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Key Information

Ho-Chunk (Hoocąk)
"sacred voice"
PersonHoocąk
People Hoocąkra
LanguageHoocą́k hoit'éra
Nąąp hoit’e
CountryHoocąk Waazija

The Ho-Chunk, also known as Hoocąk, Hoocągra, or Winnebago are a Siouan-speaking Native American people whose historic territory includes parts of Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, and Illinois. Today, Ho-Chunk people are enrolled in two federally recognized tribes: the Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin and the Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska.

In the Late Woodland Period (650–1200 CE), precontact Ho-Chunks built thousands of effigy mounds in Wisconsin[3] and surrounding states. They are successors Oneota culture. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, the Ho-Chunk were the dominant tribe in its territory in the 16th century, with a population estimated at several thousand. They lived in permanent villages of wigwams and cultivated corn, squash, beans, wild rice. They hunted wild animals, and fished from canoes. The name Ho-Chunk comes from the word Hoocąk and "Hoocąkra" (Ho meaning "voice", cąk meaning "sacred", ra being a definite article), meaning "People of the Sacred Voice". Their name comes from oral history that state they are the originators of the many branches of the Siouan language. The Ho-Chunk have 12 clans, each with specific roles. Wars with the Illinois Confederacy and later wars with the Ojibwe, Potawatomi, Meskwaki, and Sauk peoples pushed them out of their territories in eastern Wisconsin and Illinois, along with conflicts with the United States such as Winnebago War and Black Hawk War. The Ho-Chunk suffered severe population loss in the 17th century to a low of perhaps 500 individuals. This has been attributed to casualties of a lake storm, epidemics of infectious disease, and competition for resources from migrating Algonquian tribes. By the early 19th century, their population had increased to 2,900, but they suffered further losses in the smallpox epidemic of 1836. In 1990 they numbered 7,000; current estimates of total population of the two tribes are 12,000.

Through a series of moves imposed by the U.S. government in the 19th century, the tribe was relocated to reservations increasingly further west: in Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, South Dakota, and finally Nebraska. Oral history suggests some of the tribe may have been forcibly relocated up to 13 times by the federal government through forced treaty cession, losses estimated at 30 million acres in Wisconsin alone (they ceded lands in Wisconsin in 1829, 1832 and 1837; further removal attempts occurred in Wisconsin in 1840, 1846, 1850, and 1873–4). During these removals, bands of Ho-Chunk hid out in Wisconsin rather than be moved. In 1832, other bands of Ho-Chunk were moved to the Neutral Ground Reservation in eastern Iowa, where they faced hostile conditions between the warring Dakota people and Sauk peoples. They were removed from Iowa in 1848 into Minnesota, where they were moved twice from Todd County, Minnesota to Blue Earth County, Minnesota. After the Dakota War of 1862 and tensions created by the hate group Knights of the Forest, about 2,000 Ho-Chunk were interned at Camp Porter in Mankato before being expelled from Minnesota into Crow Creek, South Dakota in 1863.

The Ho-Chunk often nonviolently resisted removal by staying home, or simply returning home, rather than engaging in uprisings. Poor conditions at Crow Creek led many Ho-Chunk to leave for the Omaha Reservation in Nebraska. The Winnebago Reservation was founded for the Ho-Chunk in Nebraska in 1865. The Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin is considered a "non-reservation" tribe, as members historically had to acquire individual homesteads in order to regain title to ancestral territory. They hold land in more than 13 counties in Wisconsin and have land in Illinois.[4] The federal government has granted legal reservation status to some of these parcels, but the Ho-Chunk Nation does not have a contiguous reservation. While related, the two tribes are distinct federally recognized sovereign nations and peoples, each with its own constitutionally formed government and completely separate governing and business interests. Since the late 20th century, both tribal councils have authorized the development of casinos. The Ho-Chunk Nation is working on language restoration and has developed a Hoocąk-language iOS app and online dictionary.[5]

Name

[edit]
Chief Waukon Decorah in 1825

The Ho-Chunk speak a Siouan language, which they believe was given to them by their creator, Mą’ųna (Earthmaker).[6] Their native name is Ho-Chunk (or Hoocạk), which has been variously translated as "sacred voice" or "People of the Big Voice", meaning mother tongue, as in they originated the Siouan language family.[7]

Neighboring Siouan tribes refer to the Ho-Chunk by translations of their name into their language, such as Hotúŋe in the Iowa-Otoe language) or Hotháŋka in the Dakota language. The term "Winnebago" is a term used by the Potawatomi, pronounced as "Winnipego". Winnebago was later adopted by the French and English, and today refers to the Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska.

The Jesuit Relations of 1659–1660 said:

He started, in the month of June of the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-eight, from the lake of the Ouinipegouek, which is strictly only a large bay in lake Huron. It is called by others, the lake of the stinkards, not because it is salt like the water of the Sea—which the Savages call Ouinipeg, or stinking water—but because it is surrounded by sulphurous soil, whence issue several springs which convey into this lake the impurities absorbed by their waters in the places of their origin.[8]

Nicolas Perrot was a 17th-century French trader who believed that the Algonquian terms referred to saltwater seas, as these have a distinctive aroma compared with freshwater lakes.[9] An early Jesuit record says that the name refers to the origin of Le Puans near the saltwater seas to the north.[10] When the explorers Jean Nicolet and Samuel de Champlain learned of the "sea" connection to the tribe's name, they were optimistic that it meant Les Puans were from or had lived near the Pacific Ocean. They hoped it indicated a passage to China via the great rivers of the Midwest.

Culture

[edit]
See also: Ho-Chunk mythology
A Ho-Chunk woman stretching a deerhide as part of the tanning process, 1880

Before Europeans entered into Ho-Chunk territory, the Ho-Chunk were nomadic and intimately knew their vast homelands. They farmed, hunted, and gathered wild foods from local sources, including nuts, berries, roots, and edible leaves. They knew what the forest and river's edge had to give. With the changing seasons, Ho-Chunk families moved from area to area to find food. For example, many families returned to Black River Falls, Wisconsin, to pick berries in the summer.

All genders had culturally defined roles in making best use of resources. Ho-Chunk women were responsible for growing, gathering, and processing food for their families, including the cultivation of varieties of corn and squash, in order to have different types through the growing season; and gathering a wide variety of roots, nuts, and berries, as well as sap from maple trees. In addition, women learned to recognize and use a wide range of roots and leaves for medicinal and herbal purposes.[11] The maple sap was used to make syrup and candy. Women also processed and cooked game, making dried meats combined with berries to sustain their families when traveling. Tanned hides were used to make clothing and storage bags. They used most parts of the game for tools, binding, clothing, and coverings for dwellings. They were responsible for the survival of the families, caring for the children as well as elders.[12]

The main role of the Ho-Chunk man was as a hunter—and a warrior when needed. Leaders among the men interfaced with other tribes. As hunters, they speared fish and clubbed them to death. The men also hunted game such as muskrat, mink, otter, beaver, and deer.[13] Some men learned to create jewelry and other body decorations out of silver and copper, for both men and women.[12] To become men, boys would go through a rite of passage at puberty: they fasted for a period during which they were expected to acquire a guardian spirit; without it, their lives would be miserable.

Besides having a guardian spirit, men would also try to acquire protection and powers from specific spirits, which was done by making offerings along with tobacco.[14] For example, a man would not go on the warpath without first performing the "war-bundle feast", which contained two parts. The first part honored the night-spirits and the second part honored the Thunderbird spirit. The blessings these spirits gave the men were embodied in objects that together made the war-bundle. These objects could include feathers, bones, skins, flutes, and paints.[13]

Winnebago courting flute

History

[edit]

Ancestral Ho-Chunk

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Winnebago family in 1852

Ho-Chunk oral history says they have always lived in their current homelands of Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, and Illinois.[15] Their Siouan language indicates common origin with other peoples of this language group. They say their ancestors built the thousands of effigy mounds through Wisconsin and surrounding states[16] during the Late Woodland period. In the Terminal Late Woodland Period, the practice of building effigy mounds abruptly ceased with the appearance of the Oneota Culture. The Ho-Chunk claim descendancy from both the effigy mound-building Late Woodland cultures and the successor Oneota Culture.[17] The tribe began cultivating maize at the end of the Late Woodland period, while they continued to hunt, fish, and gather wild plants. They cultivated wild rice (Zizania spp.) and harvested sugar from sugar maple trees.

Dugout canoes found near many small lakes and rivers are prompting new anthropological research projects near Madison, Wisconsin, that may yield better information about ancient settlements.[18]

European contact and tribe split

[edit]

European contact came in 1634 with the arrival of French explorer Jean Nicolet. He wrote that the Winnebago/Ho-Chunk occupied the area around Green Bay of Lake Michigan in Wisconsin, reaching beyond Lake Winnebago to the Wisconsin River and to the Rock River in Illinois. The oral history also indicates that in the mid-16th century, the influx of Ojibwe peoples in the northern portion of their lands caused the Ho-Chunk to move to the south of their territory. They had some friction with the tribes of the Illinois Confederacy as well as fellow Chiwere-speaking peoples splitting from the Ho-Chunk. These groups, who became the Iowa, Missouria, and Otoe tribes, moved south and west because the reduced range made it difficult for such a large population to be sustained.[19]

Population decline

[edit]

Nicolet reported a gathering of approximately 5,000 warriors as the Ho-Chunk entertained him. Historians estimate that the population in 1634 may have ranged from 8,000 to more than 20,000. Between that time and the first return of French trappers and traders in the late 1650s, the population was reduced drastically. Later reports were that the Ho-Chunk numbered only about 500. When numerous Algonquian tribes migrated west to escape the aggressive Iroquois tribes in the Beaver Wars, they competed for game and resources with the Ho-Chunk, who had to yield to their greater numbers.

The reasons historians give for the reduction in population vary, but they agree on three major causes: the loss of several hundred warriors in a storm on a lake, infectious disease epidemics after contact with Europeans, and attacks by the Illinois Confederacy. The warriors were said to be lost on Lake Michigan after they had repulsed the first attack by invading the Potawatomi from what is now Door County, Wisconsin.[20] Another says the number was 600.[21] Another claim is that the 500 were lost in a storm on Lake Winnebago during a failed campaign against the Meskwaki,[22] while yet another says it was in a battle against the Sauk.[23] Even with such a serious loss of warriors, the historian R. David Edmunds notes that it was not enough to cause the near elimination of an entire people. He suggests two additional causes.[24] The Winnebago apparently suffered from a widespread disease, perhaps an epidemic of one of the European infectious diseases. They had no immunity to the new diseases and suffered high rates of fatalities. Ho-Chunk accounts said the victims turned yellow, which is not a trait of smallpox.[19] Historians have rated disease as the major reason for the losses in all Native American populations. Edmunds notes as a third cause of the population decline the following historic account: decimation by the Illinois Confederacy. The Ho-Chunk had been helped at one time by many of their enemies, in particular the Illinois Confederacy, during their time of suffering and famine, aggravated by the loss of their hunters. The Winnebago then attacked the Illinois Confederacy. Enraged, additional Illinois warriors retaliated and killed nearly all the Ho-Chunk.[24]

After peace was established between the French and Iroquois in 1701, many of the Algonquian peoples returned to their homelands to the east. The Ho-Chunk were then relieved of that pressure on their territory and after 1741, most returned inland.[19] From a low of perhaps less than 500, the population gradually recovered, aided by intermarriage with neighboring tribes and some of the French traders and trappers. A count from 1736 gives a population of 700; in 1806, they numbered more than 2,900. A census in 1846 reported 4,400 people but by 1848, there were reportedly 2,500. Like other Native American tribes, the Ho-Chunk suffered great losses during the smallpox epidemics of 1757–58 and 1836. In the 19th-century epidemic, they lost nearly a quarter of their population.[19] Today the Ho-Chunk population is about 12,000.

"Medicine Dance of the Winnebago" by Seth Eastman

The Black Hawk War of 1832 was fought largely on Ho-Chunk land. In early 1832, White Cloud invited the Sauk band to live in the Rock River band's Illinois villages. About 1,200 Ho-Chunk, Fox, Kickapoo, and others came, from locations such as Saukenuk on the Iowa reservation, where there was little food. The arrivals included Black Sparrow Hawk, who had been a leading warrior of the British Band during the War of 1812.[25]

Series of forced removals

[edit]

Through a series of moves imposed by the U.S. government in the 19th century, the tribe was relocated to reservations increasingly further west: in Wisconsin, Minnesota, South Dakota, and finally Nebraska. Oral history suggests some of the tribe may have been forcibly relocated up to 13 times by the federal government to steal land through forced treaty cession, losses estimated at 30 million acres in Wisconsin alone.[26] The Ho-Chunk often nonviolently resisted removal by staying home, or simply returning home, rather than engaging in uprisings.[27]

The Winnebago ceded lands in Wisconsin in 1829, 1832 and 1837; further removal attempts occurred in Wisconsin in 1840, 1846, 1850, and 1873–4.[28]

Winnebago 1846 Reservation, Nicollet's 1843 map.

The 1848 removal from Iowa was documented by a soldier in Morgan's Mounted Volunteers. About 2,500 people were forced to travel by wagon, on foot, and on horseback from Fort Atkinson, Iowa to Winona, Minnesota, and thence by steamboat to a new Reservation covering parts of Stearns, Morrison, and Todd Counties, and with its agency at Long Prairie, Minnesota.[29][30] The Long Prairie Reservation, which was heavily wooded, was more suitable for logging than for farming.[31] Writing in 1915, St. Cloud, Minnesota journalist and local historian William Bell Mitchell recalled that as of 1850, the Ho-Chunk "had one of their main villages on the west bank of the Mississippi River", and at the mouth of the Watab River in what is now Sartell, Minnesota.[32] The Long Prairie Reservation was dissolved in 1855, and its residents were moved to Blue Earth County, Minnesota.[31] While relating a May 1860 series of raids and revenge killings between the Chippewa and Dakota peoples in which one Ho-Chunk warrior was also killed in Maine Prairie Township, Stearns County, Minnesota, George W. Sweet, a pioneer settler of Sauk Rapids, recalled, "The Winnebagoes were supposed to be a neutral party between the Sioux and Chippewa, but occasionally a Winnebago would join a party of Sioux on a raid against the Chippewas."[33]

During the 1862 Dakota War, a very small faction of the Ho-Chunk led by Chief Little Priest joined forces with the uprising and its figurehead leader, Chief Little Crow. This had disastrous results for all the Ho-Chunk living in Minnesota.

Reservations formation

[edit]
Main articles: Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin and Winnebago Reservation

In 1863, the Ho-Chunk were forced to leave Blue Earth County by the Knights of the Forest, a secret society hate group organized by vengeful prominent pioneer settlers in nearby Mankato.[34] Blue Earth County commissioners sent for "negro bloodhounds" from the South to assist the Knights of the Forest.[35] The Knights sent armed men to surround the Ho-Chunks' prime farmland and shoot any Ho-Chunk who crossed the line.[36] About 2,000 Ho-Chunk were interned at Camp Porter in Mankato, and thence removed to the Crow Creek Indian Reservation in Dakota Territory. Poor conditions at Crow Creek led many Ho-Chunk to leave for an Omaha reservation in Nebraska. The Winnebago Reservation was founded for the Ho-Chunk in Nebraska in 1865.[31][37][38]

Following the forced relocations, many tribe members returned to previous homes, especially in Wisconsin, despite the U.S. Army's repeated roundups and forced removals.[28] But the federal government finally allowed the Winnebago to resettle and acquire land in their ancestral homeland in Wisconsin, which eventually received recognition as an official Reservation known as the Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin. The Ho-Chunk in Nebraska have gained independent federal recognition as a tribe and have a reservation in Thurston County. The Ho-Chunk Nation now has a constitution that reinforces its sovereign abilities to negotiate with the U.S. government.

Waukon and Decorah, county seats of Allamakee and Winneshiek County, Iowa, respectively, were named after the 19th-century Ho-Chunk Chief Waukon Decorah.

Ho-Chunk clans

[edit]

Before the U.S. government removed the Ho-Chunk from their native land in Wisconsin, the tribe consisted of 12 clans (see table). In pre-contact Ho-Chunk society, clans were typically associated with specific social roles; for instance, the Thunderbird Clan was the clan from which chiefs were appointed,[39] while the Bear Clan enforced discipline within the community and oversaw prisoners.[40]

Hokiikarac – Ho-Chunk Clans
Name Translation
Wakąja Thunderbird
Wonąǧire Wąąkšik People of War
Caxšep Eagle
Rucge Pigeon
Hųc Bear
Šųkjąk Wolf
Wakjexi Water-spirit
Ca Deer
Hųųwą Elk
Cexjį Buffalo
Ho Fish
Waką Snake
[41]

The clans were associated with animal spirits representing the traditional responsibilities within the nation; each clan had a role in the survival of the people. Like other Native Americans, the Ho-Chunk had rules generally requiring people to marry outside their clans. The kinship system was based in the family and gave structure to descent and inheritance rules. Although the tribe is patrilineal today, anthropologists believe they may have had a matrilineal kinship system in the 17th century before their major losses. At that time, the matriarchs of a clan would name its chief and they could reclaim the position if they disapproved of his actions. The Ho-Chunk may have shifted to the patrilineal system due to marriage into other tribes or under the influence of the male-oriented fur trade.[42]

Today there are two federally recognized tribes of Ho-Chunk people, the Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin and the Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska.

Ho-Chunk Nation

[edit]
Main article: Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin

This tribe is headquartered in Black River Falls, Wisconsin.[43] Formerly known as the Wisconsin Winnebago Tribe, it changed its name to "Ho-Chunk Nation" to take back the traditional Siouan name. Ho-Chunk usually call themselves Hoocąk waaziija haci meaning "sacred voice people of the Pines". They also call themselves wąąkšik – "people". They are the larger of the two federally recognized Ho-Chunk tribes.

The Ho-Chunk have established the Hoocąk Waaziija Haci Language and Culture Division, which has developed materials to teach and restore use of the Hocąk language and other elements of their culture. Among its recent innovations is the development of a Hocąk-language app for the iPhone.[44] The Ho-Chunk have about 200 native speakers among its elders.[45]

Of the 7,192 tribal members as of May 2011, 5,042 lived in Wisconsin. The tribes own 4,602 acres (18.625 km2) scattered across parts of 12 counties in Wisconsin and one in Minnesota. The largest concentrations are in Jackson, Clark, and Monroe counties in Wisconsin. Smaller areas lie in Adams, Crawford, Dane, Juneau, La Crosse, Marathon, Rock, Sauk, Shawano, and Wood counties in Wisconsin. The Ho-Chunk Nation also owns land in Lynwood, Illinois.[46]

Government

[edit]

The Ho-Chunk Nation established a written constitution and is governed by an elected council. As of 2023, the current president is Jon Greendeer.

Since the late 20th century, the tribe operates six casinos in Wisconsin, in order to raise funds:

In February 2013, the Beloit Common Council sold land to the Ho-Chunk Nation for a proposed casino.[51] The council has used revenues to enhance infrastructure, healthcare, and educational support for its people.

In 1988, the Ho-Chunk Nation filed a timely claim for transfer of the Badger Army Ammunition Plant (BAAP), which was to be declared surplus under federal regulations. As part of their former traditional territory, the property holds historical, archeological, sacred, and cultural resources important to their people. It is a 1500-acre parcel in Sauk County, Wisconsin. Between 1998 and 2011, the Army spent millions of dollars in environmental assessments and cleanup to prepare the property for transfer. In 1998 the Secretary of the Interior had issued a letter to claim the land on behalf of the Ho-Chunk but in 2011, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) refused to accept the property. It was unwilling to conduct an environmental assessment due to cost.[52]

In 2012 the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) passed a resolution in support of the Ho-Chunk and to encourage the BIA to accept surplus lands in trust on behalf of tribes.[52] Finally, through a special act of congress, the Ho-Chunk Nation took control of the 1500-acre parcel in 2015. This is regarded as the first time that the United States' military has ever returned land to an indigenous people.[53] Today, the Ho-Chunk Nation is restoring the prairie that was present at the site before European settlement.[54]

Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska

[edit]
Main article: Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska
Martha Gradolf, a contemporary weaver, is enrolled in the Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska.[55]

The tribe has a reservation in northeastern Nebraska[56] and western Iowa. The Winnebago Indian Reservation lies primarily in the northern part of Thurston and a small part of Dixon counties in Nebraska, with an additional portion in Woodbury County, Iowa. A small plot of off-reservation land of 116.75 acres (0.4725 km2) is in southern Craig Township in Burt County, Nebraska. The total land area is 457.857 km2 (176.78 sq mi).

They refer to themselves as Hoocąk nįšoc haci meaning "sacred voice people living on the Missouri River".

The Iowa portion was originally west of the Missouri River and within Nebraska boundaries. After the United States Army Corps of Engineers changed the course of the river, some of the reservation land was redefined as falling within the boundaries of Iowa. The tribe successfully argued that the land belonged to them under the terms of the deed prior to diversion of the river. This land has a postal address of Sloan, Iowa, as rural addresses are normally covered by the nearest post office.

The 2000 census reported a population of 2,588 people living on these lands. The largest community is the village of Winnebago, with others in Emerson and Thurston, Nebraska. In 2006 their enrolled population was estimated at 4,000.[45]

The federally recognized Omaha also have a reservation in Thurston County. Together, the Native American tribes occupy the entire land area of Thurston County.

Government

[edit]

The Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska has a written constitution and is governed by an elected nine-person council.

Since 1992 the Winnebago tribe has owned and operated the WinnaVegas Casino on its lands in Iowa. The tribe legalized alcohol sales to keep liquor tax revenue, earmarked for supporting individuals and families affected by alcoholism. More than 60% of federally recognized tribes in the lower 48 states have legalized alcohol sales.[57]

In 1994 the tribe established Ho-Chunk, Inc., an economic development corporation that now employs 1400 people. Its success has earned the tribe small business organization awards. It has initiated a strong housing construction program in collaboration with federal programs. Its leaders were featured on Native American Entrepreneurs in 2009 on PBS.[58]

Land claims

[edit]

According to Gordon Thunder (Wakąja)[who?], the Ho-Chunk have been systematically removed from their homelands, many now occupied by other tribes. The Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin, which at one time consisted primarily of tribal members spread over 13 counties of Wisconsin, have a historical territorial claim in an area encompassed by a line from Green Bay to Long Prairie to St. Louis to Chicago. Some in the federal and state governments have undermined the Ho-Chunk land claims; however, repatriation activities document where many villages once stood.[citation needed]

Notable Ho-Chunk people

[edit]
Cpl. George Miner, a Ho Chunk, of the U.S. Army of Occupation of Germany 1919
Cpl. Mitchell Red Cloud Jr., Korean War Medal of Honor recipient

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Ho-Chunk

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
The Ho-Chunk, meaning "people of the sacred voice," are a Siouan-speaking Native American people whose oral traditions and archaeological evidence place their longstanding presence in the , particularly around the Red Banks near Green Bay in present-day , dating back millennia before European contact.
Historically labeled the Winnebago by French explorers who encountered them in the early , the Ho-Chunk maintained semi-sedentary villages with earth lodges, practiced maize-based supplemented by and gathering, and organized around twelve patrilineal clans divided into two moieties.
Following disruptive conflicts with neighboring tribes and U.S. expansion in the , which involved multiple forced removals to , , and under treaties the tribe often resisted or later petitioned against, the Ho-Chunk reestablished communities in through persistent land claims and returns, culminating in federal recognition of the Ho-Chunk Nation in 1960; a separate branch persists as the , established on a reservation since 1865.
Today, both entities prioritize cultural revitalization, including efforts for Ho-Chunk (a Chiwere-Winnebago Siouan dialect), economic diversification through enterprises like gaming and construction, and sovereignty assertions amid ongoing challenges from federal policies and land disputes.

Etymology and Terminology

Name Origins and Meanings

The autonym Ho-Chunk derives from the Siouan term Hoocąk or Hochungara, literally meaning "people of the voice" with "ho" signifying voice, "cąk" denoting sacred or primordial, and the indicating collectivity, thus interpreted as "people of the sacred voice" or "people of the big voice," referring to their ancestral mother tongue as the original or parent speech among related peoples. The qualifier "big" or "sacred" emphasizes primacy and antiquity, sometimes glossed as evoking a deep, resonant, or foundational utterance in oral traditions, distinct from mere volume. This self-designation underscores the Ho-Chunk's linguistic and cultural identity within the Chiwere branch of , positioning them as originators of the . In 1994, the branch of the tribe formally reclaimed "Ho-Chunk" in their , supplanting imposed English usages to affirm over nomenclature. The exonym Winnebago, widely used in English until the late 20th century, stems from an Algonquian (likely or ) phrase winipewaak or similar, translating to "people of the filthy" or "," applied by neighboring groups to denote the Ho-Chunk's residence near the silty, sediment-laden River and in present-day , whose waters appeared turbid or malodorous to observers. This label, first recorded in French colonial accounts around 1634 by and later anglicized, carried no intent in its indigenous context but reflected ecological observation rather than the Ho-Chunk's self-perception. Federal U.S. recognition persisted under "Winnebago" in treaties from 1816 onward, though the tribe's rejection of it highlights disconnects between external ethnonyms and endogenous identities.

Historical and Modern Usage

The autonym Hoocąkra (anglicized as Ho-Chunk) translates to "People of the Sacred Voice" or "People of the Big Voice," with ho denoting "voice," cąk indicating "sacred" or "first/original," and ra serving as a definite article; this self-designation has been used by the people since pre-contact times to reflect their ancestral identity tied to oral traditions and spiritual . Historically, from the onward, French explorers and subsequent American settlers applied the exonym "Winnebago" (derived from Algonquian ouinepegou), a term originating from neighboring Algonquian-speaking tribes to describe the Ho-Chunk as residents near the turbid waters of the ; this name persisted in U.S. treaties, such as the 1829 Treaty of Prairie du Chien, and federal recognition documents, embedding it in legal and administrative contexts despite lacking endorsement from the tribe itself. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, "Winnebago" dominated English-language references in government records, anthropological studies, and popular media, often encompassing both the and branches of the tribe prior to their formal separation; for instance, the administered them under this name until mid-20th-century reorganizations. By contrast, the Ho-Chunk continued internal usage of their autonym in ceremonies, systems, and oral histories, as documented in ethnographic accounts from the early 1900s emphasizing clan-based nomenclature rooted in Hoocą linguistic elements. Modern usage shifted decisively in 1994 when the tribe, previously the Wisconsin Winnebago Tribe, ratified a new adopting "Ho-Chunk " as their official name to reclaim cultural autonomy and reject the imposed exonym, a decision approved by tribal and recognized by the U.S. Department of the Interior. This preference extends to the group, which operates as the but acknowledges Ho-Chunk linguistic and cultural ties; today, "Ho-Chunk" predominates in peer-reviewed , tribal governance, and revitalization programs, such as the 2022 digital Hoocąk dictionary aiding among approximately 2,000 youth speakers. Academic and institutional sources increasingly adopt Ho-Chunk for the entity to align with self-identification protocols, while "Winnebago" lingers in historical contexts or Nebraska-specific references, reflecting bifurcated post-removal identities formalized after 1865 land cessions.

Origins and Pre-Columbian History

Archaeological and Oral Tradition Evidence

Ho-Chunk oral traditions maintain that the people originated at Móogašuc, or the Red Banks, located on the western shore of Green Bay in present-day Wisconsin. These accounts, preserved through clan-specific narratives such as those of the Thunderbird clan, describe this site as the tribe's primordial homeland, where the Ho-Chunk emerged as a distinct people tied to the land's sacred features. Creation stories further elaborate that Earthmaker formed four wolf brothers—Green Wolf, Black Wolf, White Wolf, and Gray Wolf—as the progenitors of the Wolf clan, embedding themes of kinship, territory, and spiritual origins within the Wisconsin landscape. Such traditions emphasize a continuous presence in the region predating European contact, with the Ho-Chunk viewing themselves as autochthonous to areas encompassing southern Wisconsin, northern Illinois, and adjacent territories. Archaeological evidence associates Ho-Chunk ancestors with the culture, a late precontact manifestation spanning approximately AD 900 to 1650 across the valley, eastern , and the fringes. Oneota sites, characterized by shell-tempered ceramics, fortified villages, agriculture, and bow-and-arrow hunting, exhibit material continuity with historic Ho-Chunk artifacts, including pipe styles and settlement patterns near watercourses like the and Rivers. While many researchers posit Oneota peoples as direct forebears of the Ho-Chunk (along with Ioway and tribes), this linkage remains debated due to linguistic and genetic variances suggesting broader Siouan migrations into the area around AD 1000–1300 from western riverine origins. Earlier ties extend to Late Woodland traditions (ca. AD 500–1000), including construction in the Madison lakes region and southern , where conical, linear, and animal-shaped earthworks—totaling over 15,000 historically—align with Ho-Chunk claims of descent from mound-builders, as corroborated by oral histories attributing these features to ancestral rituals for the dead and celestial alignments. Evidence of interregional exchange, such as pipestone from and marine shells from the Gulf Coast found in Oneota-Ho-Chunk linked sites, indicates trade networks connecting to Mississippian centers like by AD 1000, reflecting economic and cultural adaptations without implying population replacement. Pre-Oneota occupations by potential Ho-Chunk forebears trace to Middle Woodland (ca. 1500 BC–AD 500), with artifacts like cave pictographs near Muscoda dating to around AD 1000, underscoring millennia-scale continuity in despite climatic shifts and resource fluctuations. This supports oral assertions of deep regional roots, though it highlights adaptive flexibility rather than static isolation.

Territorial Extent Before Contact

The ancestral territory of the Ho-Chunk people, associated archaeologically with the culture (circa AD 900–1650), encompassed primarily the southern half of present-day , centered on riverine and lacustrine environments conducive to their of gardening, hunting, and gathering. sites, interpreted by some archaeologists as ancestral to the Ho-Chunk, cluster along tributaries of the , including the , , and Rock Rivers, extending westward to the Mississippi and southward into . Ho-Chunk oral traditions locate their origins at Red Banks on the Door County Peninsula near Green Bay, with subsequent settlement in the Green Bay region, Fox River valley, and large villages around , reflecting a deep-rooted presence rather than recent migration. This core area spanned from nearly to the , south of the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers to the Rock River drainage, supporting seasonal movements via dugout canoes for resource exploitation. Archaeological evidence corroborates this, with pre-contact villages at sites such as Doty Island on —featuring permanent lodges and cornfields—and Aztalan along the Crawfish River, indicating established agricultural communities by at least the late Woodland to Mississippian transition. While broader horizons appear in adjacent states like and , the Ho-Chunk's specific pre-contact domain remained Wisconsin-focused, with pressures from neighboring groups potentially influencing localized shifts but not wholesale displacement before French contact in 1634. estimates for the suggest several thousand individuals dominating this territory, sustained by cultivation and trade networks.

Culture and Traditional Society

Language and Linguistic Classification

The Hoocąk language, traditionally spoken by the Ho-Chunk people and also known as Hocąk or Winnebago in linguistic literature, belongs to the Siouan , one of the major indigenous language phyla of . Within this family, Hoocąk is classified under the Mississippi Valley subgroup of Siouan Proper, distinguishing it from other branches like Ohio Valley Siouan or Missouri River Siouan. This positioning reflects shared phonological, morphological, and lexical features with other Mississippi Valley languages, including complex verb conjugations and a reliance on agglutinative suffixes for tense, aspect, and . Hoocąk forms part of the Chiwere–Winnebago cluster within Mississippi Valley Siouan, most closely related to the Chiwere languages of the , , and tribes, with which it shares proto-historical linguistic ties dating to pre-contact migrations around the 15th–16th centuries. Comparative reconstruction identifies common innovations, such as specific sound shifts (e.g., Proto-Siouan *k > Hoocąk /kk/ in certain environments) and lexical retentions, supporting divergence from a shared ancestor rather than borrowing. Unlike the Dhegiha languages (e.g., Omaha-Ponca, Osage) in the same subgroup, Hoocąk exhibits unique traits like default third-syllable stress, potentially the only attested case globally, underscoring its distinct evolutionary path while affirming Siouan affiliation. The language lacks well-documented internal dialects, though minor lexical and phonological variations exist between and Ho-Chunk communities, likely resulting from 19th-century relocations rather than deep divergence; these are mutually intelligible and not classified separately. As of the early , Hoocąk is severely endangered, with fewer than 200 fluent speakers, primarily elders, limiting data for further subclassification but highlighting preservation efforts informed by its Siouan roots. Historical records from European contact in the 17th century confirm its Siouan character, with early French observers noting affinities to Dakota and other western Siouan tongues.

Mythology and Spiritual Beliefs

The Ho-Chunk traditional spiritual worldview centers on Earthmaker (Mą'una), a remote supreme who initiated existence from a state of primordial emptiness. In origin accounts, Earthmaker, upon achieving consciousness in the void, fashioned the —often depicted as resting on a turtle's back—followed by celestial bodies, plants, animals, and humanity as companions to alleviate isolation. This creator remains aloof from daily human intervention, delegating influence to intermediary spirits known as manitous, which inhabit animals, natural phenomena, and objects. Cosmologically, the universe is structured in layers: an upper realm dominated by benevolent Thunderbird beings representing thunder and sky powers, a terrestrial plane of human activity, and a lower or underwater domain occupied by antagonistic water monsters and serpents embodying chaos and predation. Individuals possess multiple souls, with beliefs in allowing up to four returns to earthly life, especially for those affiliated with elite medicine societies like the Medicine Lodge. Other deities include the Sun and Morning Star as masculine war patrons, the Disease Giver regulating mortality, and female lunar and earthly figures tied to and preservation. Mythological cycles emphasize archetypal heroes and dualistic struggles between . The (Wak'djunkaga) features prominently as a culturally transformative yet erratic figure who introduces fire, social norms, and taboos through mischievous exploits, often blurring lines between human and supernatural realms. serves as a benevolent , vanquishing man-eating giants and mediating between Earthmaker's will and earthly perils. Additional narratives involve , a horned warrior symbolizing prowess and human-headed ear ornaments in , and the Twins of Flesh and Spirit, who navigate existential trials. origin stories link totemic animals—such as wolves for the Wolf —to primordial acts by Earthmaker, reinforcing kinship ties to specific spirits. Spiritual efficacy derives from personal alliances with manitous, acquired via vision quests involving and isolation, typically undertaken by adolescent boys to secure lifelong guardians for , , or . Violations of taboos or neglect of obligations invite retribution, manifesting as illness treatable only by shamans invoking allied spirits. Clan-specific ceremonies, war bundles, and life-cycle rites underscore a pragmatic , where harmony with the spirit world sustains individual and communal vitality amid cosmic tensions like Thunderbird-water monster conflicts.

Clans, Kinship, and Social Organization

The Ho-Chunk traditionally organized their society around a system of twelve patrilineal clans, grouped into two exogamous moieties known as the Upper (Sky or Air) and Lower (Earth) divisions. Descent was traced through the male line, with children inheriting their father's clan membership, though ethnographic evidence indicates a possible earlier matrilineal influence reflected in strong avuncular ties, such as the mother's brother playing key roles in discipline and initiating nephews into war raids. The moieties functioned as complementary halves of the tribe, with marriage ideally occurring between members of different moieties to reinforce social alliances and prevent intra-moiety unions. The Upper moiety consisted of four clans: Thunderbird (Wakąja), Hawk (or War), Eagle (Caxšep), and Pigeon (Rucge). The Lower moiety included eight clans: Bear (Hontc), Wolf (Xunk), Water Spirit (or Monster, Wakcexi), Buffalo (Cexi), Deer (Xai), Elk (Huwą), Fish (Naąga), and Snake (Waką). Each clan was associated with specific totemic animals or spirits and held distinct ceremonial and practical responsibilities; for instance, the Hawk clan managed war captives, the Buffalo clan served as town criers, and the Water Spirit clan oversaw water-related rituals. The Thunderbird clan of the Upper moiety provided civil chiefs focused on peace and diplomacy, while the Bear clan of the Lower moiety supplied war leaders, police enforcers, and land custodians, creating a dual chieftainship that balanced authority in villages. Kinship terminology followed the Omaha system, a classificatory pattern common among Siouan peoples, where relatives are grouped by and with distinctions in cross-cousin relationships emphasizing patrilineal lines. This system reinforced and moiety intermarriage, while joking relationships between certain promoted social cohesion. membership dictated , naming practices, and participation in tribal ceremonies, with leaders emerging from prominent clans based on demonstrated ability rather than strict , though the dual moiety structure ensured representation from both divisions in decision-making. This organization supported semi-sedentary village life, where men from warrior clans like led hunts and raids, and women managed and household economies, though all adults contributed to communal welfare.

Subsistence, Arts, and Material Culture

The Ho-Chunk maintained a mixed centered on , , , and gathering, with distinct roles in resource procurement. Women cultivated , beans, and squash in gardens, clearing new fields every few years to sustain , while men focused on deer through communal drives and pursuing across the , as well as with spears and bows, particularly targeting sturgeon. Gathering supplemented these activities, yielding wild plants such as blueberries, lotus roots, and "Indian potatoes," alongside seasonal exploitation of and maple sap; domesticated dogs aided until were adopted in the 18th century. Traditional arts encompassed decorative techniques applied to clothing and household items, including porcupine featuring geometric and floral motifs on deerskin garments, bags, and birchbark containers, later supplemented by glass via and methods for belts, garters, and bandolier bags. Ribbonwork, involving silk in curvilinear and floral designs, became prominent on skirts and robes following European trade. Basketry involved plaited black-ash splint construction, introduced around the from neighboring groups like the Oneida, yielding both undecorated utilitarian forms and those accented with colored splints; this craft persists actively among contemporary Ho-Chunk artisans. Musical traditions utilized drums and rattles for ceremonies, alongside courting flutes carved from wood, with whistles fashioned from reed, split , or employed in rituals rather than melodic performance. Material culture reflected adaptation to woodland environments, with housing comprising permanent long wigwams for extended families—covered in bark during summer and cattail mats in winter—alongside specialized structures like council lodges, menstrual huts, and sweat lodges; temporary bark-covered tipis served hunting camps. Clothing derived primarily from tanned deer hides, processed by women through smoking to achieve a golden hue, with moccasins featuring a distinctive square front unique to the Ho-Chunk among regional tribes; post-contact, trade textiles integrated with , , and embellishments. Tools and utensils included stone, bone, and wood implements for processing hides and foods, such as knives and scrapers, with early shell-tempered gradually supplanted by European metal kettles; silverworking emerged in the for jewelry like brooches and bracelets using German silver.

Historical Interactions with Europeans

Initial Contact and Trade (17th-18th Centuries)

The first recorded European contact with the Ho-Chunk occurred in 1634, when French explorer Jean Nicolet arrived at Green Bay in present-day Wisconsin, encountering a Ho-Chunk village estimated at 3,000 to 5,000 inhabitants. Nicolet, dispatched by Quebec Governor Samuel de Champlain, aimed to secure peace and open fur trade routes with indigenous groups, including Ho-Chunk intermediaries between French allies like the Hurons and Ottawa. The Ho-Chunk, known to Algonquian neighbors as the Winnebago or Puan, greeted the visitors with tobacco and white deerskins; in response, the French fired muskets in salute, which the Ho-Chunk interpreted as manifestations of thunderbirds, exclaiming, “They are thunderbirds.” Initial exchanges involved gestures and goods, with the French introducing axes and firearms—tools the Ho-Chunk initially revered as sacred before adopting their practical use. By the late 1660s, French influence expanded through explorer Nicolas Perrot and Jesuit missionaries, who established trading posts in Ho-Chunk territories, formalizing participation. The Ho-Chunk supplied and other pelts trapped during fall and winter hunts, receiving metal tools, firearms, cloth, and ornaments in return, which prompted a shift from large villages to about 40 smaller, dispersed settlements accommodating refugee groups and seasonal demands. This adaptation, however, coincided with severe demographic decline: wars, , and introduced diseases reduced their population below 1,000 by the late , though trade networks facilitated intermarriage with Algonquian groups and gradual recovery. Trading occurred at key sites like the Fox River and valleys, supplementing traditional agriculture with stored corn reserves during lean seasons. In the , following France's territorial losses in the 1763 Treaty of Paris, the Ho-Chunk transitioned to trading primarily with British merchants while retaining cultural ties to French practices through mixed-descent traders. Expansion southward and westward—to areas including the Rock River valley and upper —supported intensified fur procurement at posts like Prairie du Chien, though competition and overhunting strained resources. Alliances remained fluid, with the Ho-Chunk leveraging trade to bolster amid regional conflicts, such as the , where French-Ho-Chunk cooperation against the indirectly secured trade dominance. By mid-century, reliance on European goods had integrated into Ho-Chunk , evidenced by widespread adoption of guns and metal implements, yet without fully eroding subsistence farming or clan-based organization.

Alliances, Wars, and Territorial Losses (Early 19th Century)

During the , the Ho-Chunk formed alliances with the British and Tecumseh's pan-Indian confederacy against American expansion, providing warriors who participated in key engagements such as the capture of in 1812 and battles around Prairie du Chien. Their support stemmed from resistance to U.S. encroachment on traditional territories in the , where Ho-Chunk numbers had recovered to approximately 4,000–5,000 by the early 1800s despite prior epidemics. Following the U.S. victory, the Treaty of on June 3, 1816, established peace between the Ho-Chunk and the , with the tribe acknowledging U.S. sovereignty but without immediate major land cessions; it focused on ending hostilities and addressing intertribal disputes over hunting grounds exacerbated by the war. The multi-tribal Treaty of Prairie du Chien on August 19, 1825, involving the Ho-Chunk alongside , Chippewa, Sauk, , and others, defined boundaries to curb intertribal violence but implicitly advanced U.S. influence by formalizing tribal territories under federal oversight, without direct Ho-Chunk land transfers. Tensions escalated due to illegal white settlement and lead mining on Ho-Chunk lands east of the , culminating in the of 1827. On June 26, 1827, a group of about 20–30 Ho-Chunk warriors, led by Red Bird, attacked and killed 15 settlers near Prairie du Chien in retaliation for rumored murders of tribe members by miners and squatters, followed by another assault on keelboats on June 30. The U.S. response involved deploying over 1,000 troops and , prompting Ho-Chunk surrender of Red Bird and other leaders on September 3, 1827, to avoid broader conflict; Red Bird died in custody in 1828. The war accelerated territorial losses, as the Ho-Chunk were compelled to cede the lead-rich regions of southwestern via the Treaty of Prairie du Chien on August 1, 1829, surrendering approximately 1 million acres between the Rock and Rivers in exchange for $18,000 annual annuities for 30 years, $30,000 in goods, and provisions like blacksmith shops and agricultural aid. This , ratified amid ongoing encroachments, marked a significant reduction in Ho-Chunk holdings in their ancestral , setting the stage for further removals.

19th-Century Removals and Decline

Treaties and Cessions (1830s-1840s)

In the wake of the , the negotiated the with the Winnebago on September 15, 1832, at Fort Armstrong, whereby the Ho-Chunk ceded all lands to which they held title or claim south and east of the , encompassing mineral-rich regions in present-day southwestern . In return, the tribe received an annuity of $3,000 for 20 years, $20,000 in goods and provisions over 10 years, a shop and services, and salt provisions, though many Ho-Chunk leaders expressed reservations about the terms amid postwar coercion. This cession opened vast tracts to non-Native settlement and mining but retained Ho-Chunk rights to lands north of the . Escalating demands for territory led to the Treaty of Washington, signed November 1, 1837, in which the Ho-Chunk ceded all remaining lands east of the Mississippi River, their final substantial holdings in Wisconsin and adjacent areas. The United States provided $200,000 for debts and individual claims, $100,000 for mixed-blood relatives, and invested $1,100,000 at 5% interest to yield $55,000 annually for tribal support, education, and goods, alongside $10,000 for subsistence during removal to a neutral strip west of the Mississippi. Article 3 stipulated removal within eight months of ratification, with temporary hunting rights on ceded lands until resettlement, though the treaty faced internal Ho-Chunk opposition and delayed enforcement due to incomplete consent from all bands. By the mid-1840s, dissatisfaction with the Iowa neutral ground prompted the Treaty with the Winnebago of October 13, 1846, ceding those reserved lands—including areas in Iowa and southern Minnesota—in exchange for relocation to at least 800,000 acres north of the St. Peter's River (Minnesota River) and west of the Mississippi. Compensation totaled $190,000, allocated for removal ($20,000), subsistence ($20,000), schools ($10,000), mills ($5,000), land improvement ($10,000), and a $85,000 trust fund at 5% interest for 30 years, with removal required within one year of selecting the new territory. This agreement aimed to resolve lingering claims from prior treaties but underscored the Ho-Chunk's repeated displacements, as the specified Minnesota lands proved inadequate and short-lived.

Multiple Forced Relocations and Resistance

Following the land cessions mandated by treaties in the , the government initiated forced relocations of the Ho-Chunk from to lands west of the . In 1840, federal authorities mobilized troops to compel compliance, rounding up resisters and relocating approximately 2,500 Ho-Chunk to the Turkey River Subagency in northeastern , designated as neutral ground. Subsequent treaties and enforcement actions extended these displacements. The 1846 treaty shifted the Ho-Chunk to Long Prairie in , with the migration executed in 1848 under military escort amid poor conditions and intertribal conflicts that exacerbated hardships. Further pressures in the 1850s led to additional moves within , but ongoing hostilities with Dakota and peoples prompted renewed federal intervention. By 1863, the Winnebago Removal Act authorized transfer to Crow Creek Agency in , where famine and disease decimated the population; survivors were resettled on the Winnebago Reservation in by November 1865. Throughout these relocations, significant Ho-Chunk resistance manifested through evasion, clandestine returns to ancestral lands, and non-compliance with removal orders, often hiding in Wisconsin's remote regions. Federal roundups recurred in , 1850, and as late as 1873–1874, when troops removed about 1,000 holdouts to , yet many evaded capture or returned shortly thereafter. This persistent opposition, characterized by cultural attachment to Teejop (the Wisconsin landscape) rather than armed conflict, ultimately compelled U.S. recognition of remaining Wisconsin bands by 1875, averting total exile.

Demographic Impacts from Disease and Conflict

The Ho-Chunk population, estimated at 4,000 to 6,000 individuals around , faced severe demographic pressures from European-introduced diseases throughout the early , compounded by conflicts and the ensuing forced relocations. epidemics, in particular, exacted a heavy toll; the 1836 outbreak alone reportedly killed approximately one in four Ho-Chunk, contributing to a broader pattern of mortality from pathogens to which the tribe had no prior exposure or immunity. These diseases spread rapidly in densely populated villages and during periods of social disruption, such as intertribal warfare and trade interactions, reducing the tribe's numbers from early 19th-century peaks toward lows of around 2,500 by the mid-1830s. Conflicts like the of 1827, sparked by tensions over lead mining encroachments in southwestern , resulted in minimal direct Ho-Chunk battle deaths—primarily a few warriors captured or executed following attacks on settlers—but escalated U.S. military presence and removal demands. Similarly, during the of 1832, most Ho-Chunk bands maintained neutrality despite some warriors aiding the Sauk leader Black Hawk, avoiding large-scale casualties but incurring retaliatory suspicions that accelerated land cessions and displacement. These wars, while not causing mass fatalities among the Ho-Chunk, disrupted subsistence patterns and exposed communities to further disease transmission through refugee movements and supply shortages. Forced removals under the of 1830 inflicted the most acute demographic impacts, with multiple relocations from ancestral lands to , , and beyond leading to hundreds of deaths from , exposure, and exacerbated illness during overland marches and transports. Approximately 700 Ho-Chunk perished amid the "shuffle" of these 1830s-1840s displacements, including harsh conditions at interim sites like Turkey River in , where inadequate provisions and unfamiliar environments fostered and respiratory ailments. Resistance to these migrations, including returns to , further strained resources and heightened vulnerability, halving effective population stability by the as families fragmented and elder knowledge transmission faltered.

20th-Century Reorganization and Recognition

Formation of Reservations

The of June 18, 1934, provided a framework for tribes to reorganize governments, halt further land allotments under the , and consolidate fragmented holdings into trust status, thereby facilitating the modern formation of Ho-Chunk land bases. For the group that became the , the IRA enabled adoption of a constitution and bylaws on December 22, 1935, reaffirming tribal authority over reservation lands initially delimited by the Treaty of March 8, 1865, which had allocated approximately 121,000 acres along the but saw significant diminishment—over two-thirds lost through allotment and sales by 1934. This reorganization stabilized governance and supported efforts to retain the core 27,000 acres in Thurston, Dixon, and Woodbury counties, primarily in northeastern . In , where an estimated 1,500–2,000 Ho-Chunk had evaded or returned from 19th-century forced removals to maintain presence on ancestral territories despite lacking formal federal protection, IRA provisions inspired initial organizing efforts via the Wisconsin Winnebago Business Committee in , though full al adoption occurred later amid economic hardship and legal battles over past treaty violations. A approved reorganization under IRA guidelines, culminating in the 1963 ratified by tribal voters, which secured federal acknowledgment and empowered land acquisition into trust. This process transformed scattered, individually held parcels into federally protected trust lands, now totaling over 12,000 acres across 14 counties without a single contiguous reservation boundary, emphasizing through subsequent purchases. These 20th-century reforms marked a shift from dissolution-era fragmentation to structured , though both groups faced ongoing challenges from prior allotments and external pressures; for instance, Nebraska's post-IRA land base reflected partial recovery from –1934 losses, while Wisconsin's non-reservation model relied on piecemeal trust conversions under IRA Section 5 authority. Tribal splits emerged from these efforts, with Nebraska's faction formalizing separately while Wisconsin's emphasized returnee continuity.

Federal Acknowledgment and Tribal Splits

The divergence of the Ho-Chunk into separate federally recognized tribes originated from U.S. government removal policies in the mid-19th century, which forcibly displaced portions of the population to while others evaded or resisted relocation to ancestral lands in . The Winnebago Reservation in northeastern was established in 1865 specifically for the relocated Ho-Chunk, solidifying a distinct group there. By contrast, Ho-Chunk who remained in adapted to non-reservation status amid ongoing federal pressure, fostering independent communal structures across scattered trust lands in multiple counties. This geographical and administrative separation deepened over time, with the U.S. government conducting distinct censuses for the Ho-Chunk and Winnebago by 1881, reflecting formalized divergence in federal oversight. Although the groups occasionally coordinated on shared interests, such as presenting a unified land claim to the Indian Claims Commission in 1949, they developed autonomous political entities without merging. Federal acknowledgment for both tribes was advanced through the of June 18, 1934, which enabled tribal constitutions, corporate status, and restoration of sovereign governance for many Native groups. The , with its established reservation, ratified a constitution under the IRA on December 28, 1936, affirming its federal recognition and self-governing authority. The Wisconsin Ho-Chunk, lacking a contiguous reservation and operating as a dispersed community, formalized their tribal organization later; in 1963, they were explicitly recognized as a federal tribe under the IRA, establishing the Wisconsin Winnebago Business Committee (predecessor to the modern Ho-Chunk Nation) with authority over internal affairs. These IRA-based acknowledgments preserved continuous federal-tribal relations without termination, unlike some contemporaneous tribes such as the . The resulting entities—the Ho-Chunk Nation in and the —maintain separate enrollments, constitutions, and jurisdictions today, with enrollment criteria typically tied to descent from specific historical rolls reflecting the 19th-century split.

Land Claim Settlements (1960s-1980s)

In the 1960s and 1970s, the Ho-Chunk, referred to as Winnebago during this period, advanced claims before the Indian Claims Commission (ICC), a created by in 1946 to resolve tribal disputes over federal treaty breaches, including undervalued land cessions and improper takings. Dockets 243, 244, and related cases consolidated petitions from both the and the Wisconsin Winnebago group, focusing on treaties from 1829 to 1848 that transferred millions of acres in the for inadequate compensation. A pivotal 1959 ICC ruling affirmed that the United States had failed to pay fair market value for lands ceded under the 1837 treaty, which involved approximately 4 million acres in Wisconsin and Iowa exchanged for annuities and goods deemed insufficient by contemporary valuations adjusted for inflation and economic loss. This decision set the stage for quantified awards, emphasizing causal links between treaty terms and subsequent tribal impoverishment rather than symbolic gestures. The Wisconsin Winnebago, who gained federal acknowledgment in 1963 via reorganization under the Indian Reorganization Act, collaborated on these joint filings despite administrative separation from the Nebraska tribe. By 1975, the ICC finalized a $4.6 million to the specifically for underpayment on the 1837 cession, calculated based on expert appraisals of land productivity and tribal displacement costs; 20% of these funds were allocated to a permanent trust for economic initiatives like distributions and . The Wisconsin group shared in the historical validation of these claims, receiving proportional distributions from consolidated pots that supported early reservation enhancements, though primary disbursements favored the petitioning Nebraska entity. These monetary outcomes, totaling over $800 million across all ICC cases by 1978, prioritized fiscal closure over territorial restoration, aligning with the Commission's termination-era framework that avoided reopening land titles. Settlements underscored empirical discrepancies in treaty-era valuations—e.g., lands appraised at mere cents per acre despite fertile agricultural potential—while tribal advocates argued for offsets against annuities eroded by . No land was repatriated through ICC processes, but awards facilitated per capita payments (averaging $200–$500 per enrollee) and seeded ventures like and programs, marking a shift from 19th-century removals toward amid broader federal policy reforms. The Commission's dissolution in 1978 transferred unresolved matters to the U.S. Court of Claims, concluding the era's bulk settlements without altering reservation boundaries.

Contemporary Tribes and Governance

Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin

The is a federally recognized sovereign tribe consisting of Ho-Chunk descendants, headquartered in . The tribe enrolls approximately 7,752 members, many of whom reside in scattered communities rather than a single contiguous reservation. Its land base comprises trust lands and off-reservation holdings across 14 counties, organized into districts such as Black River Falls, Tomah, Nekoosa, , Baraboo, and La Crosse. These dispersed territories reflect historical relocations and land purchases following 19th-century treaties and federal policies. Formerly designated the Wisconsin Winnebago Tribe, the Ho-Chunk Nation adopted its current name in 1994 to align with the indigenous term Hoocąk, meaning "People of the Sacred Voice" or "People of the Big Voice." This rebranding accompanied constitutional reforms emphasizing tribal . Today, the Nation sustains cultural continuity through language preservation, traditional practices, and community programs, while functioning as a major regional employer with over 3,100 positions in sectors like gaming, , and administration, particularly in Sauk and Jackson counties. Economic initiatives underscore efforts toward self-sufficiency amid ongoing assertions of sovereignty.

Political Structure and Leadership

The Ho-Chunk Nation operates under a ratified on December 27, 1993, and effective from April 27, 1994, which establishes a separation of powers among four branches of government: the General Council, , Executive, and . The General Council, comprising all enrolled adult members aged 18 years or older, holds ultimate sovereign authority as the reservation-wide electorate, exercising powers such as approving treaties, constitutions, major land transactions, and removing officials for cause; it convenes annually or upon call by the President with support from at least 20% of eligible voters or two-thirds of the . This structure emphasizes direct democratic oversight by the citizenry, distinguishing it from delegate-based systems in some other tribal governments. The Executive Branch is headed by the President, who serves as chief executive with responsibilities including enforcing laws, managing administrative departments, vetoing (subject to override by two-thirds of the ), appointing officials with General Council confirmation, and representing the Nation in external affairs. The President is elected every four years by a majority vote of eligible voters across the Nation, with the elected on the same ticket to assume duties in cases of vacancy or incapacity; elections are administered by an independent Election Board, incorporating processes such as primaries, mail-in voting, and challenges within 10 days of certification. Administrative operations fall under departments created by the , currently including areas like personnel, , and housing, all subject to the President's oversight. The Legislature, a unicameral body of 13 members elected one from each geographic district every four years by plurality vote, holds legislative powers to enact laws, appropriate funds, redistrict, and oversee executive actions through impeachment or confirmation processes. District boundaries are reviewed decennially to reflect population changes among approximately 7,000 enrolled members dispersed across Wisconsin reservations and urban areas. Leadership within the Legislature includes a chairperson selected internally, with committees handling finance, judiciary, and other specialized functions; it meets regularly and can initiate special General Council sessions. The Judiciary maintains independence through a , , Traditional Court, and specialized courts like the Healing to Wellness Court, with judges appointed by the President and confirmed by the for terms emphasizing legal expertise and tribal customs. This branch interprets the and laws, ensuring checks on the other branches while incorporating Ho-Chunk traditional alongside modern adversarial processes. Overall, the structure balances elected representation, executive efficiency, and direct citizen input, reflecting adaptations from earlier 1963 constitutions to federal frameworks while prioritizing internal sovereignty.

Sovereignty and Internal Policies

The Ho-Chunk Nation exercises tribal as a federally recognized Indian tribe, with its rooted in inherent powers predating the and affirmed through federal acknowledgment in 1963 under the framework. This recognition enables the Nation to govern internal affairs, including the enactment and enforcement of its own laws, subject to plenary federal but independent of state in core functions. The Nation's explicitly declares its possession of "inherent powers by virtue of self-government and ," establishing three branches—legislative, executive, and judicial—to exercise these powers over members, territory, and resources. Internal policies are codified in the Ho-Chunk Nation Code (HCC), a comprehensive body of tribal law spanning establishment acts, governance structures, health and safety regulations, child welfare protections, and economic development ordinances. Membership enrollment, governed by Article II of the constitution and Title 2 HCC 7, requires lineal descent from individuals listed on specified historical annuity payrolls or official tribal rolls from 1838 to 1857, with provisions for relinquishment upon enrollment in another tribe or voluntary withdrawal; adults aged 18 and older may petition for re-enrollment under legislative approval. The judiciary enforces these policies through a Trial Court with original jurisdiction over civil, criminal, and administrative matters involving tribal members or lands, and a Supreme Court for appeals, ensuring interpretation of the constitution and HCC in alignment with sovereign principles. Law enforcement and public safety fall under the Department of , which defends , prosecutes violations of tribal , and coordinates with federal agencies for cross-jurisdictional issues while maintaining internal policing through the Ho-Chunk Police Department. Policies on , and welfare emphasize , such as tribal control over schools serving enrolled children from ages 3 to 12th grade who meet blood quantum thresholds for eligibility, and initiatives promoting cultural preservation alongside modern services. Economic manifests in internal regulations for enterprises like gaming, where the Nation negotiates compacts and imposes tribal taxes, retaining revenues for community reinvestment without state interference in core operations. These policies collectively sustain the Nation's approximately 7,000 enrolled members across reservations and off-reservation trust lands, balancing traditional Ho-Chunk values with contemporary governance needs.

Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska

The , a federally recognized sovereign nation of Ho-Chunk descent, maintains its primary reservation in Thurston and Monona Counties, spanning northeastern and extending into western , encompassing approximately 27,637 acres in trust lands. The tribe's enrolled membership stands at over 5,000 individuals, with a reservation population supporting self-governance focused on cultural preservation, , and resource management. Established through historical treaties and federal acknowledgment, the tribe exercises authority over internal affairs while navigating relations with federal and state entities, including recent efforts to reclaim administrative jurisdiction over 1,600 acres from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers via the 2024 Winnebago Land Transfer Act.

Political Structure and Leadership

The tribe's governance is outlined in its 1936 and Bylaws, amended over time, vesting authority in a nine-member Tribal Council elected by from enrolled members. Council members serve staggered three-year terms, with elections held annually on the first after the first Monday in to fill three expiring seats; qualified voters must be enrolled members aged 18 or older residing on or near the reservation for at least six months prior. Officers—Chairman, Vice Chairman, Secretary, and Treasurer—are selected annually from among the council members for one-year terms, directing legislative, executive, and administrative functions such as , economic negotiations, and law enactment. The council convenes regular meetings on the first and third Mondays of each month, supervising tribal elections, appointing committees, and ensuring compliance with federal limitations while advancing . As of October 2025, following the tribal elections and swearing-in ceremony on , the includes Chairman Coly Brown, Vice Chairman Isaac Smith, Treasurer Rona Stealer, and Secretary Teresa Littlegeorge, alongside council members Lorelei DeCora, Victoria Kitcheyan, Trey Blackhawk, Eugene DeCora Sr., and Ireta Frazier. This structure emphasizes democratic accountability, with the council empowered to charter subordinate organizations, regulate cooperatives, and address welfare through coordination with federal agencies like the .

Sovereignty and Internal Policies

The tribe asserts comprehensive sovereignty over its reservation territory, as defined by the 1865 Treaty, encompassing legislative powers to enact ordinances on taxation, resource conservation, and domestic relations; executive authority for enforcement; and judicial oversight via an established tribal court system. Internal policies are codified in the Winnebago Tribal Code, which includes provisions for enrollment (requiring at least one-quarter Ho-Chunk blood quantum or equivalent descent from 1934 census rolls, subject to council approval), family welfare (e.g., child support and domestic violence protections), health and safety regulations, and natural resource management. The code establishes a Winnebago Tribal Police Force for law enforcement and a Traditional Wellness Court alongside standard criminal procedures, emphasizing cultural integrity and community welfare while upholding due process rights. Sovereignty extends to economic self-regulation, including gaming operations and taxation under Title 9 and 10 of the code, though contested by state impositions such as Nebraska's tobacco regulations, which the tribe's enterprises challenged in federal courts in on grounds of infringing reservation sales authority. Enrollment decisions, central to membership , prioritize tribal determination of citizenship, rejecting external overrides and integrating in institutional review processes for . These policies reinforce self-sufficiency, with the prohibiting actions that alienate tribal lands without member consent and promoting cooperation with federal trustees for trust asset protection.

Political Structure and Leadership

The Ho-Chunk Nation operates under a ratified on December 27, 1993, and effective from April 27, 1994, which establishes a of powers among four branches of government: the General Council, , Executive, and . The General Council, comprising all enrolled adult members aged 18 years or older, holds ultimate sovereign authority as the reservation-wide electorate, exercising powers such as approving treaties, constitutions, major land transactions, and removing officials for cause; it convenes annually or upon call by the President with support from at least 20% of eligible voters or two-thirds of the . This structure emphasizes direct democratic oversight by the citizenry, distinguishing it from delegate-based systems in some other tribal governments. The Executive Branch is headed by the President, who serves as chief executive with responsibilities including enforcing laws, managing administrative departments, vetoing (subject to override by two-thirds of the ), appointing officials with General Council confirmation, and representing the Nation in external affairs. The President is elected every four years by a majority vote of eligible voters across the Nation, with the elected on the same ticket to assume duties in cases of vacancy or incapacity; elections are administered by an independent Election Board, incorporating processes such as primaries, mail-in voting, and challenges within 10 days of certification. Administrative operations fall under departments created by the , currently including areas like personnel, , and housing, all subject to the President's oversight. The Legislature, a unicameral body of 13 members elected one from each geographic district every four years by plurality vote, holds legislative powers to enact laws, appropriate funds, redistrict, and oversee executive actions through impeachment or confirmation processes. District boundaries are reviewed decennially to reflect population changes among approximately 7,000 enrolled members dispersed across Wisconsin reservations and urban areas. Leadership within the Legislature includes a chairperson selected internally, with committees handling finance, judiciary, and other specialized functions; it meets regularly and can initiate special General Council sessions. The Judiciary maintains independence through a , , Traditional Court, and specialized courts like the Healing to Wellness Court, with judges appointed by the President and confirmed by the for terms emphasizing legal expertise and tribal customs. This branch interprets the constitution and laws, ensuring checks on the other branches while incorporating Ho-Chunk traditional alongside modern adversarial processes. Overall, the balances elected representation, executive efficiency, and direct citizen input, reflecting adaptations from earlier 1963 constitutions to federal frameworks while prioritizing internal sovereignty.

Sovereignty and Internal Policies

The Ho-Chunk Nation exercises tribal sovereignty as a federally recognized Indian tribe, with its rooted in inherent powers predating the and affirmed through federal acknowledgment in 1963 under the framework. This recognition enables the Nation to govern internal affairs, including the enactment and enforcement of its own laws, subject to plenary federal but independent of state in core functions. The Nation's explicitly declares its possession of "inherent powers by virtue of self-government and ," establishing three branches—legislative, executive, and judicial—to exercise these powers over members, territory, and resources. Internal policies are codified in the Ho-Chunk Code (HCC), a comprehensive body of tribal spanning establishment acts, structures, and regulations, welfare protections, and ordinances. Membership enrollment, governed by Article II of the and Title 2 HCC 7, requires lineal descent from individuals listed on specified historical payrolls or official tribal rolls from to , with provisions for relinquishment upon enrollment in another or voluntary withdrawal; adults aged 18 and older may for re-enrollment under legislative approval. The judiciary enforces these policies through a with over civil, criminal, and administrative matters involving tribal members or lands, and a for appeals, ensuring interpretation of the and HCC in alignment with sovereign principles. Law enforcement and public safety fall under the Department of , which defends sovereignty, prosecutes violations of tribal , and coordinates with federal agencies for cross-jurisdictional issues while maintaining internal policing through the Ho-Chunk Police Department. Policies on health, education, and welfare emphasize , such as tribal control over schools serving enrolled children from ages 3 to 12th grade who meet blood quantum thresholds for eligibility, and initiatives promoting cultural preservation alongside modern services. Economic sovereignty manifests in internal regulations for enterprises like gaming, where the Nation negotiates compacts and imposes tribal taxes, retaining revenues for community reinvestment without state interference in core operations. These policies collectively sustain the Nation's approximately 7,000 enrolled members across reservations and off-reservation trust lands, balancing traditional Ho-Chunk values with contemporary governance needs.

Economy and Development

Traditional to Modern Economic Shifts

The Ho-Chunk traditionally sustained themselves through a emphasizing , , , and gathering. Women cultivated , beans, and squash in communal gardens, clearing new fields every few years to preserve , while men hunted deer, small game, and fowl, rivers and lakes, and gathered , sap for syrup, and seasonal berries. This seasonal, mobile pattern supported self-sufficiency across their ancestral territories in the . European fur trade engagement from the introduced metal tools and cloth in exchange for pelts, gradually supplementing subsistence with market-oriented activities. However, 19th-century treaties—beginning with the 1829 Treaty of Prairie du Chien ceding Wisconsin lands and the 1832 Treaty of Rock Island relinquishing —triggered forced removals, including to in 1833, Minnesota's Long Prairie in 1846 and Blue Earth in 1855, South Dakota's Crow Creek in 1863, and in 1865. These relocations fragmented traditional resource access, imposing annuity payments and confined farming on infertile soils, which yielded insufficient harvests and fostered chronic poverty. The 1887 accelerated land loss via allotment, shrinking the reservation by about two-thirds through non-Native sales by 1913, while Ho-Chunk faced similar pressures despite partial resistance to removal. Economic adaptation involved small-scale cattle herding, leasing lands to settlers for temporary income, and off-reservation wage labor, such as cranberry harvesting in circa 1900 and declining seasonal fruit picking by the mid-20th century. Through the , reservation economies stagnated amid population decline and limited opportunities, heightening reliance on federal aid until tribal initiatives in the 1970s—bolstered by a $4.6 million Indian Claims Commission award in 1975—paved the way for diversified enterprises aimed at self-reliance.

Gaming Enterprises and Recent Expansions (Including 2025 Beloit Project)

The Ho-Chunk Nation of Wisconsin operates Ho-Chunk Gaming Wisconsin, which manages six casinos across the state, including facilities in Black River Falls, Madison, Nekoosa, Tomah, Wisconsin Dells, and Wittenberg. These properties generate significant revenue for tribal operations, with the Wisconsin Dells location featuring over 1,700 slot machines, 48 blackjack tables, and high-stakes bingo halls. The gaming division falls under the tribe's Department of Business, which oversees related amenities such as hotels, convenience stores, campgrounds, and bingo operations. A major recent expansion is the $705 million Ho-Chunk Gaming Beloit casino resort project in , on land placed into trust by the . Construction commenced in October 2024, with a topping-off ceremony marking the placement of the final beam on October 16, 2025. The Nation secured $610 million in senior secured credit financing, closing on September 26, 2025, to fund development, fees, and expenses. The facility will include approximately 2,000 gaming machines, 44 table games, a 312-room with rooftop amenities, a , and additional entertainment options, with the slated to open in September 2026 and the to follow in 2027. The , through its economic arm Ho-Chunk, Inc., pursues gaming via WarHorse Gaming LLC and other properties. in , opened in 1992 and remains the tribe's largest gaming floor, while the in , launched as a Class II facility in 2004 and marked its 20th anniversary in July 2024. The Native Star Casino operates in Winnebago, , within a food and fuel plaza. Following 's 2020 voter approval of commercial casinos, WarHorse has expanded with venues in Omaha and Lincoln, offering slots, table games, sportsbooks, and ; a new South Sioux City location is in development. In October 2025, WarHorse refinanced $300 million in startup loans to support these growth initiatives and tribal financial stability.

Other Business Ventures and Self-Sufficiency Efforts

The Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska established Ho-Chunk, Inc. in 1994 as a for-profit economic development corporation wholly owned by the tribe, with a dual mission of generating employment and fostering long-term economic self-sufficiency through non-gaming diversification. By 2024, the corporation operated 24 subsidiaries across sectors including construction, real estate, logistics, convenience retail, and professional services, with activities spanning 10 U.S. states and four foreign countries. Key ventures include Titan Storage, managing three regional facilities in the Siouxland area for consumer self-storage needs, and a construction division that has developed dozens of affordable housing units on the Winnebago Reservation and surrounding communities. Since inception, Ho-Chunk, Inc. has contributed over $43.7 million in dividends and support to the tribe, alongside more than $275,000 in charitable donations, correlating with a 78% rise in median household income for reservation residents from 1990 to 2022. Agricultural initiatives under Ho-Chunk, Inc. emphasize and , such as Ho-Chunk Farms, which leverages U.S. Department of Agriculture programs to cultivate organic produce and build against supply chain disruptions. A financing arm supports tribal housing and small business loans, while partnerships with entities like the National Cooperative Bank promote healthy eating programs and infrastructure development aligned with goals. These efforts stem from a 1980 tribal resolution targeting self-sufficiency by 2000 via a 20-year economic plan, reducing federal dependency through revenue-generating operations on and off-reservation. The has pursued diversification amid gaming revenue volatility, particularly post-2020 pandemic closures that highlighted overreliance on casinos. In 2023, the Nation launched a Comprehensive Economic Development Strategy (CEDS) to expand into , , and , aiming to create multiple revenue streams and reduce economic risks. The Twelve Clans , revamped in 2022, invests tribal assets in diversified portfolios to support resilience and long-term growth, though it encompasses some gaming-related opportunities. Prior attempts faced challenges from leadership instability and implementation gaps, prompting calls for enhanced transparency and support for tribal entrepreneurs to build sustainable non-gaming enterprises. Community-level self-sufficiency projects include traditional gardening initiatives to bolster and cultural practices amid modern economic pressures. programs further promote member independence by integrating traditional values with workforce development and resource access.

Unresolved Historical Claims

The Ho-Chunk Nation's historical land claims originate from treaties signed between 1816 and 1865, through which the tribe ceded approximately 10 million acres of ancestral territory spanning southern , , eastern , and southeastern to the . These agreements, including the pivotal 1837 Treaty of Washington that relinquished the last Ho-Chunk lands in , were frequently negotiated amid military pressure following conflicts like the of 1832 and involved allegations of unauthorized signatories, coercion, and inadequate compensation. Many of these claims were adjudicated by the U.S. Indian Claims Commission under the 1946 Indian Claims Commission Act, which examined allegations of fraudulent s and undervalued land sales. The Commission awarded the Ho-Chunk compensation for discrepancies between treaty payments and at the time of , with a key settlement in 1974 addressing fraudulent treaties that resulted in the loss of significant portions of . This monetary resolution, totaling millions adjusted for interest, closed the primary dockets but did not involve land restoration, leaving the tribe's extinguished only on paper while cultural and ties to ceded areas persist without federal acknowledgment of return. Specific unresolved elements include disputes over the intent and scope of certain provisions, such as the 1834 's allowance for New York Indian emigrants on Ho-Chunk lands, which the tribe argued was a temporary permission rather than a permanent sale—a contention echoed in later historical analyses but not overturned in federal courts. Tribal leaders have maintained that the settlements failed to rectify the full causal chain of removals and allotments, which the land base and contributed to ongoing issues under the Indian Land Consolidation Act, though no active federal litigation seeks reversal as of 2025. These historical assertions inform contemporary fee-to-trust applications, where opposition from local governments often invokes treaty-era boundaries to challenge expansions, perpetuating unresolved tensions over original territorial extent.

Federal and State Litigation Outcomes

The Ho-Chunk Nation obtained compensation through the Indian Claims Commission for historical land losses stemming from treaties deemed fraudulent, with payments finalized in 1974 for cessions that violated federal protections against uncompensated takings. In federal litigation over tribal-state gaming compacts under the (IGRA), the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit ruled in Wisconsin v. Ho-Chunk Nation (2015) that the Nation's nonbanked electronic poker machines at its Madison facility constituted permissible Class II gaming, as Wisconsin had decriminalized similar non-house-banked card games in 1999 and did not prohibit them outright; the court reversed a district court , enabling the Nation to continue operations without additional state compact negotiation for that activity. Earlier compact disputes, including amendments authorizing off-reservation casinos on acquired lands, led to and federal oversight; in Wisconsin v. Ho-Chunk Nation (2005), a district court appointed an arbitrator to resolve disagreements on facility locations and numbers, enforcing IGRA's mediation provisions while upholding the 1992 compact's framework amid state challenges to perpetual terms. State-level cases have intersected with federal treaty-derived , as in Ho-Chunk Nation v. Wisconsin Department of Revenue (Wis. Ct. App. 2008), where the court partially denied the Nation's refund claim for cigarette taxes on sales at its DeJope gaming property, ruling that state taxation applied off-reservation despite arguments tied to treaty-era . Challenges from other tribes, such as Stockbridge Munsee Community v. Wisconsin (7th Cir. 2019), questioned Ho-Chunk gaming on specific Wittenberg parcels allegedly not held in trust under historical agreements, but the court dismissed claims lacking evidence of IGRA violations, preserving the Nation's operations on federally recognized lands.

Ongoing Controversies (e.g., Gaming Compacts and Interstate Issues)

The Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska operates the WinnaVegas Casino Resort on trust land in Sloan, Iowa, under a Class III gaming compact with the state of Iowa executed on February 22, 2005, which delineates revenue sharing and regulatory authority over casino activities. This interstate arrangement has enabled operations since 1992 but has not shielded the tribe from internal regulatory challenges, including a 2019 federal sentencing of former tribal leader Travis Mallory to three years' probation for his role in embezzling funds from gaming enterprises. Efforts to expand gaming into Nebraska proper have generated persistent controversies, driven by the tribe's economic arm, Ho-Chunk, Inc., which financed ballot initiatives to legalize full-scale gambling. In 2016, these proposals faced staunch opposition from then-Governor , who argued that casino expansion would exacerbate social harms such as increased , spousal abuse, and , based on observed patterns in other jurisdictions with legalized gaming. A legal breakthrough occurred on September 10, 2020, when the validated three voter initiatives—covering , sports wagering, and —rejecting challenges from state officials and clearing paths for potential tribal-backed projects, including sites near Omaha. Despite this, implementation has stalled amid ongoing political resistance and failed attempts, with Ho-Chunk, Inc. reporting as of January 2025 that prior efforts collapsed and a second push encountered similar barriers, underscoring tensions between tribal and state fiscal priorities. Interstate dimensions persist through WinnaVegas's location, where operations straddle Nebraska's border and rely on the 2005 compact's terms for exclusivity against non-tribal competition, though no active litigation with authorities has been reported recently; instead, the tribe has diversified amid deflating casino revenues, reducing reliance on gaming amid broader economic shifts.

Notable Ho-Chunk People

Historical Leaders and Warriors

Ho-poe-kaw, known as Glory of the Morning, served as the last documented female chief of the Ho-Chunk, assuming leadership around 1727 at age 18. She allied her people with the French against the Meskwaki in conflicts during the 1730s and 1740s, demonstrating strategic acumen in intertribal warfare. Born circa 1709, she married French officer Sabrevoir Descaris in 1728, bearing three children before his abandonment in 1735; her sons later succeeded her as chiefs, with one signing a U.S. in 1816. In the early , Wa-kawn (also spelled Wakawn), a bold Ho-Chunk chief, participated as a warrior in the 1811 alongside the Indian Confederacy against U.S. forces. Dying in 1838, he exemplified the tribe's involvement in broader Native resistance efforts. Similarly, Neokautah, known as Four Legs, led a village at the Fox River near and fought in the on Tecumseh's side, later signing the 1825 Treaty of Prairie du Chien that defined tribal boundaries. Red Bird (Wanig-suchka), a prominent war chief born around 1788, led a small band in 1827 attacks on white settlers near Prairie du Chien, killing Registre Gagnier and Solomon Lipcap on June 28 in retaliation for perceived injustices, including the execution of two Ho-Chunk at , and assaulting the keelboat Oliver Perry on June 30, resulting in four deaths and two wounds. Motivated by traditional codes of revenge amid encroaching settlement, he surrendered on September 2, 1827, at Portage to avert full-scale war, negotiated by U.S. officials; he died in prison on February 16, 1828, while his companions were eventually pardoned. Yellow Thunder (Wakąjazi), chief of the Thunderbird Clan born circa 1774 and living until 1874, resisted multiple forced removals in the 1830s and 1840s, leading disaffected bands back to ancestral Wisconsin lands despite treaties like the coerced 1837 cession. Part of a 1828 delegation of 15 chiefs to Washington, D.C., he symbolized enduring Ho-Chunk attachment to homeland, signing treaties while opposing relocation. Wabokieshiek, called White Cloud or The Prophet (born ~1794, died ~1841), served as a medicine man who advised Sauk leader Black Hawk during the 1832 Black Hawk War, influencing Ho-Chunk involvement before his capture on August 27, 1832, and release in June 1833. His prophetic role intertwined spiritual guidance with wartime counsel. Spoon Decora (Choukeka), a 19th-century tribal leader, contributed to Ho-Chunk diplomacy and adaptation amid land cessions and U.S. expansion. Hoo-wan-ne-ka, active in the early 1800s, represented the tribe in councils, reflecting the era's chieftains navigating treaties and conflicts. Ho-Chunk warriors traditionally held high status, pursuing vision quests for protective spirits and employing war medicines, as integral to male roles in hunting and intertribal defense. The tribe's forces engaged U.S. troops in the and supported post-1805, with nearly all members adhering to his brother's prophetic movement.

Modern Figures in Politics, Business, and Culture

, an enrolled member of the Ho-Chunk Nation, has represented in the U.S. House of Representatives since January 2019, following her election on November 6, 2018, as one of the first two Native American women to serve in Congress. Her legislative priorities include economic development and infrastructure in her district, which encompasses urban, suburban, and rural areas. Jon Greendeer serves as President of the Ho-Chunk Nation, having been elected to the position on October 3, 2023, for a second non-consecutive term after previously holding office from 2011 to 2015. Under his leadership, the Nation has advanced initiatives like the "Food is Our Medicine" program, which integrates traditional Ho-Chunk foods into health services to combat and promote wellness; expanded clean water protections in the Yahara Watershed, tied to ancestral village sites; and secured tuition-free access to the University of Wisconsin-Madison for tribal members as of 2023. In business, Lance Morgan has directed Ho-Chunk, Inc.—the economic arm of the , comprising Ho-Chunk descendants—as CEO and president since December 1994, growing it into a diversified enterprise with over $500 million in annual revenue by 2024 through federal contracting, gaming, and manufacturing. His tenure includes reviving Nebraska's industry via a 2020 statewide and developing WarHorse Casinos, which generated $200 million in first-year revenue; the company received the Harvard Honoring Nations Award for tribal governance innovation. Morgan earned the Champion of Change designation in 2011 and the Nebraska Builder Award in 2012, and in 2025 was elected to the . Prominent in Ho-Chunk cultural expression is photographer Tom Jones (Ho-Chunk name: ChakShepSkaKah, or White Eagle), a professor of art at the University of Wisconsin-Madison since 2002, whose work since the 1990s documents contemporary Ho-Chunk identity through black-and-white portraits and series like "Ho-Chunk People" (1998–2001), emphasizing community resilience and perception. His first major retrospective, "Here We Stand," opened July 23, 2022, at the Museum of Wisconsin Art, featuring over 50 works exploring Indigeneity. Sculptor Truman Lowe (1949–2019), a Ho-Chunk artist and University of Wisconsin-Madison professor emeritus from 1975 to 2014, produced installations addressing cultural displacement, such as "Skaap Haapra Woch'ak" (2012), which evoked lost burial mounds using birch bark and stainless steel, exhibited at venues including the National Museum of the American Indian.

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