-Keyes copy"[why?], was given to Edward Everett by Lincoln in early 1864, after Everett requested it.[51] Everett collected the speeches at the Gettysburg dedication into a bound volume, which was sold for the benefit of stricken soldiers at New York's Sanitary Commission Fair. The draft Lincoln sent Everett is known as the third autograph copy, and is now held by the Illinois State Library in Springfield, Illinois,[49] where it is displayed in the Treasures Gallery of the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum.

Bancroft copy

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The Bancroft copy[d] of the Gettysburg Address was written out by Lincoln in February 1864, following the ceremonial dedication, at the request of George Bancroft, a former Secretary of the Navy and historian whose comprehensive ten-volume History of the United States later led him to be known as the "father of American History".[52][53] Bancroft planned to include this copy of the Gettysburg Address in Autograph Leaves of Our Country's Authors, which he planned to sell at a Soldiers' and Sailors' Sanitary Fair in Baltimore. This copy, known as the fourth copy of the address, was written by Lincoln on both sides of the paper, and it ultimately proved unusable for this purpose, and Bancroft was allowed to keep it. This manuscript is the only one version accompanied by a letter from Lincoln transmitting the manuscript and by the original envelope addressed and franked by Lincoln.[54] The Bancroft copy was held by the Bancroft family for many years, and was later sold to various dealers and purchased by Nicholas and Marguerite Lilly Noyes,[55] who donated it to Cornell University in 1949. The Bancroft copy is now held by the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections in the Carl A. Kroch Library at Cornell University.[49] This is the only copy among the five that is privately owned.[56]

Bliss copy

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Alexander Bliss' copy of the address, now on display in the Lincoln Room at the White House

Discovering that his fourth written copy could not be used, Lincoln then wrote a fifth and final draft, known as the Bliss copy[e] and named for Colonel Alexander Bliss, Bancroft's stepson and publisher of Autograph Leaves. It is the only copy of the address that is signed by Lincoln and the final version of the address that Lincoln is known to have written. Because of the care Lincoln used in preparing the Bliss copy and because this copy includes a title and is signed and dated by Lincoln, it is considered the standard version of the Gettysburg Address and the source for most facsimile reproductions of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address. It is the version that is inscribed on the South wall of the Lincoln Memorial.[41]

This draft is now displayed in the Lincoln Room of the White House, a gift of Oscar B. Cintas, former Cuban Ambassador to the United States.[49] Cintas, a wealthy collector of art and manuscripts, purchased the Bliss copy at a public auction in 1949 for $54,000 ($714,000 as of 2024), at that time the highest price ever paid for a document at public auction.[57] Cintas' properties were claimed by the Castro government after the Cuban Revolution in 1959. Cintas, who died in 1957, willed the Gettysburg Address to the American people, provided it would be kept at the White House, where it was transferred in 1959.[58]

Garry Wills concluded that the Bliss copy "is stylistically preferable to others in one significant way: Lincoln removed 'here' from 'that cause for which they (here) gave ...' The seventh 'here' is in all other versions of the speech." Wills noted the fact that Lincoln "was still making such improvements", suggesting Lincoln was more concerned with a perfected text than with an "original" one.[59]

From November 21, 2008, to January 1, 2009, the Albert H. Small Documents Gallery at the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of American History hosted a limited public viewing of the Bliss copy, with the support of then First Lady Laura Bush. The museum also launched an online exhibition and interactive gallery to enable visitors to look more closely at the document.[60]

Associated Press report

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Another contemporary source of the text is a dispatch by Joseph L. Gilbert, Associated Press, transcribed from the shorthand notes taken by reporter Joseph L. Gilbert. It also differs from the drafted text in a number of minor ways.[61][62]

Contemporary sources and reaction

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The November 20, 1863 article in The New York Times covering the event reports that Lincoln's speech was interrupted five times by applause and was followed by "long continued applause".[63]

Eyewitness reports vary on Lincoln's performance and delivery of the Gettysburg Address. In 1931, the printed recollections of 87-year-old Mrs. Sarah A. Cooke Myers, who was 19 when she attended the ceremony, suggest a dignified silence followed Lincoln's speech. "I was close to the President and heard all of the Address, but it seemed short. Then there was an impressive silence like our Menallen Friends Meeting. There was no applause when he stopped speaking."[64] According to historian Shelby Foote, after Lincoln's presentation, the applause was delayed, scattered, and "barely polite".[65] In contrast, Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Gregg Curtin says, "He pronounced that speech in a voice that all the multitude heard. The crowd was hushed into silence because the President stood before them ... It was so Impressive! It was the common remark of everybody. Such a speech, as they said it was!"[66]

In an often repeated legend, Lincoln is said to have turned to his bodyguard Ward Hill Lamon and remarked that his speech, like a bad plow, "won't scour". According to Garry Wills, however, this statement largely originates from Lamon's unreliable recollections and is not an accepted fact.[10] In Garry Wills's view, "[Lincoln] had done what he wanted to do [at Gettysburg]".[page needed]

In a letter to Lincoln written the day following his address in Gettysburg, Everett praised the President for the speech, saying, "I should be glad if I could flatter myself that I came as near to the central idea of the occasion, in two hours, as you did in two minutes."[67] Lincoln replied that he was glad to know the speech was not a "total failure".[67]

Other public reactions to the speech were divided along partisan lines.[7] The Democratic-leaning Chicago Times observed, "The cheek of every American must tingle with shame as he reads the silly, flat and dishwatery utterances of the man who has to be pointed out to intelligent foreigners as the President of the United States."[68] The Republican-leaning The New York Times, however, was complimentary of Lincoln's address, and printed the full text.[63] The Springfield Republican in Springfield, Massachusetts also printed the entire speech, calling it "a perfect gem" that was "deep in feeling, compact in thought and expression, and tasteful and elegant in every word and comma". The Republican predicted that Lincoln's brief remarks would "repay further study as the model speech".[69]

In 2013, on the sesquicentennial of the address, The Patriot-News in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, retracted its original reporting on the address, which it described as "silly remarks" deserving "the veil of oblivion", writing further that, "Seven score and ten years ago, the forefathers of this media institution brought forth to its audience a judgment so flawed, so tainted by hubris, so lacking in the perspective history would bring, that it cannot remain unaddressed in our archives. ... the Patriot & Union failed to recognize [the speech's] momentous importance, timeless eloquence, and lasting significance. The Patriot-News regrets the error."[70][71]

Foreign newspapers also reported critically on Lincoln's address. In London, The Times reported, "The ceremony [at Gettysburg] was rendered ludicrous by some of the luckless sallies of that poor President Lincoln."[72]

Congressman Joseph A. Goulden, then an eighteen-year-old school teacher, was present and heard the speech. He served in the U.S. Marine Corps during the Civil War, and was later elected to Congress as a Democrat. Goulden was often asked about the speech, since the passage of time made him one of a dwindling number of individuals who were present for it. He responded that the event and Lincoln's remarks were met favorably, saying that Lincoln's address served as a factor that inspired him to enter military service. Goulden's recollections were summarized in remarks to the House of Representatives in 1914.[73][74]

Audio recollections

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William R. Rathvon is the only known eyewitness of both Lincoln's arrival at Gettysburg and the address itself whose recollections have been recorded in audio format.[75] One year before his death in 1939, Rathvon's reminiscences were recorded on February 12, 1938, at WRUL in Boston, including his reading the address, and a 78 RPM record was pressed. The title of the 78 record was, "I Heard Lincoln That Day – William R. Rathvon, TR Productions". A copy of it was later aired by National Public Radio (NPR) during its "Quest for Sound" project in 1999.[76]

Like most people who were present that day in Gettysburg, the Rathvon family was aware that Lincoln was going to offer some remarks to the assembled crowd. The family went to the town square where the procession formed and proceeded to the cemetery, which was then still under construction. At the head of the procession, Lincoln rode on a gray horse preceded by a military band, the first the young boy in the Rathvon family had ever seen. Rathvon describes Lincoln as so tall and with such long legs that they went almost to the ground; he also mentions the long eloquent speech given by Edward Everett, who Rathvon described as the "most finished orator of the day". Rathvon described Lincoln stepping forward "with a manner serious almost to sadness, gave his brief address". During Lincoln's delivery, the young Rathvon boy and several others wiggled their way forward through the crowd until they stood within 15 feet (4.6 m) of Lincoln, and looked up into what he described as Lincoln's "serious face". Rathvon later said that he listened "intently to every word the president uttered and heard it clearly", but "boylike, I could not recall any of it afterwards". However, he said, if any of his companions had said anything disparaging about "old Abe", there would have been a "junior Battle of Gettysburg then and there".

Photographs

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The Bachrach photo, including a red arrow indicating Lincoln's presence, taken several hours before Lincoln rose and delivered the Gettysburg Address

The only known and confirmed photograph of Lincoln at Gettysburg,[77] was taken by photographer David Bachrach.[78] Lincoln's presence in the photo was identified in 1952 by Josephine Cobb, an archivist who enlarged a mislabeled glass plate negative, which revealed Lincoln's presence in the photo that was then on display at Mathew Brady's collection of photographic plates at the National Archives and Records Administration.[79]

While Lincoln's speech was short and may have precluded multiple pictures of him while speaking, he and the other dignitaries sat for hours during the rest of the program. A popular explanation for the Bachrach photo suggests that Lincoln's brief address, which followed a lengthy two hour speech by Everett, caught photographers by surprise. As a result, they supposedly were able to only take a photo of Lincoln after his speech had ended. This theory, however, has been questioned, since evidence exists suggesting that the photo was possibly taken before the Gettysburg Address and without any intention of photographing Lincoln from such a lengthy distance.[80]

Usage of "under God"

[edit]

The exact phrase "under God" does not appear in the Nicolay and Hay drafts. But it does appear in the three later copies held by Everett, Bancroft, and Bliss. This has led some skeptics to question whether the words "under God" were included in the remarks Lincoln gave that day.[81][82] However, at least three reporters telegraphed the text of Lincoln's speech on the day the Address was given with the words "under God" included. Historian William E. Barton argues that:[83]

Every stenographic report, good, bad and indifferent, says 'that the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom.' There was no common source from which all the reporters could have obtained those words but from Lincoln's own lips at the time of delivery. It will not do to say that [Secretary of War] Stanton suggested those words after Lincoln's return to Washington, for the words were telegraphed by at least three reporters on the afternoon of the delivery.

Reporters present for Lincoln's Gettysburg Address included Joseph Gilbert with the Associated Press, Charles Hale with the Boston Daily Advertiser,[84] John R. Young with the Philadelphia Press, and reporters from the Cincinnati Commercial[85] New York Tribune,[86] and The New York Times.[86] Hale, according to later reports, arrived at the event, and "had notebook and pencil in hand, [and] took down the slow-spoken words of the President".[87] "He took down what he declared was the exact language of Lincoln's address, and his declaration was as good as the oath of a court stenographer. His associates confirmed his testimony, which was received, as it deserved to be, at its face value."[88] One explanation is that Lincoln deviated from his prepared text and inserted the phrase when he spoke. Ronald C. White, visiting professor of history at the University of California, Los Angeles and professor of American religious history emeritus at San Francisco Theological Seminary, wrote:

It was an uncharacteristically spontaneous revision for a speaker who did not trust extemporaneous speech. Lincoln had added impromptu words in several earlier speeches, but always offered a subsequent apology for the change. In this instance, he did not. And Lincoln included "under God" in all three copies of the address he prepared at later dates. "Under God" pointed backward and forward: back to "this nation", which drew its breath from both political and religious sources, but also forward to a "new birth". Lincoln had come to see the Civil War as a ritual of purification. The old Union had to die. The old man had to die. Death became a transition to a new Union and a new humanity.[6]

Prior to 1860, the phrase "under God" was used frequently, usually meaning "with God's help".[89]

Platform location

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Designations
Official nameGettysburg Address
TypeRoadside
DesignatedDecember 12, 1947[90]
LocationPA 134 (Taneytown Rd.) at entrance to National Cemetery
Baltimore St. (old US 140) & PA 134 at entrance to National Cemetery
The Lincoln Address Memorial, designed by Louis Henrick, featuring a bust of Lincoln by Henry Kirke Bush-Brown, erected at the Gettysburg National Cemetery in 1912[91]

Outside of both entrances to present-day Gettysburg National Cemetery, there are two historical markers, which read:

Nearby, Nov. 19, 1863, in dedicating the National Cemetery, Abraham Lincoln gave the address which he had written in Washington and revised after his arrival at Gettysburg the evening of November 18.[92][93]

Directly inside the Taneytown Road entrance are the Lincoln Address Memorial and Gettysburg Rostrum, where five U.S. Presidents have spoken. Lincoln, however, was not one of them, and a small metal sign near the speech memorial stirs remains somewhat controversial, reading:

The Address was delivered about 300 yards from this spot along the upper Cemetery drive. The site is now marked by the Soldiers' National Monument.[94]

Holding title as the "traditional site", the Soldiers' National Monument has been challenged by platform occupants in the distant past and by more recent photographic analyses. Based upon a pair of photographic analyses, the Gettysburg National Military Park has placed a marker near 39°49.199′N 77°13.840′W, which states, "The location [of the platform] was never marked, but is believed to be in Evergreen Cemetery, on the other side of the iron fence."[95]

This newer marker stands faces the fence, which separates the two adjacent cemeteries, the public Gettysburg National Cemetery and private Evergreen Cemetery. A second endorsement of this as the "traditional site", a bronze marker placed by Lincoln's native Kentucky section of the cemetery is nearby.[96]

Absent an original and enduring marker, however, the location of the platform has largely been left up to interpretation. Brian Kennell, superintendent of Evergreen Cemetery, endorses the location identified in the photographic evidence as the location where Lincoln stood as he delivered the Gettysburg Address.[97]

Pre-modern

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This photograph, taken the day of the Gettysburg Address, is suggested to rule out Soldiers' National Monument as the location for the speaker's platform the day of the address.

Colonel W. Yates Selleck, a marshal in the parade on Consecration Day, was seated on the platform when Lincoln gave the address.[98] Selleck marked a map with the position of the platform and described it as "350 feet [110 m] almost due north of Soldiers' National Monument, 40 feet [12 m] from a point in the outer circle of lots where [the] Michigan and New York [burial sections] are separated by a path".[99] A location which approximates this description is 39°49.243′N, 77°13.869′W.

In 1973, retired park historian Frederick Tilberg concluded the Selleck Site is 25 feet (7.6 m) lower than the crest of Cemetery Hill, and that only the crest presents a panoramic view of the battlefield. A spectacular view from the location of the speech was noted by many eyewitnesses, is consistent with the traditional site at the Soldiers' National Monument and other sites on the crest, but is inconsistent with the Selleck Site.[100][101]

The Kentucky Memorial, erected in 1975, is directly adjacent to the Soldiers' National Monument, and states, "Kentucky honors her son, Abraham Lincoln, who delivered his immortal address at the site now marked by the soldiers' monument." With its position at the center of the concentric rings of soldiers' graves and the continuing endorsement of Lincoln's native state the Soldiers' National Monument persists as a credible location for the speech.[102][103][104]

In November 1863, in a written description of the layout for the Gettysburg National Cemetery, which was then under construction, a correspondent from the Cincinnati Daily Commercial described the dividing lines between the state grave plots as "the radii of a common center, where a flag pole is now raised, but where it is proposed to erect a national monument".[105] With the inclusion of this quotation Tilberg inadvertently verifies a central principle of future photographic analyses—a flagpole, rather than the speakers' platform, occupied the central point of the soldiers' graves. In fact, the precision of the photo-analyses relies upon the coincidence of position between this temporary flag pole and the future monument.[106]

Confusing to today's tourist, the Kentucky Memorial is contradicted by a newer marker, which was erected nearby by the Gettysburg National Military Park and locates the speakers' platform inside Evergreen Cemetery.[107] Similarly, outdated National Park Service documents, which pinpoint the location as being at Soldiers' National Monument, have not been systematically revised since the placement of the newer marker.[108][109] Miscellaneous web pages perpetuate the Traditional Site.[110][111][112]

Photo analysis

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2D and optical stereoscopy

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In 1982, Senior Park Historian Kathleen Georg Harrison analyzed photographs and proposed the location in Evergreen Cemetery, but she has not published her analysis. Speaking for Harrison without revealing details, two sources characterized her proposed location as "on or near [the] Brown family vault" in Evergreen Cemetery.[113][114]

In 1995, William A. Frassanito, a former military intelligence analyst, documented a comprehensive photographic analysis, which places the location of the platform with the position of specific modern headstones in Evergreen Cemetery. According to Frassanito, the extant graves of Israel Yount (died 1892)(39°49.180′N 77°13.845′W / 39.819667°N 77.230750°W / 39.819667; -77.230750 (grave of Israel Yount (d. 1892))), John Koch (died 1913)(39°49.184′N 77°13.847′W / 39.819733°N 77.230783°W / 39.819733; -77.230783 (grave of John Koch (d. 1913))), and George E. Kitzmiller (died 1874)(39°49.182′N 77°13.841′W / 39.819700°N 77.230683°W / 39.819700; -77.230683 (grave of George E. Kitzmiller (d. 1874))) are among those which occupy the location of the 1863 speaker's stand.[115]

3D photo-rendering and -animation

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Over a course of many years, Christopher Oakley, an assistant professor of new media at the University of North Carolina at Asheville and his students have labored to produce and relentlessly perfect "a lifelike virtual 3-D re-creation of Lincoln delivering the Gettysburg Address" as part of the Virtual Lincoln Project.[116] One result concluded, "Placing the Platform: Using 3D Technology to Pinpoint Lincoln at Gettysburg" was presented on November 18, 2022, at the Lincoln Forum XXVII in Gettysburg.[117][118]

Oakley's model shows the platform straddling the iron fence between the Soldiers' National Cemetery and Evergreen Cemetery. It increases the size of the platform and changes its shape from rectangular, as previous researchers have maintained, to trapezoidal. The speaker's position occupies a portion of the platform over the grounds of the Soldiers' National Cemetery.[119]

William Frassanito's analysis is based on two of the four photographic perspectives, which were employed by Oakley to validate his 3D model. Frassanito assesses one of his sources, saying, "This view [by Weaver] was probably not taken from the second-story window of the gatehouse itself."[120] Via enlargement of a Gardner photograph (taken from the opposite direction), John J. Richter may have identified a photographer with a camera in this exact window, thereby weakening the contribution of the Weaver photograph to Frassanito's conclusions.[121] Oakley's proprietary 3D model utilizes the position of Weaver's camera as suggested by Richter.

Resolution

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Frassanito's analysis places the dedicatory platform at the graves of George Kitzmiller, Israel Yount, and John Koch. Erroneous indicators are identified in the distant background.

The Gettysburg National Military Park marker, consistent with the findings of various historians, identifies the private Evergreen Cemetery, rather than public Soldiers' National Cemetery, as the exact location where Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address. The National Park Service, in its description of Gettysburg National Cemetery, also identifies this as the location where Lincoln spoke that day:

The Soldiers' National Monument, long misidentified as the spot from which Lincoln spoke, honors the fallen soldiers. [The location of the speech] was actually on the crown of this hill, a short distance on the other side of the iron fence and inside the Evergreen Cemetery, where President Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address to a crowd of some 15,000 people.[122]

Although Lincoln dedicated the Gettysburg National Cemetery, the monument at the center of the cemetery is unrelated to Lincoln or his famous speech. Intended to symbolize Columbia paying tribute to her fallen sons, its appreciation has been commandeered by the thirst for a tidy home for the speech.[123] Freeing the Cemetery and Monument to serve their original purpose, honoring of Union departed, is as unlikely as a resolution to the location controversy and the erection of a public monument to the speech in the exclusively private Evergreen Cemetery.[124]

Legacy

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The words of the Gettysburg Address inscribed inside the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.
In 1948, on the 85th anniversary of the Gettysburg Address, the U.S. Post Office issued a commemorative stamp honoring the event.[125]

The importance of the Gettysburg Address in the history of the United States is underscored by its enduring presence in American culture. In addition to its prominent place carved into a stone cella on the south wall of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., the Gettysburg Address is frequently referenced in popular culture, with the implicit expectation that contemporary audiences are already familiar with the words Lincoln used .[citation needed]

In the many generations that have passed since the address, it has remained among the most famous speeches in American history[126] and is often taught in classes about history or civics.[127] Lincoln's Gettysburg Address is referenced in another famed oration, Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech.[128]

Phrases from the Gettysburg Address are often used or referenced in other works. The current Constitution of France states that the principle of the French Republic is "gouvernement du peuple, par le peuple et pour le peuple" ("government of the people, by the people, and for the people"), a literal translation of Lincoln's words.[129] Sun Yat-Sen's "Three Principles of the People" as well as the preamble for the 1947 Constitution of Japan were also inspired from that phrase.[130][131]

Following Lincoln's assassination, Charles Sumner, a U.S. Senator from Massachusetts from 1851 to 1874, described the enduring significance of the Gettysburg Address, saying, "That speech, uttered at the field of Gettysburg ... and now sanctified by the martyrdom of its author," is a monumental act. In the modesty of his nature, he said, "the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here; but it can never forget what they did here.' He was mistaken. The world at once noted what he said, and will never cease to remember it."[7]

In January 1961, then U.S. president John F. Kennedy tasked his speechwriter Ted Sorensen with studying the Gettysburg Address in an effort to assist Sorensen in authoring Kennedy's inaugural address. Sorensen drew many lessons from the Gettysburg Address, which according to Sorensen included rhetoric devices used by many speechwriters like alliterations, rhymes, repetitions, contrast, and balance.[132][133]

In July 1963, Kennedy referenced the Battle of Gettysburg and Gettysburg Address during his own speech in Gettysburg, saying, "Five score years ago, the ground on which we here stand shuddered under the clash of arms and was consecrated for all time by the blood of American manhood. Abraham Lincoln, in dedicating this great battlefield, has expressed, in words too eloquent for paraphrase or summary, why this sacrifice was necessary."[134]

In 2015, the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library Foundation compiled Gettysburg Replies: The World Responds to Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, a book that challenges leaders to craft 272-word responses celebrating Lincoln, the Gettysburg Address, or a related topic.[135] One reply by Neil deGrasse Tyson, an astrophysicist, described Lincoln's greatest legacy as establishing, the same year of the Gettysburg Address, the National Academy of Sciences, which had the longterm effect of "setting our Nation on a course of scientifically enlightened governance, without which we all may perish from this Earth".[136]

Myths

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One myth about the Gettysburg Address is that Lincoln quickly authored the speech on the back of an envelope while on the train en route from Washington, D.C, to Gettysburg the day before the address.[137] This widely held misunderstanding may have originated with The Perfect Tribute, a 1906 book by Mary Raymond Shipman Andrews, which was assigned reading for generations of schoolchildren, sold 600,000 copies,[138] and was twice adapted into a movie.

Other lesser known claims include Harriet Beecher Stowe's inaccurate assertion that Lincoln composed the address "in only a few moments", and statements by industrialist Andrew Carnegie, who wrongly said he personally supplied Lincoln with the pen with which he authored the address.[139]

Notes

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See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Gettysburg Address is a speech delivered by President Abraham Lincoln on November 19, 1863, at the dedication of the Soldiers' National Cemetery in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, to honor the Union dead from the Battle of Gettysburg fought there from July 1 to 3 earlier that year. Lincoln spoke after the featured orator Edward Everett, who delivered a two-hour address, and Lincoln's brief remarks of about 272 words were intended as a short consecration of the ground. The speech reframed the ongoing American Civil War not merely as a fight to preserve the Union but as a test of whether a nation "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could endure, drawing directly from the Declaration of Independence's principles of natural rights and popular sovereignty. In ten sentences, Lincoln urged the living to resolve that the fallen "shall not have died in vain" and to take up the unfinished work of ensuring "that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth," emphasizing self-governance and equality as causal foundations for the republic's survival amid the conflict's massive casualties. No original draft survives, but five known manuscript copies exist in Lincoln's hand—named for their custodians: Nicolay, Hay, Everett, Bancroft, and Bliss—with minor variations in wording, punctuation, and phrasing, the Bliss version serving as the standard text inscribed at the Lincoln Memorial. Contemporary reception was mixed; while Everett praised it as "a perfect gem," some newspapers deemed it insufficiently eloquent or overly concise compared to Everett's effort, reflecting divided public sentiment during wartime. Over time, the Address gained canonical status for articulating amid empirical realities of division and bloodshed, influencing American political rhetoric and self-understanding without relying on emotive or unsubstantiated narratives, though its elevation owes partly to later cultural rather than immediate universal acclaim. Its enduring impact lies in distilling causal truths about liberty's fragility and the people's role in sustaining it, unmarred by the institutional biases that often color interpretations in academic or media accounts favoring progressive reframings over the speech's original Union-preserving intent.

Historical Context

The Battle of Gettysburg

The Battle of Gettysburg was fought from July 1 to 3, 1863, in and around the town of , during the . It pitted the Union Army of the Potomac, commanded by George G. Meade and numbering approximately 93,000 men, against the Confederate , led by General with about 71,000 troops. Lee's invasion of the North aimed to relieve pressure on , gather supplies, and potentially influence Northern morale and politics ahead of the 1864 election. The engagement began accidentally on July 1 when Confederate forces encountered Union cavalry near McPherson Ridge, leading to initial Confederate advances that pushed Union troops through Gettysburg to defensive positions on and . On July 2, Lee ordered attacks on the Union flanks, resulting in intense fighting at sites including , the Wheatfield, , and Devil's Den, with Union forces holding key high ground despite heavy losses. The third day, July 3, featured a massive Confederate bombardment followed by , an assault of around 12,000 men across open fields toward the Union center on , which was repulsed with over 5,000 Confederate casualties. Lee began his retreat on July 4 amid heavy rain, marking a Union victory that halted the Confederate invasion. The battle produced staggering casualties totaling over 51,000, including about 23,000 Union (3,155 killed, 14,529 wounded, 5,365 missing or captured) and 28,000 Confederate (3,903 killed, 18,735 wounded, 5,425 missing or captured), making it the bloodiest engagement of the war. Often regarded as a , the Union success boosted Northern morale, ended Lee's northern offensive, and contributed to shifting strategic momentum toward the Union, though the war continued for nearly two more years. The scale of death, particularly among Union soldiers, necessitated the establishment of a national , dedicated on November 19, 1863, where President delivered the Gettysburg Address.

Cemetery Dedication and Invitation to Lincoln

Following the from July 1 to 3, 1863, which resulted in approximately 7,058 Union and Confederate deaths, many soldiers remained hastily buried or unburied on the battlefield. Pennsylvania Governor appointed David Wills, a local attorney, as state agent to coordinate the establishment of a national cemetery for reinterring Union dead. Wills oversaw the purchase of 17 acres west of the battleground, designed by landscape architect , to create the Soldiers' National Cemetery, intended to honor fallen Union soldiers through organized graves and a memorial site. Planning for the cemetery's dedication began in late September 1863, with Wills inviting prominent figures to participate in the November 19 ceremony. He secured , a renowned orator and former , as the principal speaker to deliver the main address. On November 2, 1863, Wills wrote to President , requesting his presence to offer "a few appropriate remarks" following Everett's oration, framing it as a way to "formally set apart these grounds to their sacred use." The invitation emphasized the event's national significance, with expected attendance from dignitaries and the public, and offered Lincoln accommodations at Wills' home in Gettysburg. Lincoln accepted the invitation shortly thereafter, arriving in Gettysburg on November 18, 1863, amid preparations for an estimated crowd of 10,000 to 15,000 attendees. The dedication ceremony proceeded the next day, with music, prayers, and speeches underscoring the Union cause and the sacrifices at Gettysburg, though Lincoln's brief remarks were initially overshadowed by Everett's two-hour . This event marked a pivotal moment in memorializing the battle's Union casualties, establishing a precedent for national cemeteries.

Composition

Lincoln's Preparation Process

Lincoln received the formal invitation from David Wills, superintendent of the Soldiers' National Cemetery, on November 2, 1863, requesting that he deliver "a few appropriate remarks" during the dedication ceremony scheduled for November 19. This invitation prompted Lincoln to begin composing the speech, as evidenced by the timing of the earliest known drafts and his practice of preparing major addresses in advance on a firm writing surface. The initial draft, designated the Nicolay copy after Lincoln's secretary John G. Nicolay, commenced in , with the first page inscribed on Executive Mansion stationery, confirming composition at the prior to his departure. Lincoln departed the capital by special on the morning of , accompanied by a small entourage including cabinet members and military aides, arriving in Gettysburg that evening at the residence of David Wills, where he lodged overnight. There, he completed the second page of the Nicolay draft on plain lined paper, finalizing the text shortly before the ceremony. Subsequent analysis of the manuscripts reveals Lincoln's methodical revisions, as seen in the Hay copy—a second draft entrusted to secretary John Hay upon Lincoln's return to Washington—which incorporates handwritten alterations to phrasing and structure. The uniform, steady script across drafts, devoid of tremors or inconsistencies, aligns with preparation under controlled conditions rather than the vibrations of 1863 rail travel, debunking accounts of on-train composition. This process reflects Lincoln's deliberate approach, informed by prior reflections on the war's sacrifices dating to a , 1863, remarks that echoed themes later crystallized in the address.

Sources and Influences

The Gettysburg Address was profoundly shaped by the Declaration of Independence, as Lincoln dated the nation's origins to "four score and seven years ago," explicitly referencing the document's assertion of equality among men and its role in forming a new nation dedicated to liberty. This framing positioned the Union dead's sacrifices as essential to fulfilling the Declaration's promise of a "new birth of freedom," thereby reinterpreting the founding ideals as a living commitment tested by the Civil War's . Biblical cadences and themes infused the speech's structure and phrasing, drawing on scriptural motifs of consecration, endurance, and providence without verbatim citations. The opening's archaic reckoning of time evoked biblical numerology, such as in , while invocations of hallowed ground and a "under " mirrored Old and language of sacred dedication and divine oversight, enhancing the address's moral gravity. Classical antecedents, particularly ' Funeral Oration recorded by , provided a model for honoring war dead through appeals to civic duty, democratic perseverance, and the unfinished tasks of self-government. Lincoln adapted these elements to emphasize equality over Athenian exclusivity, transforming Periclean praise of sacrifice into a call for national renewal amid democratic trial. Contemporary rhetorical sources also contributed, notably Unitarian minister Theodore Parker's 1850 description of democracy as "a government of all the people, by all the people, for all the people," which Lincoln echoed in his peroration to underscore popular sovereignty's endurance. Lincoln's broad reading, including poetry and oratory from , further informed the address's concise fusion of historical memory and forward resolve, reflecting his self-taught assimilation of diverse intellectual traditions.

Origins of Key Phrases

The phrase "Four score and seven years ago" draws on the archaic, biblical style of enumeration found in the King James Version of the Bible, such as Psalm 90:10 ("The days of our years are threescore years and ten") and similar passages in Leviticus and Numbers, to evoke solemnity and precisely reference the 87 years since the Declaration of Independence in 1776. The description of the nation as "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that " directly echoes of Independence's core assertion that governments derive "from the " and that individuals possess "unalienable Rights," with the equality clause serving as Lincoln's deliberate reframing of the American founding to justify the Union's preservation amid slavery's challenge to those principles. The concluding line, "that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth," represents Lincoln's synthesis of democratic ideals articulated by predecessors, including Daniel Webster's 1830 reference to a "government by the people, for the people" and Theodore Parker's 1850 sermon describing "democracy" as "a government of all the people, by all the people, for all the people," though Lincoln's version—first appearing in this triad form at Gettysburg—emphasizes perpetuity and popular sovereignty as bulwarks against dissolution. The invocation of "a new birth of freedom" and the nation "under " incorporates evangelical Christian imagery of spiritual regeneration from John 3:3–7 in the , portraying and Union victory as a divine renewal rather than mere political restoration, a motif consistent with Lincoln's evolving public on providence amid the war's casualties.

Text

Full Text

The definitive version of the Gettysburg Address is the Bliss copy, the only one signed and dated by Lincoln himself on March 4, 1864, and later used for inscription in the . This fifth manuscript, prepared for Colonel Alexander Bliss, serves as the authoritative text due to Lincoln's revisions and endorsement.
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in , and dedicated to the proposition that . Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us—that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion—that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under , shall have a new birth of freedom—and that of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

Rhetorical Structure and Devices

The Gettysburg Address is structured in three interconnected sections that build from historical foundation to moral imperative. The opening invokes the nation's origins "Four score and seven years ago," framing the Union as conceived in and dedicated to equality, drawing directly from the Declaration of Independence. This past-oriented segment transitions to the present crisis of the Civil War, emphasizing the ground at Gettysburg as a site of sacrifice that tests whether "that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure." The conclusion shifts to future resolve, urging the living to finish the unfinished work so "that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth." This progression employs peroration, a classical to elevate the audience's commitment, reinforcing causal continuity between founding principles, wartime trials, and enduring . Lincoln deploys parallelism extensively to underscore equality and resolve, repeating grammatical structures for rhythmic emphasis and memorability. Examples include the balanced clauses in "that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under , shall have a new birth of —and that of the people, by the people, for the people," where tricolon—three parallel elements—amplifies the democratic ideal. Similarly, contrasts , speech and action: "The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here," juxtaposing ephemeral words against enduring deeds to humble the speaker while honoring the soldiers. This device, rooted in logical opposition, highlights the causal primacy of over in preserving the Union. Anaphora, the repetition of initial words or phrases, propels the address's cadence and insistence, as in the successive denials: "we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground." This triples the negation to convey human limitation against divine judgment, evoking biblical cadences without direct quotation. Repetition of terms like "nation," "dedicated," and "here" (appearing five times) binds the speech spatially and thematically, grounding abstract ideals in the battlefield's concreteness. Alliteration, such as "poor power to add or detract," adds sonic weight to ideas of inadequacy, while allusions to scripture—phrases like "new birth of freedom" echoing John 3:3—infuse moral authority without overt proselytizing. Metaphors of national "birth," "baptism," and "testing" personify the Union as a living entity under trial, causal realism dictating that survival depends on renewed dedication rather than mere commemoration. These elements, concise within 272 words, prioritize logical persuasion over emotional excess, aligning ethos with the audience's shared republican values.

Delivery

Ceremony Details

The dedication ceremony for the Soldiers' National Cemetery occurred on November 19, 1863, four and a half months after the , to consecrate the burial ground for Union dead. The event drew an estimated 15,000 attendees, including military personnel, dignitaries, and civilians, under pleasant weather conditions with clear skies and mild temperatures around 52°F in the afternoon. The proceedings commenced with a from Gettysburg town along Baltimore Pike to the cemetery site, led by Major General George G. Meade, followed by cavalry, infantry, artillery units, and a carriage carrying President [Abraham Lincoln](/page/Abraham Lincoln) and other officials. Upon arrival, the program included musical performances by the , prayers led by Reverend Dr. Charles J. S. Stockton, and a hymn. , a prominent orator and former , delivered the principal address, a two-hour oration recited from memory that invoked classical allusions and eulogized the fallen soldiers. President Lincoln followed with brief remarks, reading the Gettysburg Address from a single sheet of paper he removed from his coat pocket, lasting approximately two to three minutes. The ceremony concluded with additional music, including a , and a . The platform, arranged in a facing the speaker's stand, accommodated key figures amid the gathered crowd seated on wooden planks or standing on the hillside.

Eyewitness Accounts

Eyewitnesses described Abraham Lincoln's delivery of the Gettysburg Address on November 19, 1863, as brief and deliberate, lasting approximately two minutes, with the president reading from a held in his hand. John , Lincoln's present at the event, observed that Lincoln spoke "with more grace than is his wont," attributing the subdued audience response to the unexpected brevity following Edward Everett's two-hour oration, which had set expectations for a similarly elaborate address. Journalist John Russell Young, reporting for the Philadelphia Press, noted Lincoln rising amid cheers that briefly subsided before he read his remarks in a "clear and distinct voice" from a paper taken from his pocket, highlighting the president's composed posture amid a crowd estimated at 15,000 to 20,000. Reception varied in contemporary and near-contemporary accounts, often marked by initial silence or limited rather than immediate acclaim. Sarah A. Myers, a 19-year-old attendee seated near the platform, later recalled in an "impressive silence" after the speech, likening it to a Quaker meeting with no , though her account, recorded 68 years later, may reflect retrospective interpretation. Hay reported Lincoln privately deeming the a "flat failure" due to the muted reaction, consistent with the crowd's possible from Everett's lengthy performance and the solemn setting. Contradictory reports exist; some sources cite "long continued ," while others emphasize profound quiet, reflecting the mixed emotions of mourning battlefield dead versus celebrating Union resolve. Edward Everett, the principal orator, provided immediate praise in a note to Lincoln the following day, November 20, 1863, commending the address for its "eloquent simplicity & appropriateness" and expressing regret that his own two-hour effort had not approached the "central idea of the occasion" as effectively as Lincoln's two minutes. Lincoln replied appreciatively, relieved his remarks were not deemed a failure, underscoring Everett's assessment as a rare contemporary endorsement amid broader initial indifference in press coverage. William V. Rathvon, a nine-year-old boy in the audience whose 1938 audio recollection is the only surviving from an eyewitness, described straining to hear Lincoln's voice amid the crowd but offered no specific note on applause, focusing instead on the visual of the tall president speaking earnestly. These accounts, drawn from participants close to the platform, indicate the speech's impact registered unevenly on the day, with fuller appreciation emerging in subsequent reflections rather than spontaneous ovation.

Immediate Media Reactions

Contemporary newspaper reactions to Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, delivered on November 19, , were sharply divided along partisan lines, with Republican-leaning outlets generally commending its brevity and substance while Democratic-leaning ones scorned or overlooked it. This polarization mirrored broader Civil War-era animosities toward Lincoln's administration, where coverage often prioritized Edward Everett's preceding two-hour oration over the president's two-minute remarks. The New York Times published the full text of the address on November 20, 1863, alongside a report on the dedication ceremony, but offered no explicit praise or criticism, emphasizing instead the event's solemnity and Everett's speech. Similarly, the Republican Chicago Tribune on November 20 hailed Lincoln's words as enduring: "The dedicatory remarks by President Lincoln will live among the annals of man." The Philadelphia Press, another pro-Union paper, echoed this approbation on the same date, describing the address as "admirable" in its succinctness. Democratic papers, however, reacted with contempt or silence. The Chicago Times on November 23, 1863, lambasted the speech as "silly, flat, and dishwatery," asserting it shamed and insulted the fallen by deeming the ground unhallowed. The Harrisburg Patriot & Union on November 20 dismissed Lincoln's contribution outright as "silly remarks," urging that "the veil of oblivion shall be dropped over them quickly and deeply" for the nation's credit. In Ohio, the Democratic Cincinnati Daily Enquirer ignored the dedication speeches entirely on November 19, focusing elsewhere amid partisan opposition to Lincoln's policies. Such responses underscored the address's initial limited impact, as many editors viewed it as secondary to Everett's effort and filtered through ideological lenses, with full appreciation emerging only later.

Manuscripts and Variants

The Five Surviving Copies

Five manuscript copies of the Gettysburg Address in Abraham Lincoln's handwriting have survived, each named after the individual who first received it from him: the Nicolay, Hay, Everett, Bancroft, and Bliss copies. These documents, produced between November 1863 and 1864, exhibit minor variations in wording, punctuation, capitalization, and phrasing, reflecting Lincoln's revisions. None is definitively the reading copy used on November 19, 1863, at the dedication ceremony, though the Nicolay and Hay copies are considered the earliest drafts, likely prepared before the event. The Nicolay Copy was given to Lincoln's private secretary John G. Nicolay shortly after the dedication; it omits the phrase "under God" and is now housed in the Library of Congress. The Hay Copy, presented to fellow secretary John Hay, includes slight differences such as "can not" instead of "cannot" and also lacks "under God"; it too resides in the Library of Congress, acquired through the Lincoln Memorial Association in 1949. These two pre-delivery drafts represent Lincoln's initial formulation of the speech. The Everett Copy was inscribed for orator , who spoke before Lincoln at the ceremony; it first incorporates "under God" and is held by the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in . The Bancroft Copy, prepared for historian to aid a charitable in February 1864, similarly includes "under God" and is preserved at . The Bliss Copy, transcribed for Colonel Alexander Bliss in 1864 for inclusion in an anthology, is the only one signed and dated by Lincoln ("Executive Mansion, Washington, / November 19, 1863"); it features "under God," serves as the standard published version, and is displayed in the White House .
CopyRecipientNotable FeaturesCurrent Location
NicolayJohn G. NicolayEarliest draft; no "under God"Library of Congress
HayPre-delivery; no "under God"; "can not"
EverettFirst with "under God"Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library
BancroftPost-delivery; for auction; "under God"
BlissAlexander BlissSigned and dated; standard text; "under God"
These copies' authenticity is confirmed by Lincoln's handwriting, verified through historical provenance and expert analysis, though debates persist on their exact sequence relative to the oral delivery. No additional Lincoln-authored manuscripts are known to exist.

Textual Differences and Authenticity Issues

The five surviving manuscripts of the Gettysburg Address, each penned by Abraham Lincoln, contain subtle textual variations, including differences in punctuation, capitalization, word choice, and phrasing, reflecting Lincoln's iterative revisions during and after the November 19, 1863, dedication ceremony. These discrepancies are most evident in the Nicolay and Hay copies, considered earlier drafts possibly prepared before delivery, versus the later Everett, Bancroft, and Bliss copies, which Lincoln produced for specific recipients and exhibit refinements. For instance, the phrase "that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth" appears without "under God" in the Nicolay and Hay versions, while it is included in the Everett, Bancroft, and Bliss copies, suggesting an addition in subsequent iterations. Other minor differences include punctuation—such as the Bliss copy's use of periods to separate clauses more distinctly—and slight alterations in line breaks or capitalization, but no substantive changes to the core meaning or structure occur across the manuscripts. Scholars generally regard the Hay copy as closest to the version Lincoln delivered, owing to its alignment with contemporaneous newspaper reports lacking "under ," though some accounts, like the Times, included the phrase, fueling debate over whether Lincoln improvised it extemporaneously. The absence of a verbatim stenographic record from the event contributes to this uncertainty, as eyewitness recollections and journalistic summaries introduced further variants, such as occasional omissions or additions in phrasing. All five manuscripts are unanimously accepted as authentic by historians and institutions, verified through handwriting analysis, provenance, and contextual evidence like endorsements from recipients. However, authenticity issues arise with numerous purported copies circulating in private collections and auctions; many are modern facsimiles or souvenir reproductions misattributed as originals, lacking Lincoln's handwriting and often featuring fabricated labels like "second draft." Claims of newly discovered "originals," such as a 2020 family assertion of an undiscovered draft, have been dismissed by experts due to inconsistencies in paper, ink, and historical record. These forgeries exploit public interest but fail forensic scrutiny, underscoring the primacy of the five verified manuscripts held by the , , Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library, and Cornell's Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections.

Physical Evidence

Contemporary Photographs

No photographs capture delivering the Gettysburg Address on November 19, 1863, owing to the speech's brevity—approximately two minutes—and the limitations of mid-19th-century photography, which relied on wet-plate collodion processes requiring exposures of several seconds to minutes, unsuitable for recording transient . Photographers documented aspects of the Soldiers' National Cemetery dedication ceremony that day, including the crowd and speakers' platform. David B. Woodbury, a photographer associated with Mathew Brady's studio, was present and recorded images of the assembled gathering and the stand from which Lincoln spoke. The sole authenticated photograph depicting Lincoln at the event emerged from scrutiny of a larger image of the crowd near the platform, identified in 1952 by National Archives historian Josephine Cobb. This detail shows a hatless Lincoln seated centrally, head bowed, amid dignitaries shortly before or after the addresses; attribution varies between an unknown photographer and Brady's team, but its authenticity as a November 19 exposure is confirmed by contextual alignment with eyewitness descriptions and period negatives. Additional contemporary views include panoramas of the procession and cemetery grounds taken that afternoon, such as northeast-oriented shots of the dedication site, providing visual context for the estimated 10,000-15,000 attendees but not isolating the rostrum or orators. These images, preserved in collections like the , underscore the event's scale while highlighting photography's role in early Civil War documentation, though constrained by technology from fully chronicling the speeches.

Platform Location Debates

The location of the speaker's platform from which delivered the Gettysburg Address on November 19, 1863, has been subject to ongoing scholarly debate, primarily concerning whether it lay entirely within Soldiers' National Cemetery or extended into the adjacent Evergreen Cemetery. Initially, markers placed by the indicated a position fully inside Soldiers' National Cemetery, aligning with the dedication site's intended boundaries. In the 1990s, historian William A. Frassanito analyzed contemporary photographs and argued that the platform was positioned a few yards across the dividing fence into Evergreen Cemetery, a private burial ground established earlier. This revision, based on visual alignments of landscape features and structures, gained broad acceptance and led to the placement of a in Evergreen Cemetery. Recent research by Christopher Oakley, employing software such as Maya alongside six November 19, 1863, photographs by Alexander Gardner, Peter Weaver, and David Bachrach, challenges Frassanito's placement. Oakley's triangulation of photographer positions relative to landmarks—including a , poplar tree, and tents—positions the platform as a larger trapezoidal structure straddling the cemeteries' boundary, with its front half, where dignitaries sat and Lincoln spoke, extending into Soldiers' National Cemetery. This methodology incorporates Civil War-era maps, GIS data, and adjustments for terrain variations, concluding that Lincoln stood well within Soldiers' National Cemetery, proximate to the graves of Union soldiers. The debate persists due to the absence of definitive on-site archaeological evidence and reliance on interpretive photo analysis, though Oakley's digital reconstruction has prompted reevaluation by institutions like the . No consensus has emerged, with the continuing to field inquiries on the matter as one of its most frequent visitor questions.

Interpretations

Original Intent and Union Preservation

Abraham Lincoln's delivery of the Gettysburg Address on November 19, 1863, aimed principally at reinforcing national resolve to preserve the Union during the Civil War, framing the conflict as an existential test of the republic's endurance. The speech positioned the , fought July 1–3, 1863, as a pivotal moment where Union forces halted Confederate advances, yet emphasized that the war's outcome hinged on continued dedication to the "unfinished work" of maintaining national unity against disunionist threats. Lincoln invoked the nation's founding in 1776, describing it as "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that ," to argue that the current struggle determined whether such a government could "long endure." Central to Lincoln's intent was honoring the approximately 7,058 Union dead at Gettysburg not through mere commemoration, but by committing the living to ensure "that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom." This phrasing underscored preservation of the Union as the paramount objective, aligning with Lincoln's pre-war stance that the federal union predated the and was indissoluble, as he asserted in his March 4, 1861, First Inaugural Address. The address deliberately omitted direct mentions of , , or the Confederacy, broadening the war's purpose to the survival of self-government while subsuming within Union restoration. Historians note that Lincoln's sought to transform public perception of the from a defense against to a sacred duty safeguarding democratic principles against extinction, thereby sustaining Northern morale amid battlefield stalemates. By concluding with the vow that "government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth," Lincoln encapsulated his vision of Union preservation as inseparable from the endurance of , a concept rooted in the framers' intent rather than contemporary abolitionist demands. This focus reflected Lincoln's strategic prioritization of reunification over punitive measures, even as the of January 1, 1863, had elevated freedom's role without supplanting the Union's primacy.

Analysis of Equality and Democracy Claims

Lincoln's invocation of the Declaration of Independence's phrase "all men are created equal" in the Gettysburg Address referenced a foundational principle of natural rights—specifically, the equal entitlement to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness—rather than an assertion of uniform abilities, outcomes, or social interchangeability. In the address, delivered on November 19, 1863, Lincoln framed the Civil War as a test of whether a nation "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could endure, linking the phrase directly to the Union's opposition to slavery, which denied those rights to enslaved persons. This interpretation aligned with Lincoln's prewar positions, as articulated in the 1858 Lincoln-Douglas debates, where he affirmed physical differences among races and rejected social or political equality, stating, "I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and Black races," while insisting that the Declaration applied universally to prohibit enslavement. Thus, the equality claim served a causal purpose: to justify the war's sacrifices as a defense of the original constitutional compact against Southern secession, which Lincoln viewed as predicated on rejecting this limited equality for the sake of human bondage. Critics of expansive modern readings, which often project egalitarian uniformity onto the phrase, overlook Lincoln's consistent subordination of it to empirical realities of human variation and the priority of preserving the Union over immediate abolitionist ideals. In the fourth Lincoln-Douglas debate on September 18, 1858, at , Lincoln explicitly acknowledged innate disparities, noting that Negroes were not equals "in color" or "in or endowment," emphasizing instead equal claims to unalienable without implying identical capacities or societal roles. The Address's context reinforces this: equality functioned as a republican testing national endurance amid war, not a mandate for leveling distinctions, as evidenced by Lincoln's earlier support for voluntary of freed slaves to avoid racial conflict, a policy rooted in pragmatic recognition of persistent differences rather than aspirational sameness. Postwar amendments like , 14th, and 15th extended legal protections but did not erase Lincoln's framework, which prioritized causal fidelity to founding principles over utopian equity. The claim—"that of the , by the , for the , shall not perish from the earth"—described a representative grounded in popular consent and self-rule, distinct from direct or absolute , with the war serving as its existential trial. Lincoln's formulation echoed earlier thinkers like but innovated by tying it to the Address's birth metaphor, portraying American as an organic experiment in liberty that required active preservation against dissolution, as threatened to fragment the 's sovereign unity. This view reflected Lincoln's : "by the " implied electoral mechanisms and consent, but "for the " connoted advancing the within legal bounds, justifying measures like the 1863 suspension of to thwart rebellion, not to expand federal power indefinitely. Empirical from the era, including Union enlistment figures exceeding 2 million by 1865, underscored the phrase's motivational role in sustaining voluntary popular support for the , rather than endorsing unchecked . In causal terms, the democracy assertion prioritized the Union's survival as the precondition for self-government's continuity, critiquing interpretations that retroactively infuse it with progressive centralization. Lincoln's actions, such as vetoing congressional bills for broader until strategically viable, demonstrate that "for the people" meant advancing through ordered , not egalitarian redistribution or erosion of ; deviations in later policy often stemmed from wartime exigencies rather than the Address's core intent. Contemporary accounts, like Edward Everett's dedicatory speech on the same day, paralleled this by lauding constitutional over pure , aligning with Lincoln's implicit rejection of factional tyranny in favor of enduring institutional forms. Thus, the claims interlocked to affirm a limited, -based tested—and vindicated—by conflict, resistant to anachronistic overlays of unqualified or equality.

Alternative Viewpoints on Centralization

Critics of Abraham Lincoln's centralizing policies during the Civil War, such as economist Thomas J. DiLorenzo, interpret the Gettysburg Address as inaugurating a "second American constitution" that shifted emphasis from the original decentralized union of states—rooted in the and voluntary compact—to an organic, perpetual nation-state prioritizing equality and under federal dominance. DiLorenzo contends this rhetorical pivot, delivered on November 19, 1863, justified the war's expansion of executive powers, including suspension of and income taxation, by redefining the founding not as a league of sovereign states but as a singular entity "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that ." Libertarian scholars further argue that the Address's framing of the Union as indivisible suppressed the to inherent in the founding documents, where ratification reservations by , New York, and explicitly preserved as a remedy against federal overreach. . Graham describes Lincoln's portrayal of a "new nation" as a "radically false rendition of the American founding," designed to legitimize a "highly centralized, monopolistic " antithetical to the founders' emphasis on state and limited confederation. Similarly, asserted that Union forces fought against , while Confederates defended local governance, inverting the Address's moral narrative to obscure the centralization of that followed the , including the 14th Amendment's expansion of federal oversight. These viewpoints contrast with mainstream academic interpretations, which often prioritize the Address's egalitarian themes while downplaying its constitutional implications amid a broader institutional preference for narratives affirming progressive federal ; revisionist analyses, drawing from primary debates and wartime fiscal data—such as the federal budget's growth from $63 million in to over $1 billion by —highlight causal links between Union preservation and enduring power consolidation. Historian Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, for instance, dismisses the notion that representative government required coercive Union maintenance, arguing decentralized alternatives could sustain without the bloodshed of 620,000 deaths. Garry Wills, in analyzing the speech's transformative effect, acknowledges Lincoln effected a "revolution in the Revolution," supplanting the framers' federal compact—where states retained supremacy in undelegated powers—with a national regime elevating abstract equality over consent-based , a shift critics term a "giant swindle" that entrenched centralized . Such perspectives underscore debates over whether the Address's call for a "new birth of freedom" causally advanced liberty through unity or eroded it via coercive , with empirical evidence from post-war amendments and rulings like (1869) affirming perpetual Union at states' expense.

Reception and Legacy

Short-Term vs. Long-Term Reception

The Gettysburg Address, delivered on November 19, 1863, elicited a muted and divided immediate response amid the prevailing focus on Edward Everett's preceding two-hour oration. Everett himself commended Lincoln the following day, stating, "I should be glad if I could flatter myself that I came as near to the central idea of the occasion, in two hours, as you did in two minutes." However, contemporary newspaper coverage was sparse and often dismissive, particularly from Democratic-leaning outlets; the Chicago Times labeled it an "insult to the memory" of fallen soldiers, while the Harrisburg Patriot & Union deemed the remarks "silly" and predicted they would "soon be forgotten" or merit a "veil of oblivion." Republican papers offered praise, yet the address received limited attention overall, with many publications prioritizing Everett's speech or omitting Lincoln's entirely, reflecting partisan divides and the event's emphasis on ceremonial dedication rather than presidential rhetoric. Lincoln reportedly viewed the delivery as a personal failure, noting to associates that the audience's polite applause indicated it had not succeeded in captivating listeners. In contrast, the address's stature elevated markedly in the decades following Lincoln's assassination on April 14, 1865, as it aligned with postwar narratives of Union preservation and national reconciliation. Senator , in his June 1, 1865, eulogy, hailed it as "a that will outlast any pyramid or statue" and the "most famous speech" of Lincoln's presidency, framing it as a concise embodiment of amid over the president's . By the late , it entered school curricula and public memory, with widespread printings and recitations reinforcing its role in civic education; its brevity—272 words delivered in under —facilitated memorization and dissemination, outshining Everett's verbose effort in enduring impact. This long-term acclaim stemmed from causal factors including Lincoln's martyrdom, which amplified his words' symbolic weight, and the address's rhetorical precision in redefining the Civil War's purpose around equality and self-government, though modern academic interpretations sometimes overemphasize egalitarian aspects at the expense of its primary Unionist thrust, reflecting institutional biases toward progressive reframings. By the 20th century, it had become a cornerstone of American oratory, invoked in World War I-era patriotism and etched into cultural artifacts like the Lincoln Memorial, cementing its status despite initial indifference.

Political Criticisms and Defenses

The Gettysburg Address faced immediate political backlash from Northern Democrats, particularly Copperheads who opposed the ongoing Civil War and Lincoln's policies, viewing the speech as insufficiently reverent to the dead and as rhetorical justification for continued federal aggression. The Chicago Times, a pro-Democracy outlet critical of Republican war efforts, condemned it as "silly, flat and dishwatery utterances" from a president "foisted upon the nation," arguing it lacked inspiration and dignity while desecrating the soldiers' memory by prioritizing abstract Unionism over peace negotiations. Similarly, the Harrisburg Patriot & Union dismissed Lincoln's remarks as unworthy of notice, reflecting partisan disdain for what they saw as an undignified, overly brief intervention that ignored calls for armistice amid mounting casualties exceeding 50,000 at Gettysburg. These critiques stemmed from broader Copperhead ideology, which prioritized states' sovereignty and criticized Lincoln's suspension of habeas corpus and conscription as tyrannical centralization, framing the Address as propaganda sustaining a war initially fought to restore the Union rather than eradicate slavery. In defense, Republican-aligned publications and Union loyalists hailed the Address for encapsulating the war's moral stakes, with Edward Everett, the featured orator, privately acknowledging Lincoln's precision in distilling the dedication's essence into 272 words, far surpassing his own two-hour effort. Pro-Union commentators countered Copperhead dismissals by emphasizing the speech's fidelity to the Declaration of Independence's equality clause, arguing it reframed the conflict as a test of self-government's viability against secession, not mere restoration of antebellum status quo. This perspective held that criticisms overlooked empirical realities: the Confederacy's initiation of hostilities via Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861, necessitated federal response to maintain constitutional order, with the Address serving as causal affirmation that democratic experiments required defense against dissolution. Later political critiques, often from libertarian and paleoconservative scholars skeptical of federal expansion, contend the Address accelerated a rhetorical pivot toward , portraying the Union as an organic "nation" born in rather than a compact among ratified in 1788. Clyde Wilson argues it falsified origins by equating the founders' limited republic—emphasizing equality of and delegated powers—with , thereby sanctifying post-war centralization that eroded tariffs, internal improvements, and banking restraints once balanced by Southern influence. Economist , critiquing Lincoln's legacy, implies the speech's "new birth of " phrasing rationalized revolutionary upheaval, aligning with actions like the Act of 1862 that inflated currency and empowered Washington over local economies, diverging from the framers' . Such views attribute to the Address an indirect endorsement of over , evidenced by the war's outcome: a consolidated whose precedents facilitated later interventions. Defenders rebut these as anachronistic, asserting the Address invoked 1776's first principles—government deriving just powers from consent—to vindicate suppressing rebellion, not invent novelty; secession, lacking constitutional basis, equated to nullification of the people's sovereignty as ratified by 1788 conventions. Empirical outcomes support this: preservation enabled the Amendment's on December 6, 1865, abolishing nationwide, a causal chain absent under fragmented confederacy, while "of the , by the , for the " echoed Madison's Federalist No. 39 on republican safeguards against majority tyranny, not unbounded democracy. Mainstream historians, though potentially influenced by institutional narratives favoring national unity, note the speech's restraint—no explicit mention until context—focused on Union as prerequisite for , countering claims of ideological overreach.

Debunking Myths and Misconceptions

One persistent misconception holds that composed the Gettysburg Address hastily on the back of an envelope during his train journey from Washington to Gettysburg on November 18-19, 1863. In reality, Lincoln prepared multiple drafts in advance at the , as evidenced by surviving copies such as the Nicolay draft, which shows revisions predating the trip, and the Hay draft, which includes annotations consistent with pre-event composition. He carried a written version with him and made minor edits upon arrival in Gettysburg, but the core text was not improvised. Another common myth portrays the Address as an immediate failure, with the audience remaining silent and Lincoln himself deeming it unsuccessful, overshadowed by Edward Everett's preceding two-hour oration. Contemporary accounts refute this: Everett wrote to Lincoln the following day, November 20, 1863, praising the speech as achieving "in two minutes what my two hours' effort had failed to do." Numerous newspapers, including the Philadelphia Inquirer and Chicago Tribune, reprinted the full text within days and lauded its eloquence, while even critical Democratic outlets like the Patriot and Union acknowledged its delivery, though dismissing its substance. Lincoln's alleged self-assessment of failure, attributed to a remark to aide Ward Lamon, derives from Lamon's 1895 memoir, which historians view as unreliable due to embellishments and Lamon's personal agenda to portray Lincoln sympathetically; no corroborating evidence from other witnesses supports it. The dedication ceremony is often misconstrued as occurring in a fully constructed Soldiers' National Cemetery, implying a polished event where Lincoln's brevity seemed anticlimactic. In fact, on , 1863, the cemetery remained under construction, with only a speakers' platform erected amid unfinished graves and ongoing burials, as confirmed by organizers' records and photographs showing temporary arrangements. This context underscores the Address's deliberate concision amid wartime exigency, not a mismatch with expectations. Interpretations sometimes misattribute to the Address a primary endorsement of racial or social equality as an immediate war aim, equating its invocation of the Declaration of Independence's "" with modern egalitarian ideals. Lincoln's text, however, framed equality as the foundational political principle of the Union—equality in natural rights and —tested by the Civil War's threat to national endurance, rather than a direct call for postwar social restructuring. This aligns with Lincoln's prior speeches, such as his 1858 debates, where he affirmed equality in abstract rights but distinguished it from unqualified , emphasizing preservation of the Union as the proximate purpose. A related misconception claims the Address universally redefined the war from mere Union restoration to emancipation or equality enforcement, ignoring its explicit focus on "a new birth of freedom" subordinate to government "of the , by the , for the " enduring. Lincoln's own directives, including the preliminary of September 22, 1862, positioned as a Union-preserving measure, not the war's origin, consistent with the Address's causal logic linking battlefield to republican principles' survival. Postwar amendments like the , 14th, and 15th realized aspirational extensions, but the speech itself prioritized endurance of self- over transformative equality mandates.

References

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